The Aristocratic Families in Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-Ling Ts'ui Family (Cambridge Studies in Chinese History, Literature and Institutions)

o

o

The aristocraticfamilies of early imperial China A CASE STUDY OF T H E PO-LING

TS'UI FAMILY

PATRICIA BUCKLEY EBREY Visiting

Assistant Professor of Asian Studies

University of Illinois, Urbana

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE LONDON· NEW YORK · MELBOURNE

o

o

Published

by the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press Street, Cambridge CB2 IRP

The Pitt Building, Trumpington

Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London NWI 20B 32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, USA

296 Beaco nsfield Parade, Middle Park, Melbourne 3206,

Australia

First published 1978 Printed in Great Britain by Redwood Burn Limited, Trowbridge

& Esher

Ubrary of Congress Calaiaguilfg in Publication

Dala

Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, 1947The aristocratic families of early imperial Cbina. (Cambridge studies in Chinese

history, literature and

institutions) Bibliography: p. Includes index.

1. Aristocracy. .Z. Ts'ui, Po-ling. 3. Ts'ui - case studies. 4.

1. Title. HT 647.E21

China

-

301.44'2

ISBN 0521 21484

X

family

Politics and government. 76-40836

r-- -

r

---

o

o

CONTENTS

vi

List of tables Acknowledgements Chronology of the Chinese dynasties 1

viii

Introduction

2 The historical development of the aristocratic families 3 Origins of the Ts'uis in the Han

4

vii

The Ts'uis in the aristocratic age

5 The Ts'uis as an old family in the Tang

6 Implications and conclusions Notes to the text

15 34 50

87 lUi

120

Appendix I: The reliability of the genealogical tables in the Hsin Tang shu

Notes to appendix I

157 1 74

Appendix II: Annotated genealogy of the descendants of Ts'ui Yen, d. 646

.'

\

179

Appendix III: Marriages of Po-ling Ts'uis during the T'ang

191

Bibliography

202

Glossary

218

Index

233

{

--

--

o

o

TABLES

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Method of qualification of twenty-six Ts'uis known from

9

Ranks of

Genealogy of the Po-ling Ts'uis, generation one to fourteen Simplified genealogy of the Ts'uis mentioned in Chapter Four Simplified diagram of Po-ling Ts'ui and Chao-chiin Li marriages

Ranks attained by fifty-one Ts'uis in the period

400-534

Areas of actual residence or registration of T'ang Po-ling Ts'uis Burial places of Po-ling Ts'uis and their wives Family origins of the spouses of ninety -two Po-ling Ts'uis

106

funerary inscriptions

122 T'ang Ts'uis known from excavated

funerary

inscriptions

10 11

Characteristics of the eight largest and most convincing

12

Characteristics of fifteen genealogical tables of intermediate

13

Descendants of Ts'ui Tsuan according to the genealogical table

14

Descendants of Ts'ui P'eng according to the HTS genealogical

Po-ling Ts'ui Chief Ministers in the T'ang genealogical tables in the HTS size in the HTS table

15

Descendants of Ts'ui P'eng according to the HTS genealogical

16

Genealogy of Mien, Yu-fu. Leng. and Chih as reconstructed

17

Descendants o f Hung-chiin according to the genealOgical table

18 19 20

Descendants of Ang according to the HTS genealogical table

tables as supplemented by three funerary inscriptions from their biographies in the CTS and HTS in the HTS Private biographical sources for the descendants of Ts'ui Yen Genealogy of the descendants of Ts'ui Yen

37 54 60 63 92 92 95

108 112 159 160 163 164

165 166 166 170 180 181

vi

o

o

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

As this book has taken shape during the past five years I have received assist­ ance from many quarters. This book is based on the doctoral dissertation sub­

mitted to Columbia University's Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures in May 1975. While completing the dissertation I held Fulbright­ Hayes, Woodrow Wilson, and Whiting dissertation fellowships, for which

I

am

grateful. During the year 197-1-2 I had the privilege of doing research at the

Academia Sinica, Taiwan, and the-Researchlnstitute for Humanistic Studies, Kyoto. Mr Yii Shou-yUn of the Academia Sinica deserves special thanks for making it possible for me to go through their large collection of unpUblished stone rubbings. After completion of the dissertation

I

received a grant from

the Research Board of the University of Illinois to cover expenses involved in revision ami finlil preparation ofllie IlUUluscript.

My intellectual debts are more diffk� lt to specify. Any list of those who

have made this work possible would have to include the Chinese and Japanese scholars whose names frequently appear in the notes; without their research into many of the complexities of the institutional and political history of this period, I could never .have attempted.a study covering a thousand years. I am

also indebted to the friends and teachers who have given me advice and criti­ cism through the various stages of this work; These include Karen Alvarez,

Hans Bielenstein, Michael Dalby, John Dardess, Albert Dien, Jack Dull, Lloyd Eastman, David Johnson; Richard Kraus, David Ransel, Robert Somers, Denis Twitchett, and Howard Wechsler.

I am

also grateful to Lily Hwa for checking

citations and other assistance. Finally, I must acknowledge the support of my husband Tom whose con­ stant enthusiasm and encouragement kept me working on frequently frustrat­ ing tasks.

o

o

U'in (221206 DC)

I

Former (Western) H.n (202

I

Be A09)

Wang Mang (interregnum, or Hsin Dynasly){9 23) I laler (Eallern) Han (25�220)

------ \ ------

Wei

Shu

_

(220-265)

. �f-�) �'".�

7

Eastern

16 Kingdoms (317 440) Nurtlle

/

Eastern

Wei (534 550)

I

(Northern)

Wu

(222 280)

(221 264)

I

T

(386534)

�ste We

Northern

rn Wei

and Southern Dynasties

1

(534 556)

I

(Northern)

.

Chin (317 --420)

9) 7 4 r ) : ::�:

Ch'i (479-SOZ)

I

Uang (502 557)

t

T'ang (618�·906)

Five

I

Dynasties (907-960)

(960I 1219) Ming{1368-I644) Sung

!

Yuan (12601368)

I

I

Ch'ing (J 644-1911)

Chronology of the Chinese Dyruzsties

r-- --

.-

--

-� -

t

Ch'en(557 589)

�'('��� Sui (581 618)

I

o

o

1 INTROD UCTION

It is well known that imperial China had an upper class unusual in world his­ tory. The men who occupied the highest places in the social, intellectual, and economic tife of the country also provided the staff for government offices.

Much of the attitudes and values of the upper class were as a consequence shaped by preparation for entry into the bureaucracy and experience as bureaucrats assigned to managing the administrative concerns of a huge empire. Yet within this

COIlllJlQll

framework, social stratification underwent

major shifts during the course of Chinese history. At the most general level, the imperial period can be divided into two eras, Han (202 B.C.-A.D. 220) through T'ang (618-906), and Sung (960-1216) through Ch'ing

1 9 1 1 ). In

(1644--

the early imperial period Chinese class structure was not radically

different from that of other premodern societies; the upper class was marked by wealth, way of life, maintenance of traditional values, access to political power; non-bureaucratic ties based on family, locality, or patronage were of

great significance in social and political life. I It was not until the late imperial period that the features peculiar to the Chinese system were fully developed. Economic and technological changes, and above all the extension of a

com­

petitive examination system for selection of officials increased opportunities for social mobility as well as circulation of power within tbe upper class; these developments intensified the bureaucratic orientation of the ruling

l;laSS? This book deals with the characteristics which made the social system of early imperial China different from that of later China. Its subject is the aris­ tocratic families. In the second and third centuries A.D., as China entered a prOlonged period of political disunity, there appeared an aristocracy com· posed of a few dozen families and a few thousand individuals. These families, their position assured by wealth, hereditary privilege, and the prestige of their names, dominated much of public life for the next three centuries. Their power was never absolute; in varying degrees throughout this period they were kept in check by emperors, court favorites, generals. and new men who rose through talent or luck. In the sixth and seventh centuries, the court and 1 f -

The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China

2

bureaucracy were strengthened and China reunified. Yet for nearly another three centuries, through the T'ang dynasty, members of the same o ld families ftlled many of the most influential social and governmental positions. Although these eminent families were similar enough to aristocracies else­ where to merit the description 'aristocratif '} they also had features which placed them within the Chinese tradition�ne was their eagerness to be associ­ ated with the imperial court. Although they had adequate private resources to hold themselves aloof from antagonistic rulers, the long-established ideal·of the gentieman-official retained its strength; whenever practicable aristocrats sought prestigious court positions. This attitude seems to have effectively countered any tendencies for the aristocratic families to become feudal lords with proprietary control over sections of the country. Another distinctive characteristic was the relatively limited importance of hereditary privilege and rank to the survival of these families. Until the Sui dynasty (581-618) aristo­ crats (and others) had hereditary access to government posts, but this right insured against impoverishment rather than guaranteed eminence. Aristocrats were also often given noble titles that could be passed to one son in succession for the duration of the dynasty. Such titles, however, never created a clear social hierarchy. Titled and untitled Lang-yeh Wangs appear to have been of equal SQcial status and both had greater social prestige than titled s ons of gen­ erals. �ird distinctive feature of the Chinese aristocratic 'families' .was their size. It is true that whenever status is hereditary the ruling stratum will be composed of families and extended families; hereditary status.irnplies family continuity. But in China, with traditional emphasis on family solidarity and no principle of primogeniture, aristocratic families grew into large kinship groups. One 'family' could include several hundred adult men. The boundaries of aristocratic status thus became entangled in questions of the branching and dispersal of lineages and the compilation of private and public genealogical records.

Scholarship on

the aristocratic families

Sources surviving from the Han through T'ang period are principally dynastic histories, poetry, belles-lettres, state papers, collections of anecdotes, a few origimil documents which have been found in the arid Northwest, and stone inscriptions which survive either intact or in transcription. These sources never directly address the questions asked by sodal historians; they treat prominent men as individuals not as members of families or social groups and only by chance do they discuss economic resources or local position. Yet the limitations of the sources have not prevented histOrians from detecting be­ neath the· surface signs that aristocratic families were of great social and politi-

Introduction

3

cal importance in this period. The evidence that they have elicited can be sum­ marized as follows:

(l) The dynastic histories of the Chin (265-420) and Northern and Southern Dynasties, while conforming to well-established forma ts, show an inordinate number of the eminent and powerful people of the time (high officials in particular) to be patrilineal relatives. Moreover, the authors of such histories often found it useful to group these men together a ccordi ng to family, that is, to concentrate as much on giving genealogies of families as biographies of men, tho ugh they never stated this explicitly. (2) The dynastic histories also show that certain family lines persistedfor centuries. Men described as P'eis of Ho-tung or Wangs of Lang-yeh are given biographies in t he dynastic histories from the time of the Han or Three Kingdoms through the T'ang or Five Dynasties (907.,-960). Fre­ q uent ly men from these families are described as descendants of famous men of that name whose biographies appear in earlier histories. (3) The genealogical tables for T'ang Chief Ministers included in the Hsin T'ang shu ( New T'ang history') provide the specific links between many of the men given biog raphies in the various d ynasti c histories. They also show that a few families in the T'ang had grown so large that a single gen­ eration could include several hundred men. (4) The Chinese were aware of the special character of these fa milies and had a number of terms to describe them, men-fa (great bur eaucratic houses), men-ti ( g r eat houses), shih-tlu (scholar-official families), shih-llu (hereditary families), kuei-tsu (noble families),yu-tsu (eminent families), kac-m-en (exalted house s), chu-hsing (famous names), and so on. (5) The system of recruitment to office used from 220 to 583 was fre quently criticized for selecting officials accord ing to fa mily rank, not virtue or ability as claimed. (6) In this period, e specially the Southern Dynasties birth was often referred to as a legitimate criterion for social status. There were; for instance,statements that men of less t han the most emment birth were . unsuitable for certain offices or for marriage to certain people. (7) Wealth, extravagance, arrogance, snobbishness,refmement, local domi­ nation characteristics commonly associated with aristocracies and en­ trenched power groups""" were at times attributed to members of the well­ known families. (8) Reco rds of the court politic s of the period show that a high proportion of lead ing men came from famous families and con t ain evidence of occasional struggles between members of such families and the emperors � (9) Genealogical research,an activity associated both with active kinship '

­

,

-

.

The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial

4

China

groups and societies in which ancestry must be demonstrated, flourishe d in

this period. Genealogies were compiled not only of single families but also

of the whole social elite, a hundred to several hundred families, sometimes ranking families according to eminence. Not only the families themselves but also the government took interest in this activity. Chinese historians, from the Sung dynasty onward, made note of these features of the Han to T'ang period. Some of the interrelations between these features were also recognized; Chao

I (1727-1814), for instance, recognized

that emphasis on birth in social life was related to its use as a criterion for selecting officials and that both were related to the survival of families for centuries.) It is only in the last fifty to sixty years, however, that scholars, trying to comprehend China's political, institutional, or cultural history, have analyzed the nature and historical importance of these aristocratic families. Modem historians have asked why these families appeared and which of their many

a ttri butes

were essential to their eminence and durability.

The first modern historian to draw attention to the aristocratic families

was-Naito Torajiro (1866�1934).ln his effort to comprehend the course of Chinese history and distinguish its major epochs, he characterized China from the end of the Han through mid T'ang as a medieval, aristocratic age. He

stressed the cultural basis of the aristocratic-families, relating their appearance

to growth ofTespect for pedigree and changing attitudes towards scholarship and manners in the Later Han, Three Kingdoms and Chin.4 Yet because he attributed the decline of the aristocratic families after mid-T'ang to funda­ mental changes in the organization of society, he also implied that their

existence was related to social, economic, and 'institutional factors.s

Since Naito's time numerous scholars have attempted to till in the gaps in

his explanation. Starting in the 1920s Okazaki Fumio studied institutional developments related to the aristocratic families, especiany the nine-rank

recruitment system initiated in 220 which, despite its original rhetoric, within a century became a method of selecting officials by family status.6 He was

soori joined by the Chinese scholar Yang Ytin_ju,7 and institutional history has since remained the major approach of Chinese and Japanese historians

who study this period. Underlying

the work of

many of these scholars has

been the aSsumption that the establishment in 220 and abolition in

583 of the

. nine-rank system was the primary determinant of the rise and fall of the aris­ tocratic families.

In the 1930s a number of Chinese historians began to look for social and

economic explanations of historical changes. Wu Hsien-ch'ing, T'ao Hsi-sheng, and Ku Chi-kuang sought to explain the appearance of aristocratic families not in terms of cultural changes or institutional peculiarities but in terms of

r

5

Introduction power, especially economic power.8 Comparing the aristocratic families to

the feudal nobility of Europe, they viewed their appearance as a resliit of the extension of the independent local power of certain families to the point where they were stronger than the rulers and could in a sense take over the nine-rank recruitment system and use it to give themselves hereditary privi­ leges. Conflicts with the state and emperors were stressed. Ku Chi-kuang, for instance, saw the reassertion of strong imperial

control as a major reason

for the decline of the aristocratic families at the end of the Northern and

Southern Dynasties.9 Responding to the same general intellectual stimulus, scholars like Yang Lien-sheng and Ch'en Yin-k'o tried to explain political events, such as factional disputes and dynastic changes, in terms of struggles between groups with different social and economic interests, giving a new significance to the aristocratic families as

Ii political power group�O

Ch'en

Yin-k'o iilterpreted early rang political struggles as conflicts between the Northwestern martial nobility and the Northeastern civil aristocracy, and late Tang disputes as conflicts between the old aristocratic families and the newly risen famities. The main contribution of these early, wide-ranging studies was to point to possibJe"cultural;institutional, and"economic explanations of the changes in

society between the Han and the T'ang. In the past thirty years almost all

aspects of the historical situation in which the aristocratic families flourished have received further attention. The most significant accomplishments of

these decades have been investigations of small segments of the political, economic, and institutional history of the period which have established limitations on the hypotheses scholars can reasonably propose about the aris­ tocratic families. A variety of detailed studies can now be brought to bear on the problem

of the relationship between the existence of aristocratic families and the

weakness of the numerous dynasties between the Han and the T'ang. More has been learned about the kinds of powers the government lost, who acquired them, and how the government eventually regained them. Chin Fa-ken, T'ang Chang-ju, Ho Ch'ang-chlin, and Kawakatsu Yoshio have studied the sparse evi­ dence for the economic position and military power of locaUy entrenched familiesY There can now be little doubt that fOI limited periods the central government lost almost all powers to local magnates. Yet from their studies it is also clear that the largest local magnates were not identical with the aristo­ cratic families whose names repeatedly appear in the history. Taking a differ­ ent perspective, Yen Keng-wang has shown that when central authority

(hsien), command­ (chou) administrators who could decide and

declined considerable autonomy was acquired by county ery

(chiin), and

prefectural

implement policies and choose their own subordinatesP Aristocrats would

r-- -

,-

---

-

r -- - ---

r----

The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China

6

have profited from this system when they held such positions, as they did in the Northern Dynasties, but not when they disdained them. The process by which central control was rebuilt in the Northern Dynasties has been partially clarified by studies of the equal"field (chiin-t'ien) system of land distribution which strengthened the government's tax base and control over land­

ownership, and the militia (fu-ping) system, which made possible mobilization of large armies under central command.13 The purpose and effect of these measures waS to strengthen the central administration at the expense of local magnates. Unfortunately little has been learned about the impact of these policies on the aristocratic families prominent at court. The evolution and operation of the nine·rank system have been worked out in detail by Miyakawa Hisayuki, Miyazaki Ichisada. and others.14 The early view that this system provided great political power to the aristocratic families has had to be qualified; although aristocrats gained posts, even high ones, by virtue of their birth,and a large proportion oLaU known officials were from prominent families, real power was often in the hands of men of lower status.1S Yet at the same time attention has been brought to the great social and symbolic importance of the nine-rank system. Because the high status of specific families was made visible by the kinds of offices their men

held in the bureaucracy, any tendencies to esteem pedigree were strongly reinforced. Ochi Shigeaki has shown how this led to the recognition of three strata of upper claSs families in the Eastern Chin and Southern Dynasties.16 David Johnson has drawn attention to the compilation of officially-sponsored national genealogical compendiums which provided a textual basis for the increasingly stratified society.17 TheOries which attribute the existence of aristocratic families to either the nine-rank system OJ the weaknesses of the central government have somehow

to account for the survival of these families into the T'ang, after the nine-rank

system had been abolished and unified central control revived. One expla­

nation could be that the T'ang government was less strong OJ less bureaucratic than previously supposed. Yet analysis of administrative documents surviving

at Tun-huang has left little doubt that the T'ang government kept clo-se watch over local adminiStrative and fiScal affairs.18 Another explanation could be that the aristocratic families survived as a power grou� able to protect their common interests through political activities within the bureaucracy. The early theories of Ch'en Yin-k'o atong these lines, however, have not stood up to scrutiny; close studies of the factional politics of the T'ang have failed to produce any evidence that the aristocratic families formed a coherent or self­ conscious power group.19 A third explanation could be that persistence of aristocratk �c!al attitudes assured the prominence of the old families. A number of studies have attempted to assess the importance and strength of

7

In troduction

such attitudes. Niida Noboru examined the highly restricted marriage practices of aristocratic families in the T'ang. Takeda Ryilji, Ikeda On, Denis Twitchett. and David Johnson have made �reful studies

of references to the compilation

of national genealogical compendiums and a few surviving fragments.20 The·

attention given these compendiums by rulers arid the general public show that

distinguishing families by status remained pOlitically important well after the nine-rank system had been abolished.

Reasons for a � study

As progress is made in study of the social, political. and institutional his·

tory of early imperial China, the broad outlines of the aristocratic families have

come into clearer focus. Numerous problems of interpretation nevertheless remain. Scholars generally acknowledge that the aristocratic families were

rich, educated, socially exclUsive, and abie tagain high titles and offices. The principal interpretive issue is which of their characteristics were crucial to

their position: Many view these aristocratic families essentially as local gentry who gained enough power to be able to demand honors and perqUisites,

especially official titles and offices. Others see office-holding as the defming

feature of the aristocratic families, their status dependent on continued access to office. and the prestige it brought. Some, stressing this bureaucratic side of

the aristocratic families, conclude that tlleY were ultimately dependent on the

rulers.21 To illustrate the magnitude of these disagreements, it is as though

scholars cOj.lld not decide whether the aristocratic families were closer to the Roman patricians, whose position brought political privileges but derived

from wealth, to the Russian service nobility of the seventeenth century, who possessed extensive lande4 wea{th but were obligated to hold office to main­

tain their status, to the English aristocrats of the same period whose titles

defined their status but who often took positions in the military or govern,

ment for the economic rewards they offered, or even to the Fujiwara of Heian Japan, who preserved their wealth an.d prestige through undisputed control

over the cOurt.22.

.

.

One reason why so much confusion surrounqs the social and political

nature of the aristocratic families is that their basic features are stilI poorly delineated. Scholars have seldom been able to address questions of degree or

extent. It is known that many aristocrats held high offices, but not what pro­

portion of the members of an aristocratic family gained posts� nor the kinds

,of posts they held ; that the aristocratic families were accused of reluctance to marry anyone of lesser birth, but not how they defmed lesser birth or whom

they actually married; that many aristocratic families were considered large, but not how large they were nor how their size 9r composition changed.

The only way to corroborate generaiizations or replace accusations of pol-

The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial Chi1U1

8

itical domination with evidence of its extent is to collect more information which can be analyzed systematically.

A great mass of Iargelyunexploited

data is incorporated within dynastic history biographies, funerary inscriptions, private writings, anecdotes, and so on. These sources seldom discuss the aris­ tocra ti c families per se;their value is that they contain hundreds {If thousands of items about the political experiences, social activities, family life, and intellectualattitudes of specific members of these families. Taken piece by piece this information is of little significance; one aristocrat-had eight brothers who

lield office, another lived and was buried at great distance from his 'native piaL'C.' Yet if-this information is sorted chronological ly and genealogically and the context of anecdotes and events explored, its potential is great: the characteristics o f the aristocratic families can be documented rather than simply imputed.

It is to make possible the kind of dose analysis needed for use o f these

linwieldy sources that I have narrowed my focus to one fami ly, the Po-ling · Ts uis. A case study of a single family has obvious limitations: some of a

family's characteristics may have been unique or accidental; there may have been several different types of aristocratic families, and so on. But a case

study is a good place to start if one wishes to gain It solid empirical basis for interpretations of the aristocratic families. A few

case

studi es have already

been undertaken by Chinese and Japanese scholars, but much work remains to be done.23

A major advantage of a case study is that within its framework ways can

be found ,;

to ask basic questions about the aristocratic families in concrete this book can be sub­

terms. The most important questions approached in

�s the nature of the aristo­

_sumed under two �!leralli!Les QDlliU'.ir¥- T

cratic families as kinship groups. How large were they? Should they be

thought of as powerful, organized lineages with re cognized heads and com­

mon activities like the Fujiwara in Heian Japan? Or were the members of the

aristocratic families more like seventeenth-century English nobles whose

status was hereditary and who were conscious of family ties but who were seldom organized on kinship l ines? No existing source discusses these issues

and no ea rly genealogy survives. Many aspects of the composition of the

Ts'uis, however, can be inferred by asking indirect questions. How closely

linked were the Ts'uis mentioned in historical sources? Can one detect con ­

tact between Ts'uis more d istantly related than first cousins? If so, what

kind? Can one find cases where Ts'uis acted in concert in political matters? Where they op posed each other? Did the Ts'uis as a whole have a common

graveyard or an cestra l temple? If not, what kind of subgroups had them? Can one fmd Ts'uis who moved away from where

the bulk Of their

rela tives lived?

Was thei r status or the status of their children the same as that of other Ts'uis?

I --

r

--

r--- -

r----

r-

-

r --

�

Introduction 'J

�

Th

9

line of inquiry concerns the dual nature of members of the aris·

tocratic families as bureaucrats and aristocrats, Although aristocracy and bureaucracy have often overlapped in world history, there are inherent con· flicts between these two roles: aristocrats have autonomous status, while bureaucrats depend on their institutional position; birth, the essential attribute of aristocrats,should be of no consequence in a bureaucracy which'must re­

ward above all institutional position and achievement. A number of scholars have tried to reconcile the apparent contradictions involved in aristocrats serving in the bureaucracy. Miyazaki, for instance, has shown how the

bureaucracy was'reorganized along more aristocratic lines. T'ang Chang-ju has pointed to some of the instability created by aristocrats' dependence on pol­ itical privileges. Cll'en Yin-k'o has emphasized the aloofness and pride of aristo­ crats who held office.24 Nevertheless,...no one has closely examined the ques­

tion from the viewpoint of the aristocratic families themselves. Did they hold

office primarily to maintain their status, or more to embellish it'! How depend­ ent were they on court favor? What share of their resources were e ffectively

private,beyond the control of the court? As part of a case study, ways can be found to ask these questions indirectly. Can one find Ts'uis who did not hold

office? If so, how did their status or the status of their children compare to other Ts'uis? Can one find occasions when the Is'uis held aloof from the

court? What were the consequences? Can one fwd situations where they had

to choose between preserving their private wealth or prestige and their formal

governmental position? Which did they choose,and what effect did their decision have?

Delimiting a subject A case study requires, first of all, � family deserving the name aristocratic.

Defining the aristocratic families and what made them aristocratic is not easy. The Chinese of the time, conscious of many social distinctions, had a rich

vocabulary of terms for families of great status or power. Unfortunately they

had if anything

too many different terms. None seems to have referred to a

specific group of known families, and the same family could be described in

different contexts with different terms. Therefore it is left to the modern his­

torian to determine which were the most significant distinctions among the elite families. Most scholars have either assumed that all familieS called'emi­ nent, long-established, or powerful were essentially comparable, or nave divided them into two groups, the aristocratic families and the local or prov­ incial elite.u But even d ividing these families into two levels obscures import­ ant distinctions. In this book the term aristocratic families is not used as a direct translation of any Chinese term (thOUgh it would be closest in conno-

r- ---

10

The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China

tation to men-fa). Rather it is used to refer to the very small number of famil­ ies whose members appeared over and over again in the dynastic histories, whose positions were not tied to transient political alignments, but werernore durable and independent. This autonomy came from diverse resources such as local power, legal privileges, and deeply ingrained respect for birth. In other words, what made a family aristocratic was hereditary high social status, independent of full court control.26 By defining the'aristocratic families in this way, I am excluding the families who in almost all dynasties gained great weaith and prestige as a result of their ties to the imperial family as relatives or early supporters. These families are called here the nobility (the closest terms in Chinese would be kuei-tsu or kuei-yu). They were usually given hereditary titles, privileges, and stipends,

and often were encouraged to continue intermarrying With the imperial fam­ ily. With so many legal and material advantages it is not surprising that noble families often survived and produced prominent men for three, four, or five generations. Only when these families proved able to survive full withdrawal ---�

gf imperial "p_a!!9nage are they counted as aristocratic famil�s.

Furthermore, the term aristocratic is limited here to families of the highest

stratum, whose national prestige was fully recognized. A number of recent scholars have drawn attention to the 'ruling class' or 'oligar�hy' of a hundred to several hundred families whose names were listed in national genealogical compendiums in the Northern and Southern Dynasties and T'arig.27 The noble and aristocratic families would be those families placed in the highest ranks in these works, comprising only a small portion of all the families listed. Although one cannot doubt that the appearance of an aristocracy and the appearance of a defmed ruling class were related phenomena, both based on common his- torical conditions and social attitudes, too little is known about the differ­ ences between them to assume that descriptions of the one apply equally well to the other: Therefore, to be properly cautious, it is best not to group them together until similarities can be proved. The problem of defmition would be Simplified if any of the rankings of families had been preserved. UnfOTtunately all that survive are summary'lists of the families in the ruling class of the T'ang, arranged by prefecture rather

than rank, An approximate list of the aiistocratic families could. be made

from the dynastic histories, based on how the social status of the family was

described in the dynastic-history biographies of its members, the number of prominent men froin the family, how members of the family were treated by others, with whom they associated or married, and s o on.28 But it would be difficult to know how many families t6 call aristocratic or to defend ranking one family higher than another. The closest one (.,m come to a contemporary

bthe historian and genealogist Liu fug

li �t of the great families is an essa ,---���--�

-

--.:::-

Introduction

11

h�y. His list had no official function; he merely

written in the mid-eig

mentioned in passing the names of the old families considered the most emi­

nent in the T'ang_ He lists the Wang,.Hsieh, Yiian, and Hsiao families who had

emigrated to the Southeast in the fourth century; the Chu, Chang, Ku,and Lu families native of that area; the Wang, Is'ui, Lu, U, and Cheng families of the

Northeast; the Wei, P'ei, Liu,Hsueh, Yang, and Tu of the Kuan-chung area

centered on Ch'ang-an; and the Yuan, Chang-sun, Yii-wen, Yii, Lu, Yiian, and Tou, non-Chinese of the Northern border area.29 Uu Fang's list can be used

for earlier centuries as long as it is realized that several of the most prominent

families of the Three Kingdoms, Chin, and Southern Dynasties (such as the

Hsun of Ying-ch'iian and the Ssu-ma of the Chin imperial house) were omitted because they did not survive into the Tang, and some of the families he men­ tioned (such as the Hsiao and the non-Chinese) would best be considered noble families in the Northern and Southern Dynasties, becoming aristocratic families by the time of the T'ang. For the purposes of a case study it would be as vain to seek a 'typical' aris­ tocratic family as it would be to seek a 'typical' poet or statesman. According to Liu Fang, in the T'ang the eminent families could be divided into four groups that differed in historical origins and experiences. Undoubtedly families in the same group also differed in significant ways. Since an aim of this

book is to study what made families aristocratic, what gave them high, heredi­

tary; independent status, the best choice is a f�m ily which illustrates these·

characteristics well. Therefure I have chosen one of the Northeastern families.

This group was especially

� for its longevity and independence from t�e

court. ����losely tied to an imRlHial h().1!!!�,�!tt:�reat Nort!!eastern families

ons:

nevertheless survive� a_vll!.�!�()f adverse c!rcumstances:�arb�.r.!!n_!!lYJ!si

alien dynasties and resent�s. From among the principal Northeastern families the Po-lingTs'uis were

chosen for two reasons. The first is that Ts'ui is a relatively uncommon sur­

name (compared with U and Wang. for instance).

By the T'ang men often

lightly laid claim to famous ancestral seats; if their surname was Wang they might call themselves Lang-yeh Wan! despite no actual·connection to either

Lang-yeh commandery or the famous lineage of that name.30 This fact poses

a serious problem to anyone using unedited funerary inscriptions and private writings which may contain false claims to eminent ancestry i Although no solution is likely to be entirely satisfactory, the number of non-aristocrats unwittingly included in the case study can be minimized by selecting a family with a less common surname; the fewer the men who bore a certain name the fewer the number of potential imposters.

The second reason for choosing the Ts'uis is that they provide one of the

best documented cases of a family that survived from the Han to the end of

J

12

111e Aristocratic Families of Early Imperiol China

the Tang. Almost all of the aristocratic families of the Three Kingdoms, Chin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties claimed to include among their ances­ tors men who served as officials in the Han.31 Genealogists of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and Tang undoubtedly had documents no longer available, but there is no way to estimate how critically they scrutinized these sources. Recent historians have , therefore, been reluctant to take these gen­ ealogies at face value. If the Han ancestors are not listed in the histories, modern scholars suspect that they may never have actually Jived. If they are listed, there is the suspicion that the family had simply chosen appropriate ancestors from the histories. Consequently, to investigate in even a tentative fashion the origins of the aristocratic families it is best to start with families whose genealogies appear accurate. Considerable evidence can be offered to substantiate the conclusion that the Ts'uis described in the Hou-Han shu were in fact the ancestors of the

Ts'uis in the Chin, Northern Dynasties, and Tang. First, Ts'uis of the North­

ern Dynasties and Tang regularly mentioned Ts'ui Yin, Yuan, and Shih of the later Han as their distant ancestors.3l Second , the Ts'uis in the Northern Wei

lived in the same place as these Ts'uis described in the Hou-Han shu. Third,

dynastic history biographies provide all of the necessary links from the Han to the Chin to the Northern Wei; one need not uSe the HSln T'ang shu genea­

logical tables at all. Finally, the Hsin T'ang shu genealogical tables show

no

sign of haVing been manipulated. There are no total blanks, that is generations

for which no names are supplied, and the number of generations listed between the famous men is quite reasonable, averaging thirty-one years. In few other

genealogical tables do these points tally so well.33

In preparing this book, one of the first decisions I had to make was whether to concentrate on a single well-documented period of time, such as the Tang dynasty, or to attempt to cover the mUre historical span of the Ts'uis from their appearance to their disappearance. On balance, given the present state of our knowledge , there Seemed to be more to gam by taking advantage of the unique opportunities afforded by a case study to acquire a long historical perspective. Most scholars have restricted themselves to the Han, the age' of division, or the T'ang. Thus, they have come to ask different questions and

speak in d ifferent terms, so that the actual continuities and changes between periods have been obscured by the lack of communication between historians studying successive dynasties. Moreover, within these periods they have

rriost

frequently approached the aristocratic families in,.!U1i,.c, analytic frameworks rather ihan searched for the dynamics of their development. It is my hope that viewing the changes in one family over the entire course of its histO!)' will

1 - ··

Introduction

13

provide a new perspective for detailed analyses of the aristocratic families in specific periods.

.pily for a thousand years, a major difficulty has been �

In tracing one fa

attaining consistenc . Not only did the Po-ling Ts'uis as a group change over­ time but the source- materials available differ from period to period. The {

dynastic historieslare the major source for this period, and the only one avail-

able for each dynasty. Their strength is their coverage of political careers. 34 Funerary inscriptions (obituaries carve-d on stone and buried at the grave),

surviving mainly from the sixth to tenth centuries, have been particularly valuable for showing whom the TS'uis married, where they were b uried, what they knew or thought about their ancestors, how they entered the bureauc­ racy, and what offices they held . Much of this information can be quantified. Moreover, the use of original rang documents provides a sense of immediacy not available from sources edited by later historians.35 The Hain

T'ang shu's

genealogical tables for T'ang Chief Ministers are also use ful mainly for the

rang. These tables supplement funerary inscriptions, outlining the kinship relationships of hundreds of Ts'uis and confirming the existence of concepts of lineage and branch.36 Anecdotes and miscellaneous writing, a further source, are the most uneven in coverage ; some men's writings have been pre­ served while others have been lost; anecdotes survive mainly from t he mid and late T'ang and then stress the unusual rather than the ordinary. Yet these sources have proved useful in assessing such factors as style , friendships, fam­ ily loyalties, and social prejudices. Arl:haeology provides a final but very limited source. To date only one report of the excavation of a Ts'ui tomb has been published. This tomb however provides valuable evidence of- the material life of one sixth-century Ts'ui official. 37 For the sake of continuity I have attempted to examine systematically the most basic characteristics of the Po-ling Ts'uis: that is, how many Ts'uis there were, when. and where they lived, what posts they held, whom they married. While much of this inf()rmation has been discussed in the .narrative and

interpretative sections, �or convenience

a few of the

topics

for which consider­

able material is available have been treated in appendices. Also for each period I have tried to evaluate the status of the Ts'uis and the extent to which it was

based on formal participation in the central government or informal factors such as local influence, style of life, and the prestige of birth.

It is only in

these two general areas, however, that the Ts'uis from the Han through the Tang are analyzed In constant terms. Details of such matters as the Ts'uis'

economic position. family life, and intellectual and cultural orientations are

discussed only when they are especially relevant

to the general historical

development of the Po-ling Ts'uis and where materials warrant.

f ---

, - ---

r - --

r---

The A ristocratic Families ofEarly Imperial China

14

A final decision involved in organizing this book was the relative weight to

be given the particular features of the Ts'uis as against the general features of the aristocratic families as a whole. To understand the Ts'uis one must be able to identify the attributes which they shared with other aristocratic families, the ones that made them an aristocratic family. Common traits should be related to common historical conditions; if many families had their origin in the Later Han and disappeared in the ninth and tenth centuries, their rise and decline should be explained with reference to shared historical situations, not unique experiences. To provide �he background necessary for seeing how the Ts'uis fit into the general development of the aristocratic families an overview of the aristocratic families as a whole is giveh in Chapter Two. On the other hand, there are dangers in accepting too readily existing assumptions or generalizations about the aristocratic families and d ismissing or playing down"features of the Ts'uis which do not fit well into current models. furthermore, at this stage of our understanding of the aristocratic families it would be unwise to rule but the pOSSibility of considerable diver­ sity. By the T' aog, when geographic separation was largely overcome and the aristocratic families intermarried extensively, there may have been a general 'aristocratic' type, yet one cannot assume as much similarity in earlier periods. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties some families were dislodged from their native place ; some were active at court earlier than others; North­ erners confronted ethnic hostility unknown by the Southerners, and so on. In order to avoid obscuring important distinctions that may have resulted from these experiences, in Chapters Three, Four, and Five , the Ts'uis are described strictly from sources pertaining to them, and any speculation based on what is known about other families is indicated as such.

o

o

2

T H E H I ST O R I C A L D EV E LO P M E N T OF T H E A R I STO C R ATIC F A M I LI E S

The aristocratic families were never a single, unified group. It took centuries for a clearly de fined aristocracy to emerge and even then new families ap· peared as o'ld ones died out or declined. Moreover, the country

was politically

divided for extended periods with parts ruled by non·Chinese, creating region· al and ethnic differences which distinguished groups of aristocratic families. For these reasons the history of the aristocratic families is not the history of a particular group of family lines, but the history of the rise, evolution, and

decline of the aristocratic families as a social category.

The Han upper class

A large proportion

of the aristocratic families of the third to eighth cen­

turies A.D. appear to have descended from the 'powerful families' (haD-tsu,

hao,chieh , ta-hsing, etc.) which'formed the Han upper class. Because China

proper was unified and a single imperial house was maintained for four centuries (with a brief interregnum when Wang Mang overthrew the Former Han), the Former and uter Han are considered among the great dynasties o f Chinese history. Nevertheless caution should be used i n estimating t h e degree

to which the

Han governmen t controlled life in the countryside. The dynastic

histories frequently mention 'powerful families' which dominated local areas,l

�ir status derived large ly from_L��pr!Y!!t�J!!�rmal matters:'iocal stan
owned land and had social and political influence. The largest of these. powerful families are described as containing hundred s of members and can prob. ably best be described as !,:ll!!ls, though little is known of their internal organ·

ization. 2

Magistrates and Grand Administrators imbued with the idea of

strong central control often tried to curb the influence of powerful families, but in cases of rebellions or border raids the government was glad to see them arm their follower s for self·defense.

Only a small number of t he members of these powerful families were of

national importance.3 Those

who occupied the highest

levels of the Han upper 15

V

The Aristocratic Families ofEarly Imperial China

16

class were men who had ex(..-ellent educations, refined cultural interests, and

maintained traditional norms of family life and behavior. Such men spent much of their time

ill the capital and were acquainted with other educated

men. The content of their intellectual life was affected by the requirements

of the bureaucracy and many of them were recommended for office . Yet un­

like in later periods, office-holding_in the Han seems to �ve beel! ()l!� ­ mon activity of the higm!st1evcl� �f the up er class, not its d�f.iting character­

"'"'i"Coin

p

cceptid into tm! rocial a�d cultuiai lrfeoft�

istic. MencouIackground. A number of the rulers of these dynast ie s proved strong and tried to counter the influence of the aristocratic familie s .

Members of the great familie s continued to hold honorable official posts�

and were a cti ve in court politics but their power to control -policy gradually ,

decreased.

In the competition between the rulers and the aristocratic families the key

symbolic issue was the emperor' s right to appoin t -and promote men witho ut regard to their family origin, solely on the basis of whethe r they could serve him loyally and well. Any assertion of such a right by the emperors was a

threat to the association of high social status and high office which formed

the foundation of the aristocratic families' position; if carried to extremes

aristocrats would have been excluded from offICe for lack of talent or loyalty.

The aristocratic families in a sense responded to these threats by carrying to

great heights emphasis on pedigre e . They showed corttempt for the emperors' re cruits

of lesser birth, refusing to treat them as social eq uals

.

20

They be came

very active in researching and d ocumenting family origins and published

numerous individual and group genealogies, some of which ranked families by status. TIle court did not oppose this activity but seems to have tried to take it over in order to show that social status was something which originated 21

from the court.

The appearance of aristocratic lineages By the Eastern Chin, the historical records begin to show dozens or more men from the same 'family', all in prominent positions. For insta nce the Chin shu gives biographies or brief references to eighty-nine lan g y eh -

,

The Aristocratic Families of Ea rly Imperial China

22

Wangs, seventy-six of whom were fourth cousins or closer.21 So far as is

known these Wangs, and a few unmentioned close relatives, may have been the only Lang-yeh Wangs in the South. Yet even in the case of long-established local clans, often the men who reached national prominence were all very

close relatives. For instapce, the Chin shu discusses twenty Wu�chiin Lus, all

third cousins or closer and the Sung shu (which covers it period of fifty years),

mentions eighteen \Vu.chiln Changs, all second cousins or closer. 21 Clearly

these Wangs, Lus, and Changs were diffetent from the local powerful clans of the Han who had at most a few members of n ational importance. The appearance of numerous cousins of aristocratic status is not surprising;

it was a natural result of ttie nine-rank system. Since the rank of ea ch' marr

was dett;rmined by that of his father, with each generation a larger group of relatives would share a 'common rank. The problem lies rather in determining whether the Wangs, Changs, and Lus with biographies in the histories are

simply an artificial category created by the recruitment system, or whether, whatever their origin, they came to form a distinct kinship group or subgroup. Sources which could be brought to bear on this problem are scarce and have not been adequately studied . It may he that these aristocratic Wangs and Changs formed at least minimal groups and here they are tentatively called lineages because their membership was sharply restricted to kinsmen whose common descent could be documented.24 The nature imd strength of the ties among the members of these lineages are difficult to dis(''Crn. Members of emigre families such as the Ch'en-chtin Hsiehs and Lang-yeh and T'ai-yuan Wangs were enmeshed in capital social and politieal l ife. They had contact of diverse sorts with their relatives, but these ties could be overridden by other considerations. Possibly t heir kinship ties were limited to common ancestor worship, attending each o thers weddings and funerals, and mutual responsi­ bility for th� prestige of their name.25 In the case of aristocratic lineages

within local Southeastern families, it. is unclear which kinship functions were carried out by the aristocratic lineage and which by. the larger clan , when it still existed.

26

Weaknesses in the sociahnd political systems of the Southem Dynasties The aristQcratic.s0cial system of the Southern Dynasties never provided

the foundation for a strong state. DUring the fourth and early

fifth centuries

when North China was divided among contending non-Chinese tribes, the

Eastern Chin and Sung were unable to take advantage of this disunity to en­ large their territory permanently. And after the North had been unified by the T'o-pa under the Northern Wei in the mid-fifth century, the best the

23

Historical development ofthe aristocratic families

Southern states could hope for was a stalemate. In the second half of the fifth century, the Sung and Ch'i courts were continually d isrupted by bloody intrigues as members of the imperial families murdered each other. The

foundCr of the Liang, Emperor Wu (r. S()2;:-49), brought peace to the court

and culturally his reign was the golden age of the Southern Dynasties. Yet his

government's administrative structure was inadequate for the burdens pJaced . upon it. This was proved by the great speed with which a Northern general . Hou Ching was able to attract enough soldiers and malcontents to swell his

army to perhaps a hundred thousand men and successfully besiege the capital Chieri·k'ang in

549. The Ch'en dynasty, which rose from the wreckage of this

rebellion, was never strong, and conquest by the more vigorous North was

inevitable.

Some of the weaknesses of these dynasties can be attributed to the exist­

ence of an �ristocratic social system. The inability of the state to raise and

support large armies was blamed even a t the time on expansion of the roBs of

privileged people with corvee exemptions?' The demands of aristocrats that . only men fro m their ranks be given certain posts imposed limits on the

efficiency and rationality of the central government- Moreover, the aristocrats ,

although associated closely with the court, do not seem t o have taker very

seriously their role as servants of the emperor or worked for the strengthening

of the state or the extension of its fISCal and military control.

Nevertheless, failure of the later Southern Dynasties to establish strong

states was not the result of increases in the power.or influence of the aristo­ cratic families. If anything, the emperors gained in the competition to set

standards of prestige and status. Early in the sixth century Emperor Wu o f

the Uang reformed t h e family r;mking system to raise the most distinguished

of the 'cold' families to the higi).est rank with its greater privileges with regard

to access to office, in this way giving weight to bureaucratic achievement over

pedigr�e.28 A n�mber of reasons can be given for the deciine in the. aut hority

of the. aristocratic families. According to the contemporary observ�r Yen

Chih-Cui, the aristocrats lost influence q ecause they were d egenerate; used to leiSure and wealth and placed in high ranking but u1)important posts, they

had become useless, their prestige unwarranted .

.(\S he saw it, real power had

fallen to others because the aristocrats failed 1t;Ill Power in Japan. 500-1 700, pp. 1 16 -28.

The only book-length case study is one of the. T'ai-yilan Wang family by Moriya MitsuQ, RikuchO mombatsu no ichi kenkyfl, which not only examines the,genealogy of tbe Wangs but also analyzes biographical intormation relating to their econ- . ' ornic, cultural, and political position. Yano Chikara has written articles- on the P'ei, Wei, Chang, and Cheng familieJ: describing their genealogies- and trying to explain why each lineage or branch within them flourished when it did. paying

, particular attention to their relations with tile government. See his articles il! Shaka; kaxak# ronS(}: 'SMshi kenKYu ko', 'Teishi kenkyit', 'Ishi kenkyu', 'Haishi 1cenkyii'. In addition. Takeda Ryitjl has studied the Hus-yin-Yang&, 'Mombatsu to

shite Kilno y()shi ni tsuite' , Niwa Taiko has studied the Ying-ch'ilan H$lin family, 'Gi-Shin jjdai na meizoku - Shunshi no hitobito .ni tsuite', and Mao Han-kuang has studied the Lang�yeh Wangs, ,'Wo-kuo chung-ku ta-shib-tsu chih ko-an yenchiu - Lang-yeb Wang-shih'. Mao's article is unusual in that he used funerary

inscriptions from the Acadernica Sinica, Taiwan, and attempted to find quantifi­

24 25

able explanations for the Wangs' prominence. Miyazaki, Kyflh(n lean/mhO, esp. pp. 105,.,24, 208-17: T'ang Chang-ju, 'Men-fa Ii hsing-ch'eng' ; Ch'en Yin-k'o, Cheng·chih shih, pp, 53-70.

.

For instance, Mao Han-kuang, Liang·Chin Nan-pei-ch 'ao shih·tm cheng·chih chih

yen·chiu, pp. 1 - 8 stateS that .27 different terms are largely interchangeable and

calls.all the families described by the term fhih·t� (though he dOeJ recognize dif­

ferences in size within this stratum). By contrast, most Japanese, like Miyazaki

(Kyiihin kolJ/inhO, pp. 536-44 and passim) dilltingu!&h powerfU!gOzoku . locally . from kizoku prominent at a national levet.

26

Tl;lere does not appear to be any widely accepted definition of aristocracy. For two scholars who use it in ways similar to those u$ed here, � Suzanne .ICeUer,

Beyond the Ruling Cklss, .pp. 30-,- 1 , and R.R. Palmer, The Age of tl,e Democratic

27

28 29

Revolution. pp. 29-30.

See TWitchett, 'Ruling Class', esp. pp. 76-83; Johnson, Medieval Oligarchy, esp. ch. 1.

Mao Han-tuang, Shih·(.fu cheng·chih, pp, 1 6-36, (.'Ompiled such a list,

HTS 1 99/1 8b-I 9a. Although Liu Fang 8p9ke of the Wangs and the Hsiehs. the common practice of the time was to identify each family by the name of the

commandery (chtin) in which it originated. Thus, the T'ai-yilan Wangs and Lang­

yeh Wang s were two distinct families. and Liu Fang's twenty-six surnames prob-

Notes to pp. 1 1 -13

30

31

32

33

34

1 23

ably referred to at least twenty-nine families; in additiOn to the two Wang families there were two TS'ui families {the Ch'ing-ho and Po-iing) and two Li families (the Chao-chlin and Lung-hm). For instance, Liu Chih-chi on p:94 cif his Shih·('ung (written in 7 1 0 ) states that even men who had changed their name to Li to avoid imperial taboos aU wrote down Lung�hsi or Chao-chtin for their native place, not to mention those who really were Lil. See the prefaces t o the 'g'enealogical tables i n the HTS. Foiinstance, P S 33/8b, crw"409/9a, and many inscriptions, including Ins. 9, 34, 0 ' 43, 55; 67, aDd 70. For instance, the Ch'ing-ho Ts'uis and several other families had branches wbich left their native areas for extended periods (HTS 72C/33a). The Ho-tlirig"Liu genealogy (HTS 73Alla-b) includes fourteen blanks after the Han, and the T'aj.. yUan Wling nlnet�n blanks (HTS 728/14a). The genealogy of the Ho�tung Hstieh (HTS 7 3B/Wa ":21a) traces the family back to men whO did not live in Ho-tung anQ are not stated to be related in their biographies (HS 7 l /4b, HHS 79B/3b). Neither WS 42/la nor WS 61/1a list any HsUeh ancestors before the Chin. The Chao�chtin Li genealogy (HTS 72A/26b) traces th�ir descimt fiom a man in the Later Han who did not live in the Chao-chiin area (HHS 67/7a) and neither WS 36/1a nor PS 33/35b provides any evidence tt> support the idea that they were related. The Hua:yin Yarig genealogy (HTS 71 8/35a) gives an absurdlY' high figure for the number of generations between men in the Later Han and Northern Wei. These discrepancies are not all of equal importance, and in only a couple of cases would one consider totany rejecting the genealogy: But it is also true thai the Po·ling Ts'ui genealogy gains in value from the comparison. Approximately three hundred Po-iing Ts'uis have biographies in these histories or are described at least bziefiy in the biographies of relatives. These biographies are not entirely without historiographical difficulties. Unless contradicted elsewhere, the factual information in them may be readily accepted. The more difficult ques­ tion is how to evaluate lack of information. When a person does not have a biogra­ phy, does that mean he was not important? Are periods in which numerous Ts'uis had biographies the periods when they had the most political influence? Were it a question of a single dynastic history which had been carefuUy "edited; it would b e possible to make these assumptIons, b u tunfortunately the dynastic hIstories which survive are of very uneven quality and differing format. For instance, two histories' crucial to this study,are those for the Northern Werand the Northern Ch'i. Many of the PCS biOgr.aphies have been lOst and others survive only in recon­ strtided form, the original liaving disappeared in the Northern Sung. (Chao I, Kao· yiltS'uhg-kao, 7, pp. 140-2.) To decide who were the politically important Ts'uis, it was not possible simply to cheek who had biographies; other Ts'uis mentioned in the basic annals or biographies of leading men had to be considered. The biogra­ phies in the WS, by contrast, survive almost as they were written (Kai-yU (s'ufIg­ tao, 7; pp. 135-40.5 In tnem are the naines oinearly one hundred Po-ling Ts'uis. These men did not necessarily have political importance in the bureaucracy; some are listed as having died )'Q"ng or even as having 'good looks, but no other Wents' (WS 57{1 6a). HoweVer, titey had general social and political imPortance as mein­ b�s of an aiistoc�atic family. ThUs, WS provides an e�ceUenl sUrvey of the OlrelaU political po!litiOn of the, Ts'uis in the NOlther� Wei. But judgroent of the changes in the political influence of the Ts'uis from the Northern Wei to the Ch'i or Chou Cannot be based on simple quantitative comparison of their treatment in the dynastic histoiies; more comple� evaluations are neces safy. And, of COIlfse, the dynastic histories provide more information on politics thaI) on any other aspect of life. It would be an even greater mistake to conclude that land ownership had

Notes to pp. 1 3 - 1 6

124

declined because in one h i story it was mentioned twice and in a la ter one not at all. 3S

Approximately eighty inscriptions were used i n this study, well over ha lf written for people who would not otherwIse be known., often women. A quarter of these inscriptions were preserved in the collections of men of le t ter s and tended to be written for the close relatives of important men. The remaining inscriptions, which have been preserved because the or ig inal carved stone was found and (..'Opied, are, however, of even greater value. They provide an excellent sample of the people who called themselves Po-ling Ts'uis in the T'ang. The major problem with inscriptions is that they are not easy to use. Published transcIiptions often contain lacunae because of the poor oondition of the original stone, t hough at least they have been neatly copied in a standard calligraphy and sometimes com­ ments have been added by the compiler. With rubbings, however, not only does

one have to worry about the deterioration of the stone, but idiosyncracies of

handwriting and alternate forms of characters make the basic task of classification

and analysis time-consuming. 36

The uses and limitations of these tables are discussed in detail in Appendix I.

37

'Ho-pei P'ing-shan Pei-ch'i Ts'ui Ang mu tiao-clt'a pao-bo'.

Notes to Chapter 2

2

On these families see Lao Kan. ' Han-Iai Ii hao-chieh chi ch'j cheng-chih-shang ti kuan-lIsi', Masubuchi Tatsuo, Chftgoku kodlli s}laklli to kokka, pp . 77 -94: Yang Lien-sheng, 'Tung-Han ti hao-tsu'; Utsunomiya Kiyoyoslti, Kand4i shako; keizaishi kenkyii, pp. 405-72: Ch' i.i, Han Social Structure, pp. 63- 1 59; Goi Naohiro, 'Ko-Kan ocho to gozoku'; Tada Kensuke. ' Kandai no gozoku'. For an interesting discussion o(the kinship organization of the powerful families, with attention 10 how it can be seen as remnants of primitive, kinship-based society, see Ho Clt'ang-chiin, Tu-,; so-yu-chih, pp. 1 81-7. The term clan is used here fQUowing the distinction Mortoll Fried made between different types of

patrilineal kinship groups. He defines lineages as unilineal descent gro ups based on

demonstrated descent. In his usage clans are more inclusive groups which try to

attract as large a membership as possible, rationalizing their genealogy if necessary.

(See 'Clans and Lintlllges: How to TeU Them Apart and Why - with Special Ref­ erence to Chinese Society', esp. pp. 26- 34.) As far as one can determine from the limited references in the.histories, the powerful families in the Han acted as the

leaders of all their local kinsmen ; there is never any suggestion that anyone was

excluded because his relationship was questionable. Since the purpose of tbese kinship groups see ms to have been local power, the more members they could

incorporate the better it would have been for their PJUpose. 3

For instance, the 'harsh officials' chapter of the HHS describes officials who tried

to suppress the local

po werful families, often mentioning them by name.

Many o f

t h e powerful families listed, such a& the Kilng-sun of Pei-hai, t he Ma-shih o f Ho­

tung, the Hsia of Pei,hai, the P'eng of Ch'en-kuo, had no members who received

biographies elsewhere in tbe HHS. The HHS generally attributes their power to

wealth and large numbers{)f dependents. (HHS 77/2a, 3b, 4b, 7a.) In addition,

the biographies of important officials often say that the family had been locally important for generat ions, or, as in tite case of Wang VUn, that his family for gen­ 4 5

erations had held low posts in their commandery and province (HHS 66/103). See Kamada Shigeo, Shjn-Kan sei/i seido no kenkyu, pp. 5 1 1 - 1 6.

For instance, when Later Han men like Wang Fu, Ts'ui Shih, and Chung-ch'ang

T'ung discussed differences in power and rank, t hey used vague terms like superior

I [

�

r -

r---

I

r

Notes to pp. 16- 22

1 25

and inferior, honored and humble, rich and poor. See Balazs, Chinese

6 7

8

9 10 11

12 13 14

15 16 I7 18

19

20

21 22 23

CivOization

and Bureaucracy, pp. 1 8 7 - 225 . On the importance of ties between officials and their 'former subordinates', see

Kamada, SeiJ)' seido, 45 0 -69, O� the grnwth of large estates see Gal, 'Ko-K an o{:M to gozoku', pp. 430-2; Kawakatsu, 'Rejisutansu undo" pp. 29-34; Miyazaki Jchisada, Dai- T6 Ieikaku, pp. 28-38. On the decline of the central government, see Masub uchi, Shakai to Irokka, pp. 49-64; Tada Kensuke, 'Ko-Kan koki no seikyo ku 0 megutte', On the defense efforts of the local fa milies see P'ang Sheng-wei, 'Lun San-kuo shih-tai chih ta-tsu'.

On the 'pures' see Yang Lien-sheng, 'Tung-Han Ii hao-tsu" pp. \ 047-63; Kawa­ katsu, ' Rejisutansu undO', pp. 23 - 3 6 ; Hou Wai-Iu, Chung·kuo ssu·hsi(lng ( 'lIng­ shih, 11, 3 1 7-41 1 ; Chi-yun Chen, Hsun Yueh (A.D. 148- 209): The Ufe and Reflections of an Early Medieval Confucian, pp. 1 0 - 39. HHS 24 / 1 a, 60A! l a- 1 4b, 23/l a - 1 8a, 34/la - 1 6b . HHS 45/1a-8b, 74A/la-20b, 74BJla-7b; 7 5/5b- 9b, 54/la-22b. The most detailed narrative history of the period of d ivision from the faU of the Han to lhe founding of the T'ang is stUI Oka zak i Fumio, Gi·Shin NamhokuchO tmshi. Other useful general histories include Fan Wen-ian, Chung·kuG t'ung·shih chien'-pien ; Wang Chung-la, Wei-Chin Nan·pei-ch 'QO Sui ch 'u· Tang shih; Kawaka t su Yosbio, Gi·Shin NambokuchO. Whe n no reference is given below to historical events, it is because their basic outlines are weD accepted and can be found in his­ tor ies such as these. See the works cited above, ch. I , n. 1 4. On early recognition of this trend, see Holzman, 'Systeme Meditlval'. pp. 407 - t 2. See Ochi, ·Zokumonsei'. 'NanchO no seikan to dokukan'; Miyazaki, Kyithin kanjinhiJ., pp. 208- 1 7. See Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, pp. 35-8; rang Chang-ju, Shih· lun ts'ung, pp. 30-43. See Lien-shengYang. Studies in Chiite!ie Institutional History, l'P. ] 80- 1 . See T'ang Chang-ju, Shih·/un lS'Ung, pp. 1 4-29; Kawakatsu, 'Son B u seiken'. Good pictures of .the aristocratic families af this ·period are fo und in Mo r iya . Mom· batSi/, pp. 34-60, and J.D. Frodsham. The Murmuring Stream: The Ufe and Works of Hsieh Ling·yun. I, 1 -85. O n the local Wu families see Chou I-liang, Wei·Chin Nan-pei-chilO shih·!un-chi, pp. 58-83; T'ang Chang-ju, Hsu-pien, pp. 93:- 1 23 ; Yasuda Jiro, 'Nanchll no kotei to kizo ku to gOzoku-t0g6z{) - Ryo Butei no kakumei 0 tegakari ni'. See Miyazaki, Kyuhin kanjinho, pp. 283 - 3 1 3 ; T'ang Chang-ju, HSit·pfen, pp. 107- t O. An example of how the a ristocra ts tried to preserve social distance from their colleagues of lesser pedi8ree is found in Sung shu, 62/3a-b. Two officials who handled important matters but were not of high birth w ished to ca ll on Chang Fu, of their d epartment but a member of a 'famous family', One hesitated, 'If he isn't going to tr1lat us well, it would be bet ter not to go', The other was more confident, 'We are both already Auxiliary Secretaries. Why should we worry that he won't sit with lI:s?' When they amved Chang Fu set out two co uches three or four feet apart, The guests sat down, very pleased. But then Chang Fu ordered his servants to move him further from his guests, embarrassing them so that they left. See Wang I-t'ung, Wu-ch ao men·ri, pp. 146-9; Taga Ak igoro, 'Kofu no kenkyu', pp. 5 2-9. Olin shu 33/1a-83, 4 3/ 1 3b- 30a, 65/ 1a - 24b, 16/ 1 a- 1 8b, 98/1a-1 7a. The Lus are in Chin shu 54/1a- 29b, 7 7/ 1 a-2b. The Changs in Sung mu 46/5a12b. 53/la-7b, 59i2a- I 2a, 62/2b-4a.

r-

126

Notes to pp. 22-3 24 25

This again followed Fried's distinction. described above in n. 2.

Moriya. Mombtmu. pp. 47 -54, discusses in some detail the relations between I'ai­ yUan Wangs and the.ir attitudes towards each other. His conclusions are that fam­ ily tie,ll were weak; men often opposed relatives politically, and often put indi­ vidual interests before family ones. Yet he cites eJlwn from funerary inscriptions, a relatively unbiased source, it can b e suggested that these find ings reflect the general situation of families of equivalent status, that Is, ones with which the Ts'uis extensively intermarried. It should be pointed e ut , hewever, that

the only other comparable evidence, that collect ed by Mae Han'-kuang, 'Lang·yeh

Wang shih', p. 583, shows that only 5 8% of T'ang Lang-yett Wangs held offices.

63

Unfortunately Mao does not explain exactly Which men he included on h is tables. If he included everyone on the HTS genealogical tables (which are of very uneven quality) and everyone mentioned in inSCriptions, even tho se still alive who could have later gone on to get posts, that might account for the differences in his and my statistics. Other possibilities ale that the Lang-yeh Wangs. a Southern �igre family, declined earlier than the Ts'uis, or that more inscrip tions claiming their subject was a Lang-yell Wang do not in fact describe recognized members of t he aristocratic fa mily but instead other Wangs who casually or fraudulently claimed descent from the Lang-yeh Wangs. (Since Wang is a much more common surname than Ts'u i, there would be many more potential imposters.) Fuller argument and documentation e n this subject i s given i n Chapter Five, Pl" 1 04-8.

64 65

See Sun Kuo-tlillg, 'Men-ti ti hsiao-jung', esp. pp. 259-75. See Wang Gungwu, The $tructUle of Power in Noi'th ChinQ During the Five Dyntlsties; esp. 56-8, 83-1 1 8_ Not� to Chapter 3

1

2 3

HTS 72Cj24a-b; YtJan-ho hsing-tsuan, p. 266; Ins. 5, 30, 48; and many ethers. See James Legge, trans. The Chinese C[flIlSics, V, 509, 5 1 3 - 1 5; 535-6, for the Tso chuan's account of-these Incidents. See for instance, Moriya, Mombtitsu, pp. 7 - 1 9 on theories ef the origin of the

T'ai-yiian Wang familY.

4 5 6 7

B-

HS 99-A/Sa.

HS 28A: 2/S9a-b;

HHS l l O (chih

20)/2Sb.

Shen-chou feng-I'u chi 1 / l b-6b. HHS 52/la. First reference to office.'i held by Ts'uis will be followed by roman­ iZation and rank, where known. For the Han, translations eften follew the system

of Homer H. Dubs, Hi&tory of the f'ormer Hlln Dyntlsty. but since il is necessary­

to maintain a consistent style through the T'ang, many changes have been made.

r

--

-

,-----

130

Notes to pp. 35- 8 Posts varied

100

or less

in rank from 1 0,000 bushels for the handful of highest officials, to

for subordina tes. 600 bushels was an important dividing line between

lower and upper officials because men with that rank or hig her had special legat

privileges. For instance, their family was exempt from all but the military tax, their sons could enter the Grand Academy, if accused of crimes they received special treatment, and they could wear special clothing and ride

9

10 11

12

HHS 52/ta.

HS 99A/5a, 34b, 99B/Sa, 9a, 1 2a, 99C/14b, 24a, 28b; HHS 79A1 1 0a-b. HHS 52/lb-2b.

O n the cOmplex relationship between ideology, power, and social status (or t he literati, the officials, and t h e upper class) i n the Han Yiieh (A.D. 148-209), pp. 1 3-19.

13

in decorated

carriages. See Ueda Sanae, 'Kizoku DO kansei no seiritsn', pp. 1 1 9-20.

see

also Chi-y un Chen, Hsiln

For a discussion of the historical context of this intellectual trend, see Jack L. DuII, 'A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal (ch 'an-wei) Text s of the Han

Dynasty', pp. 1 9- 1 82. 14

HS 99C/9a.

15

On the reaction of Confucian scholars to Wang Mang, see Homer H. Dubs, History

1

1 I

o/ the Former Han Dynauy, III, 54-7.

16

HHS 5 2/4a.

11 18

HHS 52/1 2b-13b; CHHW 45/1a-7a.

19

HHS 80A/ 1 3b-1 5b; CHHW 45j7a-8b.

HHS 5 2{4a-1 2a; CHHW 44.

20

HHS 52/14a-18a; CHHW 45/9a-47/8a.

21

HHS 52fl Sa-19b. The HHS says that Lieh was Shih's elder cousin, but the HTS

genealogy (72C/42b) has him a generation younger, as a nephew. It is difficult to believe Lieh could have been older than Shih since he held th e low post of 1mb­ ordinate to the Minister ClfWorks .in 1 7 2, after Shih's death, and then went on to hold numerous posts. surviving two years of imprisonment 190-2, and upon rele:ue accepted a military aSSignment. Perhaps the HHS text has lost the character for 'son' and sllould have read that Lieh was the son of Shih's elder cousin.

22

HHS 52/19a. According

to the commentary to SKC 35/2b-3a, ChUn had a

younger brother named Chou-p'ing who was an early friend of Chu·ko Liang. In the HTS genealogical tables (72C/42b), however, Chou-p'ing is ChOn's ttu (informal name).

23

On these highest famil ies,

pp. 1 011 -23, 1027-47. 24

see

especially Yang Lien-sheng, 'Tung·Han ti Hao-tsu',

K'ung Hsi was a descendant of ConfUCius, and in more recent times of K'ung An­

kuo, a famous scholar of the Former Han. K'ung H!ii's great-grandfather bad been

a friend of Ts'ui Chuan. The K'ungs !tad preserved their scholarly traditions but

do not seem to have produced any high officials. When Ts'ui Yin knew K'ung Hsi,

Hsi was studying at llie Grand Academy and had not yet held omce. He eventually

reached the post of county Magistrate. (HHS 79A/ l l a- 1 3a). 25

Pan Ku's great grandfather !tad held a militarY post and his grandfather was a

Grand Administrator. His father Pan Piao gained favor for his literary talents in

the early period of the Later H an, but never held any office higher than Magistrate.

dynasty. When the project. fn the 50s he was imprisoned for pre­ suming to Mite a private history, but on his brother's intercession was released and given an official appointment. When Ts'ui Yin met Pan Ku in to-yang in the 80s, Ku wa s one of the leading men of letters, favored by the emperor and assigned to direct a major effort of cla ssical scholarship. Near the end of his life, His efforts instead were devoted to writing the history of the Han

Piao died Pan Ku continued

-.�.

Notes to p. 38

131

like Ts'ui Yin. he was a suoordinate of Too Hsien. After Tou Hsien's faU in 92 he

26

died in prison. (HHS 40A. B passim. )

Tou Hsien's family was not known for its scholarly achievement but rather for its

political power. Early in the Former Han the Tou family had provided an empress to Emperor Wen ( 1 79-1 57 B.C.). Almost two centuries later Tou lung was an

important ally of the future Emperor Kuang-wu during the civil war that led to

the restoration of the Han dynasty. By the end of Kuaug-wu's reign the position

of the Tou family was 'unrivaled among the imperial relatives and meritorious officials'; (HHS 23/9a) They bad one Ducal Minister, two Marquises, three Prin­

cesses, and four people whO held top bureaucratic posts ranked at 2000 bushels.

They also had over 1000 slaves. Under Emperor Ming {57-7S A.D.} the Tou

family suffered some setbacks. After Jung died at the age of seventy-eight in 62, Juilg's son Mu aild Mu'stwo

prison. However,

sons were

accused of various crimes and all died in

in 72 lung's nephew Ku was appointed leader of an expedition

to regain access to the western regions. With the accession of Emperor Chang in

76 Ku was favored at court and in 83 was appointed Grand Commandant. Ku

became exceedingly wealthy, was generously enfeoffed and held important posts.

He died in 88, with no heirs. (HHS 23/1a-l lb) Tou H$ien was Jung's great- .

grandson, two generations younger thim Ku, but in political terms his successor. Although his father and grandfather died in prison, the merit of Tou lung and Tou Ku was still weD remembered. In 77 Hslen's younger sister was appointed

empress and he and his younger brother were given inner court appointments. In 88 a ten-year-old child ascended

to

the throne. At that point Empress Tou,

according to precedent, ruled in her foster $On's name, and Hsien and his brother 21

became all-powerful. (HHS 23/11 1>-178)

Wang Fu, unwilling to take part in what he considered the degenerate political pract� of the time, did not hold offlce. Instead he devoted himself to writing a long wOEk, still extant, caUed 'Discussions of Ii Hidden Fellow'. In this work he

complained of the extravagant life of the wealthy few, which must in the end be

paid for by the hard work of the farmer and artisan. Poverty and deception were,

thus, inevitable� legal procedures were useless, the government corrupt. Outside of

this telet, however, nothing is known of Wang Fu's personality or experiences. 28

(HHS 49th-lOb; Balazs, Ozinese CiVilization and BUTetrUCI'tlcy, pp. 198-205.)

Chang Heng's grandfather bad been a Grand Admlnistrator'but his father does not seem to have hdd offIce.. A year younger than Ts'ui YUan, he also went to the capital to study the classics. He is described as being relaxed and calm in his ways, but not liking contact With vulgar people. He was recommended as 'filial and in·

corrupt" and later was offered iJPpOintments by high officials, but did not accept

any. He spent ten years writing a plose-poem on the two capitals, in imitation of Pan Ku's earlier work. Like Ts'ui Yuan, Chang Heng was interested in occult sub­ jects such as sstronomy, yill -�ng, and calendrical calculations. His biography

quotes a conversation he had with Ts'ui YUan on the subject of Yang Hsiung's Ha/lim ching. Summoned by the emperor who admired his mathematical skills, Heng entered the bureaucracy bat did not rise rapidly. In 1 32 he completed a seis­ Mograph, which caused considerable wonder among the scholars in the capital. For awhile "eng became an intimate advisor of Emperor Shun, but eventually

aroused the jealousy of the eunuchs, and in 1 36 was sent Ollt as an Administrator.

He died in 139, age sixty-two. (HHS 59/I a-26b) Ts'ui Yuan wrote his funerary

inscription. (CHHW 4S/Sb).

29

From an illustrious family, Ma lung was three years younger than Ts'ui YUan; His grandfather's brother was Ma Yuan, an important general who allied himself with Emperor Kuang-wu, helping him in the civil war and later campaigning on the borders. After his death in 49 Yuan's youngest daughter was intrOduced into the

132

Notes to p. 38

crown prince's harem, and in 60 she WaS named emPress, having ra ised the future

empe ror Chang, born to another consort. Her t hree brothe{s rose to high ranks,

som e m ilitary. They became extremely wealthy, having thousands of slaves and

many retainers and followers. (HUS 24/la-21 b) lung's father ,Yen 'liked sword

fighting and practiced mounted archery ', but lat er also studied the classics. H e

w a s appointed to work on the history of Emperor Kuang-wu; along wit h Pan K u and ot hers, a n d later took military posts. As t he influence of t he Tou family rose under Emperor Chang, the Mas had to take a more subordinate position, and when Empress Tou took over rule in 88, Yen retired to teach his son s and grand­ sons, dying in 98 at the age of 82. Yen had seven sons, of whom only two acquired

any fame. One was Jung, and the other like his father combined scholarly and military abilities. (HHS 24/21 b-23b). Ma Jung is known first of all as one of the major classicarscholars of the Ha n,

of commentaries on ma ny of the classics. He also liked to play the ch 'ill and flu te, and to lead a luxur ious way of life. His political career, however, had several setba cks. t'or ten years he stagnated in the ustern Pavilion engaging in scholarly work. The n he was debarred from office because he anger ed the the au thor

Empress Teng. While the next emperor favored him, he did not get along willi

Liang Chi and was sent back to the u !rtern P-dvilion. He d ied in 1 66 at the age 30

eighty-cight. (fillS 60A/ l a - 1 4b)

Tou Chang was

of

from th e same family as Tou Usien, the son of one o f his cousins.

When Chang wa� young, the Tou family encountered difficulties, and he suffered

real ha rdsh ip during the Ch'iang invasions in the period 107- 1 3 . Cha ng was a man

of scholarly and literary abilities and was appo in t ed to the Eastern Pavilion on the recommendation of Teng

Kang. When Chang's daughter was admitted to Emperor

Shun's ( 1 26 - A4) harem, he gained favor at court. He was cautious not to offend

either the Liang or Teng families, though. who also had marriage connections with the emperor. Although his daughter d ied young (Ts'ui Yuan wrote an elegy for her), 111e emperor st ill

tr�ted Tou Chang well and i n 1 40 appoin t ed him Minister

of the Privy Treasury, in which capacity he recommended Ts'ui YUan. In 1 44.

wit h the supremacy of Empress Liang, h e retired and later d ied at home. 23/1 7b - 1 8a)

31

Oll iS

The brothers YUan Wei and Yuan Fc ng came from one of the most eminent fam­

ilies of the Later Han. Their great-grandfather. Yuan An. rose in the bureaucra cy, starting as a su bord inate in the commandery, becoming Minister of Imperial Carriages in 83, Minister of Works in 86,

and Minister Over the Masses in 89. Their

father T'ang held in turn each of the Three Du cal Ministers during Emperor Huan's

reign ( 1 47

67). Peng and Wei also held these top positions, which had become

almost hereditary in the Yiian family. Neither I'ang. Feng, nor Wei were politi­ cally im portant Olen. and. their biographies are only a few l ines long. Yet

tOfY says t ha t the Yiian fa mily

was the most

the his­

noble and honored in the country,

that it s wealth and extravag"d nce were extreme, and that no other cla n could coni:pa re with it. (HHS 45/1 a-6a)

32

Yang Tz'u W"dS from an

eq ually eminent family. His ancestors had been high Han. Both his father "Yang Ping and grandfather Vang

officials since the Former

Chen were importa n t officials who had reached the positions of Grand Com­ mandant. When you�, Yang Tz'u preferred study to refused many appointments. III the period "168

government service, and

71 he was summoned t o lecture

Oossic oj" History and was later made M inister of Pr ivy Treasury and Diplomatic Reception. After l"s'ui Shih's death Tz'u went on to several furt her posts. in 1 77 replacing Yuan Wei as Minister Over the Masses. oms 54/ l a - 1 8h) tn the youn!! emperor on the the

r-

Notes to pp. 38-41 33 34

133

Until 1 70 Tuan Ying had spent most of h i s time as a military commander fighting rebels and non-Chinese tribesmen. (HHS 65/1 la- 1 8b) The interrelationship between the position of an upper class and its ethos is always complex. Members of the upper class IUlve the economic resources to fulllll the traditionally prescribed way o f life ; many elements of this way of life (such as literacy) are useful or necessary for the performance of their social role; because elements of their ethos are both 'proper' and useful, the dominant position of the class gains legitimacy; cultivation of a common style of life also becomeu visible sign which identifies members of the upper class and serves as a basis for some degree of group solidarity or consciousness. For a discussion of such factors in traditional societies see Sj.berg, The Pre·lndustrial City, pp. 1 23 - 3 3 . For a review of the sociological debate over whether values and way of life are more a pre­ requisite or more an effect of class position, see Ralf Dahrendorf, EssayS in the Theo'r>, of Society, pp. 163-75.

35

36

HHS 79A/13a. HHS 44/I l b- 22a ; CHHW 44/8a- l0a, 45/2a-4b.

37

TPKC 206. pp. 1 5 74-5. SKC l/1 28b 'ccimmentary; 2 1 / 5 1 b commentary.

38

This work is discussed in detail in Patricia Ebrey, 'Estate and Family Management in the Later Han as seen in the Monthly Instl'UCliOIlS for the Four OlllIses of People'. For the text see Sw·min yllch·ling chiao·chu, edited by Shih Sheng-han.

39

Ssu·mill yUeh-ling. pp. 9, 7 1 .

40

See Miyazaki Ichisada. Ajiashi kenkyil, II, 95 - 1 29 . esp. l 01 - I 6 . H H S 52/1 2b. How common such extended families were in t h e Han period has

41

been extensively debated by three Japanese scholars. Moriya argued that educated families ofteil formed joint families with mori ihan one adult son staying at home, Makino that they would not; and Utsunomiya that they might sometimes. See Moriya Mitsuo, Chflgo/cu kodlliJfO kazoku to kokka, pp. 297-'-·41 5 ; Utsunomiya,

Shakai keizaishi. pp. 405-25; Makino Tatsumi. Shina kazoku kenleyil. pp. 1 4 7 -

42 43 44

3 1 8.

CHHW 79/6b - 7a; HHS 5 2/ 1 8a. HHS 52/1 4a; Miyazaki, Aiiashi kenkyil. II. 1 0 5 - 1 6 . See Yang Shu-ta, Hal/·lai hun IIllng Ii-su k'ao. p: 1 29. Yilan gave parting instruc· . tions to his wife arid son:

People receive the force of Heaven and earth and by this means live. When they die they return the essence to Heaven arid the bones to earth. I s there any place where you cannot store" the body and bones? ·Do .not bring them

4S 46

back to our native village. As for objects to be punn the grave. or offerings of I8mbs or pigs, I do not want to re(:eive a single one. (HUS 5 2/ 1 3b) ' CHHW 46/5ii. CHHW 46/5a-b. Recent archaeolo!!ical excavatiolls have shown that Shih's description of the wealth spent on burials was·not exaggerated. Later Han tombs were often multi-chambered, with painted or carved Walls, contaiIling dozens of potte1y figures, bronze mirrors, and so on. See. for instance, the report of the

Later lfun tomb found in Hopei not far from An -p'ing. I!lang-tu erh·hao Hah·mu.

47

48

49

which had thirteen chambers arid was over thirty·meters in length. Ehrey, 'Estate and FamilY Management', pp. 1 86 ...:. 90. Ssu·min yueh·ling. pp. 16. 53, 67.

HHS S2/1 2b. On the duty to avenge the death of close relatives in the Han, see Makino. "Kazoku kenkyu, pp. 4 1 8-22. 4 3 2 -43.

50 51

HHS 52/4a, 1 2b. 80A/ 1 3b; See' Kana- Naoki, RylrKan gakushul$u k6, pp. 1 22-35.

52

HHS 52/1 2b.

134

Notes to pp. 41 - 7 53

HHS 79A/llb-I2a; 59/lb.

54 55

Shih-shuo hsin-ytl 4. p. 149.

56 57

58

59

60 61 62

63 64 65 66 67 68

TPKC. 206, pp. IS74-5; SKC 1112gb commentary. 2 1 /Slb commentary. Yitan wrote an essay explaining his new style of writing. It started. he suggested, because of the increased p�per-work and the need for speed. In the new style, 'comers are not made with carpenters' angles, circles are not those of a pair of compasses'. However, Yuan saw aesthetic advantages, as this style of writing suggests move­ ment, action. and suspense, like 'standing on tip-toes as a bird stands, about to fly away' . . . 'like a praying mantis holding onto a twig' . . . . 'like using a rotten piece of wood to get a close 10.ok at a dangerous place'. Though the characters may seem to have been written without any care and in haste, 'if you get close and examine it, then not even one stroke could be moved'. (CHHW 45/7a) Sui shu 34/Sb, 3S/2b, 3a;CTS 47/7a, l Oa, 25a, 25b; CHHW 44-7. Qriginally a work in six drtlan, only parts of the Cheng-Iun have survived. Thefirst part was quoted in Shih's HRS biography. In addition, large parts of it were copied into the seventh century encyclopedia Ch 'Un-shu chih-YllO, and other passages have been recovered from the I-lin, T'ung-tien, T'ai-p 'ing yU-lan, etc. In the early nineteenth century Yen K'o-ehUn reconstructed the text for inclusion as CHHW 46. That is, he was included in the Han-Wei Liu-ch 'ao po-Siln clWz chi Lill Hsieh, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragon:;, pp. 62, 65, 146, and so on.

Wen hlfUan, 56, pp. 1 206 - 7. CHHW 44/7a-Sa.

HHS 52/14a. The functions of guest-retainers could range from high-class servants or even agricultural laboreis, to bodyguards, clerks, companions, or private soldiers. See Utsunomiya, Shakoi keizaishi, pp. 446-1. HHS 5 2/ 1 Sa.

CHHW 46/4b-5b. HHS 52/1 2b, 13a. HHS 52f 1 2b, 1 411.

HHS 52/1Sa. See Kawakatsu, 'Kanmatsu no rejisutansu undo', Chi-yun Chen, Hwn Yueh, pp.

69

101-5. HHS 52/1Sb.

70

CHHW 44/5a.

71 12 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

80

81 82 83

HHS 52/ 1 3a-b; TPYL 268/6a; CHHW 46/lOb-l lb.

See. Ehrey, 'Estate and Family Management' and Sm-min yUeh-ling, passim

CHHW 46/1 Ob. It is known that some iarge estate owner s engaged in money-lending. See HHS 32/ lb. Ssu-min yUeh-ling, p. 28. Li shih, 8/1 7a. Ssu-min yuek-ling, pp. 29, 65.

See Franklin W. Houn, 'The Civil Service Recruitment System of the Han Dynasty'. See Goi Naohiro, 'Ko-Kan jidai no kanri doyo�i "hekishO" ni tsuite', pp. 23-4. Nagata Hidemasu, 'Kii-Kan no sanko ni mirareru kika to shutsuji ni tsuite', pp. 310-14_ HHS 52/4b-5a.

HHS 5 2{7a.

On the politics of these years, shakai.'

see

Kano Naoyoshi, 'Ko-Kan chiIki no seiji to

On Liang Chi see HHS 34/la- 16b, Ch'U, Han Social Structure, pp. 4 7 1 -6 ; Tada Kensuke, 'Kii-Kan koki

no

seikyoku 0 megutte', pp. 5-8.

•. ,

Notes to pp. 48-55

135

84

CHHW 46/6b-8b. (quote 7b). On Shih's political views see also Balazs, Chinese

85

CHHW 46/9a-b. It i s unclear what rank official Shih was describing. I f twenty h u

Civilization and Bureaucracy, pp. 20S- 1 3 . was half of his salary he would be a 300 bushel official, if it WlIs three tenths, a

600 bushel offIciaL Utsunomiya, Shaka; keizashi, pp. 229-31 , argues fot the latter. If his opinion is accepted, then the important ranks of equal to 2000

bushcls, 2000 bushels, and a ful1 2000 bushels would have received 1 .4, 1.7 and 2.4 times as much grain and money.

86

Shih himself discusses tbe prevalence of official extortion and conuption, CHHW 46/6a. On

tax

pp. 3 1 9-36. 87

exemptions see Hill/nw Reiji, . Chugoku kodai 110 dense; to zeih6,

Lieh became Minister Over the Masses in 1 85, after paying five million cash. In

187 he was moved to Grand Commandant, another of the Three Ducal Ministers,

but was replaced a year later. In 1 90 Tung Cho, the warlord then in control, put him in jail because of his son's activities. When TUIlI! Cho was murdered Lieh was re1e
1

Notes to Chapter 4

HHS 8/1 Ob-9/9a; Rafe de Crespigny, The Last of the Han, pp. 7, 25, 235.

2

de Crespigny, The Last of the Han, pp. 46-53, 60-1, 103, 244.

4

SKC 9/608 commentary, 63b; SKC 27/21 b; SKC 4/38b�40a; Chin shu 45/21 b.

3

5

6

HHS 52/19a.

Chill shu 45/21b-22b.

According to Mao Han-kuang, Shih·tsu cheng-chih, pp. 1 22-6, over two-thirds of

the men known to be Presidents or Secretaries of this Board were from great fam­ ilies. The appmach of one of them, Wang Jung. is described in Chin shu 43/1 Sb. 'In selecting people he never advanced those of low-class backgJounds nor sent

back those whose replitations were false. He just let himself flow with the times, 7 8 9

checking the households and choosilll! by family status'.

Chin shu 45/22a.

On the 'gilded youth' 9.

see

Balazs, Chine¥e Civilization and Bureaucracy, pp. 246-

Chin shu 45/223.

10 11

Shen-chou feng-t'u chi, 5/3a.

12

The besr study of this period is Michael C. Rogers, The Chronicle of Fu Chien.

13 14

See Miyakawa, Bei;; shakoi hen, pp. 406 - 16.

PS 32/la; HTS 72C/44b.

See Chin Fa-ken, Pei-fang Ii hao·tsu, pp. 76-.:1 1 0.

see

.

15

PS 32/3a, 4b. For examples from other families,

16

WS 4A/I0b- l l a; 48/13a-I 5a.

WS 49/4b, 42/lb. 45/1 2b.

17

On this reform see Miyazaki. Kyilhin /conjinM, pp. 427-4 1 ; Inoue Akira. 'Ko-Gi seizolru buntei ko', pp. 1 00-24; Sun T'ung-hsiln. T'o-po shih ti Han-hUll, pp. 47168, esp. 1 24-9. Attempting to gain control over social status by giving official

recognition to what was originally largely a private matter does not seem to have been an uncommon· ploy of rulers. See S.N. Eisenstadt, The Political Systems of

Empires, pp. 9 1 , 132-3. 18

A number of different sources state that the Po-ling Ts'uis.

or

more specuJCally

the descendants of Ts'ui I, were placed at the top, though all of these date from

at least the early T'ang. See HTS 95/2a-4b; CTW 3 1 8/ 1 9b ; Ins. 55; Ku-chin hsing·shih shu pien-cheng 19

S/9b.

Ts'ui T' ing was speciaUy appointed Grand Arbiter o f Ting prefecture when the

136

Notes to pp. 55- 7

rankings were undertaken (WS 57/1a) and Ts'lli Ching�yu ng was made Secretary of the Board of Personnel to rank people by their qualities into nine grades. 20 21

Ch 'uan HOI/- Wei wen 57/4a.

Such as Ts'ui YUan-chen, YU-chih, Tsuan, and Yu (WS 57/1 5a-1 7b).

For instance, the Chao-chtin L i (WS 36 , 49/la-7a, 53/1 a - 1 4a); Po-hai Kaa (WS 32/1a - 7a, 4S); Fan-yang Lu (WS 47); Ho-tung P'ei (WS 45/ 1 2a- 1 7a, 69/4a­

l l b); l ung-yang Cheng (WS 56/ l a - 1 5a); Ho-chien Hsing (WS-65/la-15b) Ching­

chao Wei (WS 45/ l a - l Db); Kuang-p'ing Yu (WS 54/1a-2a); Lung-hsi Li (WS 39,

53/ 1 4a - 24b); Ho-tung Liu (WS 45/21 a-23b); Kuang-p'ing Sung (WS 6 3/8a- 1 2b); 22

Hua-yin Yang (WS 5 8) ; Po-hai Feng (WS 32/1Db-1 7b).

W S 2 ] A/2Sa-b. A number o f scholars have interpreted this passage t o mean that

the Po-ling'Ts'uis had lower status than the Ch'ing-ho Ts'uis (see Sa Meng-wu, ChullI!:-kuo she-hui cheng-chih shih, II, 232 - 3 ; Mao Han-kuang, Shih-tllll cheng­

chih, pp. 245-6; Lu Yao-tung, 'T'o-pa shih yU chung-Yiian shih-tsu ti hun-y in kuan-hsi', p. 1 63). However, there are a number of inconsistencies in this interpret­ ation. A Prince was advised .not to marry the daughter of Ts'ui Hsien because she was an inferior-status 'Eastern' Ts'ui. Yet at ,t he same time Emperor Hsiao-wen and Emperor Hsiao-ming took Po-ling Ts'ui consorts; there is no reason to assume >that Princes were expected to maintain a higher standard than the emperor. More­ over, the 'Eastern' Ts'uis could not mean the Po-ling Ts'uis vis-Il-vis the Ch'ing-ho Ts'uis since Po-ling and An-p'ing are almost directly north of Tung-wu in Ch'ing­

ho and not east at all. As the Siren-chou !eng-l 'u clii, 1 2A/2Ib-22a suggests. the

Eastern Ts'uis probably referred to a group of Ts'uis who did not live in An-p'ing,

b,u t iil another county of Po-ling. In all probability they were not descendants of I. i3

24

Oli-fu t 'ullx-cilih, 1 74/1 Oa reports that Ching-yung's grave was found eight Ii west

of An-p'ing in 1 679_ The others are mentioned in Chj·[u t'ung·chih 1 6 8/ 28a Poo-ting [u-chih. 4 3/5a.

- b.

Examples include Ts'ui Ping, Wen-yeh, Hsiao-wei; Hsiao-yen, HSiu-bo, Hsii, Mu,

Jung. WS 49/8a, J Ob, S 7/ 1 1 b, 1 2a, 1 6a, 1 7b. Chou, which was translated as prov­ ince for the former and Later Han, is translated as prefecture for subsequent

periods. The official in charge of

it chou,

the tz 'u·shih. will also be called a Prefect

instead of an Inspector. The reason for this change in translation is the change in

the nature of the chou. In the Han there were only thirteen such units,>but by the

2S

Northern Wei tjlere were I l l , ;md by the late Northern Chou, 21 1 . T'ung·tien . , 1 7 1 , pp. 909 - 1 0.

Ws 57{1 2b ,

1 1 a, Sui shu 42/ l b.

26

WS 57/Sb-6a, 1 4a, 1 3a, 1 7a ; 491lOb, S7/ 1 2a-b.

27

Of course, since Wei Shou wro te the Wei shu while the sons and gmndsons of

t hese Ts'uis were still alive lind influential (and since Wei Shou's mother and wife

were both Po-ling Ts'uis) he may not have reported criticisms-of the Ts'uis' local behavior had he known of ,them. At least one famous family; however, the lung­ yang Cheng!!, are poJtrayed as

a local

scourge. In the early· fifth century fIVe

brothers ',all depended on being a powerful family (hao-men) and frequently vio­

lated propricty ; within the community they were hated like enemies'. (WS 56/7b)

Two generations later a collatercll remtive Cheng Yen-tsu was k.llown fOf hiJ un­

prindpled behavior locally and another pair of brothers, Ta-nj and Hsiao-ni 'loved to plunder and terrorized their village; the common people detested t hem'. (WS

56/6b-7a, 1 3a)

S7/Sb-6a,

28

WS

29

WS S7/1 3 b - 1 4a .

30

1 3b- 1 4a (quote 5b-6a). PS 32/l 1 a-b says -fi¥e generations, or al l

the desCendants of I, lived together whiJe the Wei �u says three generations.

WS S 7/ 1 3b.

j

I

.,

I

Notes to pp. 58-62 31 32 33 34

137

PeS 30/3a-b.

PS 33/33s. On the offering o f ancestral sacrifices on the day o f the she fest ival , see Ssu·min yueh .Jing, p. 1 9. PeS 46/6a.

See for in st ance Ts'ui Chieh who 'was completely without the people's respect'

(WS 57!16b-1 7a), and Ts'ui Ping, who was described as quick to use force, once striking his sliperior, and also was widely criticized for acceptiitg bribes on an

extensive scale.

35 36 37

(Ws 49/8a-b)

.

For instance, T'ing, WS 5 7/5b; I, WS 56/15a; Hsiao-fen, WS 57/lOb. WS 57/1 3b, 1 7a ; 56/16b; T'lIi-p 'ing yu-/sn, 371 /6a. Chao-chiin Lis: Ch 'uan Hou·Wei wen, 57/3b; Ch 'ang·shan chen·shih chih, 3/3b;

Shih-erhyen;chaichin-shih kuo-yen hsti-[u, S/20b-2 I b ; PS 32/2b. 3 2a; WS 56/ 1 6b, 53/1 1 b. Unidentified Lis: WS 57/1 3b, 11 a. Chii�1u We is : PeS 37/2b, 8b. Po­ hai Kaos: PeS 30fIa, l Ob, PS 3 1 /29a. Fan-yang Lus: 'Ho-pei P'ing-shan Ts'ui

Ang . .

38

39

40 41

42 43 44 45

"

, p. 3 1 . Sung: WS 49/9a. Since all but one of the Sungs who have biographies in t he Wei shu are from Kuang-p'ing in Hopei it is probable that the Sung here was from that family. Jung-yang Chengs: WS 49/9a, PS 35/2Ia. Yang: T'ai-p'ing yu.Jan. 37 1 /6a. Imperial concubines: WS 5 7/6a, 9b. Lu: WS 40/ l 1 a. Both Chao and Po-ling were commanderies of Ting prefecture until 5 26 w he n Ting was divided. P-ling remained in Ting and Chao became part of the new Yin prefectuie. WS 56/1 9b, 1 06A/1 4b. Ch 'Uon Hou' Wei wen, 57/3b. Ch 'ang-shon chen-shih chih, 3/3b. Shih-erh yen-chai chin-shih klio-yen hsti-IU, 5/20b-21b.

PS 33/1 6a-b. 32/2b; PCS 9/3b_

On this rule, se e Ha n-yi [-eng: The Chinese Kinship System, pp_

WS 49/9a; PS

35/21a, 24a:

24-7.

WS 56/16b. Lu Yao-tung, To-pa shih yU chung-yuan shih-ISo t i hun-yin kiJan-hsi',

pp_ 1 58-66, has tried to use the data available on marriages in the Northern Dyn­

asties to analyze the social structur� of the period. He seems to a'ssume t-hat-the local character of most Ts'ui marriages was a sign of less than full national emi­

nence. He sees the highest elite as the Ch'ing"ho Ts'uis, Jun,&-yang Chengs. rai­ yuan Wangs, Lung-hsi Lis, and Fan-yang Lus since they all married extensively

with each·other. The Po-ling Ts'uis and other families such as the Ho-chien Hsing and Po-hai Kaos are put on the next level. (p. 1 62) However. since the Po-ling

Ts'uis married lung-yang Chengs, Chao-chon Lis, and Fan-yang Lus, there is some

doubt a bout his conclusions. He perhaps places too much emphasis on an anecdote in WS 21 A/25a-b which, as discussed above in n. 22. 1 think he misinterprets,

46 47 48 49

PCS 37/Sa.

WS 49/7a-lOb;

56/15a-21a;. S7/Sb-1 8b. The others were only children in 534 .

but a d ult s by 550,

For iitstance, H siian-po (WS 57/14b) and Yiian-h�n (WS 49/10b).

See the statistics collected by Mao Ha n-kuang, Shih-tsu cheng-chih, pp. 23-30.

. From Mao Han-kuang's calculations it is also possible to see the frequency with which members of the thirty-three most prominent families held particular posts.

Of 1 088 su ch men who readied 'rank five, t 1 7, or one in ten, became Grand Arb it�rs; 375, or one in three, became Grand Administrators; and 377, or one in three, became ·Prefects. It is interesting that of thirty-three Po-ling Ts'uis who held rank five or higher posts similar proportions hold; three, one in ten, were

Grand Arbiters; e·ighteen, one in two, were Grand Administrators, and ten, one in

three, were Prefects.

50

Miyazaki, Kyfihin kanjinhO, pp. 389-98.

r - - ---

Notes to pp. 51

52

53

WS 49/I Ob. This man is dilficult to date; h e could have lived after 534. This includes posts such as Registrar to the Prefect, but not all positions under Pre­ fects. See Yen Keng-wang, Chung·kuo ti·fang hsing-cheng chih·tu shih, n, 5 4 1 - 7, 6 1 2- 1 3.

54

See, for instance, WS 57/ 1 1 b; PS n/25b. Miyazaki, Kyahin kan/inhO, p. 3 98.

56

WS 49/7a, 57/1 7a-1 8b.

55

57

138

62- 7

Members of this segment have biographies in WS S7/5b-1 6a. See Yen Keng-wang, Ti·fang hsing·cheng, II, 5 37-54, 5 8 1 - 3 , 606-8; Hamaguchi,

Shin-Kan Zui-Toshi, pp; 773-83. One way to visuaJize the authority of Prefects is to consider the number of appointments under their control. Although exact

figures are not known for the Northern Wei, in the Northern Ch'i a Prefect had

1:Ietween 232 and 393 subordinates and a Grand Administrator had from 1 03 to 2 1 2 subordinates. in each case depending on the size of the district. See Yen

58

Keng-wang, Ti·{ang hling'cheng, 11, 509-91, 621 -2.

After all. before 485 officials did not even receive salaries. They were supposed to support themselves from any profit they could make. See Lii Ssu"mien, Liang·

Chin Nrln-pei-ch'ao ,hih, pp. 1243-4; Han Kuo-p'an, Pei-ch 'ao ching-chi shih·t 'an, 59

60 61

pp. 56-62.

Which is all but three of those who lived after 500 for whom more than one post

is recorded in the Wei shu. If all the Ts'uis' careers were known in full, the number

probably would be higher.

WS 57j1 6b, l 7b ; 57/18a. 17b; 56/1 7a. 'l's'ui Yen�po, a Po-ling Ts'ui whose ances­

try is obscure. also served in many cam�igns in thit period. (WS 73/8b-9b) Tw o who could be classed as military men are Ts'ui Mo and Y u (WS 56/16b-1 7b, 57/17b-1 8b). As mentioned above, birtb order. that is whether a person was a

first, second, or third son. had little or no relation to the rank he eventually

reached. Yet it does appear to have had a relation to whether he specialized in

military or civil posts. Of the eighteen men for whom four or more offices are

known and whose father's name is given. of tbe nine first (or only) sons; only two had active militar y experience. Of the ten younger

sons.

eight had active military

experience.. Cases where the elder son had a purely civil career and the younger

ones a largely military one include Ho and his younger brother Ping (WS 4911b8b); Hsin and his brothers Chung-che, Chi-t'ung, and Chi-liang (WS 49/9a-b); and

62

I and his brothers Mo and Kai (WS 56/1 Sa-2Ia).

Johtison, Medieval Oligarchy. esp. ch. 3 , 7 , prefers the term oligarchy to aris­

tocracy. His criterion of aristocracy appears to be whether status is fuUy

inherited. He argues that the Chinese great clans were merely given every oppor­

tunity; in the end their status depended on the offices they attained. By contrast.

it is suggested here that each Ts'ui inherited his social status, but whether he L'Ouid build upon it to acquire added wealth, power, or prestige depended o n individual circumstances. I n time, t o b e sure. such initiative would affect the

overall prestige of the family name, but no more than in many other aristocratic .societies, such as Czarist Russia, where titles were not crucial. The objection to the term oligarchy is that. in common usage, it refers to rule by the few. usually

a group small enough to know each other, in the absence of any strong or auto­

cratic ruler. In. the Northern Dynasties and T'ang, however, the power of the

63

64

emperors was not insignificant.

See W S S6/17b, 57jBb, 9a, l Sa .

For instance. Hsiao-fen. Ping. and Chi-liang. WS 5 7/lOa-b. 49/8b-9b.

65

WS 57/8b.

67

WS S7/Sb-8a.

66

Ho, WS 49/7b, T'ing, WS 57/7a. Hsiao-fen, WS 57f8b.

Notes to pp. 67- 75

139

68

WS 57/16b; Ch 'Uon Hou-Wei wen, 57/3b-Sa.

69

Three who were dismissed at some time are Yu, Tsuan, and Hsiao-fen. (WS 57/

70

For instance, Ping, Ching·yung, Hsiao-fen, and Chen. WS 49/8a-b, 57J16b, 8a­

71

O n tlte political and military history of this period,

1 7b - l Sa, 17a, 9a.)

IOb, 14a-b.

see

TCTe 149-56, BalaZs.

'Traite Economique', pp. 241-62; Hamaguchi, Shin-Kfln Zu;·T()shi, pp. 707:"'36 ;

Tanigawa, Teikoku keisei, pp. 178-88; Ma Ch'ang-shou, Wu-han yu Hsien-pei, pp. 75-86.

72

WS 57/1 8b.

74

WS 57/9a, 1 2b.

73

75

76

77

78

79

80

WS 49/Sa- 9a.

WS 56/1 7a, 73/10b- l I b.

WS 5711 5a-b.

WS 57/9b-IOa.

WS 56/1 9b-2la. The term 'hundred mouths' for the households of men from

eminent families was frequently used in the T'ang. See Moriya, MombatGU, pp. 144-8.

WS 56/ I Sb - 16a.

WS 49/9a. While there must have been considerable indiscriminate slaughter, Ts'ui Hsin had gained offiCe as the son-in-law of Empress Hu's closest advisor and hence

can fairly be considered her partisan. 81

WS 57/1 3a.

83

Chou mu 3S/3b-6b.

82 84

PCS 30/l a, 2 1 /la-lb.

PCS 37/2b.

85

WS 57/lOb, l l b.

86

WS 57/l la, l Ob .

88

PCS 30/8b-l0b; WS S7/12b; 14b; 49/Ba-9a; 56/15b-21a. Clwu Ilhu 35f3b-9b.

87 89

90 91

Chou shu 35/7b.

Under the Western Wei military system

armies. On this system 92 93

94

each Grand General o f CavalrY, Palatinate

and Dignitary of the Highest Rank was to have charge of one of the twenty-four see

Kikuchi HideO, 'Fuhei seido no ten

i

I Shao�ien (off, 6)'

Ching-yUn (off, 7)'

1

r

I

I-pia,

Tao-pin (off. 9)"

Chen (oft)

I

Chih-\e (ofO> t

(off, 8)'

I d. 749 Jutlg (off. 8)" j I j Shou (off. 5)* d. 823 Yen (of0 I

Kuang-S$U (off, 7» d. 732

I

Yii (of0

I

Yu

(off)

Hsuan (off)

Chi (off. 8)'

72C/52a; Ins. 1 0, I S, 33. Those marked with an asterisk ( ") are mentioned in at least one of the inscriptions. Ranks are given for those whose name or office were omitted from the genealogical table. 8Sources: HTS

r -- -

,--

-

-

,

r- --- --

r -----

166

Appendix I younger brother Ying_fU.

23

In the Chiu T"ang sh u, Leng is a second cousin of 24 (In the HTS

Chih, descended from a younger brother of Mien named T'ao.

his specific ancestry is not given.) In the HTS genealogical table, however, the relationships are more distant , as shown below in Table 1 7 .

As can be seen, in this source Yu-fu adopted the son of his second cousin,

not his brother, and Leng was descended from a cousin of Mien, not a brother. case

The modern scholar Chou I-Jiang cited this

as one of the many kinds of

Table 1 6 : Genealogy of Mien, Yu-fu, Leng, and Chih as reconstructed

from their biographies in the CTS and HrSa

Shill-cltien

I

?

Mien !

, Yu-fu

Chill :

K'ai .?

I

I Tao

I

t

I-fu

Ylng-fu

I

I

Chill

!.eng

I .

Yen

aSource: ers 1 1 9/Bb-16b; HTS 1 4 2{6b. Table 1 7 : Descendants of Hung-chiin according to the genealogical

table in the HTSa

Shill:_'Iiil!lllli' .ta... , , ""11'11'_'_____•••___

9 Chuns-fu

f� lij

LUIII-hsi Li C hens li's

HTS 72A/21a

-

great granddaughter,

Shao's D.

t �. rt '

AS

10 Chung-eu

Fan-yang Lu Tan's D. Ji;1t

11 I-fu

Lung-hsi Li Shih's D.

12 Yu-fu .%

Wang

l3l-fu

Fan-yang Lu

�� 1�'

k� ,�

ikJ�

14 Huan

}fL

15 Huan

;� 16

Lin

i!

17 Tsao

j.t 18 Shu

j,& 19 Fu

� 20 K'ang

JiG

fi

HTS 73A/20b HTS 72A/19a

1,t

� .t

Jung-yang Cheng

D. I.i.li... �{tLung-hsi Li Huang s D.t L

HTS 7SA/3Ib

Chang-yu's

'

Fan-yang Lu

A-

Ho-tung Liu lung's D. Ching-chao Wei Lung-hsi Li

HTS 72A/14a

t "/J

�� 1J;.

t

�b'/v t,

T'ai-yuan Wang

[,tf. 1;.

HTS 73A/4b

�

� n:. � �.

Spouse's family status

Source

Prominent

CTS 190A/15a

t3

family Seven clans

Ins. 24

Old family

Ins. 57

Seven clans

CTW 17/8a

Seven clans

Ins. 23

Seven clans

Moriya, Mombatsu.

p. 81

44

Seven clans

Ins.

Old family

HTS 150f6b ..... 'C N

Seven clans

Ins. 27

Seven clans

Ins. 22

Seven clans

Ins. 26

?

HTS 142/6a

Seven clans

Ins. 73

Seven clans

Ins. 60

Seven clans

Ins. 60

Seven clans

Ins. 63

Old family

Ins. 64

Old family

Ins. 67

Seven clans

Ins. 74

Seven clans

Ins. 54

�

:g �

R. $('

�

.....

�

Can spouse be identified?

Spouse

N ame

HTS 75A/17b

Jung-yang Cheng

21 Leng

,t

Chih-shang's D.

t�

�

,'Ii]

Fan-yang Lu Kuo-i's D.

22 Leng

;� 23 Hsuan- liang

1.. k,

& .", ". 1J'L�J •.,) Fan-yang Lu j,

24 Shen

,J!; 25 Hung-li

T'ai-yuan Wang Shao's D.

26 Chiu

Lo-an Chiang " :1

27 I

Jung-yang Cheng

28 Sun's father

T'ai-yuan Wang Hsiang's

�t, 11

.L��

!�

!�

"r It "­

Shih-chi's D.

J�

..

�------.- --

f1

HTS 72BflSa

}J>1 -----sister 1-

-

---_. __.

B. Other Ts'ui men 1 Ku ang-ssu

t�

2 Shou

it

3 Jung

tfj'

4 Yiian-p'ing t,t 5 Ta-fang's son 1.....

1:1

Fan.yang Lu Hung-chiang's D.

.t 31- � Jung-yang Cheng ·t � ti'

HTS 73A/33a

Fan-yang Lu Cheng-i's D.

!if.t:J

Lung-hsi Li

-t-

Tu-ku Hsin's granddaughter, Feng-hsien's D.

af}.!\.\.�� , t-- ,1....

6 Hsiin

Hung-nung Yang Hsu an-yen ' s D.

7 Sung

Emp. Hsiian-tsung's D. 1.,

8 Ch'i

Emp. S hun -tsung's D. ��_ 'if,

/Iii]

,tJ

,�, ��

;t-

PS 61/5a HTS 71B/41b HTS 83/16a

HTS 83/22a

fCJ 91

T'ang /$;

�-

�r J.�

10 T'ung

Cheng Sun's sister

11 Hsing-chien

Imperial house Li Wei's D.

12 Wu-po

Hsiao Chih-chung's D. ill .t :t-

.".. iu.. 13 Tsai

p' eng-ch' eng Liu

14 Wen-hsiu

Ho-nan Ch'u

� I�

ift it

�

�

1,�

IS T'an

;�

Hsueh a

tj >Jx., �J

5� � �{j

HTS 75AJl9a

� ft.,

HTS 70B/12a

HTS 71A/lb

Spouse's family status

Source

Seven clans

Ins. 73

Seven clans

Ins. 73

Seven clans

Ins. 54

Seven clans

CTS 91f8b

Seven clans

Ins. 35

Prominent

Ins. 34

�

�

;: I:l..

1:... Jt.

29 Huan

Ching-chao Wei Cho's D.

30 Fan

Ho-nan Yii ;� I'f) l'

31 Yang-yuan's

Chao-chun Li Shou-hsu's sist e

iff

�

r� �

""1

,.l 'It

HTS

73A/2la

HTS

83/3a

HTS 77/6a,

�t

74A/24a

r

t ,1 t

II. Ts'ui Women A.

Close relatives of politically important men

ti'

1 Meng-sun's D.

lung-yang Cheng

2 Mien's D.

Fan-yang Lu Chung-fu

3 Mien's D.

Fan-yang Lu Chao, ! ;.� T'ing-yen'sson ,iii. t Fan-yang Lu Chao j !&

,k*

;�

4

l

HTS 73A/3b

Lit-

Fan-yang Lu Yin's D.

if

father

I

If. .u �J

26 Ha n' s father

i-

l

i

Tso &

�

�

II

HTS 75A/49a

Lit

iit

f,. �(

,

i}J

25 Huan

�,

.,

Kuang-shih's D.

!iF * it.;

rf.uf

I

;�j lk

Ho-tung Liu Tsung-yuan's sister

fiJ

24 Shu-chin

I

;'�

Ch'ing-ho Chang

5L

,

identified?

160

;'t

I

Call g�8UU ��

Spouse

�

-,

______ ""4_,","_� ___

;,� M ien' s D. � I�

5 Ch ung-

� It) �

"

fu' s D.

! � 00

:t..

�

�

...... 'C> 'C>

Can spouse be

Name 13 Hsing-tsung'sD.

� ;f,

14 Yin's D.

�1.

IS Yang-yiian's D.

rb ?u

16 Chung-jung'sD.

if:!'f-

fJ .£

Ch'iao-kuo Tai Shu-Iun

�!. �

It. �t\�

Ho-tung p'ei Hui

t. t-- .

t t·��

i�

Li Wei-chien

19 T'ing's D.

Ho-tung P'ei Fu .t. iL

20 Lun'sD.

,,�

21 Shen-yen's D.

%-�

Fan-yang Lu

f �l II

Hq-nan Yen Vung-chih

;4 It) ttl 'n ,

.....

Fan-y�ng Lu !

23 I-pin's D.

Lit

k�

HTS 211168 HTS 71A/4b

,t

22 Shui-ssu's D.

7i� ,Jj�

HTS 71A/15b

� tJ

18 K'o-kuan's D.

!I.t

HTS 143/11b

Chao-chiin Li Chai-hsin's Ho-nan Yi.ian

q tt

"1

Liu Mi

17 T'ung'sD.

i�

'!

identified?

Spouse

HTS 73B/19a

Spouse's family status

Source

��----

4

� ;::I

30

?

Ins.

Prominent family Old fa mil y

CTW 502/15b

Seven clans

Ins. 4 7

Old family

Ins. 31

Not prominent

CTW 5651gb-lOa

Old family

CTW 565/l0b-Il a

Seven clans

Ins. 51

�

�

CTW 506/138

Prominent

CTW 392/6b

family Seven clans

Ins. 17

?

Ins. 15 I\,J

�

-.

.

�

7

rs II I

Not prominent

Ins. 69

Seven clans

Ins. 52

Prominent fam ily Old family

Ins. 61

�

CTS 52/8a

;::: : 0...;

Old family

CTW 563/21b

Seven clans

CTW 717/20a

Old family

CTW 187B/7a

Old family

51/ 1 1 b Ins.2S

Seven clans

Ins. 29

Seven clans

Ins. 9

4

�

s::..

�.

o

J

BIBLIOGRAPHY

fhis bibliography of cited sources is divided into three parts: I, T'ang in scrip­ ions cited in the notes by number; II, other primary sources, by title; and III, nodem secondary sources, by author.

. T' ANG INSCRIPTIONS \. Unpublished rubbings of inscriptions in the collection of the Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Reference number given after date.

1.

'T'ang Lo-chou tsung-kuan-fu ssu-maTs'ui Chang-hsien mu-chih'

2.

'T'ang 'Ts'ui fa-shih t'a-chih'

3.

T ' 'ang ku Su-chou ssu-ma ch'ing-che tu-weiTs'ui T'ai mu-chih ping hsii'

4.

' T aT'ang Hsiieh w ang-yu hsing Chen-chou JUng-te hsien-ch'engTu

ft.J ,5- �'I �f,. !� 0) kj -If. t. -f-u !- it626: 24220 }� 1t ;[, 'I'l' 1� Va' m

644: 17475

stJpH iJ!.:j ttf :If 41' 11 ��!. u... !h'

655: 17539

!'j�

chiin ku ch'i Po-ling Ts'ui shih mu-chih ming ping hsii' 5. 6.

!

.Ii... ..,f}ffi

'1': 1t.�.. J.. �ih Rf t� �l'[ i\; -\- Uo· i& li.!j.

it

657: 05256

r",r�

'Ta T'ang ku ch'eng-wu-Iang Ts'ui chun mu-chili ming ping hsii'

t.S.tj�;Lt

�l,f��t�l�

660: 13341

T ' a Chou ku Chen-chou ssu-huTs'ui fu-chiln mu-chih ming' f,

+I� 'l r -It %1.J; -t-Ve,; j� J

691: 12913

.

rt1 i

�L

7.

T ' a T'ang I-feng-hsien k'ai-kuo-nan Ts'ui lang mu-chili ping hsii'

8.

'T'ang Chi-yin-chiin ts'an-chiin Po-lingTs'ui fu-chiin mu-chili ming'

9.

T ' a T'ang ch'ien Hsii-chou lu-shih ts'an-chun T'ai-yuan Wang chiln ku

:",!1l Jz f..,. 'll� 1; t f-f -t-Vo' * k

.i!J

� it t� � f

"

1'l !it lq � t-�. j{z

717: 13042 722: 19063

fu-jen Po-lingTs'ui shih mu-chili ming' f... fIJI

J{.

1

t

r'z.. f_ /-

'11t.

\1 '\ t..... V'ti if1

�, � 11'1 j��t '

724: 13886 '

t- f /.,

O.

K ' u taT'ang ku Yang-chou Yang-tzu hsien-ling Ts'ui fu-chiin mu-chih

1.

T ' 'ang Ho-nan-fu Wen-hsien-wei Fang chiln ku fu-jenTs'ui shih mu-chih

ming' q-�J...

�

.

�U� +\: t� t �. J�,- { '\:1 � t,M,,1;

m_p���.��

733; 16775 2,

�

�.�hI4��.�l�A'

Tang Cheng Pin ch'i Ts'ui shili mu-chih' 16802

732: 13669

fl1

h

fl'� f .;l! }1:.t. t·

739:

202

Bibliography 13.

203

'Tang ku ch'ao-i-Iang hsing fung-shih she-jen Ching-chao Tu kung wei Yiian-ying fu-jen Lin-ch'ing hsien-chiin Ts'ui shih mu-chih ming ping

;it �t f1l\ e� ff it. t t" I� :f. "t +1 t i\, It'- VcJ �1 .1r 739: 13360

hsii'

14.

1;,

f-...

� � 4�:

I,

1

i #J ;jlJ��' ti�: �"rlf & t tJ 4 t. f�!,- it i4; ,i �!..fu-.� �it '

J

Tang ku Hsin-ting-chiin Sui-an hsien-wei Li fu-chiin fu-jen Po-ling Ts'ui mu-chih ping hsii'

17.

'

chiin chih fu-jen Fan-yangLu shih mu-chill m ng ping hsii'

7 47: 17799

16.

d-?u U!

'Tang ku Yang-chou ta tu-tu-fu Yang-tzu hsien-ling Po-ling Ts'ui fu­

Uf if �J �

15.

't�

1.'

�. .!!/t. 4; t.(1 � f.... !.... � tt il. .t.

'T'ang ku fu-jen Po-ling Ts'ui shih mu-chih ming ping hsii'

rtJ 1ft 11 i<J t- $-�d21 1i t

750: 13149

Tang Lu chiin fu-jen Ts'ui shih mu-chih',�

752: 17817

j (J...../- '

....

,ll: !:.. ' ..... ,1 i\.,t.. it,-

18.

'T'ang ku Ho-nan-fu Kung-to-fu che-ch'ung tu-wei Ts'ui Chili mu-chih'

19.

'Po-ling Ts'ui fu-chiin mu-chih ming ping hsii'

m

�U� � I1'- ;q...*j fi{'f) tr 11 t � t..Vo'

!?r,

753: 23916

it -i\: �'l}

"

753: 19069

ft t.. &6' JlJ

20.

'T'ang Wei-chou Kuan-shih hsien-wei Lu kung fu-jen Ts'ui shih mu-chi'

21.

'T'ang Li ch'u-tzu mu-chih ming ping hsii'

22 .

I� n" j t �

'I-� ",�

'Ch'ao-san ta-fu shih-chili-chieh lao-chou chu-chiin shih shou Iao-chou tz'u-shih shang-chu-kuo Ts'ui chiin mu-chili ming'

66.

103

795 : CTW 504/6a-7b.

It t

t. }t- -ll't

� tL ct� It. �� f?!lt '

798: CTW 502/ '

799: CTW 566/ 1 1b-

'Yang ku chi-shih-Iang shih-chih-chieh Fang-chou chu-chiin-shih shOll Fang-chou tz'u-shih tz'u fei-yjj-tai Ts'ui kung mu-chih ming ping hsii'

?� �tl;f.y t� 'tA If %] ;\1 � f r .� i).-' 801: CTW 503/6b-8b.

'1 .� �\ �; t dJ1 � !. 'L. t

f'

t. i-b. jf1

Bibliography

207

'Ch'ao-i ta-fu Hsiang-chou tz'u-shib Wang chiin fU-jen Po-ling hsien-

68.

chiin Ts'ui shih fu-tsang mu-chih ming' 69.

� rl�' ti' ft i\. fir � -t- �D- J�

j!1 �.

f_!� if Itl tJ 1.... � 1z L i....

803: CTW 540/12a-13b.

'Yin-ch'ing kuang-Iu ta-fu shou kung-pu shang-shu chih-shih shang-chu­ kuo Chung-shan-chiin k'ai-kuo shih-i erh-ch'ien hu tseng shen-chou ta­ tu-fu Po-ling Ts'ui kung hsing-chuang' 4t -!! fu *.... f� t, '1 i �r � .fi fL

�t�����������t'8����.��t

70.

'.";, n K 808: CTW 631/8b-Ilb. 'T'ang ku Chiang-nan-tao tu-t'uan-lien kuan-ch'a ch'u-chih teng shih chung-san ta-fu shih-ch'ih-chieh tu-tu Hung-chou chu-chiin-shih shou Hung-chou tz'u-shih chien yii-shih chung-ch'eng chi-tu-wei tz'u tzu-chin yo-tai tseng tso san-chi ch'ang-shih hi'uj kung shen-tao pei ming ping ij it: i� Jf] Jf.At �'-11' jf..·r ,.c f� C ��) (1' tIt t, f f 1 t. :'tl �J t..f- liT L l' 'i'- � �,�11J; f. 1......�, � �#j �f'4 -it 't-� -It 11. � Jl1 � it 812: cnv 498/1a-3a.

mii' �

Jrl � if

�

�'L'L

72.

'Ku Yung-chou tz'u-shih Ts'ui chiin liu-p'ei Huan-chou ch'iian hsi chili' �U1U·l t·] L .ilL t j� �lt! �+I il� �G 812: CTW 589/6a-7b. 'Lang-chou yuan-wai ssu-hu Hsiieh chiin ch'i Ts'ui shih mu-chih' N' 1}i

73.

'Yu T'ang tseng t'ai-tzu shao-pao Ts'ui kung mu-chih ming'

71.

� q! � i' � t 11 1t �\ .t.�

'f;

74.·

'1l} i

'f.-"

t. g,U�

817: CTW 589/2b-3b.

823: CTW 654/22a-2Sb.

fj fs t.

I........

j-

'T'ang ku Hu-chou Ch'ang-ch'eng hsien-ling tseng hu-pu shih-lang Pa­ ling Ts'ui fu-chiin shen-tao pei ping hsii' IS #i.;tiJ 11-1 R It...,,�' t-- it f �r

I� tr clf i't Xt ii tJ,tf t.l 'f i

tr

831: CTW 678/18.-9a.

II. OTHER PRIMARY SOURCES Ch'ang-shan chen-shih chih Chang-shih i-shu

1936 ed. Chao-ling peHu

l i\ t t

i�

� J, ;I. X1 'd

ed. Shen T'ao

by Chang Hsueh-ch'eng

&� �� ed. Lo Chen-yu

Chen-kuan cheng·yao

� Vu ���

_� �k. 1-

i!U;�

•

1848 ed.

� 'f �� . Shanghai, '

1908.

by Wu Ching Jt, tt.J . Taipei, Ssu-pu pei­

yao ed., 1967. t 'ung chih � 'ffi � '6 . 1909 ed. Chin hua-Izu 1-� t by Liu Ch'ung-yuan �-jt in PO-!zu ch'uan�shu fi 1- It,:t ,Sao-yeh shan..fang ed. Chin shih lu -t- 21 �� ed. Chao Ming-ch'eng !l3il � . Shanghai, Ssu-pu . ts'ung-k' an ed., 1934. Chin-shih ts'ui pien $:- � !-.� ed. Wang Ch'ang 1 �i.{ . 1805 ed. Chin shu �:t by Fang Hsiian-lingff 1,$Ir et al. in Chin-shu chiao-chu 7 .t � �;1_ ed. Wu Shih-chien J-. -:::.t� and Liu Ch'eng-kan �'J �'.... � . Taipei reprint of 1927 ed. Ching-chi chung-mu i-wen 'if- t. W:'- -t.. It. � ed. Lo Chen-yii 1!. �k � n.d. Chiu t'ang shu � }� � ed. Liu Hsii �.: fl, et aZ. Taipei reprint of the Ch'ien­ lung palace ed. Chi-fu

!'J

208

Bibliography Chiu Wu-tai shih 1t

11- 'i� 1.. ed. Hstieh Chii-cheng

print of the Ch'ien-Iung palace ed.

p if::

1. et al. Taipei re­

Chou shu )� � by. Ling-hu Te-fen If- ta.\ �t t Taipei reprint of Ch'ien-lung Palace ed. Ch'uan Hou-Han wen J�, � it l. in Ch'uan shang-ku san-tai Ch'in-Han San­ Two Liu-ch'ao wen 4.'- 1: & :. 1\ t.-I� ;.. � �,j1 � ed. Yen K'o­ chun itO} l� Shanghai, 1948 reprint. Ch'iian Hou-Wei wen t-tttt 1.... in Ch'Uon shang-ku san-tai Ch'in-HanSaned. Yen K'okuo Liu-ch'ao wen t 1: h ;. it �;t � I� �. ¥J, 1... chiin l. 4j �"J Shanghai, 1948 reprint, Ch 'uan T'ang shih �,� � ed. Ts'ao Yin f 'ji. et al. Peking, 1960 ed. Ch'uan T'ang wen t- JfJ Z ed. Tung Kao � *' et al. Taipei reprint of 1814 ed.

Chung-chou chung-mu i-wen f 7� t.,l i� L ed. Lo Chen-yti 1t � i n.d. Han shu t. $. by ran Ku i:l!. l� . in C h 'ien Han,shu pu-chu ih;t j � �i ed. Wang Hsien-ch'ien 'i Jtu �,) . Taipei reprint of Ch'ang-sha, 1900 ed. Han-Wei Liu-ch 'ao p o-san chill chi ;t tt ::, ¥l tJ ;. ��)}, ed. Chang P'u � . 1892 ed. . Hou-Han shu. �l it l in Hou-Han shu chi chi�h 1ft}t � t.� ed. Wang Hsien-ch'ien 1- !(, �1 . Taipei reprint of Ch'ang-sha, 1923 ed. Hsin T'ang shu -ti, :$:$ by Ou-yang Hsiu ��r*:J I� SungCh'i 1�ti' et al. Taipei reprint of Ch'ien-Iung palace ed. Hsin Wu-tai shih t� 1111( 1-- by Ou-yang Hsiu �_ r� * in Wu-tai shih-chi-chu 11 4� 1.. � ;E ed. Peng Yiian-jui !� 't.> � et al. Taipei reprint of 1874

i'

ed.

Jung-chai sui-pi

k'an ed.

.

� � til { . by Hung Mai1:.i!

Kai-yii ts'ung-k'ao

�-.Jt:l:llj

. Shanghai, Ts'ung-shu chi-

by Chao I 1!L t

K 'ao-hsin fu-lu � 1ft M tf� by Ts'ui Shu -t j�

. S�anghai, •

1957 ed.

Shanghai, .1931 ed.

� );-.......1. i'v :ft)jf� by Teng Ming-shih !"-iF] '!. in Ch'ien Hsi-tso 'U!-. �-f . ShOO-Shan ko u'ung-shu '1 J, � It." .1899 ed. Li shih 4!. 4 ed. Hung Kua;�, il· 1871 ed. Mang-io chung-mu i-wen ;.C i4-$_t.i! 1:.. ed. Lo Chen-yu A �t . 1914. Nien-erh shih cha-chi .-r ::.. I.. �l �U by Chao I � '- . Taipei, 1971 reprint. Po-ch 'jung-shih shih pu-cheng \ it t 11 #J 1.. ed. Lu Tseng-hsiang ft'-If' {{in Shih-k'o shih-Zillo tS'ung-shu, ed. Yen Keng-wang .l./Jf�l . Taipei, Ku-chin hSing-shih shu pien�cheng

J

1967 reprint. . PaQ-ting fu-chih i1f: l't If ,t:,o . 1881 ed. Pei-Ch'i shu �b 11· $ by LiTe-lin t� M--- and Li Po-yao reprint of Ch'itm-Iung palace ed. Pei shih J!j 1: by Li Yen-shou

ed.

t I!.. �

t B.t . Taipei

,Taipei reprint of Ch'ien-lung palace

I' •

Bibliography

209

;.. ti] {; by Ch'en Shou·tt 1!f in San-kuo chih chi-chieh :.. !� {.; �� ed. Lu Pi i'IfJ . Taipei reprint of 1936 ed. . Shen-chou {eng-t'u chi ;f-lli lit, � itS ed. Wu Ju �;� . 1900 ed. Shih-erh yen-chai chin-shih kuo-yen hsu lu t;. JIu �' t- 11 i!. ik.!t �� ed. Wang Yun 51'- . Yangchow, 193 L Shih-shuo hsin-yii . "l �L � ,\It byLiu I-ch'ing t·) A:t in Shih-shuo hsin-yu chiao-ts'an �-Jlt ed. Yang Yung � � . Hong Kong, 1969. ' Shih-t'ung t..1!.- by Liu Chili-chi fJ *i'� Chugoku kodai no dens.ei to zeiho Kyoto, 1967. >f1

.'1 t �>t-

f � 11 1�

If'!

Bibliography

212

t j, � Han-T'ang chien [eng-chien t'u-ti so-yu-chih hsing­ shih yen-chiu jL� r.) tj J1 1:. ltl P1f � ,*,] a; � � t ,Peking, 1964,

Ho Ch'ang-chiin

,

Ho, Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mo­ bility, 1368-1911. New York, 1964.

;4 -:It of J., 1l:i

'Ho-pej P'ing-shan Pei-Ch'i Ts'ui Ang mu tiao-ch'a pao-kao',

tf t-.� t-.ft. �

Wen

WU,

1973,11,27 :-38.

� 1\

Holzman, Donald. 'Les Debuts du Systeme Medieval de Choix et de Classement

-

des Fonctionnaires: Les Neuf Categories et l'Impartial et Iuste', Melanges Pubiie, par l'Institute des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1(1957), 387-414. Hori Toshikazu ,ft.

sil .1

�

*-m Hou Wai-l� 1f_ '1t A

'Kindensei to soyocho no tankai',

Ch�ng-kuo ssu-hsiang t'ung-shih

Peking, 1947-58.

Houn,

Franklin W.

'f I#J

'The Civil Service Recruitment System of the Later Han

Dynasty', Tsing-hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. Hung, William.

19 ,f].fr) c.. � � V). Tokyo, 1970. t, ,t Jt. 1- .

Toajia sekai no keisei, II (Sektzi rekishi,

D\

Tu Fu,

1(1956), 138-164.

China's Greatest Poet. Cambridge, Mass., 1952.

Ikeda, On. 'T'ang HO\lsehold Registers and Related Documents', Perspectives

-

Haven,

on the T'ang, ed. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, New Conn., 1973.

}e,

,

>iJ � 'Tocho shizokushi no iobi kosatsu',

it

�j

K;�. t-

Hokkaido daigaku bungakubu kiyo, 13: 2 (1965), 1-64.

'TOdai no gumbo

293-331.

hyo',.J 1�

�

"f' tL

6)

lj *­

Tayo gakuho, 42: 3 (1959),

J1'� �:.. 'Todai shizoku no. seikaku sObyo', ffi 1t 1: � Ol !'t f4--1. � Rekishigaku kenkyu, 9: t 1 (1939), 59-80,10: 2 (1940),

Imabori Seiji

46-73. Incue A�ira

.Jt

L

J;.

'KO-Gi shozo.ku buntei ko', �!t �'!

Shikan, 9 (1936), 100-24.

.

�� ,It- It 5L

Johnson, David G. The Medieval Chinese Oligarchy. Boulder, Col., 1977. Kamada Shigeo n

MfJ l._

Kano Naoki

1964.

�'ff i"

Kano Naoyoshi

tt.�

¢.fJ t �

t H

�1 If

1'-

'Ko-Kan chuki

no

seiji to shakai',

Toyosh; kenkyu. 23: 3 (1964),68-87.

'Ko-Kan jidai chihO gozeku no. seijj seikatsu',

�� 1. �

Shisen, 22 (1961), 11-21.

Kawakatsu Yoshio

.

'i3 >t·f '61 �

Ryo-Kan gakushutsu ko

�.fl

III � k (

?�jt i1 �(,

Gi-Shin Nambokucho

(ChitgokU no Rekishi, Ill). Tokyo., 1974.

5t 1:- �

'Kanmatsu no rejisutansu undo',

kenkyil, 25: 4 (1967),23-50. 'Kizoku shakai no seiritsu', t

t,f.

�t

(Sekai rekishi, V) Tokyo, 1970.

r-------

r------

r-- -

t- �t 11.. ;(1"'] !

Shin-Kan setji seido no kenkyu

Tokyo, 1962.

t-

""

v 5' 1, Y

*1

ii-

. Tokyo.,

1t:l 'f �

f'tJ "J

�

*- iff_ n

.ttt N) K.l *�­ :.. 7.

it. fE

Toyoshi

Toajia sekai no keisei, II,

f1

Bibliography

213

'Le decadence de l'aristocratie chinoise sous les Dynasties du Sud' , A cta Asiatica, XXI ( 1 97 1 ),

13-38. shakai',

'Son Bu seileen to Kanan no

J�: � It.

ChUgoku ehuseishj kenkyu. TokY(l, 1 9 70.

t iI-

It} tf\ � t­

Keller, Suzanne. Beyond the Ruling Class. New York, 1 963.

tJ

Kikuchi Hideo

;(J

t t.....

'Fuhei seido no

tenui', � .tt-; -tJ ll � ��J

TiJajia sekaino keisei, II (Sekai rekishi, V). Tokyo, 1 970.

� 1; >JL

Ku Chi-kuang

' Liu-ch' ao men-fa',

4 ( 1 936), 829-75 .

Fu-ping chih-tu k ilo-shih 1i' ;toot Lj Po yu

Kuo Mo-jo La o Kan

-:-, � rj �

t:J >. ...·1 it � � -t- in -'5

Tu Fu

Wen-eke chi-k 'an, 5 :

Shanghai,

�t

�.

.

1 962.

Peking, 1 9 7 1 .

� ft . 'Han-tai ti hao-chieh chi ch'i cheng-chih-shang t i kuan-hsi' , Ch ';ng-chu Li Chi Haten-sheng 4-� ..Il �, tt� J: �=J t;J �

;t 1� f.]

ch 'i-shih sui ,lun-wen chi. Taipei, 1 96 5 .

Legge, James (trans. ). The Chinese Classics, 5 vol. London, 1 86 1 -72. Lenski, Gerhard E . Power and PriviJege.� A Th eory of Social Stratification. New York, 1 966.

Liu

Hsieh. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons. trans. Vincent

chung Shih.

Yu-

New York, 1 95 9.

Liu, James J. y, The Poetry of Li Shang-yin. Chicago, 1 969. Liu, James T.C. Ou-yang Hsiu.

Stanford, Calif.,

1967.

Iii Ssu--mien � .t, � Liang-Chin Nan-pei-ch 'ao shih

pei,

1 969

Lu Yao-tung

hsi',

reprint.

i! {l 1-.

.fk

T' o-pa shih

'

( 1 965), 1 3 5 -2 1 1 . 1 962.

-tLt;

'" If) It. � f... . Tai­

yii chung-yUan shih-tsu ti hun-yin kuan-

� i\. �, -l' If-. 1 'f� j':J ..tr ¥.]

M a Ch'ang-shou .'-3

�

�J 1�_

Wu-hwn y u Hsien-pei

McMullen, David. 'Historical and Literary

Hsin-ya hsueh pao, 7 : 1

.� � -!j ·'t �

Shanghai,

Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century', Wright and Denis Twitchett.

Perspectives on the T 'ang, ed. Arthur F. New Haven, Conn., 1 97 3.

MacMuUen, Ramsay. Roman Social R elations. New Haven, Conn. , 1 974. Makino Tatsumi 1 944.

Jtfj" ,

Shina kazoku kenkYu

1.. It 'f, f}i, ,,� 1h

Tokyo,

J� -t . Liang-Chin Nan-pei-ch 'ao shih-ISU cheng-chih chih '111 t 1lJ It" � 1 .&t If.. � ,� � 'JL 2 vols, Taipei, 1 %6.

Mao Han-kuang -b yen-chiu

'Wo-kuo chung-ku ta-sbih-tsu chili ko-an yen-chiu

� � 'f �

1....1

Iff....

t.

'IIiJ � � l.

f�" if!'

- Lang-yeh Wang-shih', � i\

yen-ehiu-yuan Ii-shih yii-yen yen-chiu-so chi-1c'an, 3 7 : 2

Chu ng-yang

( t 96 7), S 7 7-

6 1 0.

-It 1Il �'( Chugoku kodai shaktIi to kokka 'f ii%! t- ! � � . Tokyo, 1 96 2. Miao ¥ueh j!f. � . Th-sl/ih ts'un-kao if 1... � -t.%J Peking, 1 963. Masubuchi Tatsuo

r

-- -

-

r .

�

�t -fi­

1

-- --

214

Bibliography Miyakawa Hisayuki

L �� ll '

;j 11\ ,1;j ;L R ikuchoshi kenkyu; Seiit shakai hen � .fr1 t- -&:! . Tokyo, 1 956. � � fr L Ajiashi kenkyu, II, 1 Y f .t. -"It 1L . Kyoto, •

fU� *�

Miyazaki Ichisada

1 957.

fj& -t II� .

DaitG teiko ku

1 968.

Tokyo,

.� � . Kyoto, 1 956. t t1' I4f. Chugoku kodai no kozoku to kokka 'r � $t 4\ '" �'- I,'f_ i: I� t(,. . Kyoto, 1 968. Rikucho mombatsu no ichl kenkyu :", � rj #t) 61 � .6� l. . Tokyo, 1 9 5 1 . Naba Toshisada 8r ;.� t·] � Todai shakoi bunkoshi kenkyu� � 1� �� t t.. iu JI.; :a i uJ:-n

Kyuhin kanjinho no kenkyu

Moriya Mitsuo .

.� It

L '1\' � . Tokyo, 1 974. d �� 111 1:. J:.. 'Ko-Kan no sanko ni mirareru kika to ni t suite" ,t. ;/:_ iT' ;. 't� :::.. "'" ; J/L � & 't- t � �1 I : ] (

Nagata Hi emasa

t

shutsujj

)

Toyoshi kenkyu, 24 : 3 ( 1 96 5 ), 298-322. \'Sl )� /.t; if... �l Na/tei Kanan zensh u , X, \'f.] � � � ir-j, Tokyo, 1 969. NUda Noboru II : � l!l Ii!' Chugoku hOseishi kenkyu; Dorei nodoho, kozoku Naito Torajiro

it. �'1 L .q

sonraku ho ·r � Tokyo,

Niwa Taiko tsuite',

1 962.

1L

J;t

tf- 1. �1; it-.· �'- if. �1 � ,t,

-I} �� 11.1 t 'Gi-Shin jidai no meizoku-Shunshi no hitobito ni � -1 4 1� If} J, �t - �J �'V "' !- 't I:. 7 ' ) L Chugoku

chuseishi kenkyu.

Tokyo,

1 970.

., 1!1 � iL . Zui-Tosh ; kenkyu r� Jl J... .� 1L Kyoto, 1 968. Ochi Shigeaki lli � t IIj Gi-Shin Nambokucho no seiji to shakai � � \� � �'J r1l :L� 1:. *1- t-- Tokyo, 1 963. 'Kyiihin kanjinho n o seitei to kizokusei n o shutsugen', JL J

� t

-'tJ �

l.

11.

'J\

�

't t *j

l 'f

l.

og

,t tj

Tohogakuho, 3 7

( 1 966), 1 53-82. Ts'en Chung-mien � if f� Sui T'ong shih j 1..... . Peking, 1 957. Tsukiyama Jisaburo l ,1.1 J !1 '- ii' Tildai seiji seido no kenkyu ;t 'i\' tU1

r�

tl ii.. ... .fiT �

. Osaka, 1 967.

Twitchett, Denis C. 'Chinese B iographical Writing' . Historians of China and

Japan, ed. W.G. Beasley and E.G. PuUeybank. London, 1 96 1 .

'The Composition of the Tang Ruling Class: New Evidence from Tunhuang',

Perspectives on the T'ang. ed. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett. New Haven, Conn. , 1 973.

'The Fan Clan's Charitable Estate, 1 050- 1 769', Confucianism in Action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright. Stanford, Calif. , 1 959. Financial Administration in the Tang. 2nd ed. Cambridge, 1 970. Ueda Sanae t ,B t � 'Kizoku no kansei no seiritsu'. t �J' ,it +'1 I!' a:.., i Chugoku chuseishi kenkyii. Tokyo, 1970, pp. 1 0 3 -3 2. Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi . t if t. 1: Kandai shakai keizaishi kenkyii ;1( 11� H t .!!. ;� l... hit !; Tokyo, 1 95 5. 'Todai kijin ni tsuite no ichi kosatsu', � i� t J, I: f':" " ;: n - Ij *Shirin, 1 9: 3 ( 1 934), 50- 1 06. Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the L eisure Class. New York, 1 95 3 ed. Waley, Arthur. The Life and Times of Po Chu,i. London, 1 949. Wan Kuo-ting. 'The System of Equal Land Allotments in Medieval Times', Chinese Social History . ed. E-tu Zen Sun and John de Francis. New York, 1 966, pp. 1 57 - 1 84. Wang Chung-l0 1. �f '!f- Wei-Chin Nan-pei-ch 'ao Sui ch 'u-T'ang shih I� -t

;�

� 1IJ .tr.I T� *1) f� 1.... Shanghai, 1 96 1 . Wang Gungwu. The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dyn. asties. Stanford, Calif., 1 96 3 . _

�

Wang H'ung. 1 l! I� Wu-ch 'ao men-Ii lL � J1 Chungking, 1 943. Wang-tu erh-hao Han mu �2 �i' ;. � iZ .t.. . Peking, 1 959,

Weber, Max. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. H.R. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. New York, 1 958.

Wechsler, Howard. 'Factionalism in Early rang Government' , Perspectives on the T'ang. ed. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett. N ew Haven, Conn., 1 97 3 . 'Kao-tsu t h e Founder', 'T'ai-tsung the Consolidator', Cambridge History of China, III (forthcoming).

,

Bibliography

21 7

Witt, Ronald G. 'The Landlord and the Economic Revival of the Middle Ages

in Northern Europe, 1 000- 1 250\ A m erican Historical R eview, 76 ( 1 97 1 ), 965-88. WittfogeJ, Karl A. Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power. New Haven, Conn ., 1 957. and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Lillo. Philadelphia, 1 949.

Wu Hsien-ch'ing � ', J, ytjl 'Wei-Chin shih-ch'j she-hui ching-chi ti chuan-pien', Shih huo, I : 2 ( 1 935), 3 1 -43. k. � at !� *i t-k i·J � "'-

�

i� .f!]

Yamazaki Hiroshi ';'1 �� i ' Zuicho kanryo no seikaku', i Tokyo kyoiku daiga�u bungakubu kiyo, 6 ( 1 9 56), 1-59.

�t.-

tn

Ii �

Yang, Lien-sheng. Studies in Chinese Institutional History. Cambridge, Mass.,

1 963.

� .wt tt 'Tung-Han ti hao-tsu',

t ,t 4-J *- W, Ch 'ing-hua hsueh pao, 1 1 : 4 ( 1 936), 1 007-63. Yang Shu-ta #; �1 it Han-tai hun-sang Ii-au k 'ao it 1\, � � ft 'I\t. � Shanghai, 1 933. . Yang Yun-ju � �� �(1 Chiu-p'in chung-cheng yu liu-ch 'ao men-ti IL 1a f Shanghai, 1 930. J1;. �. :-, .tt.j . Yano Chikara t. ,1' i fJt... Gi-Shin hyakkan seikeihyo, � t � � !. �. k 2 vois, Nagasaki, 1 960. 'Haishi kenkyu' ,t K. hif t Shakai kagaku ronso, 1 4 ( 1 964), 1 7-48. 'Ishi kenkyii' , j K. '11 1L Shakai kagaku ronso, I I ( 1 96 1 ), 49-64, 1 2 ( 1 962), 26-.41. . , Kodai " Mombatsu kizoku no keifu shiron', fJ f.;J t 1ft,

Glossary

hu-pu

'

221

t�

Hua-yin Yang (family) .,li ·t 1, 1 Huai-nan ;,� � Hung-wen (Pavilion) \.. 1._

-k 1.1 !t

[-kuan p 'u

[-/in t �� i-men 'Ii �I i-t'ung sa��s� �.1�

:

�

Ju-yang ; , tb Jung-yang Cheng !t � ti'

K 'ai-yiian p 'u r� fu £fi Kan (prefttCture) � Kao Chao .� t Kao Ch'eng ,� ;f

K'Qo-hsing lUeh chi *j 1t � }{.)

,� l:'�

Kao Huan

kao-men ,�] !�J

Kao Shen '�J ,t. Kao Yun .�1 L

kizoku l

t:�

Ku (family) ij; Ku-ch'eng h 1�

ku-Jj �t t.

Kua (prefecture) j;-.,

kuan-ch 'a shih .kJ '" 't..

Kuan-chung fJ '1 Kuang-cb'ien .... t Kuang-p'ing Sung (family} ", t 1, Kuang-p'ing Yu (familY) j, f ��r Kuang-tsung �. � •

. kuei-tsu -t tit, kuei-yu -t 1- f�

4J '� .t IB

Nan-chu-Iu

Pan

223

.frfl-

1t. £ P'eng-ch'eng !", � P'ei (family)

P'ei Chun

pj-chao ,,� lJ pi-shu chien fill $ 'k p 'iao-chi ckiang-chun � � ;j!f t p 'iao-chi ta chiang-chun ,!,f. .tf.r ,- � pin-k'o t :fi.P'ing-ch'eng .t

I�

-r- r�

P'ing-yang

� ,�, +t­

P'ing-yuan Tu (family) Po Chii-i i!J

k, �

Po-hai Feng (family) l�� � !j Po-hai Kao (family) ):t'J Po-ling Ts'ui ( family)

'J} ,�

j� rl -It

po-shih r� t p'u-yeh \L�1 son-chi ch 'ang-shih .t,� � � son-chi shih-lang .1.. !¥-1 1� �i' son-kung ;., 'I-� son-wu men :.. ;. I�] Shan-hu (tribes) J,

�I�

shang-shu sheng ,'tj shao-ch 'ing .Jj Itil

1,i ij

Shang-ku Chang (family) t �i-- �

Shao-i a& �: �he �t. Shen (county) :,},

shih (gentleman) .: shih (kin group) i\

Shih-tsun (Prince) -\t J..

shih-iang

�� �,r

Shih Lo ;6

JD

i�

mih-sun-fu -t#;J ��'. shih-ta-fu l' L !� shih-tsu (hereditary families) t. 1If,

f

224

Glossary sh ih-tsu

(scholar-official families) t i{f,

1� 1J? L

shih-yu-shih

,'iJ d.

ssu-hsing

,B I � :f

ssu-hu ts'an-chun ssu-k 'ung &J

1

�h Ssu-ma (family)

ssu-rna

Ssu-ma I � !:; it

� #:J .

$J � �

ssu-nung ch 'ing

ssu-ping ts'an-chun ssu-t 'u

&) it-

ta chiang-chun

1�

ta hSing 1_ 11.

ta-Ii ch 'ing f-

ta-Ii p 'ing-shih

J,} 'f'

-1'-.

�t f

f_

ta chung-cheng

�

'f }:.

tf. If-f f_ sf H" j'

ta ssu-k 'ung f,

�

f.

ta ssu-nung ,� � 1.

Ta T'ang hSing-Isu hsi-lu f_ it d. i�_�,�� To T'ang shih-tsu chih f_ � I\, rJr, {; t'aj-fu r,, 'j�

, 'ai-Iu ch 'i�g f." t'ai-hsueh r"

'f

-'1 i�r

1"ai Kung f." 'j.

t 'ai-shou

[, 1

1"ai-yuan Wang (family) f\.. t· f.. Tang Chien It �': Ting (prefecture) ;t ling-tsu

1" o-pa

'L fit,

J{l tJi...

Tou (family) f. Tou Chang t TOll Hsien f �. Tou lung 'iT ;1J1.. TOll Ku ft I� Tou Mu 'f[ �

�

ts'aj-fang shih }it.. �iJ

�" tsaj-hsiang '.f .f� Ts'ao Ts'aQ 'r "t. ts'an-chun

it

(so chung-lang chiang fr.

Ts'ui (family) t Ts'ui Ang fi. ;jJ Chan-yen � ;

'r �I �

r

GlosYilry

t

Ts'ui Chang

Ch'ao �J Che �.

Chen

225

}�

Chen (N. Wei) f1K­

Chen-ku JJ. Cheng if

I�

Ch' eng (Ch'ing-ho) it

I

Ch'eng (son of Chieh)

Ch'eng (son of Leng) Ch' eng-fu � Jtj

,� it

4:"�

Ch'eng-kou

Chi (son of K'an8) 3ii. Chi (son of Shou) �t

f

Chi (son of Shih-fu) Ch'i (Han) �

't�

t t -k­

Ch'i (T'ang)

Chi-chang

Ch'i-ch'en !f� \t Chi-liang �- l

t it f -ffl'Chi-tse f �'l Chi-t'ung t ji. Chi-shu

Chi-sun

Chieh (N. Wei) J-t

Chieh (T'ang)

Ch'ieh .! Chien (c. 430)

la1;

d..

Chien (c. 470) "t Ch'ien ;�i

Chih (son of Hao) 11 Chih (of Kuang-ch'ien) ''rf

Chili (son of Hsia) :i1 Chili (son of Yu-fu) ��

. Chili (son of Yen, brother of K'ai) a t

Ch ili (son of Yen, brother of Shan) ,.

Chih-te l·. 1t· Ching-po

l "1:1

Ching-ssu !it iI� Ching-yiin l it.

Ching-yung !jl b Cho (N. Wei) Cho (T'ang) t'u

·�·t

Chou-p'ing

, --

-

711 t r

..

r

---

Glossary

226

Ts'ui Chu-chien t 'r� Chli-lun � 11� Chuan

f.�

Ch'uan IJL Chlieh �� Chun n Chiin-ts'an � it Chung-che lit "!1 Chung-fang H "(; Chung-fu �� Chung-mou it t Chung-sun lit A;t. Chung-te �'r tt­ Fa tFan-hui i�.fif Fu � Fu-ch'ing ffl Jjl Han-heng it 'IJ . Hang iit; Hao (c. 200) � Hao ( K'ai) 1I� Ho �a

'V

=

Hsia /'}­

Hsiao-fen � tt­ HsiaO-wei � Hsiao-Ylm 1 ;�, Hsieh IiYIJ Hsien (N. Wei) .M! Hsien (N. Ch'i} it. Hsien (Tang) � or �\ Hsin otf\

�

Hsing-ch'eng �1 -;,i. Hsing-kung �) 1-1] Hsing-piao �11 *­ Hsiu-ho + t- i" Hsii .t4)

Hsiian (Chief Minister) i!. Hsuan (son of Yen) II! Hstian (son of Yii) ,[ Hsuan-Iiang

j.. �

Hsuan-po 'f ','t1 Hsuan-wei j, ,� Hsiian-yu '� �( Hsun (son of Te-hou) t�7

Glossary

22 7

Ts'ui Hsiin (son of Leng) J-t Huan j�� Hun If

Hung (Chin) )!; Hung (eh'ing-ho) t Hung-chiln �� .L Hung-Ii ,... � Hung-sheng ; ... fr Hung-tu �j. t. I (Han) tl J (Former Yen) t�, I (N. Wei) }� I (Sui) ;fC I (T'ang, politically important) Jf I (T'ang, son of K'ang) ;� I-fu (son of Hun) k. In I-fu (son of T'ao) J�

m'

I-ju -t �'7 I-piao Ilk tL I-pin k.�� I-po It' !J\:) I-sun p'� �., 1 en-shih 1:: ''I' lib-chib t1 N lih-hsin tl V! Jib-hsiian !J 'r lib-yung � In Jou $ lung (N. Wei) .fit. Jung (son of Tao-pin) f� Jung (politically important) � Kai §t K'ai et K'ang (son of Shih-Ii) .tflJ Kao-ch'iu ,fi; iL K'o-kuan .i) lL Ku-chien Ifl �� Kuan Jt Kuang �, Kuang-ssu {, �� Kuang-ti fuiL Kuang-yiian .{J itK'uei it:. Kung J!,

Glossary

Ts'ui Kung-tu 'f,.. K'uo ,�r

228

L

Leng it. U � Lieh .!,!, Lin ;,l Lun �

Lung-tzu

�L t

Man-ying ;1) ;A,u Meng-sun k �'. Mi &" Mien (N. Wei) � Mien (T'ang) )�

Mo �t Mou-k'ai � lfJ . Mu tl Nai j� Ning f P'ang ;t; Pao-te t ;t· P'eng .j Ping 1. Po-chien �t1 �t. Po-liang 1l:J It Shan (son of Yen) � Shan (of Wei-chou) ;,t Shao-chien il'b 1/;':: Shao-jui �g. :i­ Shen tt Sheng-chih � j� Shih (Han) L Shih (T'ang) lL Shih-chien '! $l.

Shih-fu iAJ Ifl Shih-Ii 1!t � Shih-shun 1: 1! Shih-yUan -t fo Shih-yiieh 1: !'j Shou jt.. Shu (Han) �r Shu (Ch'i) W Shu (son of Sheng-chih) i� Shu (son of Jou) .� Shu ( i 8th century) If..

Glossary

229

Ts'ui Shu-hsien k I Shu-ts'an �t It Shun ;! SSIrku

.f:; �

Sun �� Ta-na ii � T'ai-chih t: J� T'an t T'ao Tao-pin it :(. Te-hou �t· � Te:-li It i1. Ting 1J1 T'ing i.iL Ts'an it or. t Tsao i1. Tsuan t Tsung NL Ts'ung �, Tun-Ii jvt Tzu-fa .} Jt Tzu-lang .} � Tzu-po t Tzu-shu -}- � Tzu-tuan f �� Tzu-wu -} � Wen-hsiu i.. Wen-po i. 1'fJ Wen-yeh �f'> Wu-po (son of Shu) � �tJ Wu-po (of Ch'ang-an) .t, � Yen (Ch'ing-ho) '1L Yen (son of Jung) 1£ Yen (politically important) 1� Yen (son?f Leng, of Lo-yang) .l. Yen (son of Hung-chiin, grandfather of Mien) ... Yen-po J:!.. Wj

;�

r!

�

Yin � Ying-fu ' ITI Yu (ca. 450) Yu (ca, 500) ;a

·ff

�

Yu (T'ang) Yii (father of Hsiian) Yii (son of Yii)

�

,fi

r---- -

1--

Glossary

Ts'ui Yii (son of Chih) 1JJ. Yii-chih * .L Yu-fu �� In Yuan (Han) �t Yuan (T'ang) it. Yuan-chen 1G Ii;­ Yuan-hsien f'u 4r� Yuan-lueh fu � Yuan-shih {) iv Ytieh 1ft.., Yung a

tsung ff, tSUng-/u �-I., t, 'ung-shih \'It tsung-kuan .tt ., Tu (family) ft

k �'

Tu Fu Tu Lo-chou �t 1.r1�

tu-tu �t �

Tuan Ying );1. l� Tung-Iai 1:- J-

tzu 1tz'u-men >7_ rJ tz 'u-shih -t.] t..... mn-iang 1(, �r

Wang (family) .1. Wang Fu 1 (J Wang Han l t Wang 1 1 , Wang Jung 1. � Wang Mang 1.. Wang Pin $. WJ Wang Shu i � Wang Tao 1. Wang Tun . Wang Yun Wei {family) .

it

f

/

wei

4J

Wei-chou

�

i�r tl"l

Wei Shou �I!:> �

wen-lin-kuan 1.. fL!�

Wen-yang ;t l� Wu-hsing Shen (family) � �. ;1(.; Yang (family) �

230

Glossary

231

� "-

Yang Chen

Yang Chien fh

�

1{7 ,/k

Yang Chun

��

Yang Hsiung

� 1.:... Yang Tz'u � � Yang Yin � � Yao Ch'ung .fI£, t, Yang Ping

Yen Chen-ch'ing Ul. �. Yen Chih-t'ui

Yen-ti l

yin !

�

� z. :IIt.

'ltV

Yin (family) �t Yin

(prefecture) �t �

Ying (Prince)

Ying-ch'iian Hsun (family) Yii (family, Hsien-pei)

=1

.t�

" 1 t]

Yii (family, of Ying-ch'6an) k.

j.t +1 j�j§

Yii-ch'ih (family) 4j Yu-ch'ih Ch'iung

Yu (province, prefect ure ) l1l'i

yu-shih

ta-fu

�f L t, f�

yu-t:IU I

Yiian An

��

Yuan Ch'a i'u :l.....

fu �. i! it Shang It lit]

Yuan Chen

Yuan Feng Yuan

Yuan Shao

i! J�

it- 51; yiian-wai lang � �r tr Yuan T'ang

Yuan Wei l'L ff�

�

o

o

INDEX

I

j

-I

I I

Access t o office: see Office-holding Adjunct General (pieh chan). 64. 69, 70 Adjunct Officer (pieh chill ) . 1 41 n. 1 26 Administrative Aide «(s 'an-chlin). 6 3 , 64. 73. 78. 108. 1 09, 1 4 0 n.1 26. 1 5 3 n.94. 1 79 . 1 8 3 Administrator (of principality) (hsiang) , 36 Administrator ·of the capital (ching-chaochun shou). 7 3 Agriculture. 4 3 - 5 An Lu-shan. 1 85 An LU-shan rebellion, 9 3 , 9 7 . 1 06, 1 50 n.91 . 1 83, 187, 1 88 Ancestor worship. 39-40 Ancestral temples. 98, 147 n.40, 1 83. 1 86 Ancestry. attitudes towards: see birth. attitudes towards An-p'ing county (see also local base). 35 Arbiter system: see nine-rank system Archaeology, 1 3. 1 3 3 n.46 Aristocratic families, definition of, 9-1 1 Assistant (ch 'eng). 1 0 8 Assistant Editing Secretary, 1 8 3 Assistant Governor (yin·ch 'eng). 1 40 n. 1 26 Attendant Censor (shih yu·shih), 35 Attendlint Official (ts 'ung·shih), 35 Auxiliary Secretary (yUan·�i long). 1 8 2

Balazs. Etienne, 1 20 n. 1 Baron (nan). 67, 1 82, 1 83

Birth, attitudes towards. 6, 1 6, 1 8, 2 1 . 23, 24, 2 7 , 28, 29. 30, 53, 83-6, 88, 94, 95, IOO-2, 1 l 3, 1 1 9, 1 38 n.6 1 . 1 48 n.53. 54. 1 49 n.SS, 56, 57. 58, S9 Board of Personnel (Ii-pu), S I Branches (of lineages), 1 45 n,16, 1 7 Brewing business, 4 2 Buddhist monk, 1 0 3 Bureaucracy, bureaucratic forms o f organ· ization, 30, 48, 7 2, SO, 1 02, ] 0 3-4, 119 Bureaucratic positions: see office-holding

Calligraphy, 39, 4 1 . 1 34 n.55 Carriage Attendant (wim-long), 1 89 Case study, reasons for, methods of. 7-9, 1 2- 1 4 Cavalier;!ttendant (san-chi shih ·!i1ng), 5 1 Cavaliel;!ttendant with Direct Access (I 'ung·chih san-chi shih-long), 1 40 n. 1 26 Cavalier-consultant (san·chi chang·shih), 66 Censor-in·chief (yii·shih ta·ju ), 1 1 0 Central control, failures of, 1 9-20 Chang Chiieh, SO Chang family: gee Wu-chUn Chang family, Ch'ing-ho Chang family Chang Fu, 1 25 n . 20 Chang Heng, 38, 4 1 . 1 3 1 n.28 Chang Hslieh-ch'eng, 1 74 n.1 0 Ch'ang KUD, 1 86-7 Chang Niu�ueh, 50 Chang Wei, 53 Chang Yen, SO Chang YUeh. l 02, 1 62. 1 83 Ch'ang-an, 2 8 , 68, n , 73, 9 1 . 96, 98, 1 09, 1 28 n.49 Chang-sun family, I I , 29 , 74 Chao I. 4 Chao-chlin Li family, 1 1 , 25, 30. 53, 58, 5�. 6 1 . 88, 95, 96, 1 23 n.33, 1 27 n.39, 1 28 n.S3, 1 36 n.2 1 . 1 37 n.37. 1 59 , 1 70, 1 89 Charity. 43, 45 Ch'en Chao-lieh, 1 96 Ch'en family, 1 9, 23, 29 Ch'en Yin-k'o, 5, 6, 9, 1 44 n.8, 1 4.8 n.45, 1 49 n.67. 1 52 n.91 Ch'en-chiln Hsieh family, 1 1 , 20, 22. 23. 1 27 n . 3 1 Ch'en-chlin Yin family, 2 0 Cheng Cheng-yu, 1 93 Cheng Chill-shang , 1 94 Cheng family : see Jung-yang Cheng family Cheng Hsiao-n!, 1 36 n.27 Cheng Hsing-pao, 192 Cheng Shih-chi, 1 94

232

.1

Index Cheng Sun, 1 95 Cheng Ta-ni, 1 36 n_27 Cheng Tao-yung, 6 1 Cheng Yen-tsu, 1 36 n.27

Chen-kuan shih fSu chill , 1 62, 169, 1 75

/.

n. 1 3 Ch'en-kuo P'eng family, 1 24 n_3 Chi prefecture, 51 CIlia K'uei, 41 Chief Aide (chang-shih), 64, 66, 70, 7 1 , 1 79, 1 82 Chief Minister, 9 3 , 1 07, 1 1 0, I l l , 1 1 2, 1 49 n.57, 1 6 2 , 1 67, 16.8, 1 87 , 1 88 Chieh (tribe), 5 2 Chien-k'ang, 20, 2 3 Ch'ien-niu guards �ch 'ien-niu wei), 1 89 Chin Fa-ken, 5 Chinese-Hsien-pei antagonisms, 77 Ching-chao Tu family, 179 Ch'ing-ho Chang family, 160 Ch'ing-ho Fang family, 1 28 n.41 Ch'ing-ho Ts'ui family, 1 1 , 25 , 30, 85, 1 0 1 , 1 23 n.33, 1 28 n.4 I , 5 3, 1 36 n.22, 143 n. 1 54, 1 48 n.54, 160 Chin-shih examination, lOS, 1 07, 1 1 0, 1 1 4, 1 44 n.6, 1 50 n.7 1 , ] 52 n.92, 183, 1 89 Chin-yang Tang family, 1 59, 1 74 n.7 Ching-chao Wei family, 1 28 n.53, 1 36 n.21 Chou I-liang, 166 Chu Tz'u, 1 47 n_42, 148 n.49, 187 Ch'u, Tung-tsu, 1 20 n_l Ch'il�chiang Chang family, 1 59, 1 74 n.7 Chu-ko Liang, 1 30 n.22 Chli-lu Wei family, 59, 1 37 n37 Ch'Uan Ch'e, 198 Ch'ilan Te-yu, 1 62, 1 78 n.36, 1 98 Chung-ch'ang Tung, 1 24 n.5 Clans: see kinship organization CJass structure: see social stratification Classic of Changes, 36, 39 Clerk (Ii), 42, 47 Clients (men-sheng), 42 Clique struggles: see factional disputes 'Cold' families (han·men), 20, 23, 1 27 n.28 Commander of an Expeditionary Army (hsing-chan tsung·kuan), 74 Commandery {chan}, 5 Commerce, 44-5 Compiling Secretary, 1 85 Confucian familism, 3 9 -40 , 43, 58, 84, 119 Consort families, 38 Constable (wei), 1 06, 1 0 8 , 1 8 3 , 1 85 , 1 86, 1 88 Cor.ee exemptions, 23 County (hsien), 5 Cross-(:ousin marriage, 59

233 Cultural activities, 21 , 24. 29, 38-9, 401 , 1 28 n.50 Deputy Censor (yu-shih chung-eh 'eng), 183 Deputy Garrison Commander (koo-; tu­ wei), 1 09 Dignitary of the Highest Rank (j-t 'ung fIl1NSU), 65 Direct appointments, 46, 47, 1 04, 1 06 Director of the Imperial Library (pi·shu chien), 32, 1 83 Double Tax Commissioner (liang shui­

shih), 188 Duke (kung), 74, 75 Dynastic h istories, 1 2 3 n.34 'Eastern' Ts'ui, 55, 1 36 n.22 Eberhard, Wolfgang, 1 2 2 n,21 , 1 28 n .4 1 , 145 n . 1 3 Editing Secretary (chU-lSO long), 1 83 Education, 39, 58, 99 Eldest sons, 63 Emign!s, 20, 26, 2 7 , 1 27 n.3 1 , 1 29 ft.58, 62 Emperor Hsiao-ming (of Wei), 136 n,22 Emperor Hsiao-wen (of Northern Wei). 25, 27, 53, 62, 65, 66, 1 36 n.22 Emperor Hsiao-wen'uanking of families: see 'settling the lineages' Emperor Hsiao-wu (of Wei), 68, 7 1 Emperor Hsien-tsung (of T'ang), 1 75 n. 1 3 Emperor. HSilan-tsung (of T'ang), 1 83, 1 95 Emperor Kao-tsu (of T'ang), 1 97 Emperor Kao-tsung (of T'ang), 30, 88, 95, 1 75 n. l 3 Emperor Shun-tsung (of T'ang), 1 95 Emperor T'ai-tsung (of T'ang), 30, 88, 109, 1 75 n . 1 3, 2(n Emperor Wen-hstian (of Ch'i), 77 Emperor Wu (of Liang), 23 Empress Hu, 68, 1 39 n.80 Empress Liang, 1 32 n.30 Empress Teng, 1 32 n.29 Empress Wu, 1 75 n . 1 3 , 1 83 English aristocrats, 7, 8 Equal-field (chan-t 'jen), 6, 28, 82, 1 42 n . 1 47 Erh-chu clan, 68 Erh-chu Jung, 68, 69, 70 Erh-chu Shih-lung, 68 Estates: see landholding Ethos: see style of life Examination system, 32, 80, 1 06, 1 07, 1 10, 1 1 7 Examining Censor (chien-ch a shih ya­ shih), 106, 1 82 Extended family: see kinship organization

r

-

Index Factional disputes, S, 6, 26, 65, 67 False claims to eminent ancestry, 1 69 Fan-yang Lu family, 1 1 , 25, 26, 30, 53, 59 , 6 1 , 85, 88, 95, 96, 1 36 n.2 1 , 1 3 7 n.27, 143 n . 1 49, 1 59, 1 70 , 1 74 n.9, 1 83, 1 86, 1 87 , 1 89 Feasts, 4 1 'Four categories o f lineages' (ssu·hsing), 26, 55, 1 27 n.37 Fried, Morton, 1 24 n.2 Frodsham, J.D., 1 25 n. 1 8 F u Ch'iert, 4 1 Fuji.wara family, 7, 8 Funerals, 40, 45, 58, 1 79 Funerary inscriptions, 8, 1 1 , 1 3, 75, 78. 79, 8 1 , 90, 96, 99, 1 00, 1 04, 1 24 n.35, 1 4 1 n. 1 28, 143 n.5, 1 44 0.8, 1 2. 148 n.44, 1 49 n.58. 1 54 n.l06. 1 6 1 , 1 67 Garrison Commander (che.ch'ung tu· wei), I 09 Ganison forces, troops, 2 7 , 74, 80, 82, 1 09, 1 28 n.54 Genealogical oomp.mdiums, 6, 7, 10, 30, 1 46 n.1 8, 1 60, 1 68, 1 69 Genealogical research and compilation, 2 1 , 6 1 . 145 n.l 8 Genealogical tables, of the Hsin Tang shu, I 2 , I 3, 75, 78, 79; 85 . 90, 9 1 . 1 4 1 n. 1 28, 1 4 4 n.8, 1 45 0.1 6 , 1 5 3 n.95. 1 5 7-78 Genealogists. 1 2, 34 General (chiang·chUn), 1 1 , 75 Government academies, 32, 1 04-5 Governor-general (tsung-kuan). 73, 74 Grade (chieh ) . 1 52-3 0.93 Grand Academy (t'ai·hsueh). 40, 1 79 Grand Administrator (t 'oi-shou), 35, 37, 48, 5 3, 63. 66. 69, 78, 8 1 , 1 3 7 n.49 Grand Arbiter (til chung·cheng), 66, 1 35 n.19, 1 37 n.49 Grand General {ta chillng·chun}, 74 Grand General of Cavalry (pilla·chi til chiang-chiln), 73 Grand lnspector-general (ta·tu·!u), 74 Grand Minister of Agriculture (ta ssu­ nung), 5 1 Grand Minister o f Works (t 'ai-ssu kung).

35 Grave sites, tombs, 55, 8 1 . 91 , 98, 1 33 n.44, 1 42 n . 1 44 Guest of the Heir Apparent (t'ai-IZU pin-k 'o), 1 82 'Guest-retainers' (pin-k '0), 42, 48, 1 34 n.62 Han Yti, 1 78 n.36

234 Hanlin Academicians (Hon·lin hsueh·shih), 110 Heng prefecture, 1 6 2 Ho Ch'ang-chtin. 5 Ho-ch'iao, 68. 70 Ho-chien Hsing family, 53, 1 36 n. 21 Ho-pa Sheng, 70. 73 Ho-pa YUeh, 68 Ho-tung Hsueh family, l 1 , 1 23 n. 33, 1 5 9 Ho-tung Liu family, 1 23 n.33, 1 28 n.41 , 1 36 n.21 Ho-tung Ma-shih family, 1 24 n.3 Ho-tung P'ei family, 1 1 , 1 9, 2 5 , 1 36 n.21 Horse Parader (chin-mo), 1 51 n.80, 1 88 Hou Ching, 23, 7 8 Houses subject t o government oorvee (i· men or san-wu men), 1 9 Hsiao Chih-chung, 1 95 Hsiao family, 1 1 , 23, 29, 1 28 n .53 Hsiao-hou Fei, 1 98 Hsiao-hsing, 1 S4 n.106 Hsieh family: see Ch'en-i:hiin Hsieh family Hsien-pei, 24, 25, 27, 28, 52, 65, 68, 80 Hsien-yu Hsiu-li, 56 Hsing Ying, 53 HSing-shih shih·fun, 1 6 1 Hsing-tsu hsi-/u: see Ta T'ang hsing·lm hsi-Iu Hsiung-nu. 19, 52 HSiiIln ching, 1 31 n . 28 Hsiieh family: see Ho-tung Hstieh family 1isueh Hsun, 1 99 Hstin family: see Ving-i:h'iian HsUn family Hua-yin Yang family, 1 1 , 1 9 , 28, 38, 1 36 n. 2 1 . 1 8� Huan Wen, 21 Hung Mai, 1 57 Hung-nung Yang family: see Hua-yin Yang family Hunting, 41

Ikeda On, 7 l-kuan p 'u. 1 61 Imperial ooncubines, 5 9 Imperial family: see rulers Inspecting Commissioners (pn.ch '0 shih, tsai-fang shih, kuan-ch'a shih), 1 09, 1 83, 1 86 Inspectoc-general of Fortifications (fang· ch 'eng tu·tu), 73 Inspector-general (tu·tu), 73 Intermarriage: see marriages Irregular posts (lm-woi), 1 5 1 n.84 Johnson, David G., 6, 7 , 1 21 n.I s , 1 22 n.2 l , 1 38 n.62 Judicial lnve�iigator (ta-li p 'ing·shih), 1 8 7 Jung-yang Cheng family, 1 1 , 25, 30, 59,

Index

235

6 1 , 88, 9 5 , 96, 1 36 n.21 , 27, 1 37 , n . 3 7 , 1 47 n . 2 9 , 1 59, 1 70, 1 87, 1 89 K'a;-ytian p'u, 1 6 1 , 1 69, 1 75 n.1 3 Kao Chao, 64, 67 J{aQ Ch'eng, 7 1 , 7 6 , 7 7 , 85 Kao Huan, 68, 70, 7 1 . 76 , 7 7 Ka o Shen, 1 40 Kao Yitn, 5 3 K'ao-hsing lll�h chi. 1 6 1 Kawakatsu Yoshio, 5. 1 22 n . 2 1 Kinship organization, 8 , 1 5 , 2 1 -2, 26, 3 1 . 45, 46, 53, 5 5 -6 1 , 68, 78, 82, 83, 903, 94, 116, 1 24 n.2, 1 26 n.25, 26, 1 3 3 n.41, 1 46 n.20, 1 5 8 Ko Jung, 70 Ku Chi-kuang, 4, 5 Kuang prefecture, 60 Kuang-p'ing Sung family, 59, 60, 6 ) , 1 36 n.21 Kuang-p'ing Yu family, 53 Kuang-tsung, 1 54 n. 106 K'ung Hsi, 3 8 , 41 , 1 30 n.24 K'ung Ying-ta , 1 82 Kuo Tzu-i, 1 87 Landholding, 1 6 . 1 9 , 28 , 42-6, 56, 82-3, 1 1 4, 1 l 7 , 1 2S n.7

Lang-yeh Wang family, 1 1 , 1 9, 20 , 2 1 - 2 , 1 26 n_25, 1 29 n.62, 1 59 Left Assistant to the Department of State (shang-shu tSo·ch 'eng), 5 1 . 65 Left Chief Aide to the Minister over the Masses (sm-t'u Iso chang-shih), 65 Left Chief of Secrt"taries (tso chung-lang ckwlIg), 6 5 Left Vice-president o f the Department of State (tso p 'u-yeh), 5 1 , 7 7 Lenski. Gerhard, 1 20 n.l Lesser houses (hou-men), 1 9

L i Chai-hsin, 200 Li Cheng-Ii, 1 9 3 Li Chii, 201 Li family: see Lung-hsi family Li Hsi-jen, 59 Li Hsi-tSllng, 59 Li Hsien. 59, 6 1 L i Hsien-fu, 1 27 n.39 Li Hsu-hsitn, 59 Li Hua, 99, 1 85 , 1 87 Li Huang, 1 93 Li I, 59 Li I-yen, 1 28 n.51 Li Ling, 53 Li P'an, 1 9 8 Li Pao, 14 n. 1 35 Li Ping, 201 Li Po, 1 85

Li or Chao-chtln Li

Li Shao, 1 93 Li Shen, 1 99 Li Shih, 1 93

Li Shou-hsu, 1 97 Li lung-ch'eng, 1 9 8 Li Wei. 1 95 Li Wei-chien, 1 46 n.24, 200 Liang Chi. 45, 47, 48, 1 32 n.29 Liang family, 38, 1 32 n.30 Lineages: see kinship organization

Liu Chili-chi, 1 28 n.51 Liu family, I I tiu Fang, W , 1 1 , 95 . 1 22 n . 2 9 Liu J u ng , 1 9 3 Uu Mi, 200 Liu Tsung-yUan, 1 96 Lill Tz'u, 1 54 n. l 02 Lill Yu, 2 1 Local autonomy, 24-5 Local base, ] 5, 26, 42-6, 55-6, 68 , 72, 8 1 -3. 91 Local elite : see local magnates Local gentry : see local magnates

Local magnates, 5, 6, 7, 9, 1 5, 1 6, 1 9, 24,

25. 27, 42, 43, 5 3 , 56, 87, 1 28 n.54, 1 36 n.27 Local posts. 62, 1 27 n.34

Lo-yang, 28. 40- 1 , 58, 68, 88, 9 1 , 98, 1 0 2 Lo-yang Tou family, 1 59 Lu Chan, 1 4 1 n . 1 35 Lu Chao, 197 Lu Ch'eng, 1 97 Lu Cheng-'j, 1 95 Lu Chin-yu, 1 92 Lu Chung-fu, 1 9 7 Lu Ch'ui, 201 Lu family (non-Chinese), 1 1 , 29, 59

Lu family: see Wu-chun Lu family or Fan-

yang Lu family Lu Fan, 1 99 Lti Hsia-ch'ing, 1 58 Lu HsUan, 5 3Lu Huai-shen, 1 83 LII Hung, l99 Lu Hung-chiang, 1 94 Lu Hung-tse, 1 82 Lu I-tien, ] 9 8 Lu Kuo-i, 1 94 Lu Mai, 1 8 6 LII P'u, 1 27 n.33 Lu Tan, 1 93 Lu Te-ming, 1 82 Lu T'ing-yen, 1 97 Lil Wen. 201

Lu Yao-tung, 1 37 n.45 Lu Yin, 1 96 Lung-hsl Li family, l l , 25, 26. 28. 30. 88, 95, 96, 1 27 n.39. 1 28 n . S l . 1 36 n.21 . 1 60, 1 83, 1 85

Index

Ma familY, 38 Ma J u ng, 38, 1 31 n.29 Ma Yiian, 1 3 1 n.29 Magistrate (ling or chong), 79, 106, 108, 1 09, 1 53 n.94, 1 82, 1 83, 1 85, 1 81, 1 88 Major (ssu-ma), 64, 7 1 , 79, 1 82, 1 83, 1 86 Mailg mo unta"ins, 91 , 9 3 Mao Han-kuang, 1 22 n.23, n.25, 1 29 n.62 Marquis (hou), 69, 74 Marriages, 25, 30, 31, 55 , 58-6 1 , 74, 88, 94-6, 1 1 3, 1 29 n.60, 1 71 Mell-fa, 1 0 Mjlitary activities or power, 20, 2 1 , 28, 64, 66, 19, 1 06 , 1 28 n.50, 1 38 n_61 Militia (fu-ping) system, 6 ming-ching examination, 105, 1 07, 1 5 3 n.94, 1 79, l iB, 1 89 Minister (ch 'ing); 31, 6 5 Minister Over the Masses (ssu-t'u), 37, 4 3 Miyakawa Hisayukl, 6 Miyazaki lchisada, 6, 9 Monthly Instructions for the Four Classes ofPeopie, 36. 39, 40, 4 1 , 43, 44, 45 Mar/ya Mitsuo, 1 22 n.23, 1 25 n. 1 8, 1 26 n.25, 1 6 1 Mu Ning, 99 Naba Toshisada, 1 55 n. 1 08 Naito Torajiro, 4 Nan-tsu Ts'ui family, 174 n_7 Nepotism, 80 'New me n' , 23, 3 2 Nine-rank system, 4, 5 , 6 , 7, 1 7- 1 9, 22, 25, 28, 29, . 3 1 , 50, 53, 55, 62, 67, 80, 117 Nobility, 1 0, 29 Non-Chinese, 24, 28 Northeastern families, 1 1 , 95 , 96 Niida Noboru, 7 Office-holding, 6, 9, 1 6 , 1 8 , 46 -8 , 6 1 -7,

7 3- 81 , 1 04 - 1 2, 1 1 7 Officer of the Secretariat (chung-shu shejell), 109, 1 86 Okazaki Fumio, 4, 1 25 n .l l Old elites, 87 'Old prose', 1 87 'Old styIe' {of genealogies), 1 74 n . 1 0, 1 76 n.28 'Old text', 41 On Government, 36, 4 1 , 42, 43, 48, 1 34 n.57 Ossowski, Stanislaw, 1 20 n . 1 Ou-yang Hsiu, 1 58 , 1 74 n.lO

Pan Ku, 1 30 n.25, 131 n.28, 1 32·n.29· Pan Piao, 1 30 n.25 Patronage, 29, 32, 46, 47, 83, 105, I I I

236 Pavilion of Me n of .Letter, 1 28 nA9 Peasants, 43, 44, SO Pedigree: see birth, attitudes towards P'ei ChUn, 1 27 n.33 P'ei family : see Ho-tung P'ei family P'ei Fang, 1 9 2 P'ei Fu, 200 P'ei Huai-chien, 1 92 P'ei Hui, 1 99, 200 Pej·hai Hsia family, 1 24 n.3 Pei-hai Kung-sun family, 1 24 n.3 P'ing-cb'eng, 24, 58 P'ing-yuan Tu family, 1 28 n.41 Po Chu-i, 1 62 , 1 69 Po-hai Feng family, 1 36 n . 21 Po·hal Kao family, 25, 28, 5 3 , 59, 6 1 , 70, 1 36 n.21, 1 31 n.37 Po-ling (see aiI/O local base), 35 Po-ling Ts'uis, reasons for choosing, 1 1 -1 2 Powerful families: see local magnates

'Preeminent Clans of the Chief Ministers', 1 15 n . l 3 Prefect (tz 'u-shih), 62. 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 7 1 , 74. 15, 78, 1 02, 1 09, 1 37 n.49, 149 n.57, 1 53 n.94, 1 83 . 1 88 Prefecture (chou), 5 President of the Board of Personnel (Ji-pu $hang-shu), 5 1 President o f a Board Cpu-shang-shu), 6 5 , 71 , 75. 1 09. 1 10 Prince of Ch'in, 75 Prince S hih-hun of Hu;ti-nan, 64 Prince Ying of Chung-shan, 64 Professors in the Grand Academy (tahfUeh po-shih). 62 Professor of the Secretariat (chung·shu po­ shih), 66 Protection privilege (yin), 32, 89, 104. 1 05 . 1 06, 107, 179, 1 85, 1 89 Protege ([eng ch 'ao-ch 'ing), 6 2 Provincial elite of the T'ang, 8 8 , 89, 94, 95, 143 n.5, 1 44 n.8 'Pure' and 'impure' posts, 1 9 , 27. 65-6, 1 83

Reclamation of land, 4 3 'Record o f the Clans and Lineages o f T'ang OfficialS', 1 75 n . 1 3 'Record o f Famous Lineages o f Tun-huang', 1 74 n.10 Recruitment system (see a/I/O nine-rarik system. examination system), 28, 32, 46, 58, 88, 89, 1 04 Regional Commander (chieh-tu shih), 1 09, l i D, 1 1 1 , 1 69, 1 88 Registrar (chu-pu), 108, 1 83, 1 88 Registrar of the Minister over the Masses (sm-t'u pu-chu), 66 Retainers (see also 'guest-retainers'), 16, 4 4

Index

237

Revolt of the Six Garrisons, 5 5 , 64, 6772, 79 Right Vice-president of the Department of State (yu p 'u-yeh), 77 Ritual Attendant {clwi-lang), 1 05, 1 50 n.7 1 , 1 5 1 n.8I , 1 85, 1 88 Roman patricians, 7 R�s, 1 0 , 24, 25, 28, 30. 65, 74, 89, 1 1 7 , 1 27 n.35, 1 28 n.54 Russian service nobilit y, 7

Salaries, 48, 1 35 n.85

Secondary houses (tz ·u·men), 1 9 SeCretary (lang-chung), 67, 1 09, 1 40 n.1 26, 1 89 Secretary of the Board of Personnel (Ii-pu tang-chung), 67, 1 36 n.1 9, 1 86 Secretary of the Chancellery (chi-shih­ chung), 1 88 Selection test (hnJan), 32, 106, 1 07, 1 44 n.6 Self-defense, 24, 27, 1 25 n.7, 1 27 n.33 'Settling the lineages' (ting-tsu), 25, 29, 66 Shang-ku Chang family , 1 28 n.41 Shen Ping-chen, 1 57, 1 58 Shih (gentleman), 1 26 n.26, 1 43 n.t 5 1 Shih Lo. 52 Shih-shuo hsin-yU. 2 1 , 41 Shih-ta-!u, 88, 96. 1 19 SjfJlberg. Gideon, 1 20 n.1 'Small clan' (haiao-tsung), 93, 98 So fa m ily , 1 74 n. I O Sociid stratification, 1 - 2, 1 8 . 25-6, 302, 1 1 6 - 1 7 . 1 30 n. 1 2 , 1 33 n.34, 1 35 n. l 7 Ssu-ma fa mily , 1 1 Ssu-ma Shih, 5 1 Status group of old families, 93-103

Style of life (see also education, cultural activities, Confucian familism), 1 5 - 1 6 , 27, 3 1 -2, 39-42, 58, 83, 96-103, . 1 1 3, 1 3 3 n.34 Su HsOn, 174 n.l0 Sun Ch'eng, 47 Sung Hun, 1 54 n . l 0 3 Ta T'ang hsing·tsu h-si lu, 1 6 1 , 1 62, 1 68,

174 n.l0, 1 75 n. 1 3

To rang shih tsu chih, 1 6 1 Tai Shu-lun, 200 T'ai Kung, 34 T'ai"yilan Chang family, 53 rai-yilan Kuo fam ily, 1 28 nAI

I

r --

Tai-yuan Wang family, I I , 1 9, 20, 22, 30, 95, 1 23 n.33, 1 27 n.3 1 , 1 29 n.60, 1 60, 1 6 1 , 1 82, 1 83 Takeda Ryliji, 7, 1 4 8 n.45 T'an Kang's Lei·Ii, 1 3-4 n.l54 rang Chang-ju, 5 , 9. 1 22 n.21

r

r

-

-

r ---

r

T'ang Chien, 1 54 n.1 0 3 , 192 1"ao Hsi-shel!S, 4 Tenants, 1 6, 24, 44 Teng famly, 1 39 n.30 Teng HsUn, 47 Teng Kang, 1 32 n.30 Ting prefecture, 55. 59, 69 Tolstoy, Leo, 1 52 n.90 Top-ranking families (chitl-tsu) , 1 8-1 9 To-p.a 24, 53, 59, 64, 65, 68 Tau Chang, 38, 1 32 n.3O Tau fa mil y, I I , 38, 1 31 n.26, 1 32 n.29 Tau Hsien, 46, 47, 1 31 n.25, 26, 1 32 n.30 Tou Jung, 1 3 1 n.26 Tou KII, 1 3 1 n.26 Tou Mu, 1 3 1 n.26

Transmitting Officer of the Heir Apparent (t 'tli-tzu t 'ung-shih she-len), 1 88 Ts'ao Ts'ao, 19, 50 Ts'en Chung-mien, 1 71 n.29 Ts'uj ARg, 7 1 , 76, 77, 8 1 , 1 4 2 n . 1 44, 1 4 3 n.l 54, 1 44 n . 1 1 , 1 69-70, 1 7 7 n.34 Chan-yen, 1 89 Ch'ao, 35, 1 49 n.S9

Che, 18

Chen (Tang), 1 6 7 Chen (N. Wei). 56, 5 7 , 84 , 1 39 n.70 Chen-ku, 1 87 Cheng, 1 82 Ch'eng (Ch'ing-ho), 1 21 n . 34 Ch'eng (son of Leng), 1 89 Ch'eng-fu (son of Mien), 97, 1 85 Ch'eng-fu (married Wang), 201 Chi (son of Shou), 1 6 5 Chi (sonar Shih-fu), 1 80, 1 8 8 Ch'i (Han), 36, 38 , 40, 4 1 , 45, 46, 47 Ch'i (Tang), 1 5 3 n.91, 1 54 n . 1 03 Chi-ellang, 1 89 Ch'j-cb'en, 1 80, 1 87 Chi-liang, 1 3 8 n.64, 70 Chi-shu, 76, 77, 85, 1 43 n. 1 54 Chi-tse, 1 89 Chieh (N. Wei), 1 37 n.34 Chieh (T'ang), 1 I 0, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 79 Chien (c. 430), 54 Chien (c. 470), 63 Chiin (T'ang), 1 96 , 1 99 Chih (of Kuang-ch'ien), 9 2 Chih (son of Yu-fu), 93, 96, I l l , 1 1 2, I 47 n.32, 1 49 n.57, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 54 n. 1 05, 1 66, 1 88 Chib (son of Yen, brother of K'aO, 1 82 Chih (son of Yen, brother of Shan), 1 90 Chih-te, l 40 n . 1 (14, 1 65 Ching-yun, 1 6 5 Ching-yung, 64, 66, 67, 70, 1 36 n. 1 9, 23. 1 39 n.59

. -- - - -

Index Ts'ui Chiu. 1 94

Cho (N. Wei ), 5 3, 63 Cho (Tallg), 1 14 , 1 1 5. 153 n.97 Chou-p'ing, 1 30 n.22 Chil-chien, 1 1 4, l I S, 153 n.97 Chu-Iun, 59, 70, 7 1 Chuan, 35, 36, 39, 1 30 n.24 Ch'uang, 201 Chiln (Han), 37, 50, 5 1 ChUn (Tang), 1 97, 201 Ch'ung, 1 96 Chung-che, 59, 6 1 , 69, 7 1 Chung-fang, 74, 75, 140 n . l 02, 1 44 n. l l Chung-fu, 97, 98, 1 49 n.59, 1 80, 1 84, 1 9 3, 1 9 7 Cltung-jung, 200 Chung-mou, 1 48 n.54 Cltung-te, 1 8 8 Fa, 35, 36, 42 Fan, 1 5 3 n.96, 1 9 7 , 1 99 Fan-hui, 1 80, 1 89 FU, 1 9 3 Fu-ch'ing, 1 89 Han, } 96 Han-beng, 1 5 3 n.97

Hang, 1 5 3 n.97 Hao (Ch'ing-ho), 149 n.55 Hsiao-cheng. 57, 58 Hsiao-chih. 70, 7 1 Hsiao-fen. 57, 66, 69, 70, 7 1 , 1 37 n.35,

1 38 n.64, 66, 1 39 n.69, 70

Hsiao-wei, 57, 1 36 n.24 Hsiao-yen, 56, 57, 69, 70, 1 36 n.24 Hsien (N. Wei), 1 36 n.22 Hsien (N. Ch'i), 56, 57, 76, 77. 85. 1 40

n.l l i . 1 4 1 n. 1 42

238 Hung (Chin), 51 H ung (Ch'ing-ho ), 1 27 n . 34 Hung-chUn, 98 H ung-li, 1 49 n.56, 1 5 3 n.57, 1 6 9 , 1 7 7 n.34, 1 94, 1 98 Hung-sheng, 74, 75 Hung-tu, 74, 75, 140 n . 1 0 2 I (Han), 3 6 , 1 35 n. l 8 I (Former Yen), 53, 5 5 , 62, 63, 98, 1 36 n.22, 1 48 n.54 I (N. Wei), 61 , 1 37 n.35 I ( Su i). 1 40 n.1 26, 1 7 7 11.34 I (Tang, politically important), 1 14, 1 1 5, 1 5 3 n.97 I (T'ang, married P'ei), 1 92 I (Tang married Cheng), 1 94 I (married Tang ), 1 9 5 I-fu (son of Hun), 97, 1 0 1 , l OS, 149 n.65, 1 87, 193 I-fu (son of T'ao), 1 80 , 1 85 I-ju, 1 49 n.S4 I-pin. 165, 200 I-sun, 92, 1 1 4 , 1 5 3 n.97 Jen·i, 1 99 Jen-shih, 9 2 , 1 1 2 , 1 S3 n.97 Jih-chih, 153 n.96, 97 Jih-yung, 92, 1 1 2 , 1 4 9 n.S6, 5 7 , 1 5 3 n.97, 1 62 Jou, 1 89 Jung (N. Wei), 1 36 n.24 Jung (son o f Tao-pin). 1 65 , 1 67 , 1 95 Jung (politicaJly important), 1 53 n.97 Kai, 69, 70 K'ai, 97, 1 5 3 n.94, 1 76 n.26, 1 79, 1 80 ,

192 K'ang (son o f Shih-Ii), 1 9 3 Kao-ch'iu, 1 99

Hsin, 6 1 , 70, 1 39 n.80

K'o-kuan, 1 46 n.24, 200

Hsing-kung, 92. 1 10, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 5 4 n. l 03, 1 92 Hsing-tsung, 200 Hsiu-ho, 1 36 n.24 Hsu. 136 n.24 Hstian (Chief Minister). 1 1 2 , 1 5 3 n.97 Hstlan (son of Yen), 1 79 Hstian (son of Y u) , 1 6 7 Hsuan-Iiang, 92. 93, 1 50 n.70, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 94 Hstian-po, 1 37 n.48, 57 Hsuan-wei, 1 1 0, 11 2, 1 5 3 n.97, 192 Hstian-yin, 1 96 Hstian-yu, 7 1 , 73, 74 Hsun (rnarr�d Yang), 1 95, 201 HsUn (son of Leng), 1 89 Huan (politically important), 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 9 3 Huan (married Tso), 1 96. 1 99 Huan (married Wei), 1 97 Hun, 1 82, 1 92, 1 9 8 .

Kuan, 1 1 0, 1 53 n.97, 1 54 n. l 02

Kuang-ssu, 1 65, 194 Kuang-yuan, 92, 1 5 3 n.97, 154 n.l03,

162 Kung (politically important), 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.97 Kung (married Fu), 201 Kung-Ii, 197 Kung-tu, 1 89 K'uo, 78

Leng, 93, 95, 96, 1 47 n.32, 1 48 n.42, 1 5 3 n.97, 166, 180, 1 88; 194, 198 Li (politically important), 1 S3 n.97 Li (married Tung) , 196 Lieh, 37, 4 1 , 43, 47, 48. SO, 5 1 , 1 30 n.2 1 , 1 35 n.87 Lin (married Li), 193. 1 96 Lin (Ch'ing-ho), 1 49 n.S3 Ling (Ching-ho), 1 28 n.48 Lun, 1 46 n . 1 9, 1 96, 200 Lung-tzu, 1 40 n . 1 26

Index Ts'ui Man-ying, 1 87 Meng-sun, 1 84, 1 97 Mien (N. Wei), 56, 70, 7 1 Mien (rang), 92, 9 6 , 98, 1 02 - 3, 1 48 n.46 , 1 49 n.58, 1 52 n.92, 1 5 3 n.9 7 , 154 n . 1 06 , 1 65, 1 6 6, 1 80, 1 82, 1 8� 1 8 5 , 1 86 , 1 87 , 1 9 2, 1 97 Mo, 1 38 n.6 1 . 64, 6 9 Mu. 1 36 n.24 Nai. l 89 Ning, 92, 1 46 n . 1 9 , 1 5 3 n.97 0, 1 96 P'ang, 1 84 Pae-te, 1 64, 1 65 Pei, 1 99 Pen, 1 9 8 p'eng. 7 4 , 7 5 , 1 64, 1 65 Ping, 69, 7 1 , 79, 1 36 n.24, 1 31 n.34, 1 38 n.64, 1 39 n.70 P'ing, 1 9 9 Po-chien, 7 8 , 8 1 , 1 44 n. 1 1 Po-liang, 1 88 P'u, 201 Shan (son of Yen), 1 80, 1 89 Shan (of Wei-chou), 9 2 Shao-chien, 1 65 Shen, 1 87, 1 94 Shen·yen, 200 Sheng, 1 92 Sheng-chih, 1 92 Shih (Han), 1 2, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41 , 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 1 0 1 , 1 24 n.5 Shih (T'ang), 1 02-3, 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.91, 1 98 Shih-chien, 70, 13, 74 Shih-fu. 1 87 Shih-shun, 1 40 n.l 26 Shih-yuan. 7 1 Shih-yueh, 10. 7 3. 74, 98, 144 n.I I Shou, 1 65 , 1 67, 1 94, 1 99 Shu (Han), 35 Shu (Ch'i), 34 Shu (married Wei), 1 9 3 Shu (son of Jo u), 1 80, 1 89 Shu (l8th century), 1 5 5 n . l 06 Shu-chin, 196 Shu-hsien, 1 88 Shu-ts'an, 59, 140 n.1 26 Shui-ssu. 200 Ssu-ku, 92, 1 0 9 Sun, 96, I l l , 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.97, 1 94 Sung, 1 95 Ta-fang, 1 95 Ta-na, 1 4O n . 1 1 6 rai-chih, 1 83 ran, 1 95 , 1 9 9 1"ao, 1 66, 1 84 Tao-pin, 1 65 Te-li, 1 40 n. 1 26

239 T'ing (N. Wei), 66, 67, 84, 1 35 n.1 9, 1 37 n.35. 1 38 n.56, 1 6 7 T'ing IT'ang}, 200 Tsai, 1 95 Ts'an, S I Tsao, 1 1 2 , 1 5 3 n.97, 1 78 n.36, 1 93. 1 98 Ts'ao, 1 9 9 Ts'e, 1 5 3 n.96 Tsuan, 1 36 n.20, 1 39 n.69, 1 62 , 1 6 3 Tsung. l 1 0 Ts'ung. 1 5 3 n.97 Ts'ung-li, 201 Tun-Ii. 92, 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.97 T'ung (married Cheng), 1 9 5 T'ung (married Yuan). 200 Tzu-fa. 140 n . 1 26 Tzu-lang, 57. 70. 7 1 Tzu-po, 1 40 n. 1 26 Tzu-shu, 1 40 n.1 26 Tzu-tuan, 140 n.126 Tzu-wu, 1 40 n. 1 26 Wan. 201 Wei, 1 9 9 Wen-hsiu, 9 2 , 1 95 Wen-yeh. 1 36 n.24 Wu-po, 92, 1 95 Yang-ylian, 1 97, 200 Yen (Ch'ing-ho), 1 49 n.SS Yen (son of J ung), 1 32 n.29 Yen (politically important). 1 5 3 n.97 Yen (son of Leng, of Lo-yang), 92. 1 89 Yen (son of Hung-chUn. grandfather of Mien), 9 3 , 97, 98, 99, 1 5 4 n . 1 0 1 , 1 79, 201 Yen-lang, 1 99 Yen-po, 1 38 n.60, 6 9 Yin (Han), 1 2, 36, 3 8 , 3 9 , 40, 4 1 , 43, 46, 47. 49, 67, 85, 1 01 Yin (T'ang). 200 Ying-fu. 1 66 , 1 87 Yu, 1 36 n.20, 1 38 n.61 , 1 39 n.63, 64, 69 YU, I 67 Yu-chih. 201 Yu-chih. 1 36 n.20 Yu-fu, 96. 97, 98, 99, 1 0 1 , lOS, 1 07, 1 1 2, 147 n.32, 1 48 n.49, 149 n.59, 1 54 n.l03, 1 65. 1 66, 1 80, 1 86, 1 87, 1 92 Yuan (Han), 1 2. 36, 38, 39, 40, 41 , 42, 43, 45 , 46 , 47 . 49 , 67, 1 01 , 1 31 n.28 YUan IT'ang), 1 1 1 , 1 1 2, 1 53 n.97 Yiian-chen, 1 36 n.20, 69 Ylian-hsien, 1 37 n.48 YUan-Weh, 93, 1 5 3 n.97 Yuan-p'ing, 1 95 yuan-shih, 1 1 2, 1 5 3 n.97

240

Index

.

Ts'ui Yiieh, 164 Yung, 64,. 1 1 4 Ts'ui city, 34 Tsukiyama Jisaburo, 1 5 2 n . 9 1 Tu family, 1 1

Tu Fu; 1 50 n . 68 Tu HsO, 201 Tu Lo-chou. 69 Tu Yuan-ying, 1 99 Tuan Ymg, 3 8 Tu-ku Chi , 1 8 7, 20 1 Tu-ku Hsin, 1 9 5 Tun-huang, 6 Twitchett, Denis, 7

Upper class: see social stratification Vice-minister (shao-ch 'jng), 65, 67, 1 83 Vice-president of the Secreta ria t (chungshu shih-lang), 1 0 2, W9 Viscount (tzu), 66, 1 09 Wang Chung-fu, 201 Wang Chang-1o, 1 26 n.26 Wang family: see T'ai-yuan Wang or Langyeh Wang family Wang Fu, 38, 1 24 n.S, 1 3 1 n. 27 Wang Han, 1 26 n.25 Wang "Hsiang, 1 94 Wang HuHu, 1 9 2 Wang 1, 1 26 n.25 Wang lung, 1 35 n.6 Wang Mang, 1 5, 3 5 Wang Pin, 1 26 n.25 Wang Shao, 1 94 Wang Shu, 1 26 n.25 Wang Ssu-chih, 1 99 Wang Tao, 1 26 n .25 Wang Teng, 1 98 Wang Tun, 1 26 n.25 Wang Wen-chih, 1 9 2 Wang YUn, 1 24 n.3 Warlords, 50 Wei Cho, 197 Wei family, 1 1 Wei HSUan-chen, 201 Wei Sho u, 6 1 , 7 1 , 1 36 n.27 Wei shu, 6 1 Wen-hsin tiao-lung, 41 Wen hSUon, 41 Wittfogel, Karl A., 1 20 n.l W\l area, 20 Wu families. 26, 27 Wu Hsien-ch'ing, 4 Wu-chun Chu family, I I Wu-chun Chang fdmily, I t , 20, 22 Wu-chUn Ku family, 1 1 , 20 Wu-chUn Lu family, 1 1 , 20, 22

Wu-hsing Shen familY, 1 26 n . 26 Yang Chen, 1 32 n.32

Yang Chien , 74, 75 Yang ChUn, 51 Yang family:. see Hua-yin Yang family Yang Hsiung. 1 31 n.28 Yang Hsila n-yen , 1 95

Yang RsUn, 1 99 Yang Hung-ch'eng, 1 98 Yang Kuo-chung, 1 54 n . I 0 3 Yang Lien-sheng, 5 Yang Ping, 1 32 n.32 Yang b'u, 38, 1 32 n.32 Yang Yin, 77 Yang YUn-ju. 4 Yane Chikara, 1 22 n.2 1 , 2 3 Yao Ch'ung, 1 83" Yen Chen-ch'ing, 9 8 , 1 82, 1 83, 1 85 Yen Chili-t 'ui, 2 3 Yen Hsien, .47 Yen lung, 1 4 3 n.1 49 Yen Keng-wang, 4 Yen Yung-chih, 200 Ying-ch'lIan Hsun family, 1 1 , 1 9, 20, 23, 1 27 n.31 Ying-ch'iian Yii family, 20 Yu family (non-Chlnese), 1 1 , 29 Yu Ya, 53 Yuan An, 1 32 n . 3 1 , Yuan Ch'a, 69 YUan Chen. 1 88 Yuan family (non-Chinese), 1 1 Yuan fa.mily (T'o-pa), I I , 29 Yuan family, 1 1 , 3 8 Yuan Feng, 38, 1 32 n.31 YUlln·ho hsing-Jsuan , 1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , 1 68, 1 75 n . 1 3. 1 77 n.29 Yuan Hsiu, 1 92 Yuan Kuang-shih, 1 96 Yuan Smo, 50 Yuan Tang, 1 31 n.31 Yuan Ts'ai, 1 87 Yuan Wei, 38, 1 3 2 n.31 Yu-chih Ch'iung, 74. 75 YU-wen family, 1 1 , 28, 74 Ya-wen T'ai, 68, 70, 73