Sui-Tang Chang'an: A Study in the Urban History of Late Medieval China (Michigan Monographs in Chinese Studies)

Sui-Tang Chang'an A Study in the Urban History of

Medieval China

Victor Cunrui Xiong

CENfER FOR CHINESE STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ANNARBOR

~~

MICHIGAN MONOGRAPHS IN CHINESE STUDIES ISSN 1081-9053 SERIES ESTABLISHED 1968 VOLUME 85 Published by Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1290 First Edition

Contents List of Illustrations Foreword Acknowledgments Explanatory Notes

xi-xii xiii-xvi xv-xliv

~ps

© 2000 Regents of the University of Michigan

All rights reserved Printed and made in the United States of America ooThe paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Publications and Documents in Libraries and Archives ANSIINISO/Z39.48-1992.

Introduction Chapter 1

Xiong, Victor Cunrui. Sui-Tang Chang' an : a study in the urban history of medieval China / Victor Cunrui Xiong. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89264-137-1 (alk. paper) 1. Xi'an (Shaanxi Sheng, China}-History. 2. China---Capital and capitol-History. I. Title.

1

Chang'an Before the Sui

7

Han Chang'an: Former Han-Xin, 8 Later- and Post-Han, 14

Chapter 2

The Morphological Genesis of Daxingcheng-Chang'an

31

Diffusionist Hypotheses, 32 The Edict of 582, 35 The Builders ofDaxingcheng, 37 Divinatory and Numerological Influences, 39 The Canonical Paradigm: The Kaogongji, 40 The Geomantic Paradigm, 43

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Chapter 3

The Palace City

55

The Taiji Palace, 58 The Eastern Palace, 69 The Yeting Palace, 73

Chapter 4 DS796.S55 X56 951' .43-dc21

V

IX

2000 99-058182

The Darning and Xingqing Palaces

79

The Darning Palace, 80 The Xingqing Palace, 97

ClP

Chapter 5

Central and Capital Administrations The Imperial City and Central Government, 108 Local Government Offices, 115

iii

107

iv / Sui-TangChang'an

Chapter 6

Ritual Centers

129

Urban Ritual Centers, 134 Suburban Ritual Centers, 146 Procedure for the Principal Round Mound Ceremony, 153 Ritual Practices of Tang Sovereigns in Chang'an, 159

Chapter 7

The Marketplaces

Illustrations Maps 165

An Overview of Sui-Tang Chang'an's Markets, 166 The Eastern and Western Markets and Their AdMinistration, 169 Market Organization, 174 Businesses Within the Primary Markets, 179 Businesses Outside the Marketplaces, 183

Chapter 8

Residential Quarters

195

Population, 196 Street and Canal Networks, 201 Residential Wards, 208 Chang'an's Six Residential Areas, 217

Chapter 9

Monastic Communities

235

Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism, 236 Daoism,242 Buddhism, 252

1.1.

Chang'an and China

1.2.

Archaeological sites in the Guanzhong area

2.1.

Plan of Sui-Tang Chang'an

xix

2.2.

Key features of Sui-Tang Chang'an

xxii

2.3.

Topography of Chang' an

xxiii

3.1.

The Tang Palace City

xxiv

4.1.

Archaeological map of Daming Palace

4.2.

Schematic map ofDaming Palace

xxvii

4.3.

1958 Archaeological map of Xingqing Palace

xxix

4.4.

1959 Archaeological map of Xingqing Palace

xxx

4.5.

Lti Dafang's map ofXingqing Palace

xxxi

4.6.

Xu Song's map ofXingqing Palace

xxxii

5.1.

The Imperial City

xxxiv

5.2.

Capital prefecture and urban counties

xxxvi

6.1.

Ritual centers of Sui-Tang Chang'an

xxxvii xxxviii

xvii

Chapter 10

Epilogue

277

7.1.

Overview of waterways in Chang'an area

Appendix 1 Appendix 2 Appendix 3 Appendix 4

Chronologies Daoist Institutions Buddhist Institutions English Glosses for Major Structures and Place Names

287 297 303

7.2.

Businesses in nonmarket areas before the An Lushan Rebellion

References Index

321 327 345

xviii

xxvi

xxxix

Businesses in nonmarket areas after the An Lushan Rebellion

xl

8.1.

Canal system of Chang' an

xli

8.2.

Functional areas of Chang' an (eighth to ninth centuries)

xlii

9.1.

Distribution of religious establishments in Chang'an

xliii

7.3.

v

vii / Illustrations

vi / Sui-Tang Chang'an

Figures 2.1.

Diagram of the Posterior Heavens (Luoshu)

2.2.

Inscription rubbing from the tomb ofMa Zhi and his wife, c.600

2.3.

49 49

8.9.

West Central Chang'an

230

8.10.

Southwest Chang'an

232

9.1.

Daoist institutions in Chang'an

244

9.2.

Buddhist institutions in Chang'an

255

9.3.

Dayan Pagoda, Tang dynasty

261

Daxingcheng-Chang'an and the eight trigrams of the Luoshu diagram

49

9.4.

Xiaoyan Pagoda, Tang dynasty

266

3.1.

Huaqing Palace, modem reconstruction

56

9.5.

Qinglong Monastery, modem reconstruction

268

3.2.

Gargoyle of tricolor glazed pottery, Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty

56

3.3.

Bathing pool at Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty

56

3.4.

Reconstruction of Mingde Gate

60

1.1

Dynastic capitals in the Chang'an area

4.1.

Reconstruction of Hanyuan Basilica, Daming Palace

84

5.1.

Sui and Tang ranking systems

117

4.2.

Surface remains of Hanyuan Basilica

85

6.1.

Ranking of Tang si sacrifices

131

4.3.

Reconstruction of Linde Basilica, Daming Palace

92

6.2.

Tang imperial rituals in Da Tang Kanyuan Ii (eighth

4.4.

Hua'e Loft-building at Xingqing Palace, modem reconstruction

100

5.1.

Sui government agencies

111

5.2.

Tang government agencies

112

6.1.

Altars of State

139

6.2.

Set-up for the winter solstice rite at Round Mound Altar

155

7.1.

Official marketplaces

168

8.1.

Zhuque Gate, Ming dynasty

204

8.2.

Measurements of the wards

209

8.3.

Structure of a Chang' an ward

210

8.4.

Residential areas of Chang' an

216

8.5.

Northeast Chang'an

217

8.6.

East Central Chang'an

220

8.7.

Southeast Chang'an

225

8.8.

Northwest Chang'an

227

Tables

century) 8.1.

City streets in Chang'an

9

133 202

Foreword At the height of its glory in the mid-eighth century, Chang'an was the most populous, cosmopolitan, and civilized city in the world. Merchants, missionaries, buccaneers, and adventurers from Persia, India, and Samarkand, singly or in groups, braved the terrifying hazards of vast and unknown deserts in quest of its fabled attractions. Many of the fmest examples of Tang literature and art were created within its walls or in its outlying suburbs. They depict scenes and situations that can be fully appreciated only in relation to their setting within the tumultuous and effervescent life of its crowded streets and marketplaces, or in the demimonde of its pleasure quarters. Weighty matters of state and the dark conspiracies hatched within the halls and spacious gardens of the palace enclosure, the colorful rites performed in the city's imposing temples, and the profound meditations of the monkish scholars in its monastic establishments are all made more accessible by their specific association with certain parts of the city. All the separate and interlocking aspects of life in Chang' an, from its early florescence in the late sixth century to its apocalyptic destruction at the close of the ninth and final demise at the beginning of the tenth, are laid out in all their glory or degradation in this painstakingly documented study. Separate accounts of various aspects of the story have been more or less available in a variety of secondary studies in both Asian and European languages, but they have been comprehensively and vividly brought together here. Art historians, social and economic historians, and students of literature, phjJosophy, and religion will all find fascinating material in this account of the Chinese capital. Curious general readers will also find much to enjoy. What sets this study apart from earlier treatments is its comprehensive coverage of all aspects of historical Chang'an-spatial, temporal, political, economic, intellectual, and artistic. Beyond that, the detailed primary documentation presented here makes the places and people of this great city come alive for the reader. Richard B. Mather St. Paul, Minnesota December 1999

ix

Acknowledgments As this monograph goes to press, it is fitting for me to express my heartfelt thanks to those who have helped me at various stages of my career. From 1973 to 1975 when I was struggling to learn English by myself in Beijing, timely help was provided by Li Miao, who offered me weekly tutoring sessions at his home. Around that time, Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang kindly allowed me access to their excellent collection of modem English books and Chen Hansheng helped me to improve my writing skills. Brigid Keogh taught me English and American literature at Peking University in the late 1970s, and her dedication to students has been an inspiring example ever since. In the late 1970s and early 1980s during my stay at Peking University, first as an undergraduate, later as a guest student from the Institute of Archaeology, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, I benefited tremendously from my friendship with a number of fellow students. Gong Jisui, now of Seattle, helped me solve many textual problems in my study of classical Chinese, and Lothar von Falkenhausen, now at UCLA, was a most helpful tutor of French and German. Among my Japanese teachers, I would first of all like to thank Hosaka Yoshlnari of Western Michigan University for his generous assistance in improving my spoken Japanese. During my 1996 stay in Hikone, Japan, I received much-needed help from numerouS Japanese friends, particularly Sawada KenzO and his wife, Sawada Kazuko, ofNagahama; Shimizu Mieko and Hayashi Yoshio, both ofHikone; Kiyama Masako of Otsu; and Nimura Kieko of Omihachiman. My interest in Sui-Tang Chang'an goes back to 1979 when I was pursuing a master's degree in Sui-Tang archaeology at the Institute of Archaeology. Although my research was primarily directed by Xia Nai and Lu Zhaoyin, I regularly sat in on classes in archaeology at Peking University offered by Yu Weichao, Su Bai, Zou Heng, Gao Ming, Yan Wenming, and others. To these scholars lowe a permanent debt of gratitude. At the Institute of Archaeology I benefited significantly from the collegial support of my fellow students in the class of 1982, especially Zhao Chao, now at the Institute of Archaeology, and Li Ling, now at Peking University. In. 1985 I began to study for a Ph.D. in Asian History at the Australian National University. During my stay in Canberra, the scholar most dedicated to the direction of my dissertation on Sui-TangChang'an was Ken Gardiner.

xi

xii /Sui-Tang Chang'an Before his departure for the University of Hong Kong, Wang Gungwu, in his capacity as my dissertation adviser, offered invaluable overall guidance. W.J.F. Jenner, also my adviser, helped me with the structure of the dissertation, and both Liu Ts'un-yan of Canberra and Timothy Barrett of London made useful suggestions on the first draft. Although loosely based on my dissertation, this monograph was completely rewritten in the 1990s at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo. Without the active support of my university, particularly the History Department and the College of Arts and Sciences, the completion of this book would have been impossible. I would also like to express my thanks for the financial support I received from the Western Michigan University Research and Creative Activities Support Fund, which allowed me to revisit Xi'an and pay my first visit to the Famen Monastery in Fufeng, Shaanxi. I am indebted to the four reviewers of the original manuscript, whose candid criticisms and unreserved encouragement helped define the present shape of the monograph. I am particularly thankful to Richard Mather of the University of Minnesota for his insightful sinological suggestions. I am also grateful to David Rolston of the University of Michigan for his consistent support and to Terre Fisher and her assistants Paula Miller, Julia Brooks, Nida Krailas, and Joseph Mooney for guiding this monograph through production. Lastly, I would like to thank my parents for their tolerance, understanding, and encouragement, and my wife, Li Xiaoqing, for her unwavering support. Victor Cunrui Xiong Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2000

Explanatory Notes Key Architectural and Topographical Terms chi dian

~*

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pond basilica, a large palatial structure often rendered as "hall." I reserve "hall" for the gloss of a smaller structure known as a tang. ward pavilion, a multilevel, roofed structure with verandas; often used for viewing scenery or sheltering book collections palace 1. abbey (Daoist); 2. belvedere bazaar river bay; the space between two crossbeams in premodern times. In Tang times, it was approximately five meters. street army 1. commandery; 2. prefecture 1. same as fang; 2. rural ward; 3. a unit of distance, approximately 540 meters in Tang times loft-building, typically a tall multistoried structure gate Buddhist convent Daoist convent watchtower. Some que were made entirely of stone and served as memorial monuments like steles. mountain river 1. monastery (Buddhist, Persian, etc.); 2. court (government agency) pagoda estrade, a spacious structure built on a raised surface hall

xiii

xiv / Sui-Tang Chang'an

Key Architectural and Topographical Terms, continued wei xian yuan yuan yuan zhou

ftj ~

III ~ ~

9'' '

guard (garrison) county garden courtyard park prefecture

Calendar, Dates, Official Titles, and Age Under the Han emperor Wudi, China adopted the reign-title system to designate years. In this book a reign year enclosed in parentheses follows its Gregorian calendar equivalent. An example is 742 (Tianbao 1); that is, A.D. 742, or the first year of the Tianbao period. Readers may also refer to the table of reign periods in Appendix I. However, where I use a Chinese (lunar) date as the primary reference, the citation follows the " ... th day of the .. ,th month" format; for example, "the seventh day of the third month." I have noted instances of .slippage between the Chinese and Western dating systems. For reign periods, Chinese dates, and their conversion, I rely on Ershi shi shuorun biao (Chen Yuan 1962) and Zhongguo shi Uri he zhongxi liri duizhao biao (Fang Shiming and Fang Xiaofen 1987). For years of birth and death of non-Buddhist figures, I depend mainly on Lidai renwu nianli beizhuan zongbiao (Jiang Liangfu 1965). For personages not contained in Jiang's work, I have tried to provide dates from other sources. For years of birth and death of Buddhist figures, I use Shishi yinian lu (Chen Yuan 1965). For the most part I use A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Hucker 1985) for the translation of Chinese titles. Traditional Chinese calculation of age begins at conception and considers a baby to be one year old at birth. Documentary sources invariably adhere to this method, which this book uses as well.

A Note on Citations Primary and other premodern sources are cited by their abbreviated titles. Abbreviations are formed by selecting the first letter of each romanized monomial or polynomial expression in a title. Full citations of all such sources will be found in the first section of the reference list.

Maps

Russia

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1.1. Chang'an and China

Qln Xlanyang

•

archaeological site

o modemcity

, N

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Minl-Qinl -IXingqing Xl'an l Palace

Sui-Tang Chang'an MingdeOate

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1.2, Archaeological sites in the Guanzhong area, After Xu 1987,39

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Dubui Marlcet $~ (Eastern Market) Dunhua Ward lIkftJ:Ji 12J Dunyi Ward iJcfWj lIC Eastern Market *$ 5-{;1 EastemPaiace *'8' 1-2G Fang1in Gate ~'" IC Feng'an Ward ft~J:Ji liD Fengle Ward ~ 7E Fengyi Ward 1l~J:Ji SA

Furong Garden Q= 13J FuxingWard fiRJWj 2C Guang'en Ward /If,f§.J:Ji (Cbangsbou Ward) Guangde' Ward :l'f;flJ:Ji 6C Guangdeb Ward JJffflJ:Ji 10J Guangfu Ward :l'f;mJ:Ji SF Guanghua Ward JJfftJ:Ji (Anxing Ward) Guangbua Gate IA Guangxing Ward :l'f;ffJ:}j 12E Guangyun Gate 2E Guangzhai Ward :l'f;m 1H Guiyi Ward Sj!JWj 12B Hanguang Gate ~~ 4D Hanguang Basilica ~ N. Suburbs Hanyuan Basilica ~ N. Suburb, Heping Ward mJ:Ji 12A Hongde Ward 5.l.:f!j:Jj (Cbongde Ward) Honghua Ward 5.l.1tJ:Ji (Cllonghua Ward) Huaide Ward 1!l1!VJj 6A Huaixian Ward BJ:Ji (Huaizhen Ward) Huaiyuan Ward 1li!lIJ:Ji 7B Huaizheo Ward 1JI.a:J:Ji 9D Imperia! City, also Huangdleng £~ 3-4D-G Jiafu Gate Ini'" 2G Jiahui Ward .~ 9B Jinehang Ward tf~J:Ji IIH Jinebeng Ward tE~ 3B Jing'an Ward !I1F5i:J:Ji 9G Iingfeng Gate iltl\l'~ 4G Jinggong Ward jjIJ$I1j 7J Jingshan Ward ~tiJ:Ji 9F Jinguang Gate 5A Tmgyao Gate :llHI'" IB Jude Ward gfflJ:}j 4A Kaihua Ward IlIHtJ:Ji 6F Kaiming Ward DIlIl§J:}j lIF Kaiyuan Gate 1lIl1lr, 2A Laiting Ward *RJ:Ji 2H Lan1ing Ward ftJ:Ji 10F Linde Basilica . . N. Suburbs Liquan Ward UJ:Ji 4B Liren Market flJ.A$ (Western Market) Lizbeng Ward jzJ!;j.}j IIJ Longqing Ward ~3!J:Ji (Xingqing Palace) Mingde Gate Il§flI" BE Pa1ace City '8'~ 1-2E-F Pingkang Ward ij!1iJ:Ji SH Puning Ward *'¥J:Ji 2A Qinglong Ward jfftJ;jj 121 Qinren Ward mtJ:J5 7H Qixia Gate n"~ 13G Qucbi Ward i!!J$l:Ji I3I Qujiang Pond i!!JiI7I!! 13J Qunxian Ward ~1Wi 5A Sbanbe Ward l!Jm 5E Shengdao Ward 1tmJ:Ji 9J

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Shunyi Gate ~N' 4D Taiji Palace ;;tU (palace City) Taiping Ward ;;tij!J;jj 5D Tonggui Ward 3iMfI.J:}j lIB Tonghua Ward iiiftJ:Ji 6E Tonghua Gate 2J Tongji Ward lMj;!fJ:Ji BH Tongshan Ward lMl!JJ:Ji 12H Tongyi Ward iiifWj 6D Western Market i19$ 5-{jB Wuben Ward ~ 5G Xianxing Ward IlJifj:f:Jj (Zhaoxing Ward) Xiguang Ward l!!lJ'(;J:Ji (Yining Ward) Xinchang Ward #Ji~J:Ji 8J Xinei Parle i19f1<J9i! N. Suburbs Xing'an Gate Jf~r' IG Xingdao Ward JfmJ:Ji SF Xinghua Ward JfftJ:Ji 7D Xinguing Ward ~J:Ji 2J Xingqing Palace Jf!l'8' 3-4J XiudeWard ~:f!j:Jj IC Xiuhua Ward ~ (Xiuxing Ward) Xiuxiang Ward i*#J:Ji 2B Xiuxing Ward ~DJ:Ji 101 Xiuzhen Ward ~!IWi IA XiuzhengWard ~ 11I

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I.

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5.2. Capital prefecture and urban counties 6.1 Ritual centers of Sui-Tang Chang'an

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fl I

i

lodging food and drink businesses

X houses of pleasure S retail and service shops • added by author

2

Han Chang'an 3

12 13

A

B

c

D

H

o

2km

1.."_ _' - - - _ - ' "

7.2. 7.1. Overview of waterways in Chang'an area

Businesses in nomnarket areas prior to the An Lushan Rebellion. Based on Seo 1990b, 195-203

i

~ lodging '" food and drink businesses X houses of pleasure S retail and service shops

•

added by author

2 3

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B

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9'--_-'-_---IP'"

7.3.

Businesses in nonmarket areas after the An Lushan Rebellion. Based on Seo 1990b, 195-203

8.1. Canal systems of Chanz'an. After Ma 1982, 641

•

Main residential area of high officials

•

Arable land

•

CotmnQners. area

filii

9

Buddhist

G ..

Daoist Zoroastrian Nestorian Christian

•

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!

Scenic area

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I

Xinei Park Palace City

Imperial City

H

.

o

o

2km

L . '_ _' - - _ - ' .

8.2. Functional areas of Chang'an (eighth to ninth centuries) 9.1. Distribution of religious establishments in Chang'an

Key to Map 9.1 A. Buddbist monasteries

Bao'an4A Bao'en8D Baocba4H Baoji llD Baosheng8G Baeshou IHE BaowangS,A Baoyi 9B Baoying 5J BianeaiSA Biancai6A Changfa6C Chanlin41 Chengdao7D Chengjue3C Chongfu2B Chongji 10H Chongjing Convent 9G Chongsheng 8D Chongye Convent 8C OIongyi SD OIuguo IIH Cibei 6C Ciren Convent 8C Da'anguo II Oaci'en IIH Dafa8D Dajianfu6F Dajue 8C

Gongde Convent IB Gongde Convent 7B Guangbao4B Guangde6C Guangming IIF Guangzhai IH W Haijue8C He'en3H Helin, Palace City Hongguang6A Honghua IIJ Hongye Convent 7E Huadu3A Huehl 51 Huguo tianwang, Imperial City Huichang3B Huijue5C Huiri6A Huiyun3C Jianfa Convent 3C Jianfu 131 Jianfu Mon. Futu Courtyard 7F

Jidu Convent 8E Jifa4C liguo9C Jiogfa 7C Jiogjue 131 Tmpe Convent 7A Tmgxing7A tmgying6E Jingyu6H TmgzhullH Ttshan Convent 3A Dakaiye7E Jiudu4D Daojue4C Kaishan Convent 3B Oaxingshan 9F Dayunjing 7B Kongguan7D Oazhong baosheng 2J Leshan Convent 3D Ung'an9B Oazhuangyan 12A E Lioggan 7G Dazongchi 12A W Deye Convent, Palace City Unghua2A Liquan4B DingshuiSD Longhua Convent 9J Fabao7B Longxing3C Fahai4C Fajie Convent 7E Luohan6A Miaosheng Convent 4B Fajue Convent 11 C Miogde, Daming Palace Faming Convent 8C Miogfa4C FashenSA MingjueSH FashouSD Miogjue Convent 4C Fashou Convent 6F Fayun Convent 81 Min&fun 7C Ningguan4A Fazhong3B Puji4A Feng'en4A Puti [BodhiJ 5H Fengci6H Puyao 121 Foguang, Palace City Qianfu \B Fotang Courtyard, Qingchan2J Eastern Palace, Palace Qinglong 81 City Renfa2H Fu1in IB Riyanl21 Futian IIC Rongjue8C Ganlu Convent 41

Ruisheng3B Shanguo 3H Shanguo4C Shengguang 6C Shengjiog SF Shengye41 Shentong9C Shifan 3B Taiyuan 3H Tongfa 101 Wanshan Convent 2B WenguoSD Wuliangshou 3J Xianghai IOH Xianjue 8C Xiansheng tianwang 3C Xiantian4A Ximing7C Xindu9C XingfuIC Xingsheng Convent 60 Xingtang 21 Xiuci Convent 41 Xuanci SI Xuanfa 71 Xuanhua Convent lOB Xuanhua Convent lID Yanghua5H Yide5C Yifa4A Yingfa 10D Yongshou 8G Yongtai SB Yuanjue 8C Yuanli8B Yunhua61 Zhangjiog 2-3J Zhaocheng Convent 2B Zhaefu6G Zhaojinggong 6J Zhengguo Convent 80 Zhenglrong Convent 3C Zhenguo 4-SJ Zhenguo cIabore 4C Zhenhna Convent SA Zhenxin Convent SA Zhenyuan puji \3J Zijing Convent 8G Zishan Convent 8E Zisheng4H Zisheng, Eastern Market Zoughna31 B. Daoist abbeys

Chengxu liE Chongming 3C Chongzhen 81 Dongliog6J Dongming2A Futang9E Fnxiang4C

Guangtian5G Haotian 12F Huafeng2J Huiyuan7H Guizhen. Palace City Jiayou 5H Jinxian 2C Jiuhua6D Kaiyuan liE Linggan7G Liogying9H Longxing7A Longxing9H Qianyuan7G Qingdu3H Qingdu 8G Qingxu SA Sandong Convent 4B Sanqing Basilica, Darning Palace Sanqing Basilica, Palace City Taipiog Convent II G Taiqiog3B Taiqing Palace 21 Taizhen Convent 71 Tangcbang SE Tianchang 9A Wan'anSH Wutong IB Xianyi Convent 7H Xinchang II G X'mchang9E Xingtang II Xuandu9E Xuanyuan huangdi Temple, Oaming Palace Xuanzhen4H Yantang2B Yuzhen2C YIIZbi 9C Zhaocheng 3C Zhide Convent SF Z0ngda09H C. Nestorian structure 3ANE O. ZoroastriaD structures 2ANW 4DSE 4BSW 4CSW 7A 7JSW

Introduction ui-Tang Chang'an 1liF;f~~, or Daxingcheng-Chang' an *~~~, I was a historic city located in the present-day Xi'an area of Shaanxi Province. Founded by the first Sui sovereign, Wendi, as Daxingcheng in 583 (Kaihuang 3), it was renamed Chang'an in 653 (Yonghui 4) by the third Tang sovereign Gaozong. 2 Chang'an was eventually abandoned in 904 (Tianfu 4) by the penultimate Tang sovereign Zhaozong. During its existence Chang'an was the most spacious and often the most populous urban center in the world. Laid out as the terrestrial abode of the Son of Heaven, the axis mundi from which he sought and received divine sanction from Heaven, Earth, ancestral spirits, and other gods, Sui-Tang Chang'an was the medieval Chinese city at its most spectacular. Its symmetrical plan was executed to perfection, following an ancient urban cosmology, and its gridiron framework included over a hundred orthogonally designed mini-cities-the consummation of a centuries-old urban ward system. Over time Chang'an evolved into the most cultivated metropolis in medieval China, dominated by a sophisticated secular culture, yet penneated with the spirit of monastic religion. Although governed by officials schooled in an anti-mercantile tradition, Chang'an played host to a dynamic and thriving business community. Offering diversity, tolerance, and above all, civilization, Chang'an attracted travelers, merchants, pilgrims, and scholars from all over China and Asia. While still in its printe, Sui-Tang Chang'an was already the subject of scholarly research. In 722 the Tang scholar Wei Shu ~jz!t, who served at the court of Xuanzong, completed a work on Chang'an and Luoyang entitled the Liangjing xinji ~Jjtff~c (LJXJ), which laid the groundwork for Sui-Tang Chang'an studies. 3 Prominent among later works is the Chang'an zhi ~~® (cAZj by Song Minqiu *~, a leading Song scholar whose greatest

S

1 Also known as Jingcheng ~l:)£ (Metropolitan City), Xijing gs~ (Western Metropolis, from 742),. Zhongjing q:r~ (Middle Metropolis, 757-61), and Shangdu J::W (Superior Capital, from 762). XTS places the name change to Shangdu in the first year of Suzong (756). It should be in 762 (Baoying 1) under Suzong. See Zizhi tongjian ~¥fj~ (ZZTJ) 222.7119; XTS 37.961. 2 3

Leibian Chang 'an zhi ~~~ (LBCAZ) 2.44. Of the original five chapters, only chapter 3 has survived. See Fukuyama 1953, 30-66;

Cen 1990, 710-11.

1

2 / Sui-Tang Chang'an contribution lies in his personal investigation of the city's structural remains. At the time of its publication, his work was said to be at least ten times as detailed 4 as the Liangjing xinji. Traditional scholarship on Chang'an culminates in the volume by the Qing scholar Xu Song f*~, entitled the Tang /iangjing chengfang kao m~*J;fttjj:?t (TLJCFK).s Xu draws upon over 400 sources, including the standard histories, epigraphic inscriptions, and anthologies of literary pieces. Wherever appropriate, Xu checks the details in the Chang'an zhi against other evidence. 6 To this day his volume remains the most significant source of primary information on the city.' Traditional works on urban history, which emphasize veritable details, constitute the cornerstone of premodern Chinese urban studies, but despite their occasionally pithy observations, their information is in general unsystematic, anecdotal, and descriptive. The investigative accounts and drawings that these works rely on lack precision and are often preserved in fragmented condition. Moreover, traditional scholars tended to focus on palace structures, walls, gates, and wards with royal and official inhabitants, rather than seeking to understand how the many institutions and communities that lay at the heart of the city evolved. Modem archaeology is the most reliable way to verify documentary records and rectify some of the problems of the traditional works. In this regard, Sui-Tang Chang' an has been relatively fortunate. Interest in the investigation of Chang'an was revived at the tum of the twentieth century by the Japanese scholars Sekino Tadashi, Kuwabara Jitsuzo, and especially, Adachi Kiroku, author of Choan shiseki no lrenkyU ~~~O)et~ (Investigation of the Remains ofChang'an).B Chinese archaeologists began to survey the overall plan of Sui-Tang Chang'an systematically in the 1950s. They conducted intensive excavations at two of the three palace complexes and investigated city streets, walls, city and palace gates, the markets, and selected residential wards and Buddhist monasteries. 9 Because of its disciplinary limitations, however, archaeFor basic textual information on the Chang'an zhi, see Si!cu quanshu zongmu tiyao [9J!l[~.*!§m~ (SKIT) 70.619-20. For an evaluation of the work, see Hiraoka 1956, Texts Volume, 7-9. For the texts, see CAZ, 73-238; CAZHi, 91-121. S More than two-thirds of the volume is devoted to Chang'an. It was recently republished in China in an edition rigorously researched and punctuated by Fang Yan. It was also translated into Japanese with detailed annotation by Otagi HlYime. 6 TI.JCFK, "Dianjiao shuoming" ~~,,§, 1-3; Hiraoka 1956, Texts Volume, 6-7. 7 Traditional scholarship on Tang city planning is reviewed by Needham (1971, 87-88) in the context of the evolution of architectural literature in premodern China. s Okazaki 1987,26. 9 For general reports on the entire city see Hang et al. 1958; Ziliaoshi 1961; Ma 1963; Ma 1987. Ma (1963) supersedes both Hang and Ziliaosh~ but it underestimates the area of the Eastern Palace. This error was later corrected (see Ma and Yang 1978). Also see Ma 1987 for a follow-up report. 4

Introduction /

3

ology is prone to overemphasizing the stylistic, material, and technical aspects of a civilization. It is ill-equipped to deal with the social, intellectual, and institutional transfonnation of an urban center as complex as that of Sui-Tang JO Chang'an. Moreover, the presence of modern surface structures often hampers excavation efforts, and this is frequently the case with Chang'an. Nevertheless, archaeology provides the much-needed impetus to interdisciplinary research. Even before modern archaeological accounts began to appear in China, Hiraoka Takeo amassed a number of key traditional sources on SuiTang Chang'an and Luoyang for publication in 1956 in a now indispensable volume, Choan to Rakuyo ~~t~ (Chang'an and Luoyang), together with two extremely valuable companion volumes, one of maps, the other of indexes. In recent years, a number of comprehensive accounts of Sui-Tang Chang' an have appeared; they draw on both primary literature and modem archaeology, and some of them give extensive coverage of its predecessor, Han Chang'an. ll These include works by Wu Bo1un (1979) and Zhang Yonglu (1987) in China, Song Suyi (1983) in Taiwan, and Sato Taketoshi (1971) and Muronaga Yoshizo (1982) in Japan. The most impressive individual research on Chang'an has been carried out by Seo Tatsuhiko, who writes copiously on various aspects of the city. Ono Katsutoshi (1989), well known for his annotation of the diary of the ninth-century Japanese monk Ennin IJJ1=, has crowned a lifetime of academic achievement with a most exhaustive account of Chang'an's Buddhist monasteries. Xin Deyong (1991) has successfully corrected a number offactua1 errors in Xu Song's Tang liangjing chengfang kao. Western scholars have shown an active interest in the city, but their contributions have been more limited. No booklength study of the city existed in any Western language until 1997 when the first volume (Die Stadtanlage) of Thomas ThiIo's two-volume book Chang'an:

Of the three palace complexes, the Darning Palace (:jcll,,§g) has been subjected to the most intensive excavation. The frrst report was published in 1959 (Ma 1959a), followed by a book-length study published the same year under the title Tang Chang 'an Darning gong m~~*l!IJg (1959b). A follow-up account was published in 1961 (Ma 1961). Excavations were revived in the 19805 and 1990s (Xi'an 1988 and 1997). Ma also published a report on the Xingqing Palace ~mg) in 1959 (1959c). On the residential area, see Shaanxisheng and Wenguanhui 1972b (Xinghua Ward, !!!HlJ:jj), and Ma 1989b (Anding Ward, ~~:l;fj). On Buddhist monasteries, see Li 1988 (Shiji Monastery, .~~); Lu 1964; Xi'an 1974b; Ma 1989a (Qinglong Monastery, Wft~); and An 1990 (Ximing Monastery, gt3a,,§~). On the Mingde Gate Il,,§.~, the city's main southern entrance, see Xi'an 1974a. On the Western Market, see Zhuang 1961. 10 For a critical assessment of archaeology and its role in the study of Chinese urbanism, see Wheatley 1971,79-80. II For a bibliography of Sui-Tang Chang'an studies with a focus on Japanese and Chinese sources, see Seo 1984b.

4 /

Sui-Tang Chang'an

Metropole Ostasiens und Weltstad! des Mittelalters 583-904 was published. 12 Nor have the key primary sources been translated. Even the monographs in Chinese and Japanese are often narrowly focused on the physical and royal aspects of the city, unable to transcend the framework provided by Xu Song and his predecessors and by archaeological research. In an effort to redress this imbalance I reexamine Chang'an in tenns of its urban and socioeconomic development. Adopting a historical approach in order to present a more complete picture of the city, I have based my study primarily on key traditional sources on Chang'an, while paying close attention to the standard histories, the unofficial histories, encyclopedias, compendiums, anthologies, and miscellaneous accounts.13 I have also delved into sources previously neglected by traditional scholars, such as those of Buddhist and Daoist origins. While reaIizing the limitations of the archaeological material, I have tried to make full use of it. In addressing various historical, institutional, ritual, and monastic issues, I am greatly indebted to secondary studies by modem scholars, both Eastern and Western. This book begins with a concise history of Han Chang'an, a city that predated Sui-Tang Chang'an by more than 700 years. Situated within the same general locality, the old Chang'an had many physical links and intangible ties to its Sui-Tang successor. While much research has focused on the Former Han phase of the city, I have tried to reconstruct its continued saga in the Later Han and post-Han periods. In 583, as Han Chang'an was being abandoned, a much larger city to its immediate southeast, Sui-Tang Chang'an, was receiving its fIrst residents. To put the 321-year history of Sui-Tang Chang'an into proper perspective, we need to adopt a periodization schema. In Tang studies the most widely accepted periodization in literary circles is a four-phase schema fIrst created by the Ming literary critic Gao Bing f.Uf* in his Tang shi pinhui P6b?$; (TSPH). Gao

12 In this volume, Thilo does an excellent job of gathering and critically reviewing archaeological infonnation. Most of the book is devoted to a ward-by-ward study of the city within the same framework adopted by traditional scholars such as Song Minqiu and Xu Song. It is in his second volume, which is not available at this writing, that ThUo plans to explore the social and cultural aspects of the city. See Thilo 1997, Vorwort: XIII. Also see Thilo 1990. Those who have published articles in English on the city include Arthur Wright (1965; 1977), Edward Schafer (1963b), Nancy Steinhardt (1991), Saehyang P. Chung (1990; 1991; 1996), and this author (1987; 1988; 1996). Paul Wheatley (1971) and Nancy Steinhardt (1990) have devoted substantial parts of their monographs on Chinese premodern urbanism to Chang'an 13 For full information on these works, see References.

Introduction /

5

identifIes four phases: Early Tang (the Wude through Kaiyuan reign periods), High Tang (Kaiyuan to Dali), Middle Tang (Dali through Yuanhe), and Late Tang (Kaicheng to the Five Dynasties). I have adapted Gao's model to create a five-phase periodization for the city, which includes the Sui dynasty as the first phase, slightly modifIes the four Tang phases, and leaves out the Five Dynasties: Phase 1: Sui (582-618)14 Phase 2: Early Tang (618-712) Phase 3: High Tang (712-756) Phase 4: Middle Tang (75~20) Phase 5: Late Tang (820--904)15 The fIrst issue about Sui-Tang Chang'an that I address is the muchdiscussed topic of its morphological genesis. Refuting the diffusionist theories put forward by Naba Toshisada and Chen Yinke in the 1930s and 1940s, I see in the city's layout two different yet associated traditions: the canonical and the geomantic. While canonical considerations are apparent in the placement of certain functional areas and the city gates, and in the layout of the road network, Yuwen Kai, the city's chief architect, chose to ignore certain canonical principles because of his preoccupation with geomancy. For example, he did not place the markets north of the palace, and he situated the Palace City in a geomatically propitious yet low-lying and uncomfortable location. This led to the eventual construction of the second urban palace and a permanent shift of power out of the Palace City. Cosmological concerns were conspicuous in the axiality of the city's major structures, yet by the time a third urban palace was constructed, axiality had been replaced by a more unconventional approach to palace layout. I reaffirm the traditional assertion that the Imperial City to the south of the Palace City was an innovative feature of Sui-Tang Chang'an. But I also argue that this central government area excluded not only common residential houses, but also the offices of local administrations, such as the capital prefecture and urban counties, a fact that points to their relative insignificance in the overall scheme of the capital. In studying the ritual aspect of the city, which traditional scholars largely ignored, I show that, due to canonical and conventional influences, only two ritual centers of relatively low rank were located in the heart of the city. Ceremonies of paramount importance took place in the suburbs, where the ritual centers were spatially identified with their objects of worship. To give an 14 This phase starts with the planning and building of the capital, not the beginning of the dynasty. IS This phase ends with the destruction of the capital, not the fall of the dynasty.

6 / Sui-TangChang'an example, the supreme deity in the state pantheon, Lord on High, always identified with the south, was worshiped at the Round Mound Altar in the southern suburbs. The extraordinary development of the business sector within the city is certainly one of the most fascinating but least understood aspects of Chang' an's history. Here I have tried to differentiate between two broad categories of business, those operating inside and outside the marketplace. Each was governed by a different set of rules. The residential wards, a key component of the city that took up most of its actual space, have received much scholarly attention. Traditional scholars have amassed a staggering amount of information concerning both the wards and their residents. Based on a model set up by Seo Tatsuhiko, I have divided the wards into six areas and examine each in spatial, temporal, and functional terms. The monastic communities, predominantly Buddhist for most of this period, were noted for their variety and conspicuous presence in the residential areas. I have studied their rise and fall, growth and maturation, with a focus on royal patronage. I devote the epilogue of the book to the collapse of the city, and the abandonment of the Chang' an area as a viable site for the imperial capital.

1

Chang'an Before the Sui To the east it relies on the barriers of Han Valley and the Two Yao, With the peaks Taihua and Zhongnan as its landmarks. To the west it is bordered by the defiles of Baoye and Longshou, And is girdled by the rivers He, Jing, and Wei. With its pubescent growth of flowers and fruits, It has the highest fertility of the Nine Provinces. With its barriers of defense and resistance, It is the safest refuge of the empire. -Ban Gu

IH ~

(A.D. 32-92)1

P"f11e geographical area Ban Gu describes in his "Western Capital Rhapsody" is 1 known historically as Guanzhong 1Hl~ ("Inside the Passes"i in present-day southern Shaanxi. In the heartland of Guanzhong the Jing River a~*), flowing eastward from central Gansu, merges into the Wei River O~* [?-a]]). South of the confluence of these two rivers, in a stretch of fertile land, lie the ruins of Han Chang'an, and the modern city of Xi'an, built over the northern part of the historic city of Sui-Tang Chang'an (see Maps 1.1 and 1.2).3 A major landmark in east Guanzhong is Mount Taihua *¥ (¥L.lJ), one of the great mountains in Chinese history.4 Further to the east are the strategic Han Valley and the mountain barrier of the Two Yao ~, both in Henan Province. 6 To the south, Guanzhong is bounded by the Zhongnan Mountains (~l¥iL.lJ) with their Ziwu

@9-ai

1 From "Western Capital Rhapsody" ("Xidu fu" it9~l!it), Wen xuan )(~ (WX) 1.22b. Translation by Knechtges (1982,99, 101). Z The Guanzhong area was never strictly defined. It refers primarily to the home territory of the state of Qin in the drainage area of the Wei River. See ZZTJ 8.282, commentary. 3 Knechtges 1982,98, note on line 16. 4 Mount Taihua is in present-day Huayin County, Shaanxi. Tan 1982, 2:42-43. S The Han Valley or Han Vale is in present-day Xin'an County, Henan. Du shi fangyu

jiyao .~jJ.*c~ (DSFYJY) 52.2254-55. 6 The Two Yao formation is in present-day Luoning County, Henan. Tan 1982, 2:42-43;

5:40--41.

7

8 / Sui-Tang Chang'an

Chang'an Before the Sui /

Valley (Tq:.~), noted for its difficulty of access.' To the southwest is Baoye Corridor (~~), a strategic valley in the Qinling ~ mountain range, 8 which links Shaanxi with Sichuan in the southwest To the west, in the Shaanxi-Gansu border area, lies Mount Longshou mlfE1, the highest peak of the Longshan miLl! 9 range. Due to its strategic, economic, and political importance, the Guanzhong area played host to thirteen dynastic capitals (Table 1.1). The first major urban centers built in Guanzhong were Feng II and Hao ~, the proto-Zhou and Western Zhou capitals. 10 North of present-day Xi'an was the site of ancient Xianyang ~ (Map 1.2),11 which served as the capital of the state ofQin from 350 B.C. It was from here that Prince Ying Zheng Nla, the last sovereign of Qin in the Warring States period and the founder of the Qin dynasty, set out to conquer China and to rule as the First Emperor.

Table 1.1. Dynastic capitals in the Chang'an area Dynasty

The ZiWlJ Valley runs southwest from the southern suburbs of Chang'an. DSFYJY 52.2254-55; Tan 1982,5:40-41.

7

8

Feng-Hao ~~ Yueyang ~~. Xianyang ~ Yueyang Former Han , Han Chang'an Han Chang'an Xin Han Chang'an WestemJin Han Chang'an Former Zhao Han Chang'an FormerQin Han Chang' an Later Qin Han Chang'an NorthemWei Han Chang'an WestemWei Northern Zhou Han Chang'an Han Chang'an Sui Daxingcheng Tang

*m£

Tang Chang' an

Dates

Years a/Occupancy

11th c. B.C.-771 B.C. 383-350 350-206 202-200 200 B.C.-A.D. 8 A.D. 9-23 313-316 319-329 351-383 384-417 Sept 4, 534-Feb. 3, 535 535-557 557-581 581-583 583-618

200--300 33 144 2 207 14 3 32 33 5 months 22 24 2 35

618-904

286

to

Source: Zhang 1987, 12-13, with some amendments *In Lintong, Shaanxi.

To understand the legacy of Han Chang' an, and to compare and contrast it with its Sui-Tang successor in terms of the evolving tradition of Chinese city planning, I would like to begin by considering the rise and fall of the Han city. The development of Han Chang'an, from its founding in 202 B.C. to its destruction in A.D. 583, consists of two periods: 1) the Former Han-Xin period, and 2) the Later- and post-Han period. The history of Han Chang'an in the first period may be divided into four stages.

Stage 1 (202-195 B.C.) At the founding of the Han dynasty, Gaozu ~tli (Liu Bang ~Jf~, r. 206-

Tan 1982,2:42-43.

Mount Longshou is northwest of present-day Long County. The Longshan mountain range is also known as Longdi RlIi~ (Knechtges 1982,98, note on line 15). See also Tan 1982,5:40-41; YHJX1Z2.45. 10 Both Feng and Hao wer.e founded before the rise of the Western Zhou dynasty. Under King Wu JEtE, Hao was chosen in preference to Feng, which remained the site of royal temples. Se.e Hsu and Linduff1988, 289-311. 11 Ancient Xianyang lay east of present-day Xianyang. 9

NamJ!

WestemZhou Qin

Han Chang'an: Former Han-Xin After the fall of the Qin dynasty in the late third century B.C., two entirely different cities bearing the name Chang'an were to rise in the Guanzhong area. The first, founded in the early Han dynasty south of the Qin capital Xianyang, is referred to in history as Han Chang'an; the second, Sui-Tang Chang'an, is the principal focus of this study. Han Chang'an, however, also bears close examination. Its political, economic, and strategic advantages are well documented in Han sources and these advantages generally held true for Sui-Tang Chang'an because of its close proximity to its Han predecessor. At the time when Sui-Tang Chang'an was planned, the urban prototype with which planners were most familiar was Han Chang' an, the city where they lived. Although Sui Wendi, the founder of Sui-Tang Chang'an, disparaged Han Chang'an, it was unavoidable that he use it as a key point of reference for the new city.

9

195 B.C.) initially chose Luoyang for his capital. A garrison soldier named Lou

.-§l!:

Jing (later awarded the royal surname Liu ~J) argued in favor of the Qin (Guanzhong) area because of its defensibility (gu ~) and the necessity of distinguishing the Han from the Eastern Zhou, which had been based in Luoyang. 12

12

Han shu~. (HS) l.xia.58; Shiji !£~c (SJ) 8.381.

10/ Sui-Tang Chang'an The Han adviser Zhang Liang M lent his support, pointing out that the Guanzhong area was protected by natural barriers "like metal walls of a thousand Ii" (jincheng qianli ~:fl£Tm). Referring to its wealth, Zhang Liang called the area a "heavenly kingdom" (tianfo zhi guo :7CJffz~). Gaozu immediately ordered the construction of Han Chang'an, the first great city in Chinese history, in 202-200 B.C. 13 The city was sited on an elevated area known as Mount Longshou (ft§', dragon's head) or Longshou Plain (ft§'ffiD, so named because the stretch of raised land resembled a dragon.14 Its head pointed north toward the Wei River, and its tail stretched southeastward to dip into the Fan Vale ~) II), about seventeen kilometers southeast of modern-day Xi'an. IS The earliest structure was the Changle Palace (~~'8), which was converted in 202-200 B.C. from an existing Qin suburban structure, the Xingle Palace (!m~'8).16 To its west the Weiyang Palace (*"*'8), built at great expense by Chief Minister Xiao He lffiiJ in 200 B.C., was to become the main seat of the COurt l7 During the reign of Han Gaozu, the precincts of Chang' an, composed mainly of these two palaces, were not enclosed. IB

Stage 2 (I95-141 B.C.) Gaozu's successor Huidi ~W (Liu Ying IIJ~ r. 195-188 B.C.) contributed significantly to the shape of the city by erecting a city wall. In the spring of the

13 SJ 55.2044. On the strategic importance and richness of the Guanzhong area, see Zhang 1987, 1-5,8-10. On the archaeological investigation of the city plan, see Wang 1982,6; 1984,3-5. For a concise accOimt of the planning of Former Han Chang'an and its main architectural structures, see Steinhardt 1990, 54-68. The most sophisticated study of Han Chang'an in a Western language is Wu 1995, 143-87. Recent archaeological research has made some of the earlier studies, e.g., Wheatley 1971, Hotaling 1978, and Koga 1972, seem dated. Little attention, however, has been given to Han Chang'an of the Later Han to the Northern Zhou. The Qing scholar Gu Yanwu ~ gathered some useful but sketchy information on the. topic in his book on capital cities in Chinese history; see Lidai zhaijingji Iflft45;'T-~C (LDZlJ) 5.90-92. 14 Not to be confused with Mount Longshou (ULlJ) to the west. IS Shuijing zhu shu ~?3:iQlt (SJZ) 19.1595 (SJZ commentary by Li Daoyuan ~ [Northern Wei dynasty]; sub commentary by Yang Shoujing ~ and Xiong Huizhen ~tl~ [Qing dynasty]). On the Fan Vale, see Zhang 1987, 185-86. 16 The project started in the ninth month of the fifth year of Gaozu (202 B.C.), and was completed in the seventh year of Gaozu (200 B.C.). See ZZTJ 3.364, text and commentary; 3.374. Also see HS l.xia.58 and SJ 8.385. The Han calendar initially followed the Qin tradition, with the tenth month as the beginning of the year. See ZZTJ9.296, commentary. 17 HS l.xia.64. . 18 SFHT 1.18.

Chang'an Before the Sui /

11

third year of his reign (192 B.C.), 146,000 laborers within a 600 lil9 radius of Chang'an were mobilized for thirty days to erect one side of the wall. In the sixth month of the same year 20,000 slaves from various princedoms and marquisates were employed to continue the project, and in the spring of the fifth year (190 B.C.), Huidi employed 145,000 male and female laborers for another thirty days to complete it.20 In the sixth year (189 B.C.), Chang'an's Western Market (Xishi 5m-) was set up.21 Under Huidi's two successors, Wendi (Liu Heng !ilJt:~[, r. 180-157 B.C.) and Jingdi ~W (Liu Qi IIJ~, r. 157-141 B.C.), large-scale construction at Chang'an ground to a halt. According to the histories, both of these emperors condemned extravagance and led exemplary lives of frugality and simplicity.

xW

Stage 3 (141 B.C.-A.D. 4) This stage was dominated by Wudi jtW (Liu Che II., r. 141-87 B.c.), who went on a construction spree, adding the Mingguang Palace (13)3:7\:;'8) to the north of the Changle Palace, and the Cinnamon (fi'8) and North Palaces (~t'8) to the north of the Weiyang Palace. Wudi's most ambitious project was the construction of the suburban Imperial Park Ct.**~), which had a circumference of 300 Ii. Of all the palace complexes Wudi built in and around Chang'an, however, the Jianzhang Palace ~:;:'8) in the western suburbs was the most spectacu1ar.22 Wudi had transformed Chang'an into a city of palaces, with little room for nonroyal residential quarters inside the walled area. Business activity was concentrated in the Western and Eastern Markets in the northwestern corner of the city, where there was easy access to the Wei River.23

Stage 4 (A.D. 4-24) The last stage in which Han Chang'an was the national capital began in dynasty, Wang Mang .:E.~ (r. A.D. A.D. 4, the year the founder of the Xin

mr

One Former Han Ii = 415 meters. See Twitchett and Loewe 1986, xxxviii. Both SJ and HS record the project See HS 2.89-91; SJ9.398, "[They] started walling the city in the third year; it was halfway done in the fourth year, and completed in the fifth and sixth years." 21 HS2.91. 22 SFHT2.40-46; 3.66; 4.83-87. 23 The river that traces the northwestern comer of Han Chang'an is known as the Bi River ?I1!W, which is the lower reach of the Jue River i1l* flowing from south of Han Chang'an. It merges with the Wei River to the north. The name Bi River is not recorded in Han-Tang sources. To its immediate northwest flows the Wei River. Wu 1979, 25; Wang 1982, 6; 1984,3-4. Also seeSFHT2.29. 19

20

12/ Sui-Tang Chang'an

Chang'an Before the Sui /

9-23), set up three key suburban ritual structures. They were the Hall of Brilliance (Mingtang a~~), the Biyong M~, both allegedly modeled on Western Zhou prototypes, and the Numina Estrade (Lingtai fllE), the state ritual center for astronomical-astrological observation. 24 This stage ended with . the city's destruction in A.D. 24. Few structures of traditional ritual architecture have generated such controversy as the Hall of Brilliance. The arguments touch on technical specifications, but focus mostly on its location and function. First, the synthesist theory of the Later Han scholar Cai Yong ~~ and his supporters views the Hall of Brilliance as a synthesis of classical ritual structures, a symbol of the universe, and a guide to rulership.25 Cai's argument is based on the Da Dai Liji *~m~c (DDLJ), a Former Han commentary on the Liji m~c (Record of Ritual), which describes a Hall of Brilliance surrounded by a Biyong.26 For Cai Yong the Hall of Brilliance was a multifunctional structure that served simultaneously as Ancestral Temple (Zongmiao *lV, Grand Academy (Taixue :;t\:~), and Biyong. That is, the Hall of Brilliance was identified with these other structures in location and function?? The opposite argument, what we might call the "separatist" theory, had Zheng Xuan ~~, the great Later Han Confucian exegete, as its most prominent advocate. A contemporary of Cai Yong, Zheng cast doubt on the legitimacy of the Da Dai Liji passage, and insisted on the physical separation and functional 28 also distinction of these structures. The Western Jin scholar Yuan Zhun

:a*

24 ZZTJ36.1146; Wang 1984, 13-14; Wu 1995, 179-81; Bielenstein 1986,494. It is believed that Wudi had a Hall of Brilliance built on Mount Tai ~tlJ. Wang Mang built the first Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an itself. However, SFHT quotes a Han shu ~.J: (HS) passage on Wudi's structure in Chang'an's southern suburbs, on which the Later Han scholw Ying Shao M comments: "Han Wudi created the Hall of Brilliance, and Wang Mang had it renovated and augmented." The same passage is quoted by Gu Yanwu in his Lidai zhaijing ji. The passage and its comment are not available in the Zhonghua shuju edition of the Han shu. Another Han shu passage, however, indicates that Wudi failed to build a Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an. I am inclined to doubt the authenticity of the Han shu passage quoted in Sanfo huangtu as well as the comment by Ying Shao. See HS 25.shang.1215; SJ 12.452. For the alleged Han shu passage and Ying Shao's comment, see SFHT 5.113; see also LDZlJ 5.83. The question of whether Wudi set up a Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an requires more documentary research. See SFHT 5.114. 25 Wu 1995, 178. 26 DDU 8. 142.

2? Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin-Han Sanguo ~iuchao wen ~.l:ii"= ft~~:=.l!.!!ln~;x: (QSG) 80.902-3. For a partial translation ofCai Yong's essay on the Hall of Bnlhance WIth a detailed analysis, see Wu 1995, 178-80. 28 The most valuable infonnation on the Cai-Zheng controversy has been preserved in the Liji zhengyi :m~ciEf!t (IJ) completed by the Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda tLfii~. See

13

systematically challenged Cai Yong's theory, which, Yuan argued, drew deductive inferences from problematic classiCal texts. Yuan faulted Cai and his followers for conflating such fundamental yet distinct Confucian ritual institutions as the Hall of Brilliance, the Ancestral Temple, and the Grand Academy.29 The Sanfo huangtu =.6111 (SFH1), a work of possibly Cao-Wei vintage (220-265) with later, especially Tang, interpolations, states: "The Hall of Brilliance is the hall of the way of Heaven where, in compliance with the progress of the four seasons, the twelve monthly ordinances are carried out, ancestral rites are conducted for early sage-kings, and sacrifices are offered to the Five Emperors. Hence the name 'Hall of Brilliance.' The Biyong is circular, shaped like a jade disk, and surrounded by water. Different in name, yet identical in function, [these structures are] in essence the same.,,30 This source seems to lend support to Cai Yong's synthesist theory in terms of the Structures' combined functions and location. However, although both the Hall of Brilliance and the Biyong were said to be the same distance south of Chang 'an, there is no solid documentary evidence that these structures occupied the same 10cation.31 In the Song source Chang'an zhi, Song Minqiu identifies three Han structural remains in Puning Ward (ll:t~:ljj, see Map 2.1, 2A) of Sui-Tang Chang'an. in what had been the southern suburbs of Han Chang'an. They were, from west to east, the Grand Academy, the Biyong, and the Hall of Brilliance. The site of the Numina Estrade was found in the Xiuzhen Ward (Mf~, IA) slightly to the north. Song's records, reaffirmed by the Qing scholar Xu Song in his Tang liangjing chengfang /rao, should be considered at least prima facie evidence of the separate locations of these ritual structures. 32 Wang Mang built a hpst of other ritual structures as well, including the Nine Temples in the southern suburbs. 33 His edict on the Nine Temples indicated that only his legendary "ancestors" such as Huangdi (JiW) and Yudi U 31.259c, Zheng Xuan's commentary, esp. Kong's subcommentary: ~IH~'P)'~~J!:~ (Zheng [Xuan] must have believed that they [the ritual structures] are all different). 29 U31.259c, Yuan Zhun's commentary.

30 Quoted in Chuxue ji tn~~c (CX/) 13.327. This passage is missing in the current edition of SFHT 5.112-14. On the origins of the Sanfo huangtu, see SFHT, "Jiaozheng xuyan" ~i§, 1-3. In SFHT (5.111) the passage that places the Biyong seven Ii northwest of Chang'an is obviously of Tang origin and the Chang'an here should be SuiTang Chang'an. Elsewhere (5.113) the passage that places the Hall of Brilliance seven Ii southwest of Chang'an is of pre-Sui origin, and the Chang'an it refers to is the old Chang'an of the Han. "Southwest" is probably a corruption of "south." 31 The archaeological discovery of a ritual complex south of Han Chang'an convinces Yang Hongxun (1987a) that Wang Mang's Hall of Brilliance was indeed combined with the Biyong. Huang Zhanyue (1960) identifies this complex with the Biyong only. 32 CAZHi 10.8; TUCFK 4.122. 33 Wang 1984, 14.

14/ Sui-TangChang'an ~1W were worshiped in the Hall of Brilliance.34 The separatist theory maintaining that the Hall of Brilliance and the Biyong were distinct structures appears to have triumphed in the Later Han, for both documentary evidence and archaeological research confinn the separate locations of these structures in Luoyang.3s In A.D. 24, one year after Wang's violent death at the hands of his mutinous troops, the Red Eyebrows (Chimei ?ffiJ§) rebels under Fan Chong's ~~ leadership sacked the city of Chang'an and started a conflagration that engulfed the palaces, residential areas, and markets. They looted all but two of the Han imperial tomb parks. A widespread famine followed, with the death toll estimated in the hundreds of thousands. Emptied of its residents, Han Chang' an was reduced to ruinS?6

The Later- and Post-Han Periods37 Han Chang'an lost its status as the national capital during the second period. The numerous dynasties later based in this city were at best regional regimes. For these reasons, primary sources on this period are much more scattered, and there is little modern scholarship dealing with the subject. However, it is undeniable that under the Later Han, Chang'an was revived as a regional urban center, and in fact, survived the collapse of that dynasty in A.D. 220. It continued to exist for another 363 years as a major urban center.

Later Han

Chang'an Before the Sui /

15

Chang'an, thereby reestablishing the city as the capital.39 Dong Zhuo was 40 assassinated by rivals in 192. At this time the metropolitaiJ. Chang'an area (Sanfu =filJ) once again had a population numbering in the hundreds of thousands. In 195, however, fighting broke out between Dong's associates Li Jue :::!14 (TLD), and Liangjing xinji. Maps drawn by Song scholars have survived into modem

T

1 This is the first often poems entitled "On the Imperial Capital" ("Dijing pian" 'o1'J?:m by Li Shimin (Quan Tang sm ~ [QTh11.1). Translation by Wilhelm and Knechtges 1987, 16-17. An alternative translation appears in Owen 1977, 55-56.

31

32 / Sui-Tang Chang'an times. In the early nineteenth century when the Qing scholar Xu Song wrote his monumental work on Tang Chang'an and Luoyang, he relied heavily on a Song map (Chang'an tu ~III) by Cheng Dachang ~~ and Li Haowen *Hr",~ for morphological information on the city. In the early twentieth century modem scholars began to reexamine the morphology of Sui-Tang Chang'an in terms of cultural diffusion. This endeavor was pioneered by two great historians of SuiTang China, Naba Toshisada of Japan, and Chen Yinke ofChina. 2

Diffusionist Hypotheses Naba Toshisada and Chen Yinke pin their proposed diffusionist theories on the origins of Daxingcheng-Chang'an.3 More than half a century has passed since they advanced their hypotheses, yet the theory of Chen Yinke, arguably the most influential twentieth-century scholar of Sui-Tang history, continues to carry great weight in Sui-Tang studies.4 Because Chen's theory is founded in part on Naba's hypothesis, it will be useful to begin with a brief examination of Naba's argument regarding "northern influence." Naba maintains that the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an varied in many ways from the prescriptions of the Kaogong ji :?tI~c (Book ofArtificers), the accepted canonical work on architecture. Naba is at ·pains to link the northern non-Han ethnic origins of Daxingcheng-Chang'an's planners with their unconventional approach to city planning. In a sweeping survey of capital cities from the 1bree Kingdoms period to the Northern Dynasties, Naba identifies two categories of urban centers: l) conventional cities planned according to the prescriptions of the Kaogong ji, such as the Northern City of Ye (Yebeicheng lI~tJ:JilG) and Wei-Jin Luoyang, both built by Han Chinese when the Central Plain was still under their control; and 2) unconventional cities such as Northern Wei Luoyang and the Southern City of Ye (Yenancheng ~lW:I)£), built by northern non-Han planners.s The key prescriptions that Naba cites in examining

Naba 1930,1248-54; Chen 1977,62-81. On the theory of secondary diffilsion and its relevance to ancient China, see Wheatley 1971, 6-8. On the importance of diffilsionist theories in twentieth-century archaeology, see Daniel 1981, 113-15. 4 On Chen Yinke's contributions to Sui-Tang studies, see Twitchett 1979, 10-11. Chen's theory is often accepted uncritically. See Okazaki 1987,41; Song 1983,36-37; Wright 1979, 78-79. Cen Zhongmian, another great scholar of Sui-Tang history, refutes Chen's theory in his Sui Tang shi. But his critique is brief, impressionistic, and unpersuasive (see Cen 1982,30). S Located in present-day Linzhang, Hebei, the historic city of Ye had two parts, northem and southern. The Northern City was enclosed under the Cao-Wei. In the early sixth 2

3

Morphological Genesis /

33

these cities are contained in the passage, "The Ancestral Temple should be on the left [east] and the Altars of State on the right [west]. The court should be in front [south], and the market in the rear [north]" (zuo zu you she mian chao hou shi tc*.H~±ffii~J.H&rjJ).6 According to Naba, the frrst group of cities conformed to these standards, while the second ignored them. The unorthodox practice of positioning the market south of the court (palace) persisted in Daxingcheng-Chang'an, which Naba ascribes to the "pragmatism" of the northern non-Han people. 7 Naba deserves much credit for pioneering the diffusionist theory on the building of Daxingcheng-Chang'an, but his work lacks archaeological data and is flawed by his limited documentary research. A more thorough investigation shows that the four cities he chose do not fit his two categories. 8 Another major problem concerns the origins of the Kaogong ji itself. A work of possible Warring States vintage, it was substituted for the lost chapter "Dongguan" ~'§ ("Winter Officers") in the Zhou Ii during the late Former Han dynasty.9 Because the Kaogong ji was clearly an interpolation, it is possible that for the Han and immediately following dynasties, the key passage quoted above was not considered the locus classicus it was to become in later ages. Chen Yinke agrees with Naba that the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an showed much outside influence. However, Chen is convinced that Naba is wrong to seek the source of that influence in the north. For Chen, it emanated from the northwest with its close cultural links to Central Asia. The linchpin ofChen 's theory is his identifying an otherwise little-known city, Guzang ~~, as the prototype for Daxingcheng-Chang'an. 10 Chen's theory proceeds as follows: Li Gao *~ (r. 400-417) ruled the Western Liang gs ~ dynasty (400-421), which was based in Dunhuang ~, near Guzang. The market in Guzang was located in the south-an unconventional practice according to the standards of the Kaogongji. This practice was brought to the Central Plain by the main architect of Northern Wei Luoyang, Li Chong *r~ (450-498), the great-grandson ofLi Gao. 1I The legacy of Guzang

century, an extension was added to its south, which came to be known as the Southern City. 6 Translated in accordance with Zheng Xuan's interpretation. See Zhou Ii zhushu J'liltl

?3:i6If (ZL) 41.289. 7

Naba 1930, 1248-54. "Pragmatism" is a translation of the Japanese tenn jikk6sei

. $ , which suggests an emphasis on practice over theory. critical review of Nab a's theory, see Xiong 1987, 137-45. Karlgren 1931, 2-8. 10 The site of Guzang is located in present-day Wuwei, Gansu.

8 For a 9

11

Chen 1977,68-70.

34 / Sui-Tang Chang'an then passed from Northern Wei Luoyang to Daxingcheng-Chang'an via Yuwen Kai ~:>c~, He Chou Wffflj, and Yan Pi Mm./t, three great civil engineers of nonHan descent who added exotic touches to the plan ofthe Sui city. 12 Chen's theory, sophisticated as it is, is marred by a number of factual errors. Guzang, the alleged prototype for Luoyang and Daxingcheng-Chang'an, had never been under Li Gao's control. Moreover, Chen's hypothesis on the southern location of the market is based on his misreading of a passage from the Shuijing zhu **,1tl: (River Classic Commentary) and thus is not credible.13 Li Chong, the great-grandson ofLi Gao, was raised in the Central Plain area. When he died in 498 the three market districts all lay outside the inner city. They were not enclosed within the city until the construction of the outer walls in 501. Obviously, the city Li Chong helped to create was Luoyang's inner city, and the placement of the suburban markets was probably irrelevant to its design.14 As to the three great civil engineers, there is no evidence that either Yan Pi or He Chou was of non-Han descent Yuwen Kai did descend from a Xianbei family, but his forebears had been active only in the northern and northeastern parts of China, and he and his father were fairly sinified. There is no substantial evidence linking him with the northwest.!; I am not suggesting the complete absence of outside influence on the planning of Daxingcheng-Chang' an, but I am not convinced by the evidence

12 Chen 1977, 79-80. 13 The Shuijing zhu passage reads: "The seat of Liang Prefecture [Guzang] is shaped like a dragon and this eams it the name 'City of the Sleeping Dragon.' Seven Ii north-south by 3 Ii east-west, it was originally built by the Xiongnu and was inhabited by the Zhang lineage for generations. Four more sectors in the suburbs were then incorporated into it; each was 1,000 bu in length. In the east sector fruit trees were planted; it was called the 'Jiangwu tract' (~~). In the north sector fruit trees were [also] planted; it was called the 'Xuanwu seedbeds' (~JEtIilD). In all of them stood palace structures. The central sector had four seasonal palaces, which [the sovereign] visited in turn according to the season. In all, there were five sectors, including the original city (ftif~~1i)." Chen believes that the measurements 7 by 3 Ii were those of the city after the enlargement. Because of the narrow width of the enlarged city, he concludes that there was room for a marketplace only in the south. However, since I Ii equaled 300 bu, and 1,000 bu (the length of each added sector) was more than 3 Ii, the Shuijing zhu count of 7 by 3 Ii can only refer to the city before the expansion. Consequently, the enlarged city may have grown to as much as 13 Ii north-south and 9 Ii east-west, offering ample space for markets in any quarter. See SJZ 40.3355. Translation based on Xiong 1987, 145-46. On the Ii !! and bu ?l7 measurements, see Wu 1937, 19; cf. Chen 1977,69-70. 14 Bei shi ~I:!£ (BS) 100.3329-33; Ye 1986, 2:105; Wang 1982, 38, and Fig. 37. Note that Fig. 37 is a map of Northern Wei Luoyang, not a "Plan of the Eastern Han City of Luoyang," as it is labeled. I; Xiong 1987, 145-57; Tanaka 1978, 123-26.

Morphological Genesis /

35

Naba and Chen present. As a consequence, I seek the morphological genesis of the Sui capital elsewhere, in the planning of the city.

The Edict of 582 On July 29,582 (the 23rd [bingshen P9'$] of the sixth month, Kaihuang 2) Sui Wendi promulgated an edict from Han Chang'an that offers a rare glimpse into the decision-making process concerning a change of capitals: I, the emperor, having received [the mandate] of Heaven, reign over the world. Witnessing the devastation of the people,16 I reside in the palace of previous dynasties. [I have] always believed that those who build [a capital] toil hard, while those who inhabit it live in comfort. Thus I have never had the courage to contemplate the matter of change and reconstruction. Yet, in their memorials, the princes, dukes, and ministers all say that from Xi • [Fwd {j(.] and Nong • [Shennong =MI.] to Ji [of the Zhou] and Liu ~J [of the Han], the capital was moved, even within the same dynasty, and no dynastic change ever took place without a change of capitals. [Yet,] since Cao V!f [the Cao-Wei dynasty] and Ma,~ [Sima j§J,~, i.e., the Western Jin], [the use of the same capital, Han Chang'an] has continued. This typifies the complacent mediocrity of a last sovereign rather than the greatness of a sage-king of old. This city has been in disrepair long since the Han dynasty. On numerous occasions it has been used as a battlefield. For a prolonged period of time it has been plagued by devastating turmoil. 17 Its existing palaces were mostly built as temporary expedients. No divinations were conducted either by way of yarrow sticks or oracle bones. Astrology was not consulted, nor was the sun's movement measured. Thus it is unworthy of being an imperial city and a gathering place of the masses. [My princes and ministers] have discussed the matter of change for both secret and obvious reasons. Their petitions have been persistent, and their words and feelings profound. Still, the capital is the seat of all officialdom and the center of the four seas, and I claim no sole ownership of it. If [the proposed move] will benefit all creatures, how can [it] be ignored? Moreover, on each of the five occasions when the Yin ~ [Shang il'ti] court moved the capital for fear its people would die out, [it] referred to (divinatory predictions on] propitious and ominous areas to take control of its destiny. [My] planning to replace the old with the new is comparable to a farmer looking forward to the autumn harvest. Our toil now is for the purpose of

*

16 For Ji51:.AzlIIt the Bei shi reads .1:..zl/l5(. Shengren 1:.A generally means "human beings," while shengling 1:.11 may cover a much wider range to mean "all sentient beings including humans." The character zhu JIiI is short for zhumu 115 El meaning "to witness." See SuS 1.17-18; BS 11.407; CFYG 13.151-52. 17 ~iL. Jiu Wis a variant ofjiu :;.., meaning "of long duration."

36 / Sui-Tang Chang'an peaceful existence in the future. Today, the country is at peace, and yin and yang are in right order. [We will] move the capital in a time of peace, so that [the people] will not complain. is The Longshou Mountain area, with its picturesque rivers and plains, is rich in trees and flowers. Having divined the area's productivity and surveyed the land by geomancy [xiangtu :fI3±], [We] consider the site appropriate for the new capital. [Here] the capital's foundation l9 will remain firm, and here will our accomplishment stand forever. 2o As far as private and government quarters are concerned, such matters as scale, size, and expenses should be reported item by item to the emperor as they arise.21 From this we can see that Wendi justified his new construction project on the following key bases: 1. There were historical precedents for moving the capital. 2. The continued use of Han Chang'an as capital after the Han signified the complacency of previous regimes, from which Wendi wished to distance himself. . 3. The existing capital was inadequate in architectural terms. The site was also poorly chosen because its builders failed to conduct geomantic and astrological divinations. 4. In view of the inadequacy of the old capital, the princes and ministers suggested that a !lew one be built. 5. An appropriate site had been found for the new capital. The histories suggest at least two additional reasons why Wendi wanted to relocate. First, the psychological burden of continuing to reside in the same city where he had committed regicide must have been great. When Wendi (then Yang Jian) forced the Northern Zhou child-emperor Jingdi ~* to abdicate and

18 This is an allusion to the last move of the capital under the Shang dynasty. Between the reigns of Tang ~ and Pan'geng ~, the Shang court moved five times. When Pan'geng was about to move the capital to Yin, his people complained strongly against it. Nevertheless, the move was carried out and a period of renaissance followed. Here Wendi implies that his move can be accomplished without even disturbing the people. See Shangshu zhengyi f.!;jffiE~ (SS) 9.56b; SJ 3.1 02. 19 mz~. Literally it means ''the foundation on which the tripods rest." Here the allusion is to the legendary Nine Tripods of antiquity, which were synonymous with dynastic power. See Wu 1995,72. 20 Thilo (1997, 2) translates this sentence as: ein Werk ohne Ende liegt hier beschlossen (here is contained an endless work). 21 SUS 1.17-18. Also see CFYG 13.152. The last phrase is 1Ill$~~, for which the.Bei shi reads I\\I$H, meaning: "should be repaired as they arise," which does not seem to make much sense. Cf. BS 11.407.

Morphological Genesis /

37

ascended the throne in the second month in 581, he had already ordered the extermination of the princes and dukes of the Northern Zhou Yuwen clan and their offspring. He then moved quietly to have the former emperor murdered. 22 Second, the 700-year-old city had become too small and overcrowded for a capital, and its water source had turned brackish over time. After Wendi was sickened one night by a nightmare in which the city was flooded, Su Wei ?!i*~, one of Wendi's most trusted ministers, approached the emperor with a proposal for building a new capital.2J Thus we can discern that Wendi had three levels of concern: historical, pragmatic, and cosmomagical. Citing the memorials by his ministers and courtiers, Wendi demonstrates that building a new capital was part of the natural process of dynastic change. His reference to the dilapidated state of the Han capital and its unsavory water builds a pragmatic case for the move. But all of this is overshadowed by Wendi's greater concern about the cosmomagical aspect of city planning. Cosmomagical guidelines were to playa critical role in shaping the new capital project.

The Builders of Daxingcheng Upon issuing the edict on building the new capital, the emperor appointed a group of high-ranking officials to supervise its planning. Headed by Chief Minister Gao Jiong t'l'IJ~, the group included Liu Long !itl~, president of the Court for Construction (jiangzuo dajiang ~~H'F*fl!J; Helou Zigan ~~-:f~, the commandery duke of Julu (Julu jungong ~~0), who was to become president of the Board of Construction (gongbu shangshu I$M6~); and Gao Longcha r'i'U'ftx, vice-president of the Court of the Treasury (taifu shaoqing *lffo/WlJ).24 As director-general of new capital construction, Gao Jiong was credited with founding the city.25 Then Yuwen Kai, a controversial figure of multiple talents, appeared on the scene as vice director-general of the project. His duties ranged from plotting the various functional areas to architectural design. In view of the unique role Yuwen played in creating the new capital, it is appropriate to give a brief account of his life and achievements.

ZZTJ 174.5415, 5420, 5429; 175.5433, 5436, 5441. On Wendi's nightmare, see ZZTJ IS2.5695; Sl'JH 1.3. On the condition of the city and Su Wei's proposal, see ZZTJ 175.5457.

22

±l

24 SuS

l.lS. Apart from this passage, documentary and epigraphic evidence elsewhere indicates the appointment of other high-ranking officials to the group of directors, including Li Xun *~, Yu Chuze ~~~U, and Zhang Jiong ~~. See Xin 1991, 1-3. 25 SuS 4l.l180; TLD 7.216, commentary.

38 /

Sui-Tang Chang'an

Ethnically, Yuwen Kai belonged to the Xianbei, originally a nomadic nonHan people that settled in and came to dominate North China. 26 His surname was identical with that of the royal family of the Northern Zhou dynasty, but his blood ties with that dynastic line must have been distant. This would explain why he escaped the eradication of the Yuwen family ordered by Wendi. 27 According to his biography in the Bei shi ~t~(BS), Yuwen Kai's father, Yuwen Gui ¥:>cJt, studied Confucian learning with a mentor when he was young. But he would often drop his books and sigh, "A real man should, sword in hand, fight his way on horseback to a dukedom or marquisate. How can he expect to be a doctor [in Chinese classics]?" Yuwen Gui failed to distinguish himself in classical scholarship, but he succeeded in achieving rank and fame on the battlefield. By the time he died in 567, he had already been awarded the highest rank of distinction, the grand guardian (taibao *i~O, one of the three titles known collectively as the three dukes (sangong '='0), reserved for the three most respected people in the nation. 28 Thre.e of his sons are mentioned in the Sui shu. Yuwen Shan ¥:>c~ and Yuwen Xin ¥:>ctff were both well known for their military skills. This was in keeping with family tradition, since the Yuwens descended from a long line of generals.29 However, the third son, Yuwen Kai, was different. Unlike his brothers who excelled in horsemanship and archery, he studied and read extensively.30 Although Q.fXianbei descent, Yuwen Gui, the father; already demonstrated . a fair degree of sinification. Judging from accounts of his early training, it is safe to say that he must have retained some knowledge of Confucian learning. But because he and Yuwen Kai's brothers all pursued military careers, it is possible that Kai did not enjoy full family support in his pursuit of scholarship. Nonetheless, he managed to become an accomplished scholar, well versed in Confucian classics and familiar with textual criticism, an art unusual even among his Han peers. 3! While Yuwen Kai was absent from early discussions on the new ~pital, he played a crucial part in its construction. According to the Sui shu, "Although

Xiong 1987, 15~. 27 SUS 68.1587.

26

BS60.2137-39; Wang 1979,8-10. SUS 40.1165-67. 30 SUS 68.1587. For a modem account ofYuwen Kai's life and career, see Tanaka 1978, 223-25. In this otherwise excellent study, Tanaka uncritically follows the flawed theories advanced by NaiJa Toshisada and Chen Yinke. 3! Xiong 1987, 155-56.

28

29

Morphological Genesis /

39

Gao Jiong was in charge of the overall project, all the actual planning emanated from Yuwen Kai."32

Divinatoty and Numerological Influences The emperor may have decided to move the capital for a number of reasons, but the activities that set the whole project in motion were much more focused. They were part of a centuries-old cosmomagical tradition. 33 In studying the origin of the city, one is struck by the importance of divination, especially in the initial planning stages. One night in 582 (the sixth month of Kaibuang 2), the emperor discussed his project for a new capital with his two chief ministers, Gao Jiong and Su Wei. 34 According to the histories, the next day, knowing nothing of the emperor's desires, the diviner Yu Jicai ~*:t35 presented a memorial: "I have observed astrological signs in Heaven and spirit writs on earth. 36 Oracle bone divinations have produced propitious results: The capital will be moved." He went on to entreat the emperor to act, "I sincerely hope that Your Majesty will act on the wish of Heaven and man and plan to move the capital." Marveling at Yu's magical powers, the emperor accepted the proposal and awarded him 300 duan ~7 of silk, two horses, and the title of duke. The emperor then said, "From now on, I, the emperor, am convinced of the existence of the way ofHeaven.,,38 To assure the prosperity of the city for generations to come, divinations were conducted to locate a geomantically favorable site. 39 The layout of the city when built exemplified par excellence the long-standing cosmological tradition in Chinese city-planning. The concepts of axiality and symmetry were carried out to perfection. The city was divided into two identical halves by an axis that originated in the Palace City in the northernmost part of the city and ran south through the Imperial City and along Zhuquemen Street (*,*r'j{jj) into the 32 Of course there were limitations imposed from above. See the edict of 582 above. SUS 68.1587; Chen 1977, 74-76. 33 For an excellent in-depth discussion of the cosmomagical element in premodern Chinese urbanism, see Wheatley 1971,411-51. 34 Although the event is not dated in SUS, it is placed in the sixth month of 582 in the Zizhi tongjian (ZZT.I). See SUS 78.1766; ZZTJ175.5457. 5 3 The Sui shu (Zhonghua edition) reads Geng /j! for Yu ~ in the subtitle of his biography. See SUS 78.1764. 36 m~~~. Here tulu III~ is the same as hifi lII~c. Cf. HHS 82.shang.2713. 37 One duanis onehalfofapi ~(bolt). 38 SuS 78.1766. 39 SUS 78.1764. On the irnportance of the Yijingto geomancy, see Feuchtwang 1974,72-95.

40 / Sui-Tang Chang'an southern suburbs. The planners divided the city's residential quarters into 109 wards (Ii !I! or fang :J;1j) at the outset, following a pattern of obvious numerological significance.4o Each column in the eastern (Map 2.l, H-J) and western (A-C) parts of the city was composed of thirteen wards from north to south. (The irregularity of 1-2H, and 3-4J is due to later alterations.) The niagical number thirteen symbolized twelve months plus an intercalary month in the lunar-solar calendar year. The four columns south of the Imperial City (5130-0) were a reference to the four seasons, while the nine rows ranged from north to south in the same area recalled the nine-chariot-track span (jiukui M) prescribed for each major avenue in the Kaogong ji. 41 The numerological symbolism, then, indicated the spatial and temporal centrality ofthe city, which was proper to an imperial capital. 42

The Canonical Paradigm: The Kaogong ji In their arguments, diffusionists like Naba and Chen see outside influences at work in the layout of Daxingcbeng-Chang'an and propose that Yuwen Kai disregarded certain prescriptions for capital-building laid down in the Kaogong ji. Given other problems in their work, these scholars may have exaggerated the sacrosanct nature of the Kaogong ji as a canon of architecture. It is true that this work is the most venerable source on the ancient architectural tradition,43 but in their eagerness to prove their theories, Naba and Chen focus on the text's prescriptions for palace and market location to the exclusion of everything else. To do justice to the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an requires a multifaceted approach. In Sui times, two cosmomagical paradigms were at work in city planning. The first was the canonical paradigm presented in the Kaogong ji. The second was the geomantic paradigm, which sought to maximize luck and avoid misfortune. This was achieved by positioning houses or graves on the basis of divined topographical signs. Although fundamentally different, both the

40 On the exact number of the wards, see chapter 8. 41 I follow Xu Song's interpretation. See rUCFK 2.34. The terrnjiukui (nine tracks) also refers to "the nine thoroughfares of the city." 420tagi 1994,70 n. 7. 43 See Jia Gongyan's Jf0g comment on the Han scholar Liu Xin ~JllX, who substituted the Kaogong ji for the lost "Dongguan" chapter. ZL, "Xu Zhou Ii feixing"

ffmlU!Il.4.

Morphological Genesis / 41 Kaogong ji and geomancy are based on cosmological concepts and contain magical elements. 44 The entire Kaogongji passage on capital building reads: When the capital city is planned by the architect, it should measure nine Itl5 by nine, with three gates on each side. Inside the city nine longitudinal streets are crossed by nine latitudinal streets. Each of them should have nine chariot tracks. The Ancestral Temple should be oil the left [east] and the Altars of State on the right [west]. The coUrt should be in front [south], and the market in the rear [north].46 Cosmomagical concepts give power to these fundamental prescriptions for the capital. The nine-li-by-nine measurement was traditionally interpreted as the standard for the capital of a dukedom.47 The square shape and the number nine (or twelve according to some scholars) symbolized royal spatial dominance. Twelve city gates (three on each side), the prescribed standard for a residence of the Son of Heaven, were believed to correspond to the earthly branches of the duodecimal cycle.48 The branches, which are the basis for numerous magical formulae, indicated temporal control. The desirability of locating the Ancestral Temple to the east was a tradition attributed by the scholars Zheng Xuan and Kong Yingda to the Zhou dynasty, which honored left above right. 49 The Kaogongji provides prescriptions for the shape of the city, the number and location of its gates, the road network, and the location of ritual centers, palaces, and markets. I will briefly reassess these prescriptions and examine how and whether they were applied in Daxingcheng-Chang'an.5o

By quoting the French scholar L. Bezacier, Feuchtwang seems to identifY the Zhou Ii, which contains the Kaogong ji, with the geomantic tradition, although he gives no reasons for doing so. Arthur Wright regards the two as belonging to two different traditions. I agree with Wright. See Wright 1977, 54, 56. Cf. Feuchtwang 1974,228-29. 45 One Ii equaled 414 m in late Eastern Zhou times. There were 1,800 chi in a Zhou fi (Wu 1937,96-97), and I chi was approximately 0.23 m (Liang 1980, 540). 46 This translation is based on Xiong 1988, with some modifications. It follows Zheng Xuan's interpretation. See ZL 41.289a. 47 ~j;;: ~*~:tI£jj, :Z}Z~M. SeeZL 41.289b, subcommentary. 48 7CT+=~~Jm+-T. See ZL 41.289b-c, commentary by Zheng Xuan. The duodecimal cycle is usually used in designating the twelve time divisions of the day, or is matched with the twelve animal signs. It also forms part of the sexagenary cycle, typically used for designating years. 49 LJ 48.373b, commentary. 50 For more detailed infonnation on the study, see Xiong 1988.

44

Morphological Genesis / 43

42 / Sui-TangChang'an The Ideal Shape The Kaogong ji calIs for a nine-li-by-nine square shape for the capital. Builders of capitals had basically ignored this principle from Han times, because it was difficult to implement. Capital cities were often organic cities, urban centers that evolved over time, which could not be enclosed in a perfect square. Even with planned cities, practical and geomantic considerations often made it impossible to realize this ideal urban shape. Daxingcheng-Chang' an, which measured 8,651.7 meters (north-south) by 9,721 meters (east-west),51 came closer to the ideal shape than any other major historical city.

Gates According to the Kaogongji, gates should be linked east-west and-northsouth by a network of main streets. When Daxingcheng was built, three gates were planned for each of the four city waIls. The three east-west avenues linked the three east gates with their counterparts in the west. But the Imperial City, the Palace City, and Xinei Park beyond blocked symmetrical placement of the three northern gates (Guanghua :>'t1t to the west, Jingyao _ in the middle, and Fanglin 7S'f* to the east). The city planners placed these in the western section of the northern wall, and only the Fanglin Gate (Hualin Gate ~f*r~ in Sui times)52 was linked by a thoroughfare to a southern entrance, the Anhua Gate (3i.'1tr~).53 The Xing' an Gate (Jl.3i.'r~) was added to the eastern section of the northern city wall in 583. With regard to gates, then, the planners seem to have tried to follow the Kaogong ji. Only the location of the Palace City prevented complete compliance.

The Road Network The Sui capital had a total of fourteen east-¥Vest streets and eleven northsouth streets. Since what the Kaogong ji refers to as city streets are only those that penetrate into the city proper, the four streets that ran alongside the city walls can be excluded. That would leave twelve east-west avenues and nine north-south thoroughfares. 54 Here again, the planners ofDaxingcheng-Chang'an

51 Su 1978,409-12. 52 Primary sources usually refer to Sui-Tang structures by their Tang names, sometimes followed by their Sui names. Information on Sui names is incomplete, and so for many Sui-Tang structures, only their Tang names survive. S3

54

TUCFK 2.33-34. TUCFK 2.34; Su 1978,412.

only partially followed the canonical prescription that demands that nine eastwest roads be crossed with nine north-south roads.

Ritual Centers In placing the Ancestral Temple in the east and the Altars of State in the west, the planners no doubt worked within the canonical paradigm. The same principle is found in the Liji as well. 55

Palace and Market The Kaogongji clearly places the imperial court (palace) in the south and the market in the north. 56 It is here that the planners obviously violated the ideal capital layout in Daxingcheng-Chang'an, where the palace area was located in the northernmost part of the city, while the two market areas lay to its south. But in fact, from the end of the Former Han, when the Kaogong ji was incorporated into the Zhou Ii corpus, to the early Sui, no imperial city planners had ever subscribed to the principle it laid down concerning the placement of the court and market. Thus, Daxingcheng's deviation should not be considered a sign of outside influence or even a major departure from standard practice. I believe that the rationale for this deviation from the canonical lies, in part, in the other paradigmatic consideration in capital building: geomancy.

The Geomantic Paradigm Because it is customary in the West to classify the ancient Chinese divinatory technique known asfengshui J1\.7J~ as a form of geomancy, I will use "geomancy" in dealing with thefengshui aspects of Sui-Tang Chang'an. However, typical geomantic technique involves divination by examining signs that take shape from scattering a small amount of loose earth on the ground. This is somewhat different fromfengshui, which is closer to a branch of geomancy little known outside East Asia, namely, topomancy. Fengshui is a reading of the topographical and architectural elements in a landscape; its primary function is to prognosticate the future course of events based on the terrain of sites for graves, houses, or towns. The fengshui master or geomancer analyzes and interprets topographical and architectural data according to a complicated system of cosmological symbols, which includes such key elements as the flow of qi ~

S5 S6

U 48.373b. SU 1978,412.

44 / Sui-Tang Chang'an (pneuma) and its impact on the "earth dragon," the five phases, the yin-yang cosmic forces, and the eight trigrams of the Yijing ~~ (Book o/Changes).S7 Geomancy can be traced back at least to the end of the Fonner Han dynasty. The first widely recognized geomancer was Guo Pu n~ of the Western lin, who is considered by many to be the progenitor of this practice. But the real founder of geomancy as we know it today was its great synthesizer, Yang Yunsong ~~~ of the Late Tang. Yang's work represented a watershed in geomantic history. Before him the practice was still in its fonnative phase, but after him it entered a period of maturation and branched into two major schools: the liangxi ("fonn" or luanti mR) school, with its emphasis on dragon symbolism, and the Fujian ("compass" or liqi lO!Il.*") school, with its focus on the eight trigrams of the Yijing and their cosmological significance. 58 In Sui times, a synthesized and highly theorized geomancy like that of Yang Yunsong and the schools that followed him had not yet developed, but the fundamental concepts of the practice must have already been in place. The importance of the geomantic paradigm for the building of the new capital of the Sui is already manifest in Wendi's edict: "Having divined the area's productivity and surveyed the land by geomancy [xiangtu],S9 [We] consider the site appropriate for the new capital." There is also ample evidence of the use ofgeomancy in the planning of Daxingcheng.

Morphological Genesis / 45 The basis of Yijing divination lies with the eight primary trigrams, from which the sixty-four hexagrams derive. When Yuwen detected six ridges that ran from northeast to southwest in the new capital area, he matched them with qian ~, the only hexagram composed of six solid lines, or two qian trigrams. No other trigram is as fraught with royal symbolism as qian, the quintessential graph of Heaven. Thanks to its celestial signification, qian came to be closely identified with the court and its sovereign, and also with the "superior man" or junzi ~ -=f , a figure held up as the paragon ofvirtue. 61 Yuwen Kai distributed the various functional areas of the city by following the symbolism of this hexagram; his general scheme can be seen on the topographical map of Daxingcheng-Chang'an (Map 2.3). The northernmost line or ridge, identified with the lowermost line of the hexagram, runs from northeast to southwest in an area immediately to the north of the northern city wall. 62 The text for this line reads: "Nine at beginning means: Hidden dragon. Do not act" The commentary points out that the line "symbolizes a great man who· is still unrecognized."63 At the bottom of the hexagram, this line is symbolic of the lowest position. 64 No living quarters were planned there; instead it became part of the imperial park area. 6S The second line or ridge runs through the northernmost part of the city. Its text reads: "Nine in the second place means: Dragon appearing in the field. It is advantageous to see the great man."66 Here "the great man makes his appearance

Geomancy and the Planning of Daxingcheng Examining the terrain of the prospective site· for the city, Yuwen Kai attempted to interpret some of its topographical features in tenus of the Yijing. 60

S7 On Chinese geomancy, see Feuchtwang 1974, 5, 224-25, 236-37. On its application to capital planning, with a focus on Beijing (peking), see Meyer 1978. S8 Yu 1991, 30-40; Feuchtwang 1974, 16-18. S9 SUS 1.17-18. Xiangtu, also known asxiangdi;f§!t!!. is a key term in Chinese geomancy. See, for example, Rumen chongli zhezhong kanyu wanxiao lu ~r~~~~~5G~~ (KYWXL) 3.583b--c. Thilo. (1997, 2) translates xiangtu as nach den Vorhersagen uber Eignung des Bodens (following the prediction of the suitability ofthe soil). 60 Cary Baynes's 'English rendering of Richard Wilhelm's German Yijing translation remains the most authoritative version in the WeSt. The German is based on the Zhou yi zhezhong fflJ~1JT1=f:! (An Eclectic Interpretation of the Zhou ylj published in 1715 (Kangxi 54) under the scrutiny of Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661-1722) himself. The standard, officially endorsed interpretation of the Yijing, it includes a number of historical commentaries. When they were translated into German, and then into English, these commentaries were merged into one. This makes it impossible to trace their textual ancestry, which is essential for understanding Yijing scholarship in Sui-Tang times. See Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, lxi; SKTY6.34b--35a

.!ffi

To make up for this deficiency in an otherwise superb English edition, I sometimes refer to a work by the Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda, entitled Zhou yi zhengyi fflJ ~ IE. (Zy), and a work by Gao Heng, the foremost Yijing scholar in China, entitled Zhou yi dazhuanjinzhu fflJ~*_~7j: (A Modern Commentary on the Classical Commentary to the Zhou yi). The Classical Commentary to the Zhou yi, which forms the main text of Gao Heng's book, is the most ancient Yijing commentary. It dates back to the Warring States period, and lays the groundwork for subsequent commentaries. 61 Gao 1979, 16-17,25. 62 Consistent with the ancient concept that equates Earth with the north and Heaven with the south, the north is identified with the bottom and the south with the top. Thus the lowermost or fIrSt line is in the northernmost part. To its south run the second line, the third line, and so on, until the uppermost or sixth line in the southernmost part. 63 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,7, text and commentary. Here "nine" refers to one of the six unbroken lines. I use the term "commentary" to refer to later commentaries on the classical text. They should be distinguished from the classical commentary, known as ihuan or dazhuan, which is included in Book III of the Willielm and Baynes translation. 64 Gao 1979,45. . 65 The Darning Palace was planned in this location more than 50 years later in 634 (Zhenguan 8) by the Tang emperor Taizong. The project was discontinued until Gaozong completed it in 662-663. See ZZTJl 94.61 06-7, 200.6329. 66 Based on Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 8; modified after the original Chinese.

46 / Sui-Tang Chang'an in his chosen field of activity." There was a wiclely accepted perception that the second place is essentially that of Earth and the subject, even though "such a man is destined to gain great influenCe and to set the world in order.,,67 Yet of all the six lines of the hexagram, only the text for the second and fifth lines explicitly mentions "the great man." While the fifth place is unmistakably a celestial and royal position, the second place, according to Wang Bi ::E~ (226-249), although not exactly royal, is the place of royal virtue. 68 It was here that Yuwen Kai placed the most important structure of Daxingcheng, the Palace City, which would accommodate the emperor and his court. South of the palace is the third line or ridge, which has as its text: "Nine in the third place means: All day long the superior man is diligently active. At nightfall his mind is still beset with cares. Danger. No blame.,,69 The third place concerns the human world and does not possess any royal value, implicit or explicit. The text regards the junzi as a knight or a nobleman. The classical commentary views him as a man of all-around virtue, regardless of rank or status. 70 The Imperial City (Huangcheng £iJ£) waS placed at this mark to house the central government. South of the Imperial City, the fourth line or ridge is interpreted as: "Nine in the fourth place ... Wavering flight over the depths. No blame." Like the third place, the fourth place is a human position. The omitted subject is "the dragon," which, according to the classical commentary, represents the junzi. In this nonroyal yet favorable location, living quarters and markets were built. Further to the south, the fifth line or ridge has as its classical text: ''Nine in the fifth place means: Flying dragon in the heavens. It is advantageous to see the great man.'>71 As one of the two places in the hexagram where the great man makes his appearance, this area symbolizes Heaven, and by inference, the sovereign.72 According to both the Y'ljing text and its classical commentary, this location would have been ideal for the royal residence. In addition, such placement would have complied with the canonical requirement that the market be north of the palace. Why did Yuwen Kai decide not to build the palace here? First of all, to its south was the sixth ridge, which, although celestial in symbolism, suggested arrogance and a sense of alienation from subjects, making 67 Gao 1979, 34; Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 8. ZY 1.1 b, commentary. 69 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,8, modified. Note that the original translation of qianqian ~ as "creative" is inaccurate. I render it as "diligent." See zy I.Ic; Gao 1979, 57. 7°Gao 1979, 57-58. 71 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 9, modified. Yuanhe junxian tuzhi j(;fl]W",*III~ (YHJXTZ) 1.1-2; zy 1.1-5. 72 Gao 1979,33,43. 68

Morphological Genesis /

47

it an unfit location for any essential quarter of the city.7J This area was better left unsettled or outside the city. That would leave the fifth ridge at the periphery. The Kaogong ji, as understood by scholars at that time, prescribes placing the palace at the center, not on the extreme southern edge, of the city. Of course, it could be argued that the area "in the second place" was peripheral too. Why choose it over the fifth ridge for the palace? The answer probably lies in the contemporary conventions of capital building. After the Former Han the palaces of most dynastic capitals were located in their northern sector; this was true of Jiankang in South China, the Northern City of Ye, Northern Wei Luoyang and the Southern City ofYe. 74 Since the palace site had already been decided upon, the area "in the fifth place," being far removed from it, became an impractical location for royal residences. Yet its obvious association with royal symbolism caused Yuwen Kai to treat it with great caution. Two monasteries, one Daoist and one Buddhist, were built on each side of the main north-south thoroughfare. 7s By invoking the magical and protective powers of these religious institutions, Yuwen Kai attempted to counteract the potential power of the place to produce a contender for the throne. The sixth ridge or line, which runs through the extreme south of the city, has as its classical text: ''Nine at the top means: Arrogant dragon will have cause to repent.,,76 Because this was not a particularly good omen,77 and because the area was far from the essential northern part of the capital, it remained only sparsely populated and differed little from the rural suburbs south of the city. 78

Yuwen Kai and the Geomancy Question Yuwen Kai's effort to interpret earth ridges according to the Yijing text and classical commentary links the planning ofDaxingcheng-Chang'an to one of the most fundamental elements in geomancy, namely, the earth dragon. This is. not the mythical animal revered as the imperial symbol. rather it is the very animation of the landscape. It is through the dragon that the earth's qi flows. As described by Feuchtwang: "Mountain ridges, in fact any line of raised 7J Gao 1979,33,59. 74 Ye 1986,2:104, 123, 127. 7S

rLJCFK 2.38; 4.95.

76 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,9. 77 Gao 1979, 59. 78 Naba Toshisada dismisses the whole concept as absurd, a view accepted by some scholars. Cf. Naba 1930, 126~9; Wright 1977, 56, 686 n. 74; Thilo 1997, 326. For a different view, see Ma 1983; Seo 1992, 9-10; Xiong 1987, 149-52.

48 / Sui-Tang Chang'an topographical formation, are called the dragon's veins or pulse, with ch'i [qi] being dragon's blood.,,79 Yuwen Kai's approach reflected his macrocosmic concern, but it differs from accepted standards of geomancy. A conventional geomantic approach would require matching the city layout not with a single hexagram or trigrani, but with the eight trigrams as arranged on the ancient diagram of the Posterior Heavens (houtian t&*), also known as the Luoshu m~ (see Fig. 2.1). Epigraphic evidence from the reign of Sui Wendi suggests that the symbolic system associated with conventional geomancy was already well known. The epitaph stone from the joint burial of General Ma Zhi ,w,~ and his wife, dating to A.D. 600, features a ring of eight trigrams around the central inscription (Fig. 2.2). The eight trigrams are arranged just as they are in the Luoshu diagram. They are encircled by an outer ring of geomantic graphs: the twelve earthly branches, eight (out of the usual ten) heavenly stems, and the characters-for the four comer trigrams (qian, kun, xun, and gen). These symbols constitute the main components of the compass used in conventional geomancy to the present day; further, each of the eight trigrams and the outer graphs on this stone appear in the exact positions they occupy on the geomantic compass. 80 The Ma Zhi epitaph stone, like the geomantic compass, shows kan :tX in the "primary position" (lower central), which normally corresponds to the north. Ming-Qing Beijing, laid out to accord with the Luoshu diagram, had kan as its primary position, and so did Daxingcheng-Chang'an. For the latter, kan corresponded to the location of the Palace City (see Fig. 2.3).81 While Yuwen Kai did not rely on a conventional approach in his geomantic analysis of DaxingCheng's terrain, other powerful residents of the city in SuiTang times seem to have applied certain conventional principles in their own projects. For example, it is probably no coincidence that the two largest Buddhist institutions in the city, the Chanding ~;iE and Dachanding *trJ;iE Monasteries, buih by Wendi and Yangdi,respectively, in 603 and 605, were located in the southwest comer of the city (see Map 2.2).82 This accords with the principle that for a kan complex facing south. the most dangerous position is that of kun J$ in the southwest comer. The southwest portends death for the main inhabitant of the complex. 83 By far the most common location for Buddhist

Morphological Genesis / 49 and Daoist structures was in the southwest quadrant of a ward. It was standard practice in Sui-Tang Chang'an to locate religious institutions in probiem areas to suppress their evil influences, and the southwestern locations of important religious institutions indicate the widespread awareness of geomantic theory among patrons. 84

Ii

1 N

Fig. 2.1. Diagram of the Posterior Heavens (Luoshu). Source: Yu 1991,111

Zhao 1995, IS>

qUm

118

kDn

...... ~il

po

- EEil a.,.

0

Feuchtwang 1974, 141. 80 See Zhao 1995, 183. On the fonnation of these symbols on the compass see Yu 1991,

U I

l-Fn

Fig. 2.3. Daxingcheng-Chang'an as it corresponds to the positions of the eight trigrams in the Luoshu diagram. Drawn by the author.

122-23.

For a geomantic analysis of Beijing in view of the Luoshu diagram, see Meyer 1978,

143-50. 82 TL.JCFK 4.127. 83 Yu 1991, 170.

P-,

N

1

cttr

79

81

Fig. 2.2. Inscription rubbing from the tomb ofMa Zhi and his wife, c. A.D. 600. Source:

84

For more on patronage of religious institutions, see chapter 9.

50 / Sui-Tang Chan$'an

Morphological Genesis /

Yuwen Kai's geomantic interpretation of the terrain of the capital is well geographical survey of documented in Tang sources, such as Li Jifu's Tang China, the Yuanhe junxian tuzhi ftfDW~II!;tr; (YHJX'lZ), completed in 813 (Yuanhe 8):

*sffi

Initially, when the Sui people built the capital, Yuwen Kai regarded the six [horizontal] ridges along Zhuque Street *~m from north to south as symbolic of the qian hexagram. He consequently placed the imperial residence at "nine in the second place," and the administrative quarters at ''nine in the third place" in response to the numerological significance of the superior man. ''Nine in the fifth place" is a royal position, and [yuwen], unwilling to settle ordinary people there, located the Xuandu Abbey ~ilJ)1l and Xingshan Monastery !Il~~ [in that place] to subdue it. 85 The perception that this area posed a potential threat persisted during the Tang. It is key in an account from the reign of Jingzong (824-827): In 826 (BaoIi 2) Pei Du ~fjt (765-839) served as chief minister. He was rivaled by Li Fengji's faction at court. One of Li's followers, Zhang Quanyu ~f.fl~, in an attempt to implicate Pei, pointed to the latter's mansion in Pingle Ward (Sf~.m.; or Yongle Ward *~jjj, 8G). This mansion sat astride the fifth ridge, the place of "the flying dragon in the heavens" and its location was criticized as an indication ofPei's ambition for power. 86 The ridges that Yuwen Kai matched with the qian hexagram run roughly from northeast to southwest through the city. However, canonical considerations obliged planners to layout the city in accordance with the cardinal directions. When Yuwen Kai divided the city from north to south (the second through the sixth places) into five geomantically important sections, he focused primarily on the area along the north-south central axis, which inchides the Palace City, the Imperial City, and Zhuque(men) Street. Arthur Wright argues that geomancy was not a factor in the construction of Daxingcheng-Chang'an because by placing the city between the Wei River to the north and Zhongnan Mountains to the south, Yuwen Kai violated a foremost principle in dwelling geomancy: to position living quarters north of a river and

*jis

85 YHJXlZ "Qianyan" Su~, 1 and 1.1-2. The Yuanhejunxian tuzhi is the earliest extant primary source recording this phenomenon. The same passage is also preserved in the Tang huiyao ~(1HY), compiled in the Song dynasty. For information contl'ro in the Taiji Palace. However, the Chongwen Academy (~:x:iID, unlike its counterpart, was under the authority of the crown prince.97 The academy was charged with the same TD 128.3269-79. Sanshi and sanshao are collective designations of the six highest posts in the central government, namely, grand preceptor (taishi *flili), grand mentor (taifu :;t~), and grand guardian (taibao ;;ti:~); and junior preceptor (shaoshi :}1i!i), junior mentor (shaofo :}~), and junior guardian (shaobao :}'1*). Huclq:r 1985,401. 91

TD 30.171. The original names were restored in 670. Later the names of the Spring Ofti,ces of the Left (in 711) and the Right (in 707) were permanently adopted. See THY 67.1168-71. .

92

93CXl24.3.568. . 94 TLD 26.663~4, 670-71. 9S At its founding in 639 (Zhenguan 13) by Taizong, it was called the Chongxian Academy (~NftID. In 675 (Shangyuan 2) it was renamed "Chongwen" to avoid a tabu character (xian Jf) in Crown Prince Zhanghuai's ~. given name. XTS 44.1163; THY 64.1117; 96 XTS44.1160. 97 TLJCFK 1.8; YH 165.3038; Zhang 1987, 63.

73

functions as the Hongwen institution: textual research, maintaining library collections, and training of close relatives of the royal family and high-ranking officials. The students, ranging in number from twenty in 656 (Xianqing 1) to fifteen in 792 (Zhenyuan 8), went through training in Confucian learning similar to that of their counterparts at the National Academy. The academicians, who varied in number, were responsible for teaching the students, using materials in the Eastern Palace collections. At the beginning of the Qianyuan period (758760), this academy was headed by a chief minister, and in 792 it was placed directly under the Spring Office of the Left.98

The Mingfu Courtyard North of the Spring Office of the Left was the Chongren Basilica (~C~). Behind it lay the Mingfu Courtyard (lifJ~II1G).99 The tradition of mingfu or "appointed women" is traceable to the pre-Qin period. 100 In his interpretation of the Zhou Ii, the Han dynasty Confucian Zheng Xuan comments that the "inner appointed women" (neimingfu r*JlifJllW) refer to the nine royal consorts, and the "outer appointed women" (waimingfu jj-fff:l~w) t.o t.he wives of lords and ministers (qing daifo ~*X). Wives of knights or scholar-officials (shi ±) were also called appointed women.1OI In the Tang period the mingfu continued to be an honorary ranking system. Titles and ranks were bestowed upon female royal relatives----the emperor's sisters, paternal aunts, daughters, and grand. daughters-as well as the mothers and wives of high-ranking officers. 102

The Yeting Palace 103 The institution of the Yeting Palace Cli~J@'8), where court ladies resided, is an ancient one. In the Shijing ~~ (Book of Poetry) the eunuch officer in charge of court ladies was known as the alley master (xiangbo ~fB) on account of the alleyway along which the harem was located. 104 In Qin times, following the earlier tradition, court ladies were housed in a place called "Yong (Eternal) Alley." In Former Han Chang'an, Yong Alley was part of the Rear Palace (Hougong 1&.'8, or harem) and came to be known as Yeting under Wudi.IOS In 98

XTS 49.shang.1294. Also seeJTS 44.1908; YH 165.3038; TLD 26.665.

TLJCFK 1.8. Mingfo is translated by Rotours (1947, 46) asfemme litree. 101 ZL 7.47b, text and commentary. .

99

100

102

103

104 lOS

JTS 43.1821. For an overview of harem politics under the Tang, see Tsukiyama 1971,197-218.

M~oshi zhengyi =B~~IE~ (MSZY) 12.3.188a. TLD 12.358; HS97.xia.3974.

74 I Sui-Tang Chang'an

The Palace City /

Tang times both Chang'an and Luoyang had their Yeting Palaces.106 During both the Sui and the Tang dynasties the Yeting Bureau (:tHi~Jiij) under the Department of Palace Affairs (neishisheng i*Jl~!§) had charge of the Yeting lo7 Palace and its court ladies. Of the three palace complexes in the Palace City, the Yeting Palace was the least important, serving simply as an annex to the Taiji Palace. Little information aboutit has been preserved in extant sources. The Qing scholar Xu Song was only able to identify the Zhongyi Estrade G*~a) in the north and the Department of Palace Affairs in the southwest 108 Archaeological research on the Yeting Palace has proved as disappointing as that on the Eastern Palace and has provided little new information apart from its precise location west of the Taiji Palace and its measurements of 1,492.1 meters (north-south) by 702.5 meters (east-west). 109

*

*

*

*

*

The Palace City layout came to include three main palace complexes, the central imperial palace, the Yeting Palace to the west and the Eastern Palace. While both side palaces played their parts in court life, the Eastern Palace had particular geopolitical significance because of its occupant and its proximity to the throne. But it was the central palace, which encompassed both the official . royal residence and the court, that had the greatest significance. On a practical level, determining a strategic location for the Daxing (later Taiji) Palace was a top priority with the planners of Daxingcheng. Bounded by palatial compounds on the east and west, and sandwiched between the heavily guarded Daxing (Xinei) Park to the north and the Imperial City to the south, this palace was arguably the most secure royal quarters in Chinese history to that time. Guarded by the Northern Command, the Xuanwu Gate served as the palace's rearguard. Its loss could and did lead to the overthrow of emperors, and its control permitted dominance over the palace and the entire city. A key concept in the cosmology of a Chinese capital city-axiality-is conspicuously present in the Palace City. The most prominent position on the north-south central axis. is reserved for the main court building. This practice harks back to the Western Zhou dynasty, when, it is believed, the Grand Court served as the main axial structure. In Han times, the principal hall in both

106 107

On the Luoyang Yeting, see THY 3.28. TLD 12.358, text and commentary.

TLfCFK 1.9. There is no record in Chang 'an zhi and Leibian Chang 'an ihi of these structures inside the palace. See CAZHi 6.2-3; LBCAZ 2.62. 109 Ma 1963,597.

108

75

Chang'an and Luoyang was known as the Anterior Basilica (Qiandian illi~).IIO By erecting the Daxing Basilica in the primary axial location, the planners of Daxingcheng clearly meant to comply with the tradition of symmetry. According to canonical prescriptions, three axial structures were of primary importance within the central palace. At the city's inception, these were the central Daxing Basilica, the Guangyang Gate to the south, and the Zhonghua Basilica to the north. These three structures functioned as the Sui outer court, central court, and inner court, respectively (see Map 3.1 ).111 In 618 when Li Yuan came to power as the founder of the Tang dynasty, he inherited the Sui triple-court system. 1I2 But Tang sovereigns were to introduce a number of name changes that carried various types of significance. To publicly proclaim his assumption of the mandate of Heaven, Taizu changed the name of Zhaoyang (formerly Guangtian) Gate, the southern terminus of the central axis, to Shuntian (Obedience to Heaven). After his death, that gate was renamed Chengtian (Receiving [the Mandate of] Heaven). Both of these names underscore celestial sanction. Gaozu renamed the Daxing Basilica Taiji, and its adjacent northern structure, the Zhonghua Basilica, Liangyi.113 Here the references are obviously to the Appended Commentary (xici ~f!$) section of the Yijing: "Therefore, there is in the Changes (yi ~) the grand culmen (taijl). This generates the two primary forces (/iangyl). The two primary forces generate the four images. The four images generate the eight trigrarns.,,114 Gaozu, who embraced Daoism as the royal religion, was doubtless aware of the term taiji's Daoist implications. The Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda identifies taiji with the taichu j;cW (grand beginning) and taiyi j;c- (grand monad) in the Laozi ~r, and the two forces, i.e., yin and yang, with heaven and earth.115 The Daoist Maoshan ;r;W school also incorporated taiji into its five-level system of celestial existence. It was regarded as a place in the northern planisphere where the celestial palaces of the "Perfected" (zhen !W) were located. 1I6

YH 159.2909. TLD 6.217. As recently as the Northern Zhou dynasty, the triple-court system had been adopted at the capital; see chapter 1. Note that the system recorded in the Liji is slightly different from that cited above from the Zhou Ii. It includes an hmer Court (neichao) as the main court, a Grand Court (luqin), and a Lesser Court (xiaoqin) or Court of Repose (yanqin). There is no clear indication of an Outer Court. See Lf 29.246a-b. 112 For a modem account of the Tang triple-court system, see SaiO 1976, 232-41. 113 However, the central compound of the Palace City, the Daxing Palace, was renamed Taiji Palace much later, in 705 (CAZHi 6.1), or 710 (YL 3.11). 114 ZY7.70a-b; translation based on Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 318. l1S ZY7.70a-b. Also see Laozi daodejing ~~~ (LZ) 42.26-27. 116 Strickmann 1979, 17~0. 110

111

76 I Sui-Tang Chang'an The association of the imperial residence with taiji was no doubt influenced by Chinese astronomy, which is in fact closer to "uranography." Uranography focuses on the delineation of celestial regions and the abode of the gods. In the Later Han, Chinese uranographers began to take an increasing interest in the Northern Dipper and other circumpolar· stars. 117 The north celestial pole was identified with taiji, which was at the center of the Ziwei Palace (-m{ilt8), where the Celestial Emperor resided. 118 In keeping with this theory, from the time of Mingdi aJ.l~ (r. 226-239) of the Cae-Wei dynasty, the main court building in Luoyang had been named the Taiji Basilica, and this continued under the Western lin dynasty. The subsequent five regimes of the Southern Dynasties, based in Jiankang U (Nanjing), adopted the same name for their key court buildings. 1I9 Sui Wendi was perhaps innovative in naming his main court building the Daxing Basilica, but for him articulating a symbolic association with his predynastic title was of greater significance thail. other traditions of palace naming. 120 It was uranographical theory and its implementation in historical precedents, however,·that inspired Gaozu to rename the main palace· structure the Taiji Basilica prior to his enthronement as the Tang's founding sovereign.12I In Sui times, Yuwen Kai positioned the Palace City according to his geomantic analysis of the terrain based on the Yijing interpretation for the hexagram qian. l22 The geomantically propitious siting of the palace was not without its drawbacks, however. Since the area of Chang' an rises gradually from the northwest to the southeast (see Map 22), the Palace City was placed at the lowest point in the terrain, where it suffered from a humid and stuffy environment. None of the five Sui-Tang sovereigns who spent a substantial amount of time in the Palace City seem to have felt entirely at home there. Toward the end of his life, Sui Wendi spent his summers in the suburban Renshou Palace (e*'8), and Yangdi obviously favored Luoyang to the east and Jiangdu in the south over the Palace City.l23

The Palace City I 77 In his last years Tang Gaozu was adversely affected by the summer heat in the Palace City. This prompted his son Taizong to begin construction of a suburban palace named Yong'an Palace 7J32 The first phrase was taken from the classical commentary on the hexagram kun. The second phrase is the judgment for the hexagram qian. Fig. 4.2. Surface remains of Hanyuan Basilica Source: Author's photograph possible evidence of the Longwei Paths (~~3!t), which probably provided access to the basilica on its east and west sides. In addition, they also investigated Hanyuan's eastern audience hall C*~~) immediately south of the Xiangluan Pavilion, and the Hanyuandian Courtyard (~J,l!:liI) south of the basilica See Xi'an Tangcheng <Jongzuodui 1997,347-65,395-99. 30 Su 1978, 414. According to Fu Xinian (1973, 38, 43), the measurements of the Hanyuan Basilica are 67.33 meters by 29.2. 31 zy U8a Translation by Wilhelm and Baynes (1967,386--87). 32 For the original text and commentary, see ZY 1.1; 1.19b; translation by Wilhelm and Baynes (1967, 4). Note that in the translated text, the p~ .is rendered: "The c!eative works sublime success, Furthering through perseverance. It IS translated more htera1ly in the commentary, which is what I have quoted. For Li Hua's interpretations, see QTW 314.3185.

The Xuanzheng Basilica Proceeding north along the axis, about 300 meters beyond the Hanyuan Basilica, one entered the Xuanzheng Gate (~iJij(r~), the entrance to the spacious courtyard of the Xuanzheng Basilica ~M).37The basilica itself measured 70

33 On the grievance stone and remonstrator's drum, see chapter 3. 34 Su 1978,414. According to Fu Xinian (1973,46) the height is 11 meters. 35 Here I follow Fu Xinian's (1973, 46) interpretation. 36 Yinhua lu ~~~ (YHL) 1.74; SZSL 1.2; QTW 482.4922. 37 Ma 1959a, 297.

The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 87

86 / Sui-TangChang'an 8

meters east-west by about 40 meters north-south.l The fact that the Xuanzheng Basilica, the second major axial structure of the palace, was also referred to as the "formal court" (zhengqin JEll) and the "anterior basilica" (qiandian iW~) no doubt indicates its preeminent position. 39 However, these designations were not used exclusively for this structure. Both the Hanyuan and Zichen Basilicas were referred to as "formal basilicas" (zhengdian B) or the "grand court" (/uqin ~1Il), while the Zichen Basilica was also known as. the ante~or basilica.40 What is unique about the Xuanzheng Basilica was Its alternative name, ''the basilica of the formal office" (zhengyadian JE1ti~).41 The term "office" (ya) refers to the emperor's office, and signifies the key official function of this basilica. It was no coincidence that its courtyard was flanked by the offices of the two top branches of the central bureaucracy, the Secretariat on the west and the Chancellery on the east. Their close proximity provided the top 42 leadership with easy access to the reigning emperor. . The counterpart of the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City, the Xuanzheng Basilica housed the central court (zhongchao ~~) of the triple-court system. It was here that the emperor formally met with his officials on the first and fifteenth days of the month, a practice established by Xuanzong and contin~ed for the remainder of the Tang. Holding court was a solemn event that reqUIred the Ceremonial Guard (zhangwei ft'1¥.f) and civil and military officials of rank 4 and below to stand in waiting in the basilica's courtyard. After the leading bureaucrat, the president of the Chancellery (shizhong ~~), declared that the surrounding area had been cordoned off, the emperor made his entry on ~oot through the Xishangge Gate to the west of the basilica. At the end of the seSSIOn, the emperor would disappear through the Dongshangge Gate to the east before 43 the attending officials were dismissed.

38 Ma 1959b, 30. 39 YH 159.2926a; JTS 190.shang.4985; XTS201.5728. 40 YH 159.2924a, 2925a. Although both the Hanyuan and Zichen Basilicas were c~~ed the ''regular basilica," they were distinguished by their qualifiers. The Hanyuan B~lhca was known as the "regular basilica inside the Danfeng Gale" (f}.!ilr~I*J~), whlie the Zichen Basilica as the "inner court regular basilica" (I*J~~. TW 7.218. It seems to me that the reference to the Zieben Basilica as an "anterior basilica" is.a misnomer. Properly speaking, only the Xuanzheng Basilica could have fulfilled thiS function in the Daming Palace. See ZZTJ 141.7783, commentarY. 41 YH 159.2925b; LBCAZ 2.63. 42 TLD 7.218; CAZHi 6.7. 43 THY 24.463. This information is contained in a memorial by Xi~ Song chief author of the Kaiyuan Ii fm5f:;tl and leading ritual scholar in the Kal?'llan perIod (713741). In the memorial, Xiao refers to the emperor's appearance In the xu~e~g Basilica through the Xishangge Gate as "exiting" and his departure from the basilica

I!'*,

t

I I

A memorial submitted to Gaozong's court by Yuan Lizhen :afIJffi[, an erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (taichang boshi :::t'm'1W±), underscored. the central role of the basilica in the palace and the city. In 681 (yonglong 2), on the occasion of the appointinent of a new crown prince, the emperor granted an audience to court officials arid appointed women, and invited professional entertainers to perform at the Xuanzheng Basilica. Yuan argued against these plans on the grounds of the basilica's sanctity. As the main court of the palace, Xuanzheng was not an appropriate a venue for frolicking with women or for stage performances by lowly entertainers. It was on his advice that Gaozong relocated the festivities to the Linde Basilica, a much less formallocation. 44 In addition to being the venue for regular court business, the Xuanzheng Basilica was also the site where the emperor personally examined top candidates for the civil service, and held investiture ceremonies for himself, the crown prince, the empress dowager, and even foreign leaders.4s Two Middle and Late Tang emperors, Xianzong and Wenzong, ascended the throne in this basilica as well. 46 When Dezong was seriously ill, he formally issued his testament there before relocating to another building where he breathed his last. 47 The rebel leader Zhu Ci *~ also officially announced his short-lived usurpation there. 48 Traditionally, the Danfeng Gate served as the locale for announcing amnesties. But towards the end of the Tang dynasty, under Yizong and Xizong, the Xuanzheng Basilica was used for that purpose as well.49 The famous litterateur through the Dongshangge Gate as "entering." The use of these terms indicates that the adjacent Zichen Basilica and its courtyard to the north were the emperor's backstage area, from which he "exited" to arrive in the Xuanzheng Basilica for his official duty, and which he then "entered" after his duty was completed. . Note that this passage refers to the two side gates of the basilica as xuximen Jfl!Br~ and dongxumen Mr~, which are probably errors for xishanggemen and dongshanggemen. See LBCAZ 2.63; CAZHi 6.7. Also see THY24.468; YH 159.2926b. 44 On Yuan Lizhen and his memorial, see THY 30.553-54, JTS 190.shang.9485, XTS 201.5726. Also see YH 159.2925b-2926a. Note in YH, Yuan Lizhen is miswritten as Yuan Lizheng Rf'JIE. 45 On imperial examinations of civil service candidates, see JTS 10.256, 11.297, 13.380, 17.shang.528. On imperial investiture ceremonies, see JTS 14.409, 14.424, 15.469, 16.490, 17.shang.514, 18.shang.590, 18.xia.619, 18 xia.626; on investiture ceremonies for others, see 16.501, 17.xia.551 (both for the crown prince), 52.2196 (for the empress dowager), and 195.5200 and 195.5204 (both for Uighur leaders). 46 On the inauguration ceremonies of Xianzong and Wenzong, see JTS 14.409, 14.411, 17.shang.523. JTS 13.400.

47

48 49

JTS 200.xia.5388; XTS 150.zhong.6444. JTS 19.shang.661 , 19 xia. 704, 19.xia.720-21.

88 / Sui-TangChang'an Han Yu ~iH:, in his 819 memorial against the court's display of the Buddha's finger bone,50 provides further evidence that the Xuanzheng Basilica was the 51 main venue for major state events: Ifhe [the Buddha] were alive today and on a state mission to visit the court in the capital, and if Your Majesty [Xianzong] were to generously receive him, 52 [Your Majesty] would only grant him audience in the Xuanzheng Basilica.

The Zichen Basilica One gained access to the area of the Zichen Basilica (~1ll[~), the third major axial structure, through the two gates on the east and west sides of the Xuanzheng Basilica. 53 These were known as the Dongshangge *-.tOO and Xishangge gg-.too Gates, and were named after the structures of which they were a part the Dongshang and Xishang Pavilions. The emperor, his court officials, and the palace guard normally passed through these "pavilion-gates" from the Xuanzheng Basilica to enter the Zichen Basilica area to the north, where the emperor granted audiences. The expression "to enter the pavilion" (ruge A~) became accepted as a metonym for "to enter the Zichen Basilica." Located at the center of the palace, the Zichen Basilica was the third and last structure of the triple court and the equivalent of the Liangyi Basilica in the Palace City. Known as the "regular basilica of the inner court" (neichao zhengdian 1*J')liE~), Zichen was the locale for routine court activities. The emperor held semi-official court here daily to consult with key ministers. ~d used it as a backstage area from which he proceeded to the Xuanzheng Basilica for formal state events. Thanks to its less official nature, the Zichen Basilica was appropriately dubbed the "informal basilica" (biandian f£~).S4 50 This relic came to Chang'an from the Famen Monastery l$;r~~ in present-day Fufeng, Shaanxi, about 110 kilometers west of Xi' an. 51 After the destruction of Chang'an in 904, a Xuanzheng Basilica continued to exist in Luoyang. But this nostalgic reference to a glorious past was brought to an end in 905 (Tianyou 2) when all Luoyang palace structures with names borrowed from Chang'an were changed to avoid a catastrophe predicted for the Chang'an ~a. Presumably, Chang'an names would oilly bring bad luck. So the Xuanzheng BasilIca was renamed Zhenguan ~•. See Cefuyuangui H/JJf,fftS (CFYG) 14.161i>-162a. 52 See QTW 548:5552i>-53b, Han Yu, "Lun Fogu biao" ~~~~. Also see JI'S 160:4198-200; XTSI76:5259--60; THY 47:838-40.

53 The Zichen structure was situated 95 meters north of the Xuanzheng Basilica. Poorly preserved, its east-west measurement could not be discerned, but its north-south span was revealed to be close to 50 meters. Ma 1959b, 32. 54 The most illuminating piece oOnformation is found in ZZTJ 241.7783, commentary by the Song scholars Ouyang Xiu Ifx~~ and Cheng Dachang m~. Also see TLD 7.218; LBCAZ2.63; CAZHi 6.Th.

The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 89

•

The Zichen Basilica must have been planned in the initial stages of the Daming Palace project. As soon as Gaozong moved permanently from the Palace City to the Daming Palace in 663, he began to hold court there. 55 As the preferred venue for conducting informal court business, Zichen Basilica was seldom associated with major historical events. The one exception is the infamous Sweet Dew Incident (ganlu zhi bian i::tRz.~) of 835, an aborted coup d'etat engineered by disgruntled scholar-officials against the court eunuchs. 56 It turned into a bloodbath, involving all three axial basilicas and spreading throughout the Daming Palace, with serious repercussions for the entire city. But the main theater was no doubt the Zichen Basilica. To better understand the structure of the basilica and its relation to the rest of the palace, let us briefly examine the course of this tragic event. On the morning of the twenty-first day of the eleventh month in 835 (Dahe 9) Wenzong was holding court at the Zichen Basilica when General Han Vue ~~ reported sighting sweet dew on a pomegranate tree in the Left Jinwu Honor Guard Courtyard. The appearance of sweet dew was regarded as a sign of Heaven's approval of the sovereign and an extremely propitious omen. It was an occasion for great joy and celebration. The mastermind of the coup, Zheng Zhu ~ff:, and his associate Shu Yuanyu ~ftJ'! both urged the emperor to view it in person. During the chen ~ hours (about 7 to 9 a.m.), Wenzong arrived at the southernmost Hanyuan Basilica, just north of the Honor Guard Courtyard He then dispatched his chief ministers and other court officials to the spot where the dew had allegedly appeared. After a While, Zheng Zhu came to report that the so-called sweet dew must have been a hoax. Wenzorig sent the eunuch general Qiu Shiliang f:tL±~ and other eunuch officers who were the target of the coup, to the Honor Guard Courtyard to verify. Qiu became suspicious when he saw the pale and sweating face of General Han Vue, and rushed back to the Hanyuan Basilica to catch the emperor and alert his fellow eunuchs. As the eunuchs hurriedly carried the emperor away on a palanquin, they shouted, ~'Your Majesty, please return to the palace!" The Jinwu warriors under the command of the conspirators now overran the Hanyuan Basilica, attempting to eliminate every eunuch in sight. The emperor and his eunuch entourage narrowly escaped through the Xuanzheng Gate, and then entered the inner palace area through the Dongshang Pavilion (see Map 4.2) with the conspirators' troops in hot pursuit. Once the Dongshangge Gate was shut with conspirators left outside, the eunuch officers inside the palace all cheered. General Qiu Shiliang ordered a coordinated attack on the conspirators by the palace guards led by the Left and Right Shence Armies,

5S

ZZTJ201.6335; 11fY30.553; YH 159.2924a.

56

See ZZTJ245.7910-19. See also Jay 1989,39-51.

90 / Sui-Tang Chang'an crack palace guard units under the direct control of the eunuch generals. The heavily armed Shence guardsmen exited the pavilion to initiate the indiscriminate killing of the conspirators and bystan<Jers. The conspiracy ended in disaster. 57 The unfolding of this incident as recorded in the histories lends much credence to the record that the Zichen Basilica was the center of daily court activities. The emperor ascended his throne on the day of the coup as he would on a typical day. When the .attack on the eunuch officers started at the Hanyuan Basilica. they made a desperate attempt to "return [the emperor] to the palace" (huon gong ~'§).58 This expression may seem confusing, because the Hanyuan Basilica was already in the palace grounds, and the sources do not explicitly identify "the palace." A contextual analysis, however, can help identify the Zichen Basilica as the mentioned "palace." The Xin Tang shu records that the emperor and his retinue reached their destination after they entered the Dongshang Pavilion, and they were cheered by those "inside the palace" (gongzhong '8$).59 As mentioned above; "to enter the pavilion" means "to enter the Zichen Basilica area." and the pavilion is without doubt the Dongshang or Xishang Pavilion, located on either side of the Xuanzheng Basilica. When the eunuch-dominated Shence forces charged out to attack the conspirators, they apparently headed south from the Zichen Basilica area through the two pavilions into the southern part of the palace grounds. The archaeological map of the Daming Palace (Map 4.1) indicates that three east-west bulwarks ran across the entire width of the southern part of the palace enceinte. The Xuanzheng Basilica sat at the midpoint of the third bulwark. From this we can establish that the Darning Palace was actually divided by the third bulwark into two sections, the "outer" or southern area and the "inner" or northern: area. To the emperor and his entourage, the heavily guarded northern area was "the palace," and the focus of court activity was no doubt the Zichen Basilica. This division clearly underscores the strategic significance of the Zichen Basilica. where the emperor was heavily protected and closely watched by the eunuch officers and the Shence forces under their command.

The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /

j

I I

I I ~!

91

The Yanying Basilica To the west of the Zichen Basilica stood the Yanying Basilica (~~~), which during the Qianfu period (847-879) under Xizong was renamed the Lingzhi Basilica (IIm).60 The Yanying Basilica dates to Gaozong's reign (649-683), but it took on special significance under Daizong. Daizong showed special favor to one of his most respected ministers, the aging Miao Jinqing Ei3ttUW, by meeting him in this basilica instead of in the formal court. This established a new practice: The emperor began to hold irregular and informal meetings here with his ministers and generals.61 In effect, this basilica became a special audience hall where a great number of well-known political, literary, and military figures were granted imperial audiences. They included Yuan Zhen 5f:;fj;, a celebrated Middle Tang poet; Wu YUanheng ilt5f:;~, chief ministei undei Xianzong; Guo Ziyi ~r~, me famed general who had helped crush the An Lushan Rebellion; and Li Jifu *~m, the author of the Yuanhe junxian tuzhi 5f:;~W,,*III~ (YHJX1Z).62 The Linde Basilica Northwest of the Yanying Basilica stood the Linde Basilica (Is\H~~, Fig. 4.3). This and the Hanyuan Basilica are the two major palatial structures that have been thoroughly examined in archaeological studies. Also referred to as the Sandian (=~) and the Sanyuan ('=:'IIJC), Linde was composed of three adjacent basilicas: anterior (south), middle, and rear (north). These sat on a raised platform 5.7 meters high and encompassed an area 130.41 meters (northsouth) by 77.55 (east-west). The south basilica was 58 meters wide and 4 bays or about 20 meters deep; the middle basilica, which was separated from the south basilica by a pathway 6.2 meters wide, was of the same width (58 meters), and 5 bays deep; the rear basilica was of the same width, but only 3 bays deep.63 Best remembered as a banquet hall, the Linde Basilica was a favorite site for the emperor to entertain his ministers. The greatest feast on record at this basilica took place in 768 (Dali 3) when Daizong hosted a banquet for 3,500 Shence Army officers and soldiers who came from Jiannan ~i¥i (SichuanYunnan) and the Chen ~ and Zheng ~ areas (present-day Huaiyang and

The event is mainly recorded in three sources: ZZTJ, XTS, and.fl'S. The ZZTJ record, which is the most detailed, is corroborated by the XTS record. The.fl'S record, which is the shortest; offers a somewhat different account That morning, according to JTS, the emperor first held court in the Xuanzheng Basilica, instead of the Zichen Basilica I follow ZZTJandXI'S. See ZZTJ245.7911-13;XI'S 179.5311-13. Cf. JTS 184.4770-71.

60 There are two contradictory accounts of its location. According to the Tang liudian and the Tang huiyao, it stood west of the Zichen Basilica, but the Chang 'an zhi locates it east of that structure. Wang Yinglin UIl, the author of the Yuhai, proves that the first version is correct. See TLD 7.218; TLJCFK 1.23; YH 160.2933. Cf. CAZHi 6.7b. 61 JTS 113.3352; ZZTJ225.7227, text and commentary.

ZZTJ245.7912. 59 XTS 17.9.5312.

62 YH 160.2933-36. 63 Su 1978,414.

57

58

92 /

Sui-Tang Chang'an

The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /

Zhengzhou, Henan).64 Occasionally, it served as the site of reception ceremonies for appointed women. 6S

south, and 150 meters east-west. A canal linked the two. Curiously, the eastern pool, which extended all the way to the east palace wall, is never mentioned in primary sources. 69 The Taiye Pond was known for its breathtaking scenery. In the fall, Xuanzong, accompanied by close relatives, would go there to enjoy the sight of white lotuses in full bloom/a He would spend the night of the Midautumn Festival by the pond, watching the full moon with his favorite consort, Yang Guifei ~~C. A "moon-watch platform" was set up for the occasion on the west bank. 71 The Early Tang poet Shangguan Yi J:'S. captures the look and sound of the pond in early spring in his "Awaiting an Audience in Early Spring at the Guilin Basilica": The imperial palanquin emerges from Pixiang72 The clear sound of singing floats over Taiye Pond. Moming trees teem with warbling orioles, Spring slopes burgeon with fragrant plants. Breezes in the broad light ripple dew's traceries, Blossom-flakes of snow rise into the azure sky. Butterflies float by in endless succession, Light on the mountains dims toward evening. 73

Fig. 4.3. Reconstruction of Linde Basilica, Darning Palace. Source: Yang 1987b, 242-43, fig.?

In Dezong's time, when a Uighur king sent his envoy to the Tang court seeking a marriage alliance (heqin ~om), the envoy's initial meeting with the 66 Tang princess Xian'an fit.!i occurred in this basilica. It was ~o used for Buddhist devotional actiVities. In 761 (Shangyuan 2), on Suzong's birthday (the third day of the ninth month), which was celebrated nationwide as the Festival of Heavenly Accomplishment and Earthly Peace (tiancheng diping jie the emperor turned the basilica into a Buddhist chapel. Court ladies dressed as bodhisattvas, the warriors as divine guardian kings (jingang shenwang ~iJU:flll'±', Vajrap~), and ministers and courtiers pro~ated th~m­ selves to perform the ceremonies. 67 After the An Lushan Rebellion, foreIgn emissaries from Nanzhao i¥i~, the Uighur empire, Tibet, and Bohai i'JJJ~ 68 (Parhae) were often invited to this basilica to take part in festivities.

:ltSJZ-rn

In the southeast section of the palace was Dongnei Park C*r*J~), in which lay the much smaller Longshou Pond (~§?tB). Later destruction of the site makes it hard to confirm this pond's exact location. 74 The Longshou Canal (~§~) emptied into the pond from the east, providing a constant inflow of fresh water.7S

*?Jt

The Taiye Pond . At the heart of the Daming Palace lay the two pools of the Tatye Pond (:;{c$i~@. According to archaeological surveys, the we,stern pool ran 500 meters east-west, and 320 meters north-south. The eastern pool was 220 meters north-

69 Ma 1959b, 48-49. The lack of documentation on the eastern pool in extant ~ources suggests that it was relatively insignificant in palace life.

1 j ij ij 11

CFGY llQ.1312b; Xu 1982,647. 6S THY 30.554, Yonglong 7j(1\i 2. 66 YH 162.3930b. 67 ZZTJ222.7115-16; Ma 1959b, 40; Guo 1961,619. 68 YH 160.2930-31.

64

93

,1 ,. ·,:1,

70

71

KYTBYS xia.96. KYTBYSxia.107.

72 "Pixiang" H is short for Pixiang Basilica (H~), which is mentioned in both JTS (75.2629) and XIS (103.3990). It appears in the biography of Su Shichang ~t!t*, who was a grand master of remonstrance (jianyi daifu H:kx) under Tang Gaozu. This extravagant basilica was built by Gaozu, who died before the Darning Palace was completed. This basilica was either situated in the vicinity of that palace, or had been built in its precincts prior to its completion. 73 QTS 40.505. Translation by author, loosely based on Owen (1977,73-74). The Guilin Basilica (fi1*~), which cannot be positively identified, was probably part of the Darning Palace. 74 Ma 1959b, 49; 1978,643. 7S ZZTJ240.7748.

94 /

Sui-Tang Chang'an

Reigning Tang Emperors in the Darning Palace

The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /

95

77

the Taiji Basilica of the Palace City. In the sixth month he began to hold court at the Danfeng Gate in the Darning Palace. He died in Darning Palace in the first month of 805.82 Shunzong. Second to the eighth month of 805 (six months). Shunzong ascended the throne in the first month of 805 in the Taiji Basilica upon his father's death. In the second month of the sarne year he began to hold court at the Danfeng Gate in the Darning Palace. Six months later he abdicated and was settled in the Xingqing Palace until his death in the first month of 806.83 Xianzong. Eighth month of 805 to the first month of 820 (fourteen years and five months). Upon his father's abdication in the eighth month of 805, Xianzong mounted the throne in the Darning Palace, where he reigned until his death in the first month of 820.84 Muzong. First month of 8208S to the fIrSt month of 824 (four years). Upon his father'S death, Muzong ascended the throne in the east wing of the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City. In the sarne month he began to hold court in the Zichen Basilica of the Darning Palace, where he reigned until his death in the first month of 824.86 Jingzong. Second month of 824 to the twelfth month of Baoli 2 (827) (two years and ten months)." Upon his father's death, Jingzong established his court in the Darning Palace in Changqing 4. He was killed by eunuch officers in the twelfth month of Baoli 2.88 Wenzong. Twelfth month of Baoli 2 (827) to the first month of 840 (thirteen years and one month). Wenzong ascended the throne in the twelfth month of Baoli 2 in the Darning Palace and died there in the first month of Kaicheng 5.89 Wuzong. Second month of 840 to the third month of 846 (six years and one month). The beginning of Wuzong's reign in the Darning Palace is not well documented. According to the Jiu Tang shu lf~~ (JTS), he held court in the "regular basilica" (zhengdian) in the second month of 840. 90 The Tang iiwiian

ZZTJ225. 7256.

82 JI'S 12.319, 321; 13.400. ZZTJ236.7606-7. 83.ITS 14.405--6, 409-10. On his retirement in the Xingqing Palace, see ZZTJ 236.7619; 237.7625. 84 JI'S 14.411; 15.471-72. 8S An intercalary month occurred between the first and the second months of 820. 86 JI'S 16.475-76, 504; ZZTJ243.7830-31. 87 The twelfth month ofBaoli 2 corresponds to early 827. 88.ITS 17.shang.507, 522; ZZTJ243.7851-52. 89.ITS 17.shang.523; xla.579. 90 JTS 18.shang.584. Wuzong began his reign in the first month of 840.

Gaozong. Fourth month of 663 to the fourth month of 682 (nineteen years and one month).76 Gaozong established the court in the Darning Palace immediately after its completion. During his reign, Gaozong frequently visited Luoyang and other palaces even though he officially resided and continued to hold court in this palace. In the fourth month of 682, he left the Darning Palace 77 for the last time, heading for Luoyang where he died in 683. Xuanzong. Sixth month of714 to the first month of 728 (thirteen years and seven months). Xuanzong moved the court from the Palace City to the Darning Palace in the sixth month of714; in 728 he moved the court again to the newly completed Xingqing Palace. 78 During his period of residence at the Darning Palace, Xuanzong was often away visiting Luoyang and other palaces. Suzong. Tenth month of 757 to the fourth month of 762 (four years 'and six months). After ascending the throne in exile, Suzong was able to return to the capital in the tenth month of 757. He reigned froin the Darning Palace until his death in its Changsheng Basilica (~~) in the fourth month of 762.79 Daizong. Fifth month of 762 to the fifth month of 779 (seventeen years).80 Following his father's death in the Darning Palace, Daizong was enthroned in the Palace City in the fourth month of 762. He began to hold court in the Darning Palace in the fifth month. Although forced out of Chang'an briefly by the Tibetans (the tenth to twelfth months, 763), Daizong generally remained in 81 this palace, where he died in the fifth month of779. Dezong. Sixth month of 779 to the first month of 805 (twenty-five years and seven months). Following his father's death, Dezong mounted the throne in

76 The year 663 had an intercalary month after the seventh month. ZZTJ201.6335, 203.6409; JTS 4.83,5.109-12. In 684 Wu Zetian began to hold court in Luoyang, where she duplicated the entire central government. See ZZTJ 203.6419, 6421. 78 YH 157.2878a, 158.2894a; XTS 5.123; JT.S 8.192. 79 ZZTJ 220.7042, 222.7124; JT.S 10.248, 10.248. In 761-762, attempts were made to rearrange the order of the' months. This resulted in great calendrical confusion. In the ninth month of 761, zi T was declared the initial month. However, in the standard calendar yin ~ was the initial month, falling some two months later than zi. In 762 y~n was restored as the initial month. Suzong died in the month of si B, the fourth month In the standard system. SeeZZTJ222.71 18, 7123-24. 80 In 779 an'intercalary month occurred after the fifth month. 81 The occupation by the Tibetans lasted for only twelve days in the tenth month, but Daizong did not return to Chang'an until the twelfth month. See ZZTJ223.7151, 715758. On Daizong's accession, see JT.S 11.268--69; ZZTJ 222.7124-25. On his death see

96 /

The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /

Sui-Tang Chang'an

identifies the Zichen Basilica as the regular basilica of the inner court (neichao zhengdian I*J ~~) and I suspect that the "regular basilica" recorded in the Jiu Tang shu is the same as the Zichen Basilica.91 In the first month of 841 Wuzong ascended the Danfeng Gate to inaugurate the new era Huichang .~ and to grant an amnesty.92 He died in the third month of 846 in the Daming Palace.93 Xuanzong 1l*. Third month of 846 to the eighth month of 859 (thirteen years and five months). Xuanzong ascended the throne in the presence of his father's coffin in the Damirig Palace. He himself died there in the eighth month of 859.94 Yizong. Eighth month of 859 to the seventh month of 873 (thirteen years and eleven months). Yizong ascended the throne upon his father's death. He began to hold court in the regular (Zichen) basilica. He died in the Daming . Palace in the seventh month of 873. 9S Xizong. Eighth month of 873 to the third month of 888 (fourteen years and seven months). Xizong's last recorded court appearance was in the third month of 888 in the Zichen Basilica. He died soon after in the Wude Basilica of the Taiji Palace. During his reign at the Daming Palace, he was forced to escape from Chang'an twice. From the twelfth month of 881 (Guangming 1) to the third month of 885 at the time of the Huang Chao rebellion, Xizong took refuge in Xingyuan !!l!j{;, Chengdu, and Fengxiang.96 In the twelfth month of 886 (Guangqi 1),97 he was forced by eunuch officers to escape again to avoid attack by the Shatuo ~ Turks. During that exile the emperor stayed mainly in 98 Fengxiang. He returned to Chang'an in the second month of 888. Zhaozong. Zhaozong's was an era of end-of-dynasty turmoil and warlordism, and despite his personal ambitions, Zhaozong was often at the mercy of the eunuchs and warlords. In late 900, he was temporarily dethroned and kept in

97

custody in the Daming Palace until the fIrst month of 90 1.99 Zhaozong sometimes held court in the Yanying Basilica of the Daming Palace. lOO

The Xingqing Palace Layout Located in the northeast quadrant of Chang'an, the Xingqing Palace southeast of the Palace City and south of the Daming Palace, it was also known as the Nannei (Southern Compound). This complex was created in a residential ward called Longqing ~~:l:jj; Map 2.1, 4J) in 714, not long after Xuanzong came to power. The name of the palace was changed from Longqing to Xingqing to avoid the middle character of Xuanzong's personal name. lol Immediately this palace became Xuanzong's favorite place. In 726 its grounds went through a: major expansion; they were merged with the southern half of Yongjia Ward (7.kB:l:jj, 3J) to the north. This expansion has been confIrmed by archaeological study. 102 Extant sources also record a number of other expansions. In 726 the palace grounds were extended west, taking up half of Shengye Ward (Mj~;I:jj, 41). In 732 the southwestern section of the palace enclosure was expanded to permit enlargement of the front courtyard of the Hua'e Loft-building (:fE~; see below). In the process, both the northeast comer of Eastern Market, and the northwest comer of Daozheng Ward (~, 5J) were subsumed. l03 Archaeological investigations, however, have failed to uncover evidence in support of these records. Without such corroboration it is difficult to confIrm the Xingqing

(!!l!m'S) was the city's third and last urban palace area. Because it was

. 99 ZZTJ records in detail Zhaozong's forced abdication and subsequent restoration. His

new residence is referred to as the Shaoyang Courtyard

(1-~i!3t)

in the Eastern Palace i.e., the Daming Palace. The Shaoyang Courtyard was associated with the Dongnei. Indeed, JTS records its locale as the Wen'an Palace r,,'~8" in the Dongnei. Moreover, according to ZZTJ, the so-called Wen'an Palace was a new name for the Shaoyang Courtyard. See ZZTJ 262.8538-44; JTS 20.shang.770-71. 100 JTS 20.shang.758-64, 773-75. On Zhaozong's appearance in the Yanying Basilica in the tenth month of901, see ZZTJ262.8559.



Fig 5.2. Tang government agencies. Based on Hucker 1985, 28. responsibilities were to collect all grain revenues and promote agriculture. To its south, between Fourth and Fifth Heng Streets, stood the quarters of the Department of the Imperial Library (mishusheng M~~'), which was responsible for collecting court documents and compiling histories based on those documents. Its "inner" branch (mishu neisheng fl)~pg~) resided in the Palace City and was charged with compiling histories of five earlier dynasties. 2o The Office of Appointments (xuanyuan ~), under the Board of Personnel and the southern section of the Board of Rites, both of which answered to the Department of State Affairs, was housed east of the Imperial Library department. 21 Between Fifth and Sixth Heng Streets on the west side of Chengtianmen Street stood the quarters of the Court of the Imperial Clan (zongzhengsi *iE~), which maintained the imperial genealogy and monitored activities of

The Imperial City precincts west of Hanguangmen Street included offices of the Directorate of Construction (jiangzuojian JI~H'F~), the Court of Iudicial Review (dalisi *J:!I!~), the Court of the Imperial Regalia (weiweisi VIi~t~), and the Altars of State (called dashe *U or taishe;tctJ: in Tang times) on the west side of Hanguangmen Street from north to south. The Directorate of Construction was subordinate to the Board of WorkS and was once headed by Yuwen Kai, the chief architect of Daxingcheng. This agency was charged with construction and renovation of palace structures, imperial tomb parks, and central government. office buildings. The Court of Iudicial Review was one of three central judicial offices and handled court proceedings. In Sui times the Court of the Imperial Regalia was charged with defense of the palace; in Tang times it controlled weaponry and maintained the imperial armories. Finally, the

On the Court of the Imperial Clan, see TLD 16.465-75; Rotours 1947, 370; Hucker 1985, 530. On the Censorate, see TLD 13.377-88; Rotours 1947, 281-314; Hucker 1985,593-94. On the Court of Imperial Carriages, see TLD 17.476-99; Rotours 1947, 390-404; Hucker 1985, 481. On the Court of the Treaswy, see TLD 20.538-54; Rotours 1947, 434-42; Hucker 1985, 477. On the Court of Diplomatic Receptions, see TLD 18.504-18; Rotours 1947, 408-17; Hucker 1985, 264. On the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, see TLD 14.389-440; Rotours 1947,315-55; Hucker 1985, 476. 23 Hucker 1985, 31. 22

The inner: branch was closed in 636 when this project was completed. 21 On the Court ofImperial Granaries, see TLD 19.519-37; Rotours 1947, 418-34. On the Department of the Imperial Library and its inner branch, see TLD 10.294-319; Rotours 1947, 204-217; Hucker 1985, 377-78; Twitchett 1992, 20-22. Note that Rotours, Hucker, and Twitchett read pi (hi) for mi M$. On the Office of Appointments, see TLD 2.36; Rotours 1947, 32-71. On the Board of Rites, see TLD 4.108-84; Rotours 20

1947, 79-96.

113

Central and Capital Administrations /

114 / Sui-Tang Chang'an

Local Government Offices27

Altars of State comprised one of the two urban ritual centers planned at the founding of the city in compliance with prescriptions in the Kaogong ji.24

The Eastern Sector In the northern part of the area between Anshangmen Street and the east wall stood offices affiliated with the Eastern Palace. These included the "outer" branches of the Spring Offices of the Left and Right, high-level agencies in charge of affairs of the crown prince. Also located in these quarters were the Provision Office (jialingsi *4t~), in charge of domestic affairs of the crown prince; the Livery Office of the Eastern Palace (donggong pusi *'§~~), also known as the Livery Office of the Crown Prince (taizi pusi :t::~~), in charge of the horses, stables, and carriages of the Eastern Palace; the Ceremony Office (lugeng si $j!~), often prefIxed with taizi (crown prince), in charge of the etiquette and punishments in the household of the heir apparent; and the Household Administration of the Eastern Palace (zhanshiju ~$J&), an agency in charge of the crown prince's overall affairs. 2S Further to the south stood the Directorate of Arms (junqijian 1f;!:~~), in charge of the manufacture of weapons and their storage; the Directorate of Navigation (dushuijian m7.l-

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The capital prefect (jingzhaoyin :g~Is¥,) was the highest local administrator in the capital.40 When Daxingcheng was founded, it became the seat of the capital prefecture Yongzhou and its governor held the title "governor" (mu 1)(, TUCFK 4.107. Youyang zazu ~~ffE*.Il (fYZZ) "Xuji," 6.256 40 For a comprehensive, chronological account of capital prefects under the Tang, see Yu 1987, vol. 1:12-62.

38

39

118 / Sui-Tang Chang'an rank 2b). In 607 (Kaihuang 3), when the commandery system was introduced, the capital prefecture was renamed Jingzhao Commandery C~~IsW). Its governor was then titled "capital prefect" (yin ;fl', rank 3a).41 In Early Tang times, when the name Yongzhou was restored to the capital prefecture, its chief officer was redesignated a mu. However, under the Tang system, the mu or governor was an honorary position-it was either filled by a prince or remained vacant. It was the prince's lieutenant (biejia .8~~ or "mounted escort"), who functioned as the capital prefect. The official title "mounted escort" was changed to "chief administrator" (zhangshi ~~) in 627.42 In 713 during Xuanzong's reign, Yongzhou was renamed Jingzhaofu *~IsJ&, but the honorary position of governor remained unchanged. However, the title of "chief administrator" was changed to capital prefect (yin, now 4l Jingzhao yin) after the tradition of earlier dynasties. Seconded by his deputies (shaoyin o/~), the capital prefect was charged with overall governmental duties, including assessment of official performance, agriculture, law enforcement, and conscription.44 These were nominally the responsibilities of the governor of the capital district, but in reality the prefect was in charge. The Bureaus of Personnel (gongcao rJJfl), Granaries (cangcao ~fl), Revenue (hucao pfl), War (bingcao #fl), Law ifacao $;W), and Works (shicao ±W) were placed under the capital prefecture to deal with routine administration. They were obviously modeled, with slight variations, on 45 the Six Boards in the Department of State Affairs. Sui practice had recommended rotating appointments to chief admini46 strative positions at the prefectural and county levels about every three years. In Tang times the average appointment to the capital prefect position was much shorter. Yu Xianhao, in his 1987 work, Tang cishi leao (A Study of Tang Prefects), lists 183 capital prefects, including reappointments, for the period of

41 SuS 28.802.

xrs (49.xia.1317) dates this event to 627 (Wude 10). However, there were only nine Wude years. Wude 10 should be Zhenguan 1. JTS (44:1915-16) dates the sam~ ~~ent to the early Zhenguan period. THY (67.1186) states that m 649 (Zbenguan 23)~ blejla was changed to zhangshi. This change should be attributed to Gaozong; xrs 49.xUl.1317. 43 xrs 49.xia. 13 11; TD 32.888, 33.902; TLD 30.740-41. Also see Yu 1987, "Fanlie" }!;WtJ, .14. 44 For a study ofprefectura1 officials below the rank of prefect, see Yan 1969b, 105-15. The law-enforcement role played by the prefect at the capital was at most auxiliary. Policing was handled mainly by centrally controlled police and garrison forces. 45 TW 30.741-42, 748-50; Thilo 1990, 155-57.

42

46

TD 32.888.

Central and Capital Administrations /

119

191 years between 713, the first year when the title yin was introduced to replace zhangshi, and 904, the year when the city was destroyed. On average, a new appointment was made every year. Sometimes, the emperor dismissed the capital prefect as punishment for insubordination, but on other occasions, the prefect was promoted to a higher court position. 47 However, the frequent rotation of important job holders at the capital probably points to the central government's desire to keep local officials from building a power base. Apart from maintaining city functions, the capital prefect was also responsible for crisis management within the city. Urban stability seems to have been one of his top priorities. In 784 (Xingyuan 1 of Dezong's reign), immediately after the recovery of Chang' an from the hands of rebels, Capital Prefect Li Qiyun *~ii was sent out to calm residents and restore order. 48 In 798 (Zhenyuan 14), Capital Prefect Han Gao ~~ was ousted after Chang'an suffered severe depopUlation due to summer droughts and inflation in grain prices: 49 In 815 (Yuanhe 10), during Xianzong's reign, when Chief Minister Wu Yuanheng JE!:;jGiJ was assassinated in Jing'an Ward (~~:fjj, Map 2.1, 9G), Capital Prefect Pei Wu ~JE!:; himself participated in interrogating suspects. 50 In 838 (Kaicheng 3 of Wenzong's reign), Capital Prefect Cui Gong ~Wi had his wages cut for failing to capture terrorists who had tried to assassinate Chief in Qinren Ward ~e1E, 7H).51 Minister Li Shi The capital prefect's efforts at maintaining peace and dispensing justice were often challenged by privileged groups. After the recovery of Chang' an from Zhu Ci's rebellious forces in 784, the eunuch-dominated Shence Army consistently evaded the control of Chang'an's local authorities. Nevertheless, sometimes a capital prefect was able to successfully confront such a challenge by sheer force of character and courage. In 809 (Yuanhe 4), Capital Prefect Xu Mengrong W'F~~ personally intervened to settle the case of a bad loan incurred by a Shence Army officer, Li Yu *jil, who had borrowed 8,000 strings of cash then deferred repayment to his rich moneylender for three years. When Xu ordered Li's arrest, high-level officers in the Shence Army persuaded the emperor (Xianzong) to pressure Xu to release the offender. In spite of the

*ti

Yu's study is the most exhaustive so far. Still, there is no guarantee that he has covered all the appointments to the yin position. Even so, 183 appointments in 191 years are enough to convince me that this important position at the capital was basically a one-year position. Yu 1987,1:12-60. 48 ZZTJ23 1.7436. 49 THY 86.1187. so ZZTJ239.7714; Thilo 1990, 168-69. 51 THY 67. 1188; Thilo 1990,171. 47

Central and Capital Administrations /

120 / Sui-Tang Chang'an 52

imperial intervention, Xu retained Li in custody until he paid his debt. During Jingzong's reign (824-826), Capital Prefect Liu Qichu !jIJ~~ had to deal with a number of local gangsters and corrupt merchants, who, having bought their way into league with the eunuch-controlled palace armies, were able to lord it over the ordinary residents of the city. Whenever they got into trouble, they would take shelter in the palace army barracks. Thanks to Liu's relentless prosecution, serious criminal offenses in the marketplaces and residential wards began to decline.53 Liu Gongchuo Wp~ (763-830), the elder brother of the great calligrapher Liu Gongquan m0t-1, became capital prefect ~ 816. One day his cavalcade was detained by a minor Shence Army officer. LIU prom~tly had him flogged to death. In spite of Xianzong's anger, Liu escaped punlshment. 54 When Liu Gongchuo's son Liu Zhongying milftW was promoted to capital prefect in 845 (Huichang 5), backed by the powerful chief minister Li Deyu *~, he became even more defiant of the palace army officers. Before receiving imperial permission to do so, he ordered an officer clubbed to death for having battered his own mother. When another officer violated city rules for weights and measures at the market, Liu had him executed and exposed the corpse in a public place. 55 Usually, however, the capital prefecture authorities had limited power in dealing with the eunuchs and their proteges. In 838 (Kaicheng 3) assassins from the eunuch-controlled palace armies were able to avoid arrest by Capital Prefect Cui Gong by taking shelter in the barracks after their plot to murder the chief minister was discovered. 56 Even gangsters could be protected from the prosecution if they had connections in the palace armies. This is illustrated by a memorial ftled in 843 (Huichang 3) by the capital prefecture administration, requesting permission from the emperor to arrest gangsters known by a special tattoo, who. typically operated in the markets. The memorial clearly indicates that if the offenders belonged to various agencies under a palace army or 57 commissioner, the case would have to be reported to the court. • Although the aggressive involvement of the prefect could make a difference, there was only so much he could do. And he could find himself in THY 67. 1187. YHL 2.79. For Liu Qichu's biography, seeJTS 154.4106. 54 YHL 2.81;XT.S' 163.5021-23. Liu Gongchuo is referred to as Liu Yuangong W1J:5Y~ in the Yinhua lu ~~~. XT.S' (163.5022) records his posthumous title as Yuan JG and JTS (165.4304) records it as Cheng /lX. 55 XTS 163.5023; JTS 165.4305-6; Yu 1987, vol. 1:50. 56 THY67.1188; Thilo 1990, 171. 57 THY 67. 1188.

121

serious trouble if he ran afoul of the eunuchs. Even tough Prefect Liu Gongchuo was eventually stripped of his post after repeatedly incurring the wrath of eunuch officers. 58 His son, Liu Zhongying, suffered a similar fate. The eunuchs engineered the younger Liu's removal after losing two palace army officers on his watch. 59 The most telling piece of evidence concerning difficulties faced by the capital prefecture government in its efforts to exercise jurisdiction is a memorial ftled by Deputy Capital Prefect Cui Yuanlue ~5t;om in the first month of 818 (Yuanhe 13), several months before his promotion to capital prefect: Various [central government] departments, palace armies, and commissioners' offices are known to have hunted down and arrested residents of the capital prefecture and the urban counties, including city officials (suoyou PffEf3)60 and civilians. As a rule, those who do government business in the precincts of the capital prefecture and the urban counties must obtain an official warrant, except for cases of burglary and robbery. In most cases of late no official warrants have been obtained. [The officers in question] recklessly make arrests, incarcerating and shackling [residents] before the prefectural and county authorities are notified. Surely among the city officials in custody there must be deceitful villains. However, lack of evidence leads to blatant injustice. Self-defense becomes most difficult. Civilians are hunted down and arrested. Some of them have even escaped and gone into hiding. It is hoped that an imperial edict be issued whereby from this day forward, except in cases of burglary and robbery, no palace armies and offices of commissioners will be allowed to arrest city officials and civilians of the capital prefecture and the urban counties without obtaining proper warrants. This will avert mutual interference between government agencies. 61 The established convention Cui cites allowed central government agencies to detain city officials and residents with a warrant from the municipal government. What Cui requests is an end to the wanton disregard of this formality. Even though the emperor Xianzong eventually approved this memorial, the fact of its submission points to the limited power of the capital prefecture government in matters of civil order. 62

52

58 XT.S'

53

59

163.5021.

JTS 165.4306.

Suoyou normally refers to city officials working for the capital prefecture or urban counties as opposed to central government or court officials. See ZZTJ 243.7848, commentary. 61 THY 67.1187. 62 See Cui's biographies in JTS 163.4260-62; XTS 160.4973-74. Note that information on the authority of the capital prefect is limited to the Middle and Late Tang periods.

60

122 / Sui-TangChang'an

Central and Capital Administrations /

Urban Counties In Sui times the city of Daxingcheng consisted of two urban countiesDaxing County (*JJlII*) in the east and Chang'an County (~~'*) in the west. 63 The name of Daxing was changed to Wannian ~if at the beginning of the Tang dynasty and remained so throughout the Tang period, except for the years 748-758 when it was temporarily named Xianning ~$ (see Map 5.2).64 65 was created out of In 619 (Wude 2), a new county named Zhiyang Wannian County, and it continued to exist until 624 (Wude 7). In 666 (Qianfeng 1), another county named Mingtang 13J11t was carved out of Wannian County, but it was abolished in 703. Chang'an County retained its original name during the entire Sui-Tang period. In 668 it spun off Qianfeng ~±j County, which lasted until 703 (Chang'an 3)." During most of the Sui-Tang period, 'Vannian (or Daxing) and Chang'an were the two counties that constituted the city pro~r; officially they were the only urban counties. Their jurisdiction covered tbeimmediate city area as well as the forty-five townships (xiong ~~) under Wannian County and fifty-nine townships under Chang'an County.67 The Wannian County office was located in the southeast comer of Xuanyang Ward (Map 5.2), immediately west of the Eastern Market. The design of its main gate, with its elaborate ornamentation, was attributed to Yuwen Kai, the city's chief architect. 68 Xuanyang Ward was symmetrical to its western

m

63

\

I ! I

SUS 29.808.

64 Note that in Sui tinJes Wannian was a suburban county. In Tang times, that suburban county was renamed Yueyang _ and the name Wannian was applied to Daxing County . .JTS 38.1395; SUS 29.808-9; XTS 37.962. 65 CAZ 11.1. 66 Based on YHJXTZ 1.3; CAZHi 7.11, 9.10. In XTS (37.962), the dates are 668-702. In the "Treatise on Geography" in the Jiu Tang shu (38.1396), the founding date for the two new counties is 666 (Qianfeng 1), while in the annals of the same source (.JTS 5.91) it is 668 (Zongzliang 1). It is also recorded that a Yongchang 7k~ County was created under Wu Zetian in Daode Ward iiit-t:J;1J (llE), and abolished in 705 (CAZHi 9.8; TL.!CFK 4.96). This record is missing in L.JXJ (I81a), and is not corroborated by the standard histories. See also Cen 1990. 67 YHJXTZ 1.3-7; Wu 1963a, 157; 1963b, 98. 68 Princess·Taiping ~ijV~'±', a favorite daughter of Empress Wu Zetian and Gaozon~, held her wedding ceremony in the Wannian County office compound. When the mam gate was too narrow for her processional carriages" she requ~ed its destructi~n. Gaozong rejected her request on account of the gate s extraordmary craftsmanshIp.

123

counterpart Guangde" Ward across the axial Zhuquemen Street, which housed the capital prefecture government. Xuanyang Ward was home to some of the most powerful figures of the Tang dynasty and the head office of the capital prefecture was moved there during the occupation of Chang' an by An Lushan's ~~Ll.J generals. 69 Obviously, the Wannian County office, which had charge of the most vital part of the city, occupied one of the best locations outside the palace areas. This fact speaks to the relative importance of the county itself. The Chang'an County office, with jurisdiction over the commoner quarters of the city, was seated in the southwest comer of Changshou Ward (~.±jj; Map 5.2), two wards south of the Western Market. Further removed from the palace and central government areas than the Wannian County office, and closer to the more sparsely populated southern part of the city. Changshou Ward was without doubt inferior to Xuanyang Ward. For that matter, the entire western sector of the city under Chang'an County jurisdiction was less prestigious and affluent than the eastern sector under Wannian County.70 For their short tenure the head offices of Mingtang County (666-703) and Qianfeng County (668-703) were situated in the Yongle 7.J'114 It was only following the 657 (Xianqing 2) reforms initiated by Xu Jingzong that the Lord on High replaced the Gan Emperor as the object of this ceremony. This resulted in two significant changes in the rites dedicated to the Lord on High. Although tmditionally the winter solstice rite at the Round Mound was considered the principal sacrifice to this deity, from 657 forward, the xin day of the frrst month of spring became the set date for offering major sacrifice, and at 110

107

On taiguan ling, see TLD 15.444. TD 109.2833-38.

108 Taiwei was the highest military title and one of the Three Dukes. It was rarely granted in Tang times. See Rotours 1947, 2~21. 109 TD 109.2838-40.

Kaneko 1996,352-53.

For example, during the reign of Daizong (762-779), on the winter solstice o~ 770 (Dati 5), 773 (Dali 8), and 776 (Dali 11), ritual officers were asked to perform the rite to the Lord on High at the Nanjiao on behalf of the emperor. CFYG 34.368a. 112 Examples include, on the winter solstice of the eleventh month, ~O (Zh~guan 14), service at the Nanjiao i¥i~ (CFYG 33.356b); on the nanzhi i¥i~ (wmter solstice) of the eleventh month, 785 (Zhenyuan 1), service at the Round Mound (CFYG 34.368b); on the nanzhi (winter solstice) of the eleventh month, 790 (Zhenyuan 6), service to the Lord on High at the Nanjiao (CFYG 34.369a); and, on the winter solstice, 707 (Iingyun 1), service at the Round Mound (YH 93 .1699a). 113 THY IO.shang.201-4. 114 THY to.shang.201, Gaozu Wude. On the gloss of Ganshengdi. see Wechsler 1985, 111. III

106

159

160 / Sui-Tang Chang'an

Ritual Centers /

were referred to as jiaoqiu 3mli (Suburb and Mound) and entailed visiting one center after the other. liS Following the completion of the Daming Palace in 663 and the codification of Laozi temple rites in 741, Tang Chang'an underwent a major shift in ritual focus. With the worship of the legendary progenitor of Daoism firmly established as an important state observance, Xuanzong boldly added two elements-Taiqing Palace (Laozi) rites and Ancestral Temple rites-to the traditional major state sacrifices to the Lord on High, pulling these ritual events into one consecutive temporal sequence. During the rite to the Lord on High, whether held at the Round Mound or the Southern Suburban Altar, the sovereign followed' a set route that went from the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City south along the central axis to southern suburbs and back to the palace. With the newly established "triple rites," however, the route led from the Daming Palace in the northern suburbs to the Taiqing Palace in Daning Ward, to the Ancestral Temple in the Imperial City, and eventually to the Round Mound or the southern altar where services to the Lord on High completed the sequence. The timing of these rites was determined by the ritual calendar of the Lord on High. Usually, it took place in the eleventh month around the time of the winter solstice or in the frrst month around the fIrst xinday of the year. This sequence became a convention in Tang ritual practice and was followed until the end of the dynasty. 119

a different venue. liS The conversion of the first xin day rite to a Lord on High rite complicated the ritual calendar of services to the supreme celestial deity, while creating an important rival event to the winter solstice rite. This development challenged the dominant position of Round Mound institutions. The prestige of the Round Mound as the nation's main venue for worshipping Lord on High began to erode, despite the fact that it continued to be ranked as the premier ritual center in such officially sanctioned works as the Kaiyuan Ii and Tong dian. In fact, Tang sovereigns were much more compliant with the cyclical performance of the xin day rite than with that of the winter solstice ritual at the Round Mound. The most significant consequence of the 657 reforms was a redefinition of the role of the Southern Suburban Altar in the Tang ritual system. While the establishment of an altar for the Yellow and Red Emperors to the west of the central axis and one to the east of that axis for the Lord on High had been established practice, with the changes instituted in 657 both sites became closely identified with this celestial deity. With the paSsage of time, the distinction between the services offered at these two ritual centers seems to have blurred. Services to the Lord on High at the suburban altar were not limited to the harvest-prayer rite; even the winter solstice sacrifices were occasionally performed there. The Round Mound in turn was sometimes used for the harvestprayer ritual.1I6 Still, a distinction between the two locations was at least nominally maintained.1l7 Sometimes combined activities also took place. These

* lIS See THY lO.shang.201, Ganzong Xianqing 2. Commenting on this refonn effort, Wechsler (1985, 115) says: ''The major change in the suburban sacrifices at this time was the discontinuation of the sacrifice dedicated to Kan-sheng ti [Ganshengdi, Gandi] and the amalgamation of the southern altar rites and those at the round altar [Round Mound] into a single sacrifice dedicated to Hao-t'ien shang-ti [Lord on High], who was worshiped, as before, at the time of the winter solstice." Notwithstanding my great admiration for Wechsler's profound insights into the major ritual issues of the Tang dynasty, here he misunderstands the original text. There is no indication that the winter solstice rite was combined with the harvest prayer rite. 11' For example, see THY IO.shang.202, under "Wang Zhongqiu zhuan" ,3:JIjl.mlf$, and

Kaiyuan20. In the Early Tang period, the distinction between the Round Mound and the Nanjiao in Chang'an is clearly defined by Zhangsun Wuji ftf'iM!\Ii,8,. See the memorial by Zhangsun eta!. in THY9.shang.146. 117 See for example, THY 10.shang.203, under Changqing yuannian (821), zhengyue jihai

ftmjf;ipiEJja*. Here the emperor visited the Southern Suburban Altar before he proceeded to the Round Mound.

161

i

*

*

*

*

In ancient China cities were dominated by their ceremonial centers, which may well have constituted what Paul Wheatley calls "a functional and developmental stage in the evolution of city life."I20 Sui-Tang Chang'an inherited a rich tradition that was manifest in the prominent location of ritual structures in and around the walled area of the city, the frequency of ritual activities, and the central roles these rituals played at court and in ~ovemment, where the terms of political debate were often ritual ones. Through communion with the gods, the sacrificer sought divine sanction for the purpose of enhancing authority, securing happiness, and staving off misfortunes. Nonetheless, the city of SuiTang Chang'an cannot be defined as a "holy city." Unlike Jerusalem or Mecca, which command religious veneration in themselves, Sui-Tang Chang'an was

118

For example, THY 1O.shang.203, Yuanhe ernian [807], zhengyue jichou jf;~-=if.

iE,El aB:o 119

120

Kaneko 1992a; 1996,350-53; Seo 1992,22-23. Wheatley 1971, 328.

162 / Sui-Tang Chang'an created primarily as a royal and administrative city, to house the court and central bureaucracy with their supporting population. Ritual was, however, given serious consideration, as it was in all premodern Chinese capitals. Among the urban ritual structures in Chang'an, the most important-the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State-were laid out in the city's initial planning stages. They were not only functional ritual centers but also permanent sacred places. Other urban locations for ritual activities like the Taiji Basilica and the Eastern Palace were different; they were venues of temporary sacredness, consecrated specially for each ritual occasion.121 Among these, the Taiji Basilica stands out as a key component in a number of major ceremonies. It may have been so involved because of its potent symbolic location at the northern end of the axial continuum that led to the all-important suburban ritual center, the Round Mound. The suburban ritual structures were without exception places of permanent sacredness. The location of these key centers outside the city proper was determined by convention and directional symbolism. Conducting suburban sacrifices at the capital had been the established practice at least as far back as the Han dynasty. The sovereigns of both the Sui and the Tang saw no reason to deviate from this convention. Moreover, the deities worshipped at suburban ritual centers were understood to possess particular spatiotemporal identities, and their altars were expected to correspond to those identities and meet the prescriptions of the ritual classics. l22 As a consequence, the Round Mound, where sacrifices were held for the Lord on High-the supreme deity of Heaven-was located to the south, the direction that symbolized Heaven. The Square Mound, where saCrifices to the Earth God and Divine Land were conducted, was situated in the northern suburbs, a position that symbolized Earth. The four suburban directional altars were spatially identified with the directional gods, whose sacrifices were conducted on days of special significance. The hierarchical ranking of gods in the state pantheon convinces me that in Chang' an the suburban sacrifices were of the greatest significance. l23 All the suburban ritual activities discussed above were major rites in the official ranking system. Of these, the Round Mound in the southern suburbs was the holiest III A singular exception was the Taiqing Palace, which was as much a state ritual center as a Oaoist holy place. 122 On the evolution of various suburban sacrifices, see TD 42-46.1161-78. Most major sacrifices recorded by the Tang scholar Ou You are traced back to the age of the sage kings. Ou's account becomes more detailed as he moves towards Han and later times. 123 On the hierarchical ranking of the gods in the Confucian pantheon in Tang times, see Xiong 1996, 262.

Ritual Centers /

163

place at the capital and in the empire, by virtue of its symbolic association with the Lord on High. The Son of Heaven received celestial sanction from this highest of state deities and the Round Mound functioned as the portal for communion with Heaven. In the course of the Tang dynasty, documentary evidence suggests that the Tang sovereign did not visit the Round Mound for the winter solstice rite as dutifully as was required by the ritual codes. Sometimes a surrogate performed the service on his behalf. More often the emperor came to the Round Mound on short notice, for an ad hoc event. However, the Round Mound continued to be regarded as the leading ritual center and key venue for services to the Lord on High in the ritual sources. But beginning in the Early Tang period, services to this deity were offered at the Southern Suburban Altar as well. Initially only the har,rest-prayer ceremony was observed there in the first month of spring, but later other ceremonies were held there as well. Tang sovereigns visited this center on many occasions of ritual significance. The main urban ritual center, the Ancestral Temple, was the site of sacrifices to imperial progenitors. These rites were rated as major observances under both the Sui and the Tang, although they were consistently placed at the bottom of that category. Rites to the gods of the five soils and grains were performed at the other urban center, the Altars of State. These were the penultimate major rites under the Sui, ranking just above the Ancestral Temple rites. In Tang times, however, they were demoted to a position lower than the Ancestral Temple rites; they were usually rated as middle-level observances. 124 How did these two relatively unimportant ritual centers come to be placed in the most accessible urban locations? When the planners of Daxingcheng laid out the new capital, they were working with a centuries-old ritual tradition-that based on the Kaogong ji, the Liji, and conventions established in earlier capitals. The Kaogong ji specifies the Ancestral Temple and Altars of State as the two key components of ritual life in a capital and lays down rules for their relative locations. Although the Liji and the Zhou Ii differ on numerous issues, they agree on these points, a fact that underlines the central position of these ritual centers. 125 Indeed, the Ancestral Temple had long been identified as the sine qua non of a national capital. However, this concept did not necessarily detract from the value of other ritual structures. On the contrary, within the same tradition, suburban centers such as the Round Mound, the Square Mound, and the directional altars, removed though they were from the city and imperial residences, came to be of greater

124

125

SuS 6.117 and Xiong 1996,262. LJ 48.373b; ZL 41.289c.

164 / Sui -Tang Chang'an significance because they were identified with what were the most revered gods in Sui-Tang times, gods whose goodwill and protection were deemed critical to the welfare of the dynasty and the state.

7

The Marketplaces In the nine markets they set up bazaars, Their wares separated by type, their shop rows distinctly divided. There was no room for people to turn their heads, Or for chariots to wheel about People crammed into the city, spilled into the suburbs, Everywhere streaming into the hundreds of shops. -Ban Gu mU!lJ 1

n commenting on the nature o{ the traditional Chinese cit-f, Joseph Needham notes, "The Chinese town . . . was not a spontaneous accumulation of population, nor of capital or facilities of production, nor was it only or essentially a market-centre; it was above all a political nucleus, a node in the administrative network, and the seat of the bureaucrat, who had replaced the ancient feudal lord.,,2 This statement is perhaps too sweeping. It fails to take into account the rise of commerce and spectacular urban development in such major cities as Kaifeng and Lin'an (Hangzhou) in late imperial China. While focusing on demographics and the rivalry between politics and business, it neglects other decisive factors such as ritual, which played a dominant role in shaping China's ancient cities. But Needham's statement is still true in large measure given how central and municipal authorities prioritized administrative functions over commercial activities, especially during the medieval period. Like other capital cities in ancient China, Sui-Tang Chang' an began primarily as the royal residence and seat of the central government, a place where commerce played a decidedly secondary role. Nevertheless, in anticipation of the trade that a great city must attract, two vast commercial areas, the Eastern and Western Markets, were planned at the outset along with the other functional parts of the city. And goods ranging from daily necessities to luxury

I

I

From "Western Capital Rhapsody," in WX 1.23a Translation by Knechtges (1982,

105). 2 Needham 1971, 71.

165

166 / Sui -Tang Chang'an items did pour in in great quantities. More markets were opened later, but they were either abolished after a short period or limited in their functions. The Eastern and Western Markets remained, until the city's last days, the prime centers of trading activity. The central government directly controlled their administration, imposing restrictive regulations on business hours and transactions. But business also flourished in nonmarket areas beyond the jurisdiction of the market administration. The regulated business of the markets and unregulated business outside them, both essential for the proper operation of the city, contributed to an active, growing, and increasingly diversified urban economy.

An Overview of Sui-Tang Chang'an's Markets When the city of Daxingcheng was planned in 582, it was arbitra.>ily divided into a number of self-contained, enclosed functional areas. This overall design is attributable to the sustained influence of a long-standing tradition, which had begun to take shape in the latter half of the Eastern Zhou dynasty. It centered on a general concern for law and order, and the desire to protect the royal and government quarters.] Notable among the enclosed functional areas were the Eastern and Western Markets. These two commercial centers were situated centrally in the eastern and western sectors of the city and had ready access to the Imperial City. Their convenient location no doubt facilitated business transacted with the central government, but it also greatly benefited the neighboring residential areas. In situating these two markets, the city planners did not lose sight of the big picture. They paid special attention to symmetry, placing them equidistant from the Imperial City, and from the axial north-south thoroughfare, Zhuque Street (*~f!.j), also known as Zhuquemen Street (*,*F5W). Inside each market, four main streets formed a pattern resembling the Chinese ideogram jing # (well). In ancient times markets had.always been located by a water source, hence the expression ''market and well" (shying $#), which is found in such early texts as the "Xiaokuang" IN~ chapter in the Guanzi. The full effect of the macrocosmic, symmetrical scheme of the markets and their archaic symbolism cannot be appreciated unless viewed from above. This suggests that the planners intended the layout to impress not the ordinary residents in the city, but powers of a higher order. 4

On the evolution of the urban tradition of medieval China, see Steinhardt 1990, 29-93; Xiong 1988. About the "closed" nature of Sui-Tang cities, see Yu 1985. For Sui-Tang Chang'an's focus on imperial Safety, see Su 1978. For a classic study of the natural economy of the Six Dynasties and Sui-Tang periods, see Quan 1976. 4 saw 1966,38-40.

3

The Marketplaces /

167

However, perfect symmetry was achieved at a cost. Both the Eastern and Western Markets lay far from the Wei River, which ran from west to east north of the city and was the key transport route for goods coming to the capital. To compensate for this deficiency, the planners had to design a complicated waterway system that linked the river to business, palace, and administrative areas (see Map 7.1). During the reign of Gaozong (649-683), a commercial area known as the Middle Market was created, taking up all of Anshan Ward (~~:f;tj) and half of Daye Ward (*~:f;tj) in the middle-southern part of the city (see Map 7.2).5 Records also mention a Southern Market (Fig. 7.1, Southern I), which remained active until the Chuigong period (685-688). The exact date of its establishment is not documented, nor is its location. 6 The Middle Market was abolished in 701 (Chang'an 1), but was revived as a second Southern Market (Fig. 7.1, Southern II) in 749 (Tianbao 8). That market was located on the premises of the Weiyuan Barracks ~~) in Anshan Ward. 7 At the same time a Northern Market was set up in the Huaqing Palace area in the eastern suburbs.s While the abolition date of the second Southern Market is not clear, its existence is noted in records of the Kaicheng period (836-840).9 Lastly, the New Market located south of the Fanglin Gate was constructed in 817 (Yuanhe 12).10 A glance at Figure 7.1 shows that there were seven markets in allover the entire Sui-Tang period. The Southern Market (II) and the Middle Market were virtually the same, but functioned at two different times, while the Northern Market was not, strictly speaking, a Chang'an market at all because of its suburban location. The Late Tang poet Wen Tingyun 711l1.~ also mentions several large markets in the western half of the city in the Middle Tang period.

5

CAZHi 7.12.

6

TLD 20.543, commentary: *fi!i*f1Sj¥E::'$ .

7

CAZHi 7.12.

Situated almost due east from the capital, its name, ''Northern Market," was somewhat incongruous. See THY 86.1581. , YYZZ "Qianji" 15.147. This text does not specify the city, but it mentions an Eastern Market and a Southern Market together. Although Luoyang had three markets, its "Eastern Market" in Sui times, also known as the Fengdu Market (~fIIl$), was renamed the "Southem Market" under the Tang. Chengdu is also recorded to have had a triple market system in Tang times, including a southern market. I am inclined to believe that when "Eastern Market" appears by itself without any prefix in primary sources, it refers to the best-known Eastern Market in Tang times, that of Chang'an. TLD 20.543, commentary. TLlCFK 5.160. On Chengdu's market system under the Tang, see Kata 1991,310. 10 CFYG 14.l60b. 8

168 / Sui-Tang Chang'an

The Marketplaces /

Of these, only the Western and New Markets have been confirmed by other sources. 11 ~ Years
MissChai fill

century

After 710 defunct 70S Wangji Moo.

Princess Taiping ;tljZ/Wu Zetiaa

Zboagznng I In memmyofWu Zetian

706 845 defunct 846 Xingfu Mon.

Quangde' Ward 7'tfIJ1j (6C) NE

CAZHi 10.3; 7IJCFK 4.108.

DaningWard *-l1.i (21) SI!

1LICFK3.71. In CAZHi (8.9) Xingtang i. intapoJated under TmcbangfaDg. THY (48.846) reads Taining ;t$ for Daaiug.

845 (1) defunct 709

tI,lI.
707-710 710 defunct

CAZHi 7.7; 7IJCFK2.36.

845 defunct

NW

Zlwngzongl Princess YODg-

&boo

709 710-711 defunct

Yong1eWard iJdIWi(8G)

Buzheng WIIId ;(f;j&i:jj(4C) SE

CAZHi 7.11; TLJCFK 2.44. Yongsbou is mistakenly located in YOIIg'an Ward(IOC) in THY(48.846); ~FK 4.113. See Xin 1991, 66-67. TLJCFK 4.105. CAZHi (10.2) reads Zbenguogong bore

fIIIiIi}i!litifor Ruizong (before accession)

Cbangle Ward yl:}j (II) E

Zbenguo dabore. CAZHi 8.10; LBCAZ 5.132; 7IJCFK3.70; SG.I714.342.

Ruizong

Yongxing Ward 7j,.JW'i(3H) NW

CAZHi 8.2; SGSZ 26.668; 7IJCFK3.52.

713-741

Fanchuan !J(!JII. S suburbs

LBCAZS.142.

713-741 (1)

Near Huaqing Palace, Usban

743 845 defunct 866Huguo lianwans Courtyard

Banzheng Wartl

LBCAZ5.143. Formerly known as Fuyan si • •it. CAZHi 10.2; 7IJCFK 4.104.

7\0

845 defunct

b

*:1i:lllit

(Anguo MOIl.

jij~it

710 845 defunct

ZZTJ209.663 I. commentary.

Jude Ward ,fif!j;lj (4A) SW

Prince U Yong

*11

Cboagde Ward ~(m)

NW

LlXJHI. 193b; SGSZ 3.4142; THY 48.853-54. TLICFK (4.124) and CAZHi (10.9) dote it to 852. CAZHi 9.9; 1LICFK 4.100.

IILlJ ~(3C)

ant% Baosbou Monastety

?

ftA Bao'en MonasktIy

Anren Ward ~l1.i(7F)

H
--)

767

Yusucbuan U)lI,S suburbs

LBCAZ 5.143.

318 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Slandardllllllle Zhaogjiag

Dale IName chaDge 767

Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /

Patron I Dedication Eunuch officer Yu

Chao'en ;l.flJ/!l,

MOIIBStcry .i!£~

Baoying Monastery W~

Location

Outside Tooghua Gate iiitl'~ (2-31)

769 845 defunct 846 ZishOllg Mon.

Chief Miuister WangTm:a!t

Daozhong Ward ~(51)

8~

Zhenyuan Pl\ii Monastery jlji';'S'n

Fengci Monastery ~

? Mile Pavilioo

SofQujiang !!!ltt (131)

!HIM 797 Zbcnyuao puji Mon. 84Sdefunc:t Early ninth CCIIIury 845 defunct

Sources I Comments LBCAZ S.l34; SGSZ

10,227; CFYG 927.10941; 11IY48.847. C4ZHi (10.12) dates fDllllding 10 766. CAZHi9.4;TUCFK3.84; LBCAZ S.138; CFYG 927.1094Ib; 11IY 48.853 (Zisheng si). CAZHi 9.6; 11IY 48.8S2; TUCFK3.91.

Renamed by Dezong Fmpress Guo ~ I

In memory of her moth.... Princess Sba>g-

shouMonastery 5C~ D~ Dazhoog baosheng

817

846-859

Xianzong

Xuanzoog~

Xuanyang Ward DJ:Ji(6H)

CAZH/8.4; fI'ZZ "Xuji" 6.256; 1LICFK. 3.S8; .x7S773S04; 83.366263.

Shence Army of tbeRight;t;illl P.W.of Daming Palace

11IY 48.853.

Xingning Ward

CAZHi 9.1; TUCFK 3.82; LBCAZ5.13S.

M*J3(21)

*,*,~Jg~

Tang

TaipiDg Ward ;t:iJ!*J3 (SD)

1LICFKbu 4.205.

Tang

Huaide Ward IUiI!J:/j (6A)

CAZHi 10.9;:n.JCFK 4.12S.

Tang

Jincheng Ward ;i:!Jtl1j (3B)

CAZHi 10.6; 1LICFK 4.116.

IlHffl Tang

~(4C)

CAZHi 10.2; TUCFK 4.105.

SW

H'i'f Zhenguo

Tang

Caotang Chan Monastery .:l:*,~

n.d.

=:err

Buzheng Ward

Outside OwnmingOate Mr,(4-51) Yusuchum

MlII,S suburb.!

LBCAZ 5.143. Kumanijrva /e/IJEJIft wuIked here in FOIDIer Qin. Its tower survived into Tang

times.

Location West part of Chang'an

Sources I Comments Y1'Zf18.173.

Chang'an,

000 1989. Shil'yfJhen, 340.

n.d.

PalaccCity

DCES 8.180. Earlier than

n.d.

W of Shenlong Basilica :f$ftJI, Palace cityN

CAZHi 6.2; TUCFK 1.6.

Folang Courtyard

n.d.

Donggong ]kg

CAZHi 6.4; TUCFK 1.8. A Buddhist temple.

Guangfu Moaastcry

n.d.

Chang'an. location unknown

SGSZ 1.32; 4.81.

n.d.

Kaiming Ward IlIJJjI]*J3 (1lF)

CAZHI7.9; TUCFK.239.

n.d.

Chang'an, location unknown

SGSZ 14.331.14.334.

n.d.

Fanchnan

LBCAZ 5.142; SGSZ 5.96, 11.258. Garland sect.

Foguang

Helin si.

Monastery

H~

/Jftn Guangming Monastery

*JjI]~

Huayan Monastery

~JIIi1i,S

.Il~

sulmrbs

Huguo tiaawang Moaastcry Bn~

n.d.

Imperial City NE

Linggan

n.d.

Yusuchuan Rill,S SIIlmrbs Fanchuan

afi Longquan Monastery U~ Miagde Monastery

a.d.

~JlIi1i,

suburbs

n.d.

U~ Taipiag Moaastcry ~iJ!~

WofZuoyiotai

RTQFXL 3345, no. 382. Ono (1989, ShiryiJ hen, 469) locates it in Daming Palace. LBCAZS.143.

LBCAZ5.142.

TLfCFK 1.23. CAZH; (6.9) reads Zhaode si 1IB1e"·

r" Daming Palace

a.d.

Monastery =:.~

ShoUCUO Moaastcry

s

m... ~

~

Sanhui TLJCFKbu 2.192; SGSZ 29.724.

PaIron I Dedication

location unknown

Monastay

'fj$J,.)it.~

Shanguo Moustery

n.d.

f:!i~

(Baosheng ldonBcry)

Ruisheng Monastery

Dale I Name change n.d.

f!.[~J~

Hengji Monastay

Monastery

Fashou Monastery l'!.~ Hongguang Mooastery

mu~ Chongxian Moaastcry S~ DoyeCon1l1llt

_m

piDg#iJ! Yuanhe sheng-

Standard name a.iguo Mmastay

319

n.d.

n.d.

Gongzbang

Village 'M3I tcM Academy for the Veneration of Literature Chongwen dian ~3tJl Basilica of Venerated Literature Chongxian guan ~JfM Academy for the Veneration of Sages Chongxin dian ~ml1t Basilica of Revered Trust Chongxuan guan *~M Academy for the Veneration of the Mysterious Chongyang men Gate of Revered Yang Chongyi gong ~.'S Palace of Revered Justice Chungong ~'S Spring Palace Chuyang men tJJlllr, Gate of Initial Yang

*M!r,

Daci'en si

*~~?if

Monastery of Compassion and Grace

321

322

/ Sui-TangChang'an

Dade dian *f!~ Basilica of Grand Virtue Daming gong *1Y3'8 Palace of Great Brightness Danei *119 Great Compound Danfengmen ftJl.r'j Gate of the Cinnabar Phoenix Daohui yuan ~*~ Park of the Daoist Congregation Dasi *:ti Grand Monastery Daxing dian *~ Basilica of Great Ascendancy Daxing gong *~-g Palace of Great Ascendancy Daxing men *JIl.r'j Gate of Great Ascendancy Daxing yuan *~ Great Ascendancy Pad