Self-governing Socialism: A Reader. Volume 1: Historical Development, Social and Political Philosophy

VOLUME ONE Historical Development Social and Political Philosophy VOLUME TWO Sociology and Politics Economics

Copyright €> 1*)7JJ by I n l e r n a t i o m l Ails and S« i r n r t s Puss. Iu< . M N i n l l i Hioadway, W h i l e Plains. New Yoik 10003 A l l lights n s o r v n i . No part of this hook may l>c r e p i o d i i f r d i n any foim without w lit ten peimissjon of the publisher. I il>i.n> of Ctmgjtm CsUllog Cfltvd N n i n l w i : / I It'Siij I n l n i i a l i o i u l St;iiid.nd Book N u m h r r : 0-873.12-0!iO-l» Printed in the United Slates of America

Contents

Volume One

Preface

Part I

Historical Development 1. BRANKO HORVAT

A New Social System in the

Making: Historical Origins nnd Development of Selfgoverning Socialism Visionaries 2. ROHKRT OWFN l.niaik (1820)

Report to I lie C'oniHy of New

•\. Louis BLANC Organization of Work (1840) 4. PilMC JOSEPH PKOUDHON Selected Writings (1810 18(Kr») 5. TIIEODOR HERTZKA

Freelancl (1890)

Movements Syndicalism f». liRNANn Pi i uo\rm K The Future iA the labor Exchange* (I(J0i;

VI

CONTENTS

Industrial Unionism 7. D A N I E L D E LJEOM ism (lftl$)

Haywood ism and Industrial 98

S. |AMKS CONNOLLY Industrial Unionism and Coiislruetive Sorialisiu (l!M)K) n

.

R E F O R M I . O M M H IFF, OI

MINIKS

103

IHK SOUTH W A L E S

T h e Miners' hfod Step (\[)\2)

108

Guild Socialism H). (;. l). II. (.OIL (P.)20)

Guild Socialism Restated IIV

II. C S. JOSI.YN Two Years' Working of the lliiililiiig Guilds in I n l a n d (1922)

135

ll

111

IliwntXNii Rossi I i

Roads to l i e e d o m (1918)

Revolutions Paris Commune I i. | ) < ( i r c

on

ihe

R r t p i i s i l i o n ol

('.I u s e d

I.u l o i n s

(1871) II

K\ui MARX

148 T h e Civil War in France (IS7I)

II*

I h e Stale and Revolution (1917)

16©

Klissn Ift, V. I. I.ININ

Hi. ANNA PANKRAIOVA W o i k s (Jnnmiillees in Rus sia in the Period of Revolution (P.M7 P.MS)

163

17. V SMIIAI'MKOV i i AI.. Tasks of the T r a d e Unions: Theft* of the Workers' Opposition lor the Tenth P u t v Session (l PIOIK AU(IIINOV O H lories and Woiks (1923)

I he Workers' Opposithe Occupation ol Fac IHS

C O N I K.N I S

VII

1 luttgary 20. Resolution ol the Workers ol l>n'.

Yugoslavia S5.

RastC I aw on die

Management

ol Stale

Intel

|»iisrv and 1l< ildinj; I 7. P m g r a i n ol thr l e a g u e ol C o m m u n i s t s ol Vltgti

slavia (1958)

2ht. S o far, a u a u hisls have not succeeded in i m p l e m e n t i n g

their

ideas on a n a t i o n a l scale, a n d tints their teaching may be cousidered as r e m a i n i n g in the Utopian phase. Centralists, o r state socialists, have been successful in a m n u h e r of cases. H o w e v e r , the resulting social systems t e n d e d I n deviate considerably f r o m what had

been expected:

instead ol socialism, c e n t r a l i / c r s

produced

etatism. Klilism is to a c e r t a i n extent connected w i t h , t h o u g h by

no

means identical to, the centralist o r i e n t a t i o n . I f you k n o w what is good lor the people, you are e n t i t l e d to tell should

do,

Saint-Simon,

like

Plato,

believed

them that

what

they

knowledge

should r u l e ; but for h i m , the great industrialists, r a t h e r than the philosophers—who d i d not appear of great avail in a n setting—are t h e natural

leaders of

and Tnodcru c o m m u n i s t s vest all

industrial

the industrious poor. power

I,emu

in the v a t i g u a u l party,

whii h is to lead the less conscious m a j o r i t y i n t o a b e l t e r society. ( I n a h a < k w a i d society w i t h ;i huge p c i t e u l a g e ol i l l i l c i a l c s mention

just

one d i m e n s i o n

ol

retarded

to

development—elitism

may make good sense.) Anarchists, on the other h a n d , tely largely on I he goodwill and sense- ol just i< ossiblc to reform society nonviolently. Soon peaceful rcloiinism. as distinct b o m the earlier ideology of revolutionary violence, came into being. Louis Blanc ( 1 8 1 1 1882) and Ferdinand Lassalle ( 1 8 2 5 - 1 M 4 ) were among the fust political hgmes to rely on the slate lor cai tying out te lorins. In the later years of bis lilc, even Kngels became a con vinced leloimisl (at least regarding (.erinany he acknowledged aoossible need lor revolutions in some other countries): " 1 'he iiony7n^unrHd4uslcij y turns everything upside down. W e , 'revolu, lionai ies, lchcls.' we advance immensely better using legal means than illegal ones or by a rebellion/* 1 By Social inertia, the social democratic: parties of the Second International (1989-1914) continued to profess ideas of revolutionary violence, but they weie already completely reformist More than that, they became part and parceTol the establishment and, when W o r l d W a t 1 broke out, all of them that entered the parliaments VOied lor war credits in rapport of the war efforts of their national bourgeoisie. That clearly was in complete contradiction with their professed socialist ideals. As a result, a split occurred in thc_ \vxld working class movement. A new, Communist International was established, reformism was declared a treason, and the necessity of violent revohition was again proclaimed as the only acceptable tenet of socialist failh. Thus the exclusive insistence on ei i I N I I rh M in m M \ • »i n 11. MI Ixt.iiiir ih« Imstc •! tinet ton between social democrats and communists. Bitter political lights ensued.

H I S T O R I C A L l>! VI I o l ' M K N T

and in the piocess the two anpfOgj hes developed into aiticlcsof lahh. completely divoircd hoin hjstoiiral ( in innstanc es thatt tnjghj lender one 01 the other appioac h pi:i< Ii< aUy lelcvant. TSc COtlfutkin is further increased by the hccpicnt current use of the icnus revolutionary ;md rrjEVRLOPM I N I

( ) n his d e a t h b e d ( h v e i i told the minister w h o visited h i m t h a i his ideas Intel n o t been accepted IK cause they had not been u i i d c i s i o o d a n d l>ccause he had c o m e belore his t i m e . » Chat Irs chant

I''mil ir i

faintly

(1772

I K.V7)

( amc f r o m a middle-class

mer-

and was himscll ;i c l c i k a n d c o m m e r c i a l ttavcler. l i e

Iivetl in a less i n d u s t r i a l i z e d e n v i r o n m e n t «aiid so lie lay

more

stress on t h e proper o r g a n i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e . I n contrast O w e n , he considered h u m a n n a t u r e t o IK* u n c h a n g i n g .

lore, he I c l t . a social e n v i r o n m e n t must he created ! In hihis, it is best to establish sell g o v e r n i n g phutoulires

to

I here

in

ft»r

which

a r o u n d sixteen h u n d r e d peisons w i l l c u l t i v a t e some live lltousaiu I actes of l a n d .

The m a i n cause of all the wrongs in a g i i c i i l t u r e is

pi i\ate o w n e i s h i p ol laud, a n d thus l a n d must he ( ollec tiv i/ed in a phalansteiy. I n d u s t r i a l establishments o u g h t t o IK- widely cTIv pcrsed a n d located in a g r i c u l t u r a l phalansteries i n o r d e r to el inn iiate the* d i t l e i e i u e s between the city a n d the village. W m k rtmsthe t r a i i s l o i m e d j ' r o m an unpleasant necessity |>erlorined for lear ol

hunger

i n t o an attractive activity.

I Ins can

he achieved

if

workers c hangc occupations, a I taching themselves to an ocenpational g r o u p accoiding to c u r r e n t labor is abolished.

interests,

hi

addition.

Iiiiecl

The hulk of the income ol a phalanstery

go to (over costs ol production and social overheads

will

thoard and

lodging, medical caie. edncat i o n , etc.) , and the l e i n a i i i d c r w i l l be used to i c i n u i i c i a t e talent, c a p i t a l , and hi h o i . I'halanstci ics wifT he federated under a c ooidinat ing governor called the o u t m a r c h . Fourier was very much coticernetl ahotit

individual

Ireedom.

I tic l i e n e l i R e v o l u t i o n p i o c l a i i n c d political liberties hut d i d not provide

the

poor

with

material

means

to m a k e

use ol

them.

W h e n a poor man expresses an o p i n i o n c o n t r a r y to the o p i n i o n ol a rich m a n , he w i l l he persecuted regardless ol w h e t h e r or not his o p i n i o n

is justified. It appears that

freedom

is reserved

for

;

the small m i n o r i t y posstf&ing the w e a l t h . l reedoin is illusory il it is not univcisal.

There cannot be full I r e e d o m if |ieo|>le are eco-

nomically dependent.

That

is why t h e

phalanstery

guarantees

the right to work and provides m a t e r i a l security lor its nieinbi is Once this is achieved, (lie state may disappear, s m c r the absence ol opposing inteiests makes coercion unnecessary, I'omier adveitised foi i n h p h i l a u l l n optsts to finance the establishment of phalansteries and r v e i v d a \ ones! at the lunch

table in

the

expected the

lestauiant

unknown

w h e i e he took

his

in< ils None fvet came. Yet, a(tei bis death, his disciples did raise nioiie\ and set up a n u m h c i ol Cooperative c o m m u n i t i e s , must ol

INTRODUCTION

them

B

in the U n i t e d States, w h e r e i h e social c l i m a t e u;is very la

vorablc

for

this soil of v e n t u r e . B e t w e e n

phalansteries were

founded.^ I n

I M - l and

l«sr>!>, lort

Owenite communities,

income

was (list r i h u t c d m ecpial shines: in l o i n iei isi c o i n m i i u i t ics, m e m hers w h o broilgjjj m o i e < a| m a T m showed greater a h i l i l y received m o r e ol the ineome of the c o m m u n i t y . Both types ol c o m m u n i ties disintegrated w i t h ecpial speed, the most successful s u r v i v i n g a decade o r so.1 Another

Irene l u u a u . s / o u / . v lllanc

(1H1 I- ISN'2) . a lawyer

and

j o u r n a l i s t , decided to exploit* a d i l l e r e n t possihility. A m o d e r a t e a n d a disbeliever in violent r e v o l u t i o n , he thought that the state c o u l d he used for c a r r y i n g out social reforms. I n his lamous hook /.'oigtniisnlioH

thi

could

the

protect

Ittftttil weak

(lM-10), he a r g u e d that only the stale members

ol

society.

Key

industries,

hanks, insurance, a n d railways ought to l>e n a t i o n a l i z e d . The gove r n m e n t must u n d e r t a k e to regulate n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n . I t supply c a p i t a l

for

the creation

workshops—in the most

ol ateliers

important

will

Wj^£ongtlX~national

industries.

The

government

w i l l a p p o i n t the d i r e c t o r in the first year, and a l t e r ward workers w i l l choose their o w n directors.

The capital suhscril>ed is to be

interest h e a r i n g a n d there w i l l be n o p r o f i t . Ulanc accused

the

Fourierists of capitalism for assuring a p e r m a n e n t share in product t s n p p h e i s o l c a p i t a l . In Ulanc s system, the disti ilwition of income, at first i n e q u i t a b l e , w i l l g r a d u a l l y become m o r e and m o r e ecpial. 1 \\;tin's

ideal was an egalitarian society with peisonal i n t e r

ests merged in the c o m m o n good. This he s u m m e d u p as "a c ha d i n s c l m i srs hesnins, (\r t l i i i i i i n scion scs lac i d l e s . "

( t o eac h ac

c o r d i n g to his needs, f r o m each according to his a b i l i t i e s ) ,

the

idea w h i c h later became famous in M a r x ' s hands as the l o r m u l a of c o m m u n i s m . N a t i o n a l workshops o u g h t to establish a real frat e r n i t y w i t h i n theCOIIIttry and by gradual e v o l u t i o n t r a n s f o r m in t e r n a t i o n a l relations and lead to a peaceful organization ol humanity, y The r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 b r o u g h t Ulanc u n e x p e c t e d l y into government they

H i s colleagues were unsympathetic

had to tolerate

would

help

to keep

his presence* because the

workers

quiet.

to his projects, but they

Soon,

hoped that however,

he they

tricked h i m out ol the government and made h i m the president

of the Commission de Gouvernemenl known

as the

Luxembourg

pom les Travaillettrs,

Commission,

which

was

lo

Stud)

workers' problems and report on what was to lie clone, Needless to say, the commission had neither money not powci to act. I n ;i

10

IIS I O R I C A I

I>1 VI I o l ' M I N T

speech in March 1848, Blanc asked lor a line social icvolulioii wine h would Ic.id in the achievement of ihe ideal "le exchange, equalization of business conditions, and an equitable coopcralioii ol individuals with personal freedoms preserved. T h e institution lesjionsible for such an economic: organization is the Imnqne (Vrchangf, the only entral institution which remains in Prondhons scxtcty. The >;uik determines the labor value of commodities and issues the impropriate tec ejjits^to^njo^hicers. (One recognizes the old naive idea ol labor »!»'»»»''y^iTotTTxT^TT gifttfriyy"0W»n ^mLIiy auticapj^ talis! economists John (iray [ 17WI- I B50] and |. F. Bray [18091895]). There is no money and credit is reduced to "exchange in which one partner gives his product at once, while the other supplies it in several installments, all without interest."* > Since production is carried out at the order of the conswnerrsi11>ply and demand arc in equilibrium. Large private productive propeities are clearly incompatible with the system ol reciprocal justice and ought to he abolished. Hut small private property is acceptable. When technological conditions require employment of many workers, private pro|ierty is to be replaced by collective pro[>erty of workers' associations. Workers form associations to set up enterprises on the basis of contracts stipulating mutual rights and obligations. 1 he initial capital is provided by the exchange bank. When a worker leaves an enterprise, he takes wilh him a certain amount ol money, corresponding to his past labor. Individual producer* and associations federate themselves into industries and hitci a national economy on the basis ol contracts I he national economy is an agioindusiii.il federation. (oiitiatv to

I

INTRODUCTION

IS

Louis Blanc's formula, reciprocal justice, reflected in equitable exchange, requires that the reward lor work be proportionate to service. Mutualism in the i>olitical sphere is federalism, A commune is created through a contract among a certain number of family heads. Communes are federated into provinces and states. The decisions of central organs become obligatmv only when accepted by the communes. Proudhon consicleied iraclitional representative democracy unsatisfactory because it represents the rule ot the majority, which restricts tbe freedom of the minority. Also, no man can really lepiesent another. Thus all individuals should participate in political decision-making and there can be no hierarchy in the political organization of the society. T h e most itn portAttt central political organ is the Assembly* ol the conledcra i — i «J

tion. It is composed ol the provincial delegates, who are at the same time representatives ol communes. The delegates elect an t Executive Commission which carries out the decisions ol the As seinbly. Political parties are superfluous in such a system in which citizens retain their sovereignty. In short, the new social order is based on mutualism in economics and federalism in politics. In this way, noncarncdincomes and exploitation are eliminated, social classes are abolished, and social revolution is carried out. An ecpnhhrnun ot various individual interests, brought about by mutualism, represents a new social order which needs no coercion for its maintenance. Looking back a century later, one can conclude that Prouclhc)nrs vision was a remarkable anticipation of a modern—still, to a certain extent, future—self-governing society. Proudhon touched on all important aspects of this society. But bis handling of the problems was hopelessly naive, confused, and often just plainly wrong. T b e idea of labor money was economically untenable, aria^wfien" an exchange bank was created, it soon went bankrupt. Collective ownership is incompatible with income based on labor only. And so is gratuitous credit. Equilibrating supply and demand is an immensely more comptetted^aifa^ir than Proudhon even suspected, as is the functioning of the stiUeTTTe^^lmgainitig does not automatically eliminate the inequality in ancfTlur-sdujsc of political power, and so forth. Pioudhous solutions to tbe prol>TcnTS^\sc^e^ inadequate or wrong partly because inherently it was extrenieh dillicult to solve problems of a late-twentieth cent m v society in the mid nineteenth i n i i i n v enviionment. Toil w IS alto tine that many mistakes wcie at least paitly avoidable and weie due to his

II

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

deficient and unsystematic training. Pioudhon exlensivels discussed cpiestions ol economics, political organisation, philosophy, and law without having been trained in ;m\ \

NTRODUCTION

15

Marx- the ollicial thinking ol the 19b()s and 1970s and some in

stiintional solutions hear striking resemblance to some of Proud lion's ideas. 1 he enterprise is conceived as an association based on a contract among workers. Mutualism at higher levels is reflected

in bargaining among associations, called wmouptovno spowzutni jetmnjt |scll management agreement] when bargaining is sec toral and iruitveno dogpvaratife (social contract] when bargain ing is general and involves state authorities. I he "right to past labor, proclaimed recently by 4 constitutional amendment, en visages a w o l k e i ' s sJake M I

llu

enlcipiis
inge •« »isie w i l l m>t

be one

W h a t they waul is to live and m n h i p l v . . want. . . . M a n s h c l i n ; - o| his own

ot

a re

ibe cither. . . .

that's what

animals

\ allies, h c c d o t i i , should

awakened hi the- breast \ these people. O n l y this lecling . .

br can

again m a k e of society a e n m u u m i u lies that

an

anaichisin.

authoritarian

While

political

llie

age r e i n i n d s

eutiie

system

passage

a dominant.

im coei

i\e stale—is in itself a p i o o l ol the existence ol :i < l.iss society.

mi a few modem political movements, which rail themselves M a r x i s t , cl< r i s e an exactly opposite c o n c l u s i o n : n a m e l y , thai the i n k i n g possession ol the means ol p r o d t i e t i o n " and i h c h

opera

I ion I r o m t h e n on hy the a p p o i n t e d slate olh< lals is the essem e ol socialism. It should Be no M I I prise thai M a r \ and Fngcls enihiisiast i( ally greeted the

Pans C o m m u n e

ol

1871. " T h e

Commune,"

Marx

w r o t e , "at t h e very b e g i n n i n g h a d t o a c k n o w l e d g e t h a t the w o r T ^ ing class, c o m i n g i n t o power, c o u l d n o t r u l e w i t h the old state m a c h i n e r y . . . that it h a d to secure itself against its o w n depot ies and employees, prfx:laiming"~that a l l of t h e m , w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , w e i c dispensable at any t i m e . " N o r is this a l l : " T h e Paris C o m m i m e had, ol course, to nerve as the n i w r r e luld^ liave

changed

means,

not ends.

When

laced

with the

c l i o i i e . inanv ni ilicn \ nlu.n l i r i i n m i s d i d t h e opposite. In

1854, lepresenlalives of I n ^ l i s h a n d French H a d e

(ihe

latter

were

still

illegal

and

existed

nuclei

unions

the ionise

ol

rriendly societies), together with exiles from various countries, established in L o n d o n

the I n t e r n a t i o n a l

Working

Mens

Associa-

t i o n , later to be k n o w n as the First I n t e r n a t i o n a l . M a r x wrote t h e founding

Manifesto.

T h e Manifesto

surveys economic and social

d e v e l o p m e n t s since t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y year ol oihn

facts,

records that

1 HIS a n d , a m o n g

in Fjtgtattd and Wales three

thousand

j x i s o n s received a n n u a l l y an i n c o m e larger than ihe aggregate inc o m e of all a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. For ottr purpose, more tant

is M a r x ' s e v a l u a t i o n of cooperative

wotk.

The

imporManifesto

points out that, t h o u g h coo|)crativc wot k is i m p o i t a n t in pi in< i ph- and useful in practice, it w i l l never be able to stop the e x p a n d S I O I I \ giving delegates im|ierativc instructions Communes m m Id be allied into a n m federation. 11 One recognizes here the influence of Proudhon, whose ieak in 1902-I!>0T»; if provoked sinM|g^axiiui^4»y--tilFgovernineni and a great consolidation ol cm ployer? organizations, and iTie unions ivere lorced to retreat After W o i h l War I. their ideas were basic all\

modified.

In Ibis

process, a significant role was played by the fact that, as a result of the war, unions multiplied their membership and eTevelopeel into large, bureaucratic: structures. An important legacy of s\11 dtcalisrn was well summarized by Ilubcil Lagardelle, leader of I ( Mouvement Socialiste group which rallied to tlte side ol sytidi calisis against tlte parliamentary s<M i;ilistS: "Syndindjsm has al ways laid down as a principle that bourgeois institutions will he ebminaled only in proportion as the-y ate replaced hy we>rkint; i lass inst notions."tT A|MII from I* inner, synebealisni struck roots in Italy and Spain and spi< M| in IJK United States, where it became known lilrtjei t|ic name of industrial unionism. The organization responsible for it was the Industrial Workers of the World, created in 1905 through a fusion ol the mining and lumbeiing g7oups of the' I ai West, anel the l.ronitr auel olhea group* ol the* Midwest and the eastern stales, I he- IWW was against the orthodox uuie)iis ami the reformist sen ialists and agreed that the basis ol working class j>olicy ought te> he a revolutionary class struggle for a complete oveiihtow of capitalism and the seizure ol political power by or ganized workers. On oilier important questions, the IWW was split in several (actions, ranging Irom anarchists, out and out op posed to political action, te> the followers ol De- I .eon. who advo rated political ae tie>n carried out by a revolutionary part) working in alliance with revolutionary unions. Daniel De la-em (1852-1014) was a lecturer on international law at Columbia University and considered him* Marxist. Soon aihi joining ihc Socialist Labor Party m 1890, lie became its leader. De Leon saw clearly the need for a strong union and

21

H I S T O R I C A L l>l VI L O P M E N T

for |H)litical organization. He and his supporters thus overcame two basic weaknesses of syndicalism. Hut continuing factional lights prevented I In- I W W

the establishment

ol an rlhc ieitl

otgani/alioti

was to a large extent based on the ill p u d iitimigi ant

u o i k e t s and Failed to sti ike In in toots in the A m e r i c a n w o r k i n g el ass

Revolutionary

u n i o n i s m was m o r e a result of

lawlessness

iti the n e w l y opened m i n i n g a n d l u m b e r i n g areas in the Far West —where a h i t t e r industrial w a r f a r e raged - t h a n an expression of the lasting forces of A m e r i c a n soriety. As^nTTTr~ir^vas gradually d r i v e n l>a f o i m a new Socialist I .ahoi Party n a m e d aftei its A m e r i c a n e q u i v a l e n t ,

I he- influence

of these ideas was soon reflected in the famous manifesto ol W e l s h miners, The

Miners?

\r\f

( 1 9 1 2 ) , f i which p r o c l a i m e d

Step

the

goal of " t h e mines to the miticjV^_in_opposit ion to the olhe ial union

policy

ol

nationalization.

I be

state, argucct^ttre

Welsh

niineis, w o u l d be n o less t y r a n n i c a l than private e m p l o y e d ami WOtlM be a good deal m o i e p o w e i l u l

What

militant

lor ever increasing

and

industrial

improved

policy ol

pressing

conditions until

mines

was iec|uired was ;i

became

wages

unptohtabV

lot

the owners. T h e n thev w o u l d be taken over and organized under the woi keis' council. If ol hei the capitalist

system

would

w o i k c r s puisuecl a similar bee o m c

unwoikable

and

policy.

the

toad

would be cleared For social revolution Rrttatn also ptoducccl an auloc mTtToTIDnS m o v e m e n t of her o w n , guild

Utfialhm.

i. i! .ii < i.li iu ^ n

I his somewhat sti ange n a m e was d u e to a hist«n MtfW

\

|

r«ni\

:i C h r i s t i a n wn*ialist *w:httrci

w h o h a t e d capitalist i n d u s t r i a l ism, wrote .i I M K I I called

/ kt

Hrs

INTRODUCTION

2fl

taurtUton of the Gild System, in which he advocated a return to medieval handicrafts. Soon afterward, S. i*. Hobsun turned Penty's ideas into something very different -Wtirkers :\> masters ol m e a n s ol p o x l m I ion ;\\u\ g u i l d s as ageni i< s l«n m i m i n g the ill

dustry which became the basis of the new movement. The most mat me formulation of guild socialist ideas is to l>e found in the writniRsof (;. P. H. Cole n*WM95i < i irtinnuc gnilTls, then- will In* three additional^ [uiutional iHgani/^itionx: consumers' oig.mi/.n HUIN i* crm|icra

2(i

N i s i O R I C A L 1)1 VI 1 . o i ' M I N l

tives and collective u t i l n \ coin l a r s ^ c i vie service organisations or civic guilds (professions e x c l u d i n g the "ftrinisiiv) : and citizens' organ i/at ions or c u l t u r a l and health «-MHIH ils. As again*! these lom functional nigani/at ions, i h c i c w i l l he one ( o m u n m a l n i ^ i m / . i tion w i t h two m a i n loles: (a) c o o r d i n a t i n g I m u t i o n a l bodies into a single c o m m u n a l system; (b) c o o r d i n a t i n g bodies operal i l t g OVC1 M i i a l l i i

o r i s w i t h IjN M I it s (MM i.H i t l g o v n l i n n e t areas. A l l

h m i t i o n a l bodies are represented on tlic rices; (2) H serves as .i court oi amieal Un 11•«- cottMicts of the fuw tional bodies; (S) i( deterinities the hue oi demarcation between functional bodies; (4) it decides on matters concerning the town as a whole, such as the b u i l d i n g Soviets. The first workers' demands were traditional unionist demands concerning wages and working condition*. I >M t these were soon superseded by more radical demands, such is die eight IHMII working d a y atlllJbcrainr mainly |M>litica1 allei "the ositiou. T h e !»resented hy enterprise councils. Private industry would 1M- man aged hy owners subject to the approval ol a woikeis' control coin inittee. The enterprise councils would elect directors and would in< hide government ins|>eclors whose duty would he to insure compliance with the law. T h e coordination ol the activities of individual enterprise councils and the task ol chawing up plans loi various industries were Ui be entrusted to general industrial councils composed nl ihe representatives ol the enterprise t nunc ils and trade unions as well as technicians appointed hy the government. Under conditions ol civil war, this scheme had little chance to be tried out as envisaged. Somewhat more than two years later, the Spanish Revolution collapsed, if comunismo liberterio ol th ' I<MSM (whic h will be discussed in g i c a i e i d e t a i l later) p i o d m e c l t h e lust succcsslul i m p l e m e n t a t i o n

INI

KODl'CIION

of an integral system of workers* self management. Jttsl as the Russian Revolution influenced developments in other countries and led to numerous imitations of Soviets, the Yugoslav Revolu tion poptthu"i/.ecl workers' councils, which were set lip in a mini her ol countries. The Yugoslav influence was perhaps most strongly Felt in Al irriin, where, as a result ol the War fot National Liberation (1954—1962), favorable conditions for social change were created. As beftm in Russia, Hungary, and Spain, workers and peasants weie occupying the abandoned estates and establishments ol French colons. Spontaneous!) established comitii 1K, com muntSt regimes consolidated their pOWet and Workers' man ineut KKM1 disappeared m all these count i ies. It was replaced In 3 (lleii h\< Imlhnio on tin Soviet pattern. \li< i Si.dins death, a new lev olul ioiiai } title passed through

(

.\H

HISTORICAL DF.VKLOPMr.N1

these countries (except East Germany). In 1956, for the thud time within a generation, IhiHgmums attempted to establish workers1 management during an uprising. Spontaneously created workers' councils were legalized in Novembci 1956. According to law, the ronncil, elected by the workers, would manage the entej prist* Mud make the b i n d i n g derisions on .ill important matters. I erritorial woi kii;il>n\

< oumiit Ices loi

nuly jnat Ufi( i< It)

Inline

w\ Work) Wai 1 and the Russian Revolution. During the war, in order to enhance war production, the In it ish. I'lnnh, and t i n m a n governments sought—and received— the Cooperation ol the unions. As a result, various forms ol management worker cooperation developed. The events that occuned in these countries are so significant that they warrant a lew more words, Ihe three yean preceding the outbreak ol the war represent one ol the most disturbed epochs in British industry, writes j . H. Seymour, the- historian ol Whitley councils. At the coinmrficenient of the war. a hunched sh ikes weie 111 piooicss :;v It was m (his period that syndicalist influence was the strongest in Britain, md. in 1912, Itlilten and ihe latest ol the lout lailwas unions

INTRODUCTION

II

accepted the demand tor the complete control ol industry by the workers. It was also in this period that die f u t u r e shop steward movement was announced (Glasgow engineers 1 strike, 1912) Before the war, shop stewards were m i n o r olh< ials appointed hy the u n i o n from among the men in the workshop to see that the u n i o n dues were paid and newcomers organized. T h e y had no power to negotiate grievances nor were they officially recognized by the m a n a g e m e n t Then came the war, w h i c h , as was pointed out hy C, ( i . U e n o l d . who watched the events w i t h the eyes of an employer, 'was not lelt by work -people lo he their' war. . . . I t was regarded hy large sections as a capitalists* war and the restrictions, controls and hardships were- resented a c c o r d i n g l y / ' * - It "STTttiees to add that when, in 1915, trade union leaders v o l u n t a r i l y pledged under the heasury agreement not to sanction Strikes during the war. the dissent of the rank and lile was certain. T h e big Clyde engineers' sliike early in l*U.r», when the strike committee disregarded superior u n i o n officials a n d won the strike, set the pattern and i n i t i a t e d what became k n o w n as the shop stewards' movement. 1 " Shop stewards' committees, composed ol representatives ol all workers in an establishment, spread over the entirecountry. Locally, delegates o l the establishments in an area made up workers 1 committees, which became federated i n t o an unofficial nationwide workers' committee movement* This spontaneous development very much resembled the appearance ol Soviets in Russia, ami so it is ejuite n a t u i a l (hat alter the February Kevolu ti 1 V—this alarming situation called for Government interven t i o n . I n October 191$, a committee (known as the W h i t l e y Committee) was appointed to examine methods for securing permanent improvement in industrial relations, T h e f o l l o w i n g year, the W h i t l e y Committee produced its scheme ol employer-worker cooperation. For each industry, a N a t i o n a l Joint C o u n c i l and dis triet councils were to he formed to b r i n g together employers 1 organizations and unions, and, in i n d i v i d u a l establishments, joint

works committees were to provide s recognized means \ a law ol l!MH m d obtained tlftc* I'tgllt Ml pailMipatr in manage nieiil, which was not (he ease in l$l|9. III Belgium, ciiteipiise councils (orarily blocked these developments. C h i l e s neighbor, Peru, ;tlsti ( ; m i c i l out an a m a i i . m l e l o m i and established sell governing peasant coc>|>crativcs. I he new m i l i t a i \ g o v e i i n i i e i i i , which in 1968 replaced the c i v i l i a n government by means ol | coup, acted in I vei y u n o r t h o d o x and u m n i l i t a r y wa\ T h e govei iniieiii slated its Scai able S«H I.II sued ail instruction on the loimalioii ol (he woikers' councils .h advison IHKUCS, t nmii ils weie elected m 215 larger enterprises. b«i soon oiher euter|nises requested lo enjoy the same privilege, and l>\ the middle of 1950 there ucic already r»20 councils in existence. In June 1950, the National Assembly passed the law by whichi councils were transformed from advisory into managing bodies.| The working eollec live ol every enterprise elects ;i w«trkers council {nidnifki SHVJrt) . which, as loni; :i^ il en jo\s the < on IK hi M e III ihe eh •< lots, is die supreme policy-making I»u ol i IN we activities «>| the rtitrr|irisc thai arc pei hirmcd by the general managei and the expert administrative and technical stalh This pin e ol legislation did not immediately abolish the perennial management workei antithesis, bm conditions were created for it io be resolved. By 1950, it had ahead) become alnwdsH»ify ek»ar dial, in general, bmeanciatic oi i;ani/ation icsnlts in inefficiency and undesirable soeial relations, and thus the introdnetion of workers' management cleared the ground for the series of institulional (han^es that weie to follow. I he subsequent development in other ipheres ol social life, in turn, strengthened the new * gattizatiofl ol industry. Self lynernincnt ol tlie producers was extendi d beyond the immediate workplace by establishing for all t e p l e ^ e i i l a l l \ P I »i • n r v

lotin

l«'«.d I U H M I I K

I||> l o

the

I « deK4~~rVC

scmhly, a second i hainhci : t h e i . o n m i l ol Piodiueis. In lu'»'i, the

INTRODUCTION

I!)

Constitution was changed to take account of the new social insti unions. Workers* management had become a pan ol the establishment. T h e Yugoslav solution should not ho regarded at the cud pi a process, but rather as a promising beginning ol the development of n genuinely sell-govei ning society. By now, in Yugoslavia, sell management appears to he reasonably well < i Mished at the enterprise level. _VVIi.it remains to be done is to extend it to other levels and, in particular, to develop an equally new political system, appropriate for a self-governing society.

An evaluation Historically and logically, there ate two approaches to woikers' p.Miii ip.Hiim in management: our negative and contain iug. the other positive and constructive. 1 lie former was developed lust and has been based on the following reasoning and behavior. Empjovers and workers represent two S<MJ:I1 classes with antagonistic interests.wl ligher profits imply lower wages and \ i ( e versa, Thus, a normal state of affairs is a (lass war conducted by more or less civilized means. On I hat basis, trade unions weie treated as lighting oigani/ations oi the working (lass. In radicalized situation*, when (lass tensions arc intensified, the 11 ;KIH ion.il collective baigaiiuug is supplemented by a letpiest for woikers' coutiol. "Woikers couliol* Ilia) thus be used as the term describing the negative, containing approach to participation. Its historical origins were analyzed in the section on revolutions. It means an ag^ussivc cnnoachmciil ol trade union or un lh( i.il gioups on management powers in a capitalist or etatist framework. Uy the strength ol their organizations, workers exact concessions from the employers. Thcv do not make positive pro posals regarding the conduct of business, because they are not asked to, this being a prerogative oi the management; they do not assume any responsibility, Because the linn is notTTTcir property: they determine what cannot be done, limiting thus the arbitrary power Of the employers, and they try to maximi/e their share in the cake. While there is capitalism (or ctatisni) . there cannot he cooperation. Since capitalism cannot be abolished overnight, such, ar^ altitude is often instrumental in perpetuating capitalism. A

modern advocate ol radii il workers' control,] (mil main goals:

M.imh I, states n^

(I) act ess to liii.iitposed and cooperation is possible, aliont wage ratgj a n d c o n d i t i o n s ol u o i l

l h u s . while will

lor

where itlterestl a i r bargaining

in most cases te

m a i n rescived lot H a d e unions, u o i k e i s on the spot w i l l begin to paitictpatc

in deeisions concerning; non< onnovc rsial matters.

In

this way. negative e o n l t o l w i l l be s u p p l e m e n t e d hy c onstnic t ive pai t K i p a t i o n . Parti* i p a t i o u passes t h r o u g h three stages: joint

< on \

>uli/tii>*)i. co-determinal ion < and sci/-in*ftoge*wettl. I 11 < lust itage| leaves the capitalist and etatisl framework intact, l>ui provides an u u p o i i a i i l ps\( hologu al attack on the maiiagf i tal a u l o u a c y .

I he

second stage already implies a share in power and represents die

beginning ol tlie end, h ii important to realise that tlic Itam turn stages are transitional and cnnsetptently highly instable«&4itafaility is achieved in the third stage, which, however, is possible on!) u n d e r scxialism. Most of the developed countries, b o t h eapitalist and etalist. I m d themselves in the hist stage.

In evaluating the development ol workers1 participation iti management, the following live aspects ! die problem seem im pot taut. I hills

1 he motivation into

for setting u p joint eonsnhat ive m a < l i i u e i \

three distinct

categories. T h e

revolutionary

prcssmc

from below compels etnplovers and the government ol the day to relax the manage! ial am hoi itat ianism. Became It is tlte it Mill l a strong clash l interests, the outcome ol the fight must he legally sanctioned to remain permanent (although legal sanctions often prove to be a fiction). I he (ierman ease is typical leu this situation. Next, during modern totalitarian war, governments are vital Is inieiested in stepping up production and therefore devise and advocate ' hetnesof joint consultation to bridge the gap between employers and workers. I his cast- is typified by British and Ainerican practices! W i t h respect to the latter, the International I.abor Ofhcc stud) says I he general purpose ol the Laboi Manage IIK nt Production Committees was UJ raise the quantity and qttal

I N I K < > I»i • c r I O N

r

il

ity of o u t p u t for war production by the joint effort ! labor and management in each wat pi.int." T h e extent n. which tins put pose was arliTeved is visible from the f o l l o w i n g evaluation ol the same study: " W h i l e there teems to be l i t t l e dowbt thai the com mittees made a substantial c o n t r i b u t i o n t plant o u t p u t , a n u m her of committees d i d noi aid lo as great an extent an had been expected. . . " , s Some five thousand c o m m i t t e r s weie set u p i u plants w i t h war contracts. Must n» t l w i n dis.ippe n n l u-ith the eild of the war. The fliTrd type of m o t i v a t i o n is that of i n d i \ idn.d employers who are m>t l o n c d hy law to adopt j o i n t consultation, hut adopt it p r i i n a i i l y on economic grounds, t h i s |>oint is dhuniiiaie I-. the essence ol capitalism: accordingly, there is n o t h i n g to stop capitalist firms from competing even m t'ne m i p o n e i n e n t ! i laj ions w i t h

.ri2

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

workers. lull

This sounds paradoxical, but so are the conditions o f _

employment

undci

capital ism. ( . I c a r h ,

il

pursued

consis-

tently, such a c o m p e t i t i o n must eventually lead to the d«sn uci ion oTTajTitalist lelalionships. but this will be n o t h i n g m o l e t h a n a paTalh ! to S( hiinipctc 1 ian " c i c a l i v c destruction." the d e s t r u c t i o n of profits h> i m p e t i t i o n i n i t i a t e d to increase p r o l i t v N a t i o n a l i z e d industries a n d n a t i o n a l i z e d economies represent a separate case, w h e i c joint consultation is an indispensable

mini-

m u m to m a k e these systems w m k at a l l . that is, t o m a k e t h e m so 1 ially acceptable.

1 he only d e v e l o p m e n t one can

visualize

is a

constant i n n ease of workers' p a r t i c i p a t i o n in m a n a g e m e n t , e i t h e r

granted by the governing bureaucracy, of through revottitionat y means. 2 /What

happens to the tlist i/tlinr

won by workers

in an organ i/at ion in w h it'll

executive a u t h o i i l y is nuclei m i n e d by the g r a n t i n g to everyone very basis into niv o w n w o r k s / ' w i iles < .. IV \ \ a l p o l r . most ol my

lellow e m p l o y e r * thai

e n e m y , a n d that

the fust result

broad

"I was told I >\

I was selling llie pass to the

w o u l d be that

woiks discipline

w o u l d go to the d e v i l . I have l o u n d , on the c o n t r a r y , alter

two

years' ex|ierience, that works discipline- has i m p r o v e d almost

out

nl r e c o g n i t i o n , Mid that every O U H M l e g i t i m a t e interest ol nwnct ship has also been ( a t e i e d loi in a measure w h i c h l o u r years ago I w o u l d not have believed possible: p r o d u c t i o n

is u p , absenteeism

is clown: wastage is reduced, a n d v a l u a b l e t i m e is saved/""' ('.. (». R e n o l d e x p l a i n s the i m s i e i y of this p h e n o m e n o n : " T h e need to

base managerial authority on reason ratKei than on arbitrary powei tion It

as is i m p l i e d

in the w h o l e philosophy ol

joint

consult;!

91

has enhanced that a u t h o r i t y . " is h a i d l \ lieceSSar) to a d d that

the same applies w i t h even

I N T R O M I T I ION

53

greater force to the system based on the philosophy ol sell i;ovri n II let It. AII International l.ahor ()igaui/alion mission in Vtlgo slavi a found i n | l a i i ( j u i \ c o n c e p t i o n o f e v e r y r e v o l u t i o n a s t h e roup

l»| a s m a l l

i . II. Cole. Socialist Thought (London: Mac inillaii. 1989), Vol. Ill: The Second international, pp. 565, B6S. IS. Matxisl social democratic parties began l o b e created white Marx was still alive and soon weu established in mosi v.uiopc in countries: \H(\\) iii Germany, 1879 in Spain (by Pablo Igtesias) and Denmark, 1882 iii France (Paitse Ouytiete by Jules Guedes), 1883-1884 in Britain (Hyndmaa's Social DenioaraUc Federation), 1883 in Russia ([•niiini ipal'iou of Labot group by riekhanov and Axehod). 1887 in Nurway. I8H8 in Austria and Switzerland, 1889 in Sweden and Hoi laud (Social Denton alii league). 1892 ill Ualy, INiland, Finland, ami llulgaria, l!MM in Serbia, etc. Thereaflei l l t c j licgau tti IM Forinctl in lion I in t>]>( .in i UUntl u I

.r>8

HISTORICAL DEVE1 OPMEN I

I I . For a more complete analysis, see l> t-forvai, 4n Essay on ftfgo shir Society (While Maim, NA . International Art» itid Sciences Prrti, 1969), ( h a p

9

M

MaiK a n d Kneels on So< ialisl 1 coiimiiv. '

15. Cole, Socialist thought, Vol. II. pp. 208- I 16 Accordingly, syndicalism . &. 1°. ( i . I). I t . Cole, G u i l d Socialism

HrShth,!

ilondon:

I.

Prisons.

1920), p. 13, 20, i h i d . . |>. hi. 2 1 . I h i d . . |)|). 156-57. 22. N. G s r p e n t c r , Guild Socialism: An Historical m (New Y o r k : D. A p p l e t o n , 1922), p. 20ft.

and

Critical

Attaty*

23, I v a l u a l i n ^ this dc \ e l o p i n r t i l a leu year* later. (',. I). I I . L o l e con ( h i d e d : " W i l l i the c o i n i n g ol the s l u m p , die d e m a n d lor w m t o r s ' liti
5-6). 27. ftiul I I . A v r k l t , " T h e Bofcltcvtk Revolution ami me Worker*' Control in Russian Industry," StauU Review, 1963, 62. 'J8. A. I ' a n k i a l o v a . " C o m ties d'nsines en Russie a l'epofpte de la levo-

Intion (1917-1919)/' written in 1923 in Russian and translated in AuiogcsiioH,

No. I, I(.M»7. :;-t>:i.

29. |. K l i k o v a c . " L e e s ! vovanje i . i d n i k a u npvav I j a n j i i pndii/ec'cin" | I he pgi I H i n a t i o n o l W o r k e r s in M a n a g i n g tin- Enter) Hrise), i n |. l ) j o n l j e \ h el ;»!.. eds.. Teortja j jnak\n stinmit j» at>f jnti jit u lugorfawji, (Ifelgradc: R a d n i i k a stampa, 1972), p p . 299 26, 50. (.. 1). I I . Cole, Socialist Tkovghi (London: Maemillan, V o l IV ( )inmmi\m (ititi Sot nil I )rnntt )ntv. p. 166,

1958),

51. The first internal commission (cammisiottt interna) was cstal* lishctf in 1906 in the* lUtOtnobile factory Italia in T u r i n on the basis ol ;i collective agreement between the inanagenteni and the metal* worker*' union, lis i;isk urns in i caolvc ihe ititiHirt* emerging front H>| le< live aioeenn ills. D i n i n g W o i hi \\ .i i I, the I t a l i a n i»o\ei i i n i r n l i
in ( l o n e so\iris had been organized sporadically since 1927. Bui the\ differed radically I r a n the Russian revolutkmar] toviets. Theti nature b well clescrilied i>\ M:«-> I n Uing: N i n certain places councils o l d( 1'iiiH s u r i c rottVJ m i l . h o i \\v\

ale consideied o i d \

is p r o v i s i o n a l

ins whose main l o n t t t o n is to elei I executive cotmniuees; aftei the

I N I ROIItfC'l M •-.

til

eleilions all power is concentrated in the hands of committed and there is no more talk al)out |lir rnimriU id-drpmirs One (annot say Thai no (onncil ol Workers', peasants' and soldiers' (lei Ml ties, worth its

name, is in existence; cute (an find thrui, hot very few. This is explained l>y in insufficiency ol pi o p i o i d a and ol educational work concerning this political system** (quoted l>> Mandel. op. (it., p. L^M>). I n Derentlier 1927. an u p r i s i n g established the ( l a t i l u i i C o m m u n e . I n her historical IIIOIMMM aph on tilt! (Jutirsc Kevohit i o n . I ( alloli Lis

cliel comments: "the participation ol the people in die democratic elections of die red government was quite limited, and according to certain sources it was purely imaginary*' {Hioria delta rivftlnzhmi ///•/ XX stcolo, Vol, IV, La rivotutione (inc.w). Sfe The oldest woiks council still in existence in Britain is that of the ttoornevillc works ol tlic cocoa and chocolate manufacturing him C.adhury lliolhers. Ltd. In this linn, works committees weie established at the beginning ol tltc century. The aim ! the management was defined .is the rappiodirnunt of the employer and worker (71

I I'm Aw Gov net I in Being. .In Account f the Scheme in Operation at Huimtrvillc Works [Publication Department, Bonnievilie Works, 1921]). 37. Tor the sake of completeness, an interesting German attempt ought to he mentioned. I he Industrial Commission ol the revolutionary National Assembly, which met in Frankfurt in IKI8, put forward a resolution asking dial factory committees, consisting l employers' and workers* representatives, issue work rules wbjed to the approval of distiiit factory rouncili elected by the factor) romttiitteea in the district. I he resolution was ttcvci enacted because lite revolution rollapsed shortly afterward (C W, Gttillehaud, Ttte IKortj Council [Cambridge University Press, 1921], p. I), S8. |. IV Seymour, The Whitley Councils Scheme (London: I*. S. Kino. 1932), p 9. :'»*). C c . Renold. Joint Consultation over Thirty Yews (London: George Allen as Unwin, l'L>o), p. Hi. M, Characteristic «>| the mood of workers was tin* following published statement ol Clyde workers: "We bold the view that the trade union officials are the servants, not the masters, of die rank and file, and that th. |»i i b i r c v u ,

Demand loi

\ \ i >i k«» s' ( . o n t m l i n the

Rail

way, Mining and Engineering Industrie* 191(1 1022/' doctoral thesis, Nofnekl College, Oxford, Mr>7, p. r» < in lists' weakness was thai lltey nevei [acetl »h. V. Mandel. "Cxmtrole nuvtier/' IM Ganthe (Bimseta), ">{V 1970, p.

INTRODUCTION

63

47. Tliat the co-deteiminaiion is an unstable arrangement should lie obvious, \\\\[ joint ( o i i s u h t i i o n also implies ;m inherent contradiction which generate* tones ol rltaitge. \ \ . E. S, M\. Take the (ler11 in i tvork* councils ol die vYeimai period, ol which Guillebattd says:

INTROUHCTION

"To the German mawOl the workers' councils stood hn the clenioc rali/.IIIMII dl i he IIKIIISII i.il ssslem and the attaininciil. in the IHHIIIIIIK sphcic, ol die same rights til sell gc>\ ei mucin and sell dcieiniiiialion as they thought they had achieved by the Revolution ol 1918 in the political sphere. . . . When it came to the practical working out of the basic and, to the individual workers, the most ini|M>rtant part oT the stun Hue the VVoiks Councils, they found that the hulk of die political leaders of lah 5 7 policy doc timent on nationalized industries, in tin chaptd on workers' participation, asks whether there should be cliiecl icpicscuiat inn and answers the question negatively. "The syndicalist view of industry run by workers, either through their trade unions or through elected boauls was objected to bv the Labor Movement many seats ago" (ibid., p. i')l). Note the reference to "syndicalism" in both instances. T h e situation at the other side of the ocean

is desert lied by fames Matles, the secretary i the United Electrical, R a d i o , [\\u\

M a c h i n e W o i k e r s ol A m c i i c a . in an i n t c i x i e w ol l(> I

follows: " I he key problem facing the »;»uk and die worken in the shop ami trade union movement today b the d» Aructioii ol the ibop steward ivttcm i he shop tttwanl liai bean destroyed, undermined oi

66

H I S T O R I C A L DEVELOPM FN I

neutralized througli the combined Him is ol employers and lop union h adei ship " (Ortlles m i I I ppltam, op. < it., p. H)8). 64. ( I I I . A t I"-", " t o d a y industrial discipline is a different mat I n in ;ill indnsii ics Itom the pie-wai period ol heavy nn* mployincnl. I his is often s;ii«| lei he ijttc | the }»tralesl dillh nil i< s ««l I'nilisli in l the PTOrkd

than any legislation or any machinery f f, i joint consultation ccraW do" (tttdutiruii fJetttorrrfcy mid Natinnttiuilum lOxloctl: Ulackwell, I(>50J, p. 7tt). I his fa g \ u \ hn id sl.iirnniil, Uut the loncludum, an lilhesis is spurious, the cms.iiinn is different i i o m the one im|•!ii eating; all in the most convenient situation for the whole p o p u l a t i o n , and under the hest possible puhlic: super in tendencc, w i t h o u t t r o u b l e , expense, or inconvenience to an\ p a r t y . . .. This principle ol i n d i v i d u a l interest, oiiposcd as it is pcrpctti all) to the puhlic good, is considered, by the most celebrated po

70

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

Iitical economists, to be the corner-stone to the social system! and without whi< h soi i cotild not subsist. Vet when they shall know themselves, and discover the wonderful effects which c o m b i n a t i o n and u n i o n can produce, they w i l l acknowledge that the present arrangement «>l societ) is the m o d anti-social, lllldci

i i i i p u l i i n . .mil

its i i i t l u c m e

.ill

in.m.mil

the

Mtpciioi

thai and

i;m

he di vised;

\altiaMc

that

equalities «»|

human nature are repressed Irom m l a n r y , and that the most un natural means are used to b r i n g QUI the most i n j u r i o u s propensities; in short, that the utmost pain.s a>e taken t m a l e that which hv nature i^ the m o t d e l i g h t f u l c o m p o u n d loi p r o d t t r i n g excel h IKC .111• I happiness, absurd, uuhec ile, and wiett hed . . Under the piesent system theie is the im>s! i n i n i i t e division of mental power and manual labotll in the i n d i v i d u a l s ol the working classes; private interests are plat r d pci petually \i vai iance %s"• ili the p u M k good, and in every n a t i o n men aie purpose!) trained from infancy to suppose that t h e i r well-being is incompatible with the progress and prosperity l other nations. Such i r e the means l>\ which o l d society sicks to obtain tin* desired objects ol life. T h e details now to he s u h m i t t e d have l>een devised upon p r i n c i p l e ! which w i l l lead to an opposite practice; to the combination of extensive mental and m a n u a l powers in the i n d i v i d u a l s of the w o r k i n g classes: to a complete i d e n t i t y of private and public interest; a n d to the t r a i n i n g oi nations t o comprehend that their power and happiness cannot attain their f u l l and natural tie velopment hut t h r o u g h an equal increase of the power and happiness of all other stales. These, therefore, aie the real |>oinis at variance between that w h i c h is and that which ought In be. . . . Proceeding on these principles, yonr Reportei recommends arrangements by w h i c h the c h i l d r e n shall he trained together as though they were l i t e r a l l y a l l of one lamily. . . . It may be stated, w i t h o u t fear ol contradiction from any party who is mastei of the subject, that the whole success ol these arrangements w i l l depend u p o n the tnannei in which the infants ami c h i l d r e n shall he h a i u c d and educated in these schools. Men ,\M'. and e\er w i l l be, what t h r \ ne and shall he made in inlain > and < h i l d h o o d . T h e apparent tXI cptioiis to this law aie the dice is of the same causes, c o m b i n e d w i t h subsequent impressions, aris m h o n i the new ( i n umstanc is in which the i n d i v i d u a l s showing these exceptions have heen placed. . . .

Fourth, th< formation and superintendence ments. ...

"f these establish-

V% u'onai ies | ROSEA I CIWI N

71

l bete new fanning and general working arrangements may be formed by one 01 am number ol landed proprietors CM large capitalists; by established companies having huge hinds to expend [01 benevolent and public objects; by parishes and counties, to relieve themselves from paupers and poor-rates; attd by associations of tin* m i d d l e and Working « hisses of farmers, mechanics, and l t a < l c s n i e n , I n l e h e v e t h e m s e l v e s I l o i n l i t e e v i l -«»i t h e p t e s e i t t

S\S

tcin. . . .

W h e n one establishment shall have been formed, t h e i r w i l l be n o great difficulty in p r o v i d i n g superintendents fat many other e s t a M i s l u n c n l s . A l l t h e c h i l d t e i i w i l l he n a m e d t o he espial I n t h e

rare ol any of llie depatimenis. inure panic ularty is there w i l l he no c n u u i r i a c I inn h t t w e c u those who direct and those who pel foi ti» the vai i«nis o p e r a t i o n s . . . . T h e p e i u l i a i III '»;. ms 17, MM l"1 Q

I I .IMsl.lll il l»Y 11. I( II k l . l l l l O .

71

HISTORICAL n i V I l o i ' M l ' . M

labor. What the proletarians lack Foi their liberation are the instruments oi work: ii is up i d ihe government n> provkW thciti u i t h these. N o . without political reform n«> social reform is possible, for if the M-( ond is t h e gna/, t h e Itrst is t be mams. l i u i is ii necessary t o conclude Front tins thai discussion of social questions is useless, even dangerous, and thai one must begin by c o n q u e r i n g power, waiting u n t i l afterward to see what to doi It w o u l d be w o r t h us much to sav: let us begin b) starting en r o u t e ; we shall see aftei ward where we ought to go, I his error is, however, ratltci common Unlay . I h< neces sit\ o| r c s ^ v i n g social ipiesttons is n o t d e n i e d ; the fact thai political reform must be accomplished in order to a n i s e at a sen i;il re Form is even recognized; but it is believed thai the discussion l these grave . and in 9 way solelj to attain its < od, die successive and peaceful ahsoip

7(i

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

lion o l i n d i v i d u a l workshops hy the social workshops. Thus, in stead ol being—as ;uc the Urge capitalists today—the master and tyrant itl the market, the government w o u l d he- its regulator. It would make ttse ol the weapon ol ( o i n p c i H ion, not in Ofdei vio lenllv to overthrow private iltdtlStr) . . . hut to lead n hnpercep tihly to Combination. Soon, indeed, in every sphere ol industry in which a social workshop was established, people w o u l d (l< K k lo this Workshop because ol the advantages it w o u l d oiler to those associated, the workers and capitalists. At the end ol a certain time, one w o u l d sec o c c u r - - w i t h o u t usurpation, w i t h o u t injustice, w i t h o u t irreparable disasters, a n d to the benefit l the prtnciple ol association- the phenomenon that today ot<ms so deplorably, and l>\ dint ol tyrannv. to the benefit ol i n d i v i d u a l egoism. A very rich industrialist today can. in s i n k i n g a great Mow against his rivals, leave them dead on the spot and monopolize an entire branch ol industry; in out system, the state w i l l make itsell the master ol industry l i t t l e hy l i t t l e , and instead ol monopoly, we w o u l d have, as the result of the- success achieved, the defeat \ the ocean of the c o m m u n i t y He it a fane man, truly his nwn master, w h o acts on bis own i t i i i t a i i v c and is j>iillu ient |i.i\ inetn for his products and s e n i l e s , and ih.it his U-llow e ili/ens will give h i m absolute loyalty and complete guarantees l o r all the consumer goods he might need, l he State ot government i* no lonjjei sovereign. A u t h o r i t y is no lotlgei the antithesis | liberty, and Stale, govern men t4 iniwer, a u t h o r i t y , etc., arc only ex pressions that designate liberty in a different way* I hey w e geti eral formulae borrowed From outmoded speech which in certain cases l i g n i f ) the sum, the u n i o n , the identity and the lottdaj itv ol i n d i v i d u a l iuteiesi . Dr In r/i/;i, //, kutiltqUf

(Irs (lnWi

Offff irit'.s (/ Vtf11

Anarchy A l t h o u g h 1 am a strong snppoitei r.| order, I am in die fullest sense ol the l e i m , .in anau Insti l l any given society, the authority man has over man is in in w i s e ratio to the intellectual level ol development l cached by that society. I lie probable d u r a t i o n ol that a u t h o r i t y may he calculated according to the more i monarchy and intensive centralization disappear, to be replaced l>\ federal institutions and a pattern ol lite based on the commune, When politics and home life have heroine one ami the same thing, when economic problems have been solved in such a way lli.il individual and eollei live inleo sts are identical, then all Constraint having disappeared it is evident that we will he in a state of total liberty or anarchy. Society's laws will operate hy themselves through universal spontaneity, and they will not have t\ Roman law, is re placed b) that ni dutribulive. Iraiislati the legal terms centred

t si on at its

I IMI.UKI

J O S H M I'IIOCMION

S.r»

and commutative

just ice into the language of affairs, and you

have ( O M M I I U K .

I hal is. in its most elevated sense, the action

by which nun, declaring themselves to be essentially producers, renounce all cliimis to governing each othc i. Commutative justice, ruled h\ contractt of in other words, rule by economic* and industry, these are all different synonyms expressing the idea whose advent must abolish the old systems of distributive j\isli<e, rule ie\ hues, or to be more ci'iii'ii'lc, the feudal, governmental or military regime The Inline ol mankind lies in this change. . . . I he contract or commutative agreement is characterized hy the fact that it increases man's liberty and well heing. The setting up of any authority, on the other hand, neccssarih decrease! it. 1 his is evident il one reflects that I contract is an act by which two or more individuals agree to organize among themselves, within certain limits and lor a given lime, the industrial Force which we call exchange. Consequently they undertake mutual obligations and make reciprocal guarantees for i certain number ol services. products, benefits, duties and t o o n which they are in a position to obtain and render, knowing themselves to he in all other re Spccts totally independent, both ill what thev consume and whit they prodm \ maji M 11 y vole in u n a n i m o u s l y

IN-

I a< h i il i / e i i , eat h

c o m m u n e o r c o r p o r a t i o n , w o u l d make its own laws. Instead of political pOWei we would have ( T O I K H I I I I f " n r s . Instead of the o l d class divisions between ( i t i / e n . nohle ami

' commoner, bourgeoisie and proletariat, we would have categories and < lasses relating to vaiious I I I I H lions, a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s i i y . ! commerce and so o n . Instead of public forces we w o u l d have collet tive foices. Instead of Standing ai mies we w o u l d have industrial companies. Instead ol a police Ion e, we w o u l d have .« col I n tive in lei est. Instead of political centralization we w o u l d have economic centralization. What need have we of Government when a state of harmony has been reached! Surely the N a t i o n a l Hank w i t h all its hranches provides us with centralization and u n i t y i Surety the agreements made between farm laborers tor the compensation, l i q u i d a t i o n

Visiouttrit*

I'IIIIKK

J O M IMI

ntnuniioN

S7

and redemption of agrarian estates create unity? Do not the workers' companies formed lor the development ol the large in dtistries tlio create unity in 2 different way? And iv not alto tinconstitution of value, ihe contract ol contracts as we have called it. the highest and most mdesti uctible foi m ol unit j If 1 have to convince v n by providing examples of precedents within yom own experience; has not the system ol freights and measures, the greatest monument to the Convention, formed lot the h^i liliy years the cornerstone ot ecnnomk unity, which through the progress of ideas is destined to replace political unity? Therefore ask no Further questions as to what we would have instead ol government, nor what will become ol mctcty when there are no longer governments. 1 warrant that in future it will he easiei to conceive ol lociety without a government than it will be to conceive of society with one. hire i>ettruile de hi rvvohitlOtl

UU XIX

uicU

(185!)

Federalism All pnliti< reduced to the following formula: the balancing

of authoitty

h\ liberty, and viee versa. It is as a Consc

quence f this that the categoric! monarchy, arhlocrtcy, dema racy, etc., used since Aristotle by so many writers to classify goveminent, to distinguish between forms of states and to make distinctions between nations, can all. except fbi federalism, be shown to be hypothetical constructions based on mere experience, which »re barely able to satisfy the demands of reason and justice. . . . Two different forms of government may be deduced a prion from these two fundamental notions [authority and liberty], according to which one is given preference, namel) GovetnmetU based OH Authority

and (Governmutt

based on /.//••« ity.

Futhermore, since society is composed of individuals, and since the relation of the individual !«• thr group may be thought ol in

foui different wayi 10 tai .h politics is conct - rt n r .^ a result iom forms of governments, two for each system.

88

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

I. Government based on authority A. MONAIU.Ih ol

The government of all men by one m a n , lh;ii is, r \ I KIAIO.IIS .

a. (.oveinment ol all men by all men. that is I W N A I U : I I Y DI COMMUNISM.

T h e essential feature of this system, in b o t h its forms, is lira! there is no division ol power.

'2. Government bated on liberty IV

The government of all men by each man, thai is DE-

MOCRACY.

b. or

I he government of each man by himself, thai is ANAKcm

si I.I |> 856 5f», !K9S2 64. I ranshUcd In Helen Kramer.

<M

Movements

| SYNDICALISM

M,

"Property is no longer inch, dual: the land, mines, factories, workshops, means of transport, houses, etc.. have Income Social property. Social property—lei us understand well and not e\ elusive and inalienable property of the workers who improve it. unless one wishes to see there arise among the Corporation! the conflicts that urate among the capitalists, and lociety again be ( o i n c die v i c t i m i'I I er;ilive organization which expands each day and embraces new categories of pioduceis, this inclusion of all the proletarian forces in a close network of trade unions, cooperative societies, and resistance leagues, this constantly growing intervention in diverse social manifestations, this examination of methods of production and of redistribution ol wealth—and say whether this organization, this program, this described tendency toward the beautiful and the good, such an aspiration toward the perfect blossoming of the individual, does not justify all the pride felt hy the Labor Kxc hanges. If it is correct that the future belongs to the "free association ol producers"— anticipated by Baktmhfl, announced by all the manifestations ol tins century, and proclaimed even hy the most qualified defenders of the present political regime-it will no doubt lie in these4 Labor Kxc hanges or in similar organizations, but organizations open to all who think and act, so that men will meet together to seek in common the means of disciplining natural foues and making them serve human well being.

Mmh ments

7.

Industi ial I luionisra

Haywoodism and Industrialism | April 15, 191s] DANIEL DE LEON

The apolitical Stale" is that six ial structure which mark* the epoch since which lociety was ruptured into classes. ami class inle hcfgait. litis lacl fletei mines the lonndalion I if ihe political Si.iic. I he Foundation ol the politic.il State is not, as n was with pievious society, man: the Inundation ol the political State is property. The governmental structure, that is the rellcx ol siidi a socioeconomic Foundation, must needs match the socio economic stains on which il is reared. Ihe immediate consequence, the consequence ol importance to the nibjeel in hand, is that the constituencies of the political Slate are territorial. . . . T h e essence ol the fact is graphically condensed in the Socialist dictum concerning bourgeois society: "Property rules man, not man p i o p e i ly." . . .

I he political Slate was the step that ethnic sociolouic law com peiled society to take. It was within the shell ol die political Stale that the tool, or machinery, of production was to he perfected; production itself organized: cooperative labor brought about; and. thanks to the abundance Huis rendered potential, lift From the shoulders ol man the primal curse «>l the htiues aiduous toil for bate physical existence. This to accomplish being the ethnicRrprirtted from Industrial I • ^.!igani/ation ol the proletariat, with out which t lass-const ions and goal-conscious organization the day

of victory by a political party ol Socialism would be the day of its tlefeat—that circumstance induces minds constructed tin the pop gun, one-idea principle to discard and jeer at political action as a waste* of time and effort The circumstance dial Industrialism proudly issues through its Preamble lite tall lor Working Class expropriation ol the machinery of production, prompts unbalanced minds t acts l "individual expropt iat ion." I be circumstance that Industrialism implies lite smash up •>!

102

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

class-rule, together with its political Slate and iiiltei institutional appendages ol DeStVttisill and I'.X ploilal i« Ml. fsittS in undisi ipluirel

and heated brains the Rums nl Revenge. The collective manifestation ol these errors, half-troths, and confusions ol thought, hooped together with l u n d declamation* is Itaywoodism. Unresponsive to the warningi t>f Experienn which denies creative power to physical l o u r ,

I laywooelism attache* U)

physical force creative powers, and. b) pushing physical lone agi tattoo io the hare, placei the can before the horse ol Revolution. . . . Unresponsive t I \ . and ail i l \ , that sue h things w o u l d he h i t to the l i i t u i c to decide. T h e lac t was thai they had not considered the m a t i n . bill lite d e v e l o p m e n t i>l the I niM and t )i!»ani/rd t ".apiial ill ^ n e i a l , iiuiking i m p e r a t i v e the I n d u s t r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s of on similar

Labour

lines, has p r o v i d e d us w i t h an answer at mice

more

complete to ourselves a n d more 1 satisfying to our cpiestioners. N o w to analyse briefly the logical consequences ol the position

embodied in the above Quotation. " P o l i t i c a l institutions are not adapted to the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of

industry." H e r e is a statement that no Scxialist w i t h a clear k n o w l e d g e ol the- essentials o l his d o c t r i n e <mi dispute. T h e political institutions ol Uxkiv aiT Simply 11 n- m c t i r i v r l o u r s ol (:i|»halist S«M i < l \ ; the \ have git WW Up out o l , a n d aic haseel u p o n , l e u iloii.il eh\ i lions of powet in the hands ol the r u l i n g (lass in past ag£f, and were carried o v a illtO capitalist society to suit the needs of the capitalist class w h e n that class o v e i l l n e w the d o m i n a t i o n of its piedee cssoi s.

The old order and the new T h e d e l e g a t i o n of the f u n c t i o n of g o v e r n m e n t i n t o the hands of representatives elected From c e r t a i n districts, States, or territories, represents n o real n a t u r a l division s u i t e d to t h e req u i i e m e n t S of m o d e r n society, I m l is a survival f r o m a t i m e w h e n territorial

influences were

more

potent

in

the

world

than

in-

dustrial influences, a n d for thai reason is totally unsuitcd to the needs of the new social order, which must l>r based upon iitdtts tn

Movements

I INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM

lo.r>

T h e Socialist t h i n k e r , when he paints the structural f o r m ol the new social order, does not imagine an industrial system d i rected or r u l e d by a body of m e n or w o m e n elected from an indisc r i m i n a t e mass of residents w i t h i n given district*, said residents w o r k i n g at a heterogeneous collection ol trades and industries. T o give the r u l i n g , c o n t r o l l i n g , and d i r e c t i n g ol industry i n t o the hands of sue h a body w o u l d be too utterly foolish. W h a t the Socialist does realize is that nuclei a soe ial democratic f o r m of sex iety the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of affairs w i l l be in the hands of representatives e>| the various industries of the n a t i o n ; that the workers in the shops and factories w i l l organize iheinselves i n t o unions, each union comprising all the workers at a given inelus t r y ; that said u n i o n w i l l democratically control the workshop lile of its own industry, electing all foremen, etc.. and r e g u l a t i n g tin* routine of f a l l o w in that industry in s u b o r d i n a t i o n to the needs o l Sf industry w i l l meet and f o r m the i n d u s t r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n e>r national government of the

country.

Begin in the workshop I n short, social demoe i.u y. as its name implies, is the aj» pi M a I inn lo industry, f ex pertselected from the industries and professions of the l a n d ; capitalist society is governed by representatives elected from districts, and is based upon t e r r i t o r i a l d i v i s i o n . The local and national governing, or rather a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , hod ies ol Socialism w i l l approach every question w i t h i m p a r t i a l minds, armed w i t h the fullest expert knowledge b o m of experi erne; the governing bodies ol capitalist >< >< \< i\ h a w U) Call in an expensive professional expert to instruct t h e n on every teehni* «l

I (Hi

HIMouiCM

DEVELOPMENT

I ,nfl< •! 1 I ti '• M ' i-lli. 1 Hi >*\ 1970} , p|l

14-24, t>y permission off Grenada Publishing.

108

Movements

I INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM

109

Arc leaders good and necessary? This is not a double question, since if leaders are necessary, they are perforce good. 1 At \is then examine the leader, and Bee if he is necessary. A leader implies at (he outset some men who are being led; and the term is used to describe a man who,

in a representative capacity! has acquired combined adtninistra tive and legislative power. As such, he sees no need (or any high level of intelligence in the rank and file, except to applaud his actions. Indeed such intelligence tram his point oi view, by breeding Criticism and opposition, is an obstacle and causes con fusion. His m o t t o is "Men, be loyal to your leaders/' His logical basis: Plenary powers. His social and economic prestige is clepen dent upon his being respected by "the public:" and the employers. These are the three principles which form the platform upon which the leader stands. H e presents, in common with othei institutions, a good and a bad aspect

The good side* of leadership 1. I readership t e n d s to efficiency One decided man who knows his own mind is stronger than a hesitating crowd. It takes time for a n u m b e r of people to agree Upon a given polk:y, One man soon makes up bis m i n d .

2. H e takes all responsibility As a responsible leader, he knows that his advice is almost equivalent to a command, and tins ensures that bis advice will have been carefully and gravely considered before- being ten dried.

3. H e stands l o r o r d e r a n d system All too frequently, "What is everybody's business is n o body's business," and if n o one stands in a position to ensure Otdei and s\s!em, m a m limits aic omitted which will cause the men s interest to suller.

110

H I S T O R I C A L DF.VKI.OI'MF.NT

'1. l i e a l l o i d s a si.11Hl;iicI o l j'oodncss a n d ;d>ilif\

In the sphere i>l LHIMH usefulness there is i great field b be I»MUUK , on progress, because quite naturally leaders examine every new proposal, and ask first how it will affect then position and power. It prevents large and comprehensive policies being initiated and

carried out, which depend upon tf* • nd itchl iicss ol the great majority. National strikes and policies can only

112

HISTORICAL DKVELOPMEN1

be ( a r r i e d mtt when the h u l k o! the people see their necessity, and themselves prepare ;md arrange t h e m .

Workmen the " b o n o * " "leaders" ilu* servants Is it |»ossihh- to devise such an organization as w i l l b r i n g the ahove h o m the leahn of tin- ideal to the realm ol p i a r l n a h i l ityi I hose lesponsihlc lor this pamphlet, inetl who. residing in all paits ol South Wales, have given their time and thought tt) this p r o b l e m , answer confidently in the* affirmative. I n these chapters they p i e s e n i ( h e n

si h e m e , h e l i e x i n g it

t o he not o n l y

possihle,

hut the o n l \ practicable f o r m ol organization [m us to achieve, It is d i v i d e d into four pans, each l w h i c h depends upon the Other. I hev are, the Preamble, which stuiiinaii/es the needs a m i indicates (he requirements ol such an 01g u i i / a l i o i i . The l*i ogi amine. which states the objective immediate and u l t i m a t e , T h e Coiistil i i t i n n . which gives the h.uuewotk in which the teal worker's or g.nu/alion shall naoVe, and (he pol i( \ wlii< h illustrates the spirit and tactics ol that organization. A careful reading of this chapter w i l l place our scheme squarely and simply before you. Hear in m i n d when reading and discussing it. the laulis and failures of the old l o n u of organi/al i o n . the a hoi I ivetlCSS ol ill Up to the pies

ent suggested iinprovetnents; and endeavoui to realize, as we have done, thai a complete alteration in the structure and polk] ol the organization is imperative.

Preamble 1. A united industrial organization, which, recognising the wai ol interest between workers and employers, is constructed on l i g h t i n g lines, a l l o w i n g lor a rapid and simultaneous stoppage of wheels throughout the m i n i n g industry, 2. A constitution g i v i n g free and r a p i d c o n t r o l by the rank and hie acting in such a way that c o n d i t i o n s w i l l he unified t h r o u g h out the coalfield; so thai pressure at one point would automatically affect all others and thus readily Command u n i t e d action and resistance, < \ JHOOJ inline «>1 a wide and e v o l u t i o n a r y w o r k i n g class (Inn

acter, admitting and encouraging sympathetic action with other SCt I n ' l i s o l t h e w< I lists hern sin < rsslnlly .idojiicd in Hi Kit It Wales c (Mild be adduced. I he following will set \r .is ;io example: At a certain colliery some years ago, the management desired to introduce the use of screens for checking small coal. The men who were paid through and through for Coal getting, e.g., large and small coal in gloss, objected, as they saw in this the thin end of the- wedge of • move to reduce then earnings. The- manage* nient persisted, and the men, instead ol coining out on strike, re dticed their output by hall. Instead of lending four Mams of coal from a slall, two only were Idled and so Ml, I IK management thus saw ils output oil in half, while its miming expenses le mained the same. A lew days' experience ol a profitable industry tinned into a losing one elided in the men winning hands down. Plenty of other instances will occur to the reader, who will readily see that production cannot he maintained at a high pies sine without the willing co-operation ol the workmen; so soon as they withdraw this willingness and show their discontent in a practical fashion, the wheels begin to creak. And only when the employer pours out the oil of his laving kindness by removing the grievance does the machinery begin to wcil unoothly again. This method is useless for the establishment of general principles ovei the whole industry, but can he used, like the policeman's club, to hiing individual employers to reason.

KI6

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

Joint action

by lodges

The tendency of large meetings is always towards purity of tone and breadth ol outlook. T h e reactionary cuts a poor figure under such circumstances, however successful he m;iy be when sui rounded in his own circle by a social clique.

Unifying

the men b\ unifying

demands

It is intolerable that we should ask men to strike and suffer, if nothing incoming to them when they have helped to win the hattie. We have seen many lights in this coalfield, in which all ICC lions of underground workmen weie engaged, hut oidy to benefit one section, i.e., on a hauliers or collier's question. We must economize our Strength, and see to il that every man who takes pan in a light receives something, either in improved conditions or wages as his share l the victory.

The elimination of the employer This can only IK1 obtained gradually and in OftC wny. We cannot gci tiy the men will inevitably as sist them in arriving at a clearer conception of the responsibilities and duties before them. It will also assist them to see that so long as shareholders are permitted to continue their ownership, or the State administers on behalf of the shareholders, slavery and oj> piession are hound to he the rule in industry. And with this realization, the agelong oppression of labour will draw to its end. The weary sigh of the overdriven slave, pitilessly exploited and regarded as an animated tool or heast of burden; the medieval serl fast hound to the soil, and life long prisoner on his lord's domain, sub ject to all the caprit»s of his h o l s lust 01 angei; the modem W dave, with nothing but his laboui to sell selling thai, with his man

11K

HISTORICAL DFVELOl'MFNT

hood is a wrapper, in the tvorld'i market place li * mess oi pottage: these \\mr phases oi slavery, »;nl« in theii Uirn inevitable .iiul unavoidable, will have exhausted die pussihilil u s ol sla v«*i ^, and mankind shall at lasi have leisure and inclination lo really live as men, and not as the beast* which perish.

Movement)

i iuild S< iali m

10. Guild Socialism Re-stated 1920] G, i). n. COUE

The demand few Freedom Guildsmen assume that th» essential social values are liutiiati v.dues, ;uid iliafl Society is Ui be regarded as a complex l associations held together by the wills ol' theif members, whose well-being is its purpose. They assume further thai it is not enough thai the Utntis l government should have the passive in "implied" cxmieiil ol the governed, but that the Society will be in health only il it is in the lull sense democratic and self-governing, which implies not only thai all the«ili/eiis should have a HrightM to influence its policy il they so desire, but thai the greatest possible opportunity should be afforded for every citizen actually to exercise this right In other woids, the Guild Socialist conception ol democracy, which it assumes to be good, involves an active and not inetels a passive citizenship on the pan ol the members. Moreover, and this is perhaps the most vital and significant as sumption of all, it regards this democratic principle as applying, not only or mainly to some special sphere ol social action known as

polities, ' hut

Reprinted from Guild ISMS ' •-

to any and every

$oci*Hsm IIS

ftt-stmted I

form

of s o c i a l

(London: Leonard

action,

and,

in

Partem, IWty, pp. • IIW Mai

Cute.

119

120

H I S T O R I C A L I>F.VFI.O I'MF.NT

especial, to i n d u s t r i a l and economic a (Fairs.

f u l l y as m u c h as to political

I n c a l l i n g these the- f u n d a m e n t a l assumptions ol G u i l d Social ism, I d not mean t imply thai they arc altogctliei beyond theprovince ol a r g u m e n t .

I hey c m

indeed he sustained

hy argu-

ments of obvious force; for it seems clear e n o u g h that only a c o m n u m i t y w i n c h is sell-governing in this c o m p l e t e sense, over

the

whole l e n g t h and b r e a d t h of its a< livil ies, e an hope to call out what is best in its m e m h e i s . 01 lo give t h e m thai m a x i m u m

opportu-

n i t y [or peisoual a n d social sc II expression w h i c h is requisite to real i r e e d o m . Hut s u d i a r g u m e n t s as this, hy w h i c h the assump tions stated ahove may he sustained a n d r e i n l o r c c d , really d e p e n d for their appeal u p o n the same considerations, a n d are, in the last resort, different

ways ol stating the same f u n d a m e n t a l

position.

The essence* ol the G u i l d Socialist a t t i t u d e lies in the helicl that Society o u g h t U) he so organised as to a i l o r d the greatest

possible

o p p o r t u n i t y for i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective self -expression to all its m e m b e r s , and that this involves and i m p l i e s the extension of positive sell government t h r o u g h all its pails. N o one can reasonably m a i n t a i n

that Society is organised » the »• icliei his own tall tug is ttw most impoit.u it single concern in social life.

Movements

| GUILD SOCIALISM

12!i

This distinction really brings u to the heart of our problem, and to the great practical different letween C»oikl Socialism and othei schools of Socialist opinion, lor the (suiklsnian maintains that in a right apprehension of this distinction, ami in the ham ing ol sot ial arrangements which recognise and mal e lull provision loi it. lies the key to the whole question It bstie* It is ahsuul to den) the common interest which all Ihe members l the t l>y splitting tin* difference, hut by pointing out that the solotion lies in a clear distinction of function and Sphere of activity The phrase "control of in dustiy" : { IS in fact loosely used to include the ( h u m s ol both pit) d u r e i s and c o n s u m e r s : hut it has. in the I w o uses, ically to a great

extent different meanings, and, still more, different associations. When the "Syndicalist"' or the GuiW Socialist speaks of the need for control by the producers, or when a Trade Union itself dc mands control, the reference is mainly to the internal conditions of the industry, n» ihe way iii which the factory r place of work i> managed, tin* administrators appointed. ihl the "factory." I mean i»» include umta H ;iU ilicar altogether, either altei a frontal at lac k. or by atrophy f o l l o w i n g upon dispossession of its vital powers. . . . W e have, then, to seek a new f o r m of c o - o r d i n a t i n g body which w i l l not be inconsistent w i t h the f u n c t i o n a l democracy on which o u r whole system is based. I b i s can be n o t h i n g other than a b r i n g i n g together of the various f u n c t i o n a l bodies whose separate Working we have already described. ( ' o o r d i n a t i o n is inevitably coercive unless it is self CO o r d i n a t i o n , and it mnsi therefore be :»< r o m p l i s h r d b> i h r l o i i n i i o n M t i o n of the vai ions boori back regularly t o . .111(1 i n c i v i

all 111 the other types ol Commune hercaftei described. Clearly, it would he, in the main, not an administrative hut a co ofdinating body. The various services would he managed by their Guilds and their policy would he determined l>\ the co-operative working of the Guilds and the appropriate citizen Councils. Five essential tasks would remain h»i the (101011111110 itself. First, it would have to agree upon the allocation ol ihr local resources among the various services (ailing lor expenditure-that is, it would have essential fmmncial functions, and would he, indeed, the financial pivot ol the whole Guild system in the area. Set ondly, ii would he tin* court ol appeal in all cases ol differences between Functional bodies of different types. Thus, if the Coop erative Society could not agree on some point ol policy with the (-uilds operating in the sphere ol "domestic' production and dis h i b u t i o n , the ( l o n u n u n e would have to heai the case and give its

judgement 1 hirdly, it would th terminc tin- lines of demarcation between the various Functional bodies, whew any question con R. I a s s u m e ileal ihr rlcction '»f tUC v . n i n u s Council n p n ' n o i i \ « \ would DC In

I-..1I..I of the Waufe, but >ii I 1 H •» Waul Craw '' • Mil r i i h n by the W.IMI ( n i i i u i i n , , , y the W a r d M• GalM Gomt rit fatlctf to settle k, even sach 1 liffctence might go to tin Commune

Movement*

I

GUILD SOCIALISM

I S3

all the electors can meet with, question, and instruct their representative face to face; b u t it is a larcc in the rase ol Parliament, where the constituency is too large for the elected person to pre serve any real contact with those who elected him. I he teal sale guard lor the voter is to preserve the fidlest Form ol democracy, including the right of recall, in the small units within which veal Contact is possible, and to rely on this contact and power ol recall For the carrying out of the popular will in the larger bodies. These larger bodies can themselves best be composed of delegates fiTttll the bodies working within the smaller areas, always pro \ hied that these delegates themselves preserve constant contact with the smallei bodies whieh (boose ihem. and aie \uhjc« t to tin i ighl of these bodies to m all them at any time. .. . According to our current terminology, all the foregoing Com mimes would be regarded as organs of local CJnvemment At pres cut. howesei, we draw a sharp and almost absolute distinction between Local and Central Government, In the decentralised GniM Society of which we are speaking, no sueh sharp distinction would exist; for by far the greatest part of the work ol the com numity would be carried on and administered locally or regionally, and the central work would be divided, according to the function, a m o n g a considerable n u m b e r of distinct organisations. T h e r e would therefore he neither need nor opportunity for a centre rot trie! which a vast aggregation ol littrcattcratk atnlcoei < ive machinery could grow up. T h e national ctMmlinating machinery of ( m i l d S<x iet\ Would be essentially unlike the piesrnt Stale, and wonlcl have lew direct administrative Junctions. It would he mainly a source ol a lew fundamental ne elected representative hrom any "approved group" ol building trades workers, whether administrative, technical, or operative, ma) sit upon the committee. I ho London Guild, owing tfi the wide extent ol the metropolitan aiea. has evolved a supple

mental t\pe | Guild organization known as the Aiea (Smnmittec, composed N the workers oil the site At VValthamstow and Greenwich the Works I Committees n the t wi» housing M hemes are represented on the Area Committees through cooption. The status »»i ih I .i time lost through holidays or bad weather at the Full standard rate; and (9) pay for t i m e losl t h r o u g h sickness, at uu percent of the standard rate, hn terms varying f r o m fotii weeks i n six weeks p< i man net year, according to the length of service. Tins modified scale o f sick pay was adopted in [anuary. 19 I"he cost r»| c o n t i n u o u s p;iy l o r t h e L o n d o n C t t i l d * f o r t h e \ e , n ending M m h

' I , l!>22, u n i k s o u l ;it s o i n e i h m ; * l i k e

•'.

|H'tffHl

ol the total wages b i l l .

I>uill

lahoi

on

rVI

t »llllc1

contracts, as regards costs, is over twice thai on private builders' work. Experts are virtually unanimous i n the o p i n i o n thai the w o r k m a n s h i p ol the ( i n i l d s n i e n , as regards q u a l i t y , is markedlx. s n p ( i i o i i o the workers on private contracts, From personal eh servatton the writer c m state that, although the efficiency of G u i l d labor d i d not strike h i m as a n y t h i n g rcmaikahle, at least when compared w i t h American standards, it certainly excelled the average ol the private contractors and came very near to equaling, in external appearance at least, even the best organised of private b u i l d i n g < O I K cms.

NOTES 1. "Maintenance" 2, Anihor\

\.('.

iioir. it might be well to point nt the significance ol these

Lie Is. I he Untitling (iuilds have hern aide p»elt\ consistently to unelei-

hiil "private* 1 contractors! and then luive N;IM'II munc] uu thru OWN estimates, I Ins means that theit e«>sis have been low enough to permit litem to tut i imUi the average pi ices im buikling work, and to make i d d i l i n n a l s;i\in«'s IHI those i c c h i i i ' d i.ilcs. settled h \

l l i c lolal economies I C J H C

this eloiihlc S . I V I I M ; imist he v. i \ < o i i s i d r i a i d e .

I his < i n urn

stance is the more remarkable in view ol the fact that the Guilds had at lc;»st two types of expense which the average "private" huilder did

not encounter. First, they made heavy outlays for "continuous pay/' amounting, as shown above, to :»»_. percent o l thcii total wages b i l l , ;ind, second, as now cnterpi iscs. opci atini; on slender I m a m ial resoin i es. they must have had to make hcavv provision for oilie es, "plant," and

the inevitable losses involved in new undertakings. Furthermore, as the succeeding section shows, there is general agreement thai the quality ol the Guilds' work has hcen sutwrioi to that ol ordinary "private" contracting. This means that economy has not been achieved at tinox p<ns« ol workmanship and BMterial; em the contrary, the Guilds have- been more liberal with hoih dian ttieti rivals. Rie conclusion seems inevitable that at least in this industry, and at this stage of development the1 Building Guilds have secured such «« lai«M measure ol personal pRiriency, organiring ability, ami •H«arotmd i \jnii tic rmps, as io enable them to do bettei work than the average "private" buildei st very much less o»st N.C.

VI. Roads to Freedom [191BJ BFRTRAND RUSSELL

From the point ol view of liberty, what system would be the best? In what direction should wc wish the forces of progress to move? Prom this point of view, neglecting l«>i the moment all other considerations, 1 have no doubt that the best system would be one not far removed from thai advocated by Kropotkitt, but rendered more piac I ic able by the adoption ol the main principles ol ( iuild Socialism. Since every point can be disputed. 1 will set down without argument tin* kind of organization ol work that would seem best. Education should be compulsory up to the age l sixteen, or perhaps longer; after that, it should be continued or not at the Option ol the pupil, hut remain Iree (lor those who desire it) up to at least the age ol twenty-one. When education is finished, no one should be compelled to work, and those who choose not to work should receive a bare livelihood, and he left completely hoc; but prohabh it would be desirable that there should be a strong public opinion in favour of work, so thai only comparative ly few should choose idleness, One great advantage ol making idle ness economically possible h that it would afford a powerful Reprinted boai Rotih to Freedom (Lomtom George MUn & Unwln, 1918), pp. 192 210, l>\ | * i mission of I hi- pnlilislui

III

142

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

motive fot m a k i n g work not disagreeable; and m i c o m m u n i t y where m o n work is disagreeable can be said to have found i s«ilu t i d i i ol economic problems. 1 t h i n k it reasonable to assume that few woilie! choose idleness, in view of the h u t l h a t even now ;il lead nine out »>f | m o| diose who have (tiff) £ 1 M a sear b o m investments p i c l e r to inv p.ii«l work. C o m i n g now to that great majority w h o w i l l m»t choose idleness, 1 t h i n k we may assume lhat, w i t h the h e l p l science, and by the e l i m i n a t i o n of the vast amount ol u n p r o d u c t i v e work in volved in internal and International c o m p e t i t i o n , the whole torn m u i i i t y could IK

kept in l the workers h at stale decreet: *""" -. " t b u the syndkal laboi societies are conveogdto appoint a committee i httiutr) ttiau will have the task of:

1. establishing statistics < I abandoned factories as well as a pie cise inventory erf the Kate in whi< h thev are found and the condition of the instruments of work they contain; 2. making a u p o n presenting the practical conditions lor activating these factories immediately, not »>v the dtsei-i-is whohave abandoned them, l>m t>v the pooncrative association ol the wot keis e m p l o y e d in these l a t t o i i c s ; ">. r l a h o i a t i m . a plan lor the f o r m a t i o n of these \v» >i 1 n s

cooperative

MM n i i r s ;

4. instituting an arbitration trtluinaj which will determine at |: ,

J !.\ I M ' l i

K M U M

.

' • P Hiiiv.,,,,, n\ R

Revolutions

I PARIS COMMUNE

M7

the time ol the (mtniprencurs return tlic conditions til definitive cession ol the factories to the workers' societies ami the couutensaikm to be paid to the entrepreneur! by the sc* ieti. 1 his committee iinif«l from IJCWII I Fcaci > the Path proletariat, did bul rxprcis a i r>} H1.111< Ml ailci .1 icpuhlu thai Was Hot l|!\ l(l mprrsedc the HM1 narchical Form of class rule, I mt class rule itself. The Commune was the positive lorm l that, lepuhlic. P.ii is. the central leal oi the old government power and, at the same lime, the social slioughoM ol the I'uiuli working class, had M . ii in amis against the attempt of Thiers and the rurali to re stoic and perpetuate thai old government power bequeathed to them hy the empire, Pans could resta onl) because, in conic quern t ol the si< ge, ii had got i id ol the army and replaced it l>\ a National Guard, the hulk of which consisted , he had t o pay the m i l l i a r d of i n d e m n i t y . I n the eyes f the F r e n c h peasant the very existence of a gieat landed p r o p r i e t o r is in itself an cite loacluucnt on his roil-

quests ol I7W. I he- bourgeois, in IMS. had burdened his plot nl

Revolutions

I PARIS ( o \ t MUNI

157

land with the additional tax of forty-five cents on the franc, but tllCII lie did so in the name of the revolution, while now he fomented a civil war against the revolution, to sliilt onto the peas a n t s shoulders the chief load of the five billions of indemnity to be paid to the Prussian. T h e C o m m u n e , on the other hand, in one of its fust proclamations declared that thr true originators ol the war would be made to pay its cost. T h e C o m m u n e would have delivered the peasatit of the blood tax—would have given him a ( h e a p government—transformed his picsent bloodsuckers. the notary, advocate, executor, and othei judicial vampires, into salaried communal agents, elected by, and responsible to. himself. It would have \\cvd him ol the tyranny ol the gmrde I I K J honor of d y i n g for .in i m m o r t a l < anse. I»ci\\c< n the foreign wai hisl l»\ I lie i I treason and the c i v i l wai fomented by their conspiracy w i t h the foreign invader, the lioorgeoisic had i o n m l the time i displav their p a l t i o l i s m hy organizing police hunts upon the (iennans in l i a m e . T h e ( '.onmnine made a (• criii.m woi k i n s m a n its Ministei l l..it»oi. T h i e r s , the bourgeoisie, the Second Empire, Irad «» t i n u a l l ) deluded Poland l>> loud professions '

workmen, under reserve beries committed upon the \ the great financial companies and contractors, under ihe protection ol Haustmann the Commune would have had an incomparably bettei title v confiscate their prnticrty than IjOtti* Napoleon hid ;il course, greatly shocketl al 'he Cotiimune cleai ittg hut eight thousand h a m s out ol set ulai OMI ion.

While die Versailles government, as soon as it had recovered sonic spirit and Strength, used the most violent means against the Commune; while it put down the free expression of opinion all over Trance, even to the forbidding *»l meetings 'I flelegates from the large towns; while ii nibjeeted Versailles and the rest i France to an estnoitage lar surpassing thai «»l the Second Empire; while ii burned by iis gendarme inotiiskors all papers printed at Paris, and silled all (01 respondent e From and to Talis; while in

the National Assembly the most timid attempts to pm in a word f; with the savage warfare of Ver sailles outside, ami iis aUcmpts at |i I.I

IV' xv .HHI ° I I l'.'-' 1

I

Gcorae Allrn fc rnwin.

160

ir» in ".

tin

R$%mtutl I rfi I I n |" i

<w»n » Kftgcf*, I ruin |

I'm..

I'ul.li-lii i

[tktrmn ||M

.

.Hi.l

Revolutions

I RUSSIA

Ibl

The lowering of the pay of the highest State officials seems sim ply a naive, primitive d e m a n d of Democracy. One of the "founders" of the newest Opportunism, the former Social -Democrat, K. BelrttStem, has more than once exercised his talents in the repetition ol the vulgar capital istjecrs at "primitive" Democracy, l i k e all opportunists, Iike-ttre~~prcsent followers ol Kautsky, he quite failed to understand that, lust of all. the transition from Capitalism to Socialism is impossible without "return.* 4 in a measure, t "primitive" Democracy. How can we otherwise pass on to the dis c h a r a c o l all the functions opulation and by every in| tin workers" these arc simple and "sell c vidciil" demo cratic measures, which harmonize completely the interests of the workers and the majority ol peasants; and, at the same time, serve at a hi idge, leading b o m Capitalism to Socialism. These measures 1 refer to the State, that is, to the purely political reconstruction ol Society; but, ol course, they only Require their full meaning and importance when accompanied by the "expropriation of the expropriators" Of at least by the preliminary steps towards it, that is. by the passage from capitalist private ownership of the means of production to social ownership. . . . " I n a Socialist society | Kautsky writes] there can esiisl, side by side, the most varied forms of industrial undertakings—bureau cratic [??|, trade unionist, co-operative, individual." " T h e r e are, foi instance, such enterprises as cannot do without a burcaucralic [??1 organisation: such arc the railways. Ilcrt democratic orgatii zatioti might take the following form: T h e workers elect dele

162

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMEN1

gates, who form something ill the natuie l a parliament, and this p.nli.uncut determines thr|s

(|)

into

bureaucrats,

have been analyzed

N o t oidy w i l l l h < \

l.o

measures

in detail

he elected, but

by they

will be subject in uTall M any time. (2) lltcy will receive pa> mem im htghei than thai ol ordinary wSrkcr*. ($) There will be an i m m e d i a t e p r e p a r a t i o n loi A s i n e of things when nil shall fulfill the lime lions ol r n n h o l and supei i n l e n d r m e. so that ttW shall become "bureaucrats" have the lemsa>ul its spirit is the one elaborated by the cottfei ence of factory committees y these tendencies, demanded that the* management of enterprises pass i n t o the hands of the factory committees. " T h e production control committees not only should be verifiers [enjoying n o more than the right in examine rnter|irise ;«c counts] hut should, at ihe* present time, prepare the transfer of production to the hands of the w o r k e i s " ; ihis is what the anarchists proposed in their resolution at the session of ihe First A l l Uussinn Congress ! Factory Committees mi October 20, These tendencies manifested themselves in the practice* of workers' control From the first days f o l l o w i n g the October Revol u t i o n , the more easily and w i t h more success as the capitalists' resistance increased Hut the proletariat relied on workers' power and lltrottgll the revolut ioiiai y oig;ins s u M o e d the ieealcili.ini e i i l i e p i e n e m s . I he w o l k i n g c lass accepted the use o l .ill means. Front compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n t a in lifted, economic whole i n be concentrated in the hands o l the HUM >ns. 12. 1 bis Concentration of administration ol the Republic 's uniRed economy shall be a< bieved by introducing an nsder hi whi< h all the administrative organs ol tbf n.u ional econout) . . . aic < lei led bom among the representatives ol the organized producers. In this wav. a kit lilted w i l l is achieved, which is neeessaiv loi n r g a n i l ing the national economy, and. in a d d i t i o n , the broad Working strata are given ihe- real possihiliu ^ i influencing, liy theii own initiatives, the organization and development ol oin e e o n o m v IS. The A l l Russian Congress of Producers, comprised of u n i o n members, shall organize the administration of the entire national economy; it shall also elect tlte central orgatt l the lahor unions in matters con tenting industry), a prudence that has recently spread through out all om organs What really, is the can-'- ol this? II we under

Iltvolu

I inn s | RUSSIA

I H* :»

take a (lose scrutiny ol the reasons behind the controversy within our Party, it is apparent thai th

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

must br managed fmm afroce, through a bureaucratic system inherited from the past. . . . T n s m n 111»: what is the W o r k e r s ' O p p o s i t i o n a i m i n g at?

1) I he formation of an organisation by and Fat the worketi themselves the producers to administei the nation's economy. 2) Sn thai the trade unions, instead ol continuing to |ierfofm their function of passive collaboration with economic insiitu tiona, may participate at lively and have the opportunity lo manifest their creative capacities, the Workers' Opposition proposes s series of preliminary measure! lot the gradual and systematic at« taininenl of this objective. Sj The transferral ol the administrative functions in industry i n ' n the hands of the trade u n i o n w i l l not he possible n n l i l the

All 1^Mssi:m Central Executive Committee decide* that the trade IlltiottS aie sn flic •ienlly p i e p a m l and ('apahle ol r a r r y i f l g out this task.

I) All those nominated for economic and administrative posts must have the prim approval of the trade unions None nl the lamlidales nominated hy the trade unions may he nealled hy t he Party All responsible officials nominated by lite trade unions shall be accountable to the trade unions and may be recalled hy them alone. f ») T o carry out i the National fcommiy and the All Russian Executive Committee ol the trade unions), a unified will should be created to facilitate the plan and to give life to the system of communist production. . . .

Bureaucracy or autonomous action of \he masses? . . . In an effort to institute democracy in the Party and to eliminate the bureaucracy, the Winkers' Opposition proposes three hasic piim iplcs: I) A return to the elective principle in all areas and the elimination i l tht bureaucracy, so thai all responsible officials are a< t< ' i m l a h l e l o I he m.r,se\ loi l i n n l>< ha\ MM .

Revolutions

| IMISSIA

1K7

2) A broadening of the scope for public debate within the P.my, whether on problems of i general or a parttculat nature; greater consideration lor the opinions ol the rank and Ble (wide discussion o\ all problems by the iank and lile. ami I nal dec ision hy the leaders; admission of any member to the meeting! l the executive organs ol the Party, except in cases where problems re quiring special lecrecy are to he discussed); institution of lice dots of opinion and expression (granting the right not only to criticise freely En the course of discussions but also to use funds lor the publication of written documents proposed b) the vat inns factions within the Party) . S) I he creation ol a Party thai is truly proletarian, placing restrictions on those- presently occupying posts in the Party and in Soviet institutions. I his last clem.nid is p.u I i< illai ly essential in:ismti' h as it is (he task of the Party not only to construct communism but also to sei the stage for preparing the masses for a long, period of struggle against world capitalism, which may assume new and unexpected forms. . . . I his is the line pursued by the Workers' Opposition, and this is its historical task. And whatever methods ol derision arc adopted by the leaders of our Party to repulse the Opposition, WC affirm that it is the only existing vital [owe a^.uiisi which they are Constrained to struggle and to which they must clevole their attention.

19. On the Occupation of Factories and Works [1923] PIOTR ARCHINOV

We established in Pari 1 that the foundation of the revolution lies in ils positive and creative aspect, that the most impoitanl and urgent task consists in organising the entile eroiiomv

ol the < ountry—industry and agriculture Rrsl ol all—on the basis ol pt im iplcs ol equality atld general sell management ol the wot kers, nid that the new mode of production must he unitarian production covering all the fundamental activities ol work in its entirely, in onlcr to avoid falling back into bourgcoia contradictions. It goes without saying that the accomplishment ol this fundamental task must be preceded by the revolutionary combats ol the workers against Capital. It is not possible to pass to the construction 11< t« u ki.i till I

Revolutions

I RISSIA

189

Consequently, the occupation of workshops and factories by the woikers will take place simultaneously with an armed con Irontation against the power ol the state. In this sense, the first steps of the peasants and woikers appear as the most critical nio ment ol the revolution. The workers must necessarily break with their long submission and their humility in order tu pass to the direct offensive. This is not easy: all the hesitant fortes inclined to moderation, calm, and compromises included in the working < lass will stand in the way. TlieSC elements will preset)! n u m e r o u s arguments to show that, "given the circumstances," the social revolution can only be (h joined to defeat, and will more or less check its evolution. Let us briefly refute here this sntircvoltttiottary argument, since it everywhere and on all occasions letteiN the levolutionai \ action ol the workers. Its tiassical considerations and conclusions are the following: the wankers, in then entirety, are not ready to manage production themselves-they do not have the neccssaiy knowledge nor sufficient experience; there arc not enough raw materials in the lactones and workshops, thus the takeover ol industry by the workers will be a failure; the neighboring countries are not yet read] lani/e themselves, bill

ittsoott 11 ni? gpiffl ol l social production relations lead From the "private pro|>crty" ol an individual person through the "particular property" ol an inch vidual part ol society to the "common property" ol the whole society.

The socialization ol means (>l production ns "industrial autonomy" Thus the socialization ol the means ol production consists of mutually different, complementary transformations ol the private capitalist mode ol productftw to bring about true comIIIOII property: the transfer ol the means of p r o d u c t i o n f r o m the

|iowei sphere ol individual private owners to tin powci spliere ol some siit of social Functionaries, and the legal restriction o! the competency ol the present directors ol social production in the i n n ri l 1 he n a n n u m i t y .

The simultaneous carrying out ol both these transformations

UCVolU

I I "It I I I . H ( M AN ^

give* use it< i l l i d l» the o v e r w h e l m i n g majority of the property less!): in place o l ibe regulation ol goods p r o d u c t i o n by the bee o p t i o n ol a more or less large n u m b e r of capitalist entrepreneurs, there shall gradually emerge tin planned management of production ami d i s t r i b u t i f m by sot iety. I h »t is the Inst l i i a d d i t i o n , however, in evety indus try, a n d . w i t h i n ecu tain l i m i t s , even in every i n d i v i d u a l plant, the u n d i v i d e d sway of the capitalist employer class should be done away w i t h even unlay. before the complete carrying out of control h o m above. T h e masters ol the plant, up to now responsible only to themselves and perhaps to then creditors, shall become the

Revolu

t ion i

DE« MANY

fust servants ol t h e i r p l a n l . who w i l l he accountable FffT l l i e i l plant management to the c o l l e c t i v i t y ol ;dl worker* and employ ee> c o l l a b o r a t i n g in the p l a n t . T o he sure, the i i n m e d i a t c , gen eral realization of such a " c o n t r o l f r o t l l the b o t t o m " will not him''• Hrfreiung

. • i

.

\

VtrlBghatN Bong. n . Co., W 2 t ) , pp. 161 .u. Translated

i

dn

| >• i

t) ••n n| struggle. I hese Striving* inanihstcd themselves Insi in the factories and also found iirm ioiins then*. When, in July 1916, lifty-live thousand Berlin workers suddenly went on strike not in order to improve their economic |x>sition hut on political grounds, bourgeois society, the leaders of social democracy, and the trade unions could not at all grasp this unheard ! hut. It simply turned upside down all the previous experiences of ihe workers' movement. Where did die causes lie? Who prepared and led this strike? Bourgeois society, as well as the leaders of the trade unions, cared little about the 6rsfl question. I hey did not see. or did not wish to sec. what revolutionary tendencies the war and the brutal suppression iope i i y in lite means (A p r o d u c t i o n , is attained, the dictatorship of ihe proletariat reases. I'hereby the state also withers aua\ and a socialist ( o n n n i i n i l v lakes iis place. Karl M a i \ v.intc f if this Han siiion j M i i o d : "r»riwccn the capitalist ami the rotumtititst .«>WH g r o u p .

I In district group < nutu il 111• elects from 11^ itstdsfl the delegates to ihc district economic council. T l i e lattei decides questions ol jurisdiction amottg the existing groujis in the the total ntwiv ber employed in the individual groups. I IK- national economic council is composed in equal parts ol K|)»( srni.n i\cs til the etiunteratcd Itmrtccii rcoitcniiH grott|ia ;uul ol rciiresetttatives ol the cunatuner*' organization, The national economic council is led by the deputies of the central council,

Revolutions

Rtigfand

27. Whai Happened at I-reds [»9»7]

KciK)i! Published by the Council f>1 Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates The Fourth Resolution passed at the 1 eeds Convention, Workers' ;IIM| Soldiers' ( ,r)llll( ils: " I he Conference .;•• on,! lid

I/.

\}\

It MiM'Mi •• //••• WmkrWS

p' inns,KIII

(»|

i .I.III.I-I.i

Cmhni

| | mi'lni 1 ' f*%\

• I . 1° 0) . j

IHLIISIIIH^

219

220

HISTORICAL

DEVELOPMENT

Navy; ami the making nl adequate provision for the training ol disabled soldiers and lot suitable and remunerative woi k fen the men <m their return to civilian lile. And, further, thai theconven* crs of this Conference he appointed as a Provisional Committee, whose duty shall he to assist the formation of local Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils, and generally to give elfed to the polity determined by this Conference/1 Movnl by \V. C Anderson, MP.; seconded hy Rohm \\ il I tarns, \V. (.. Anderson. M.P.. moving the resolution before the (Ion vention, said: l gather from the Press reports that this Fourth Resolution is regarded as the ugly duckling among the resolutions, and then fore I claim fw it on that ground your s|>eower in the shop In tlu- shop committees," together with a second, " A H slate power to the woi keis' and peasants' councils." A vast i i r l d [CM concrete revolutionary propaganda would O|JCM up before communists, o i g a n i / c d in the Part) and the w a r d cii cles, T h e cirdes, in accord w i t h the u r b a n sections, should make an assessment of the workers' forces in their /cine and become the scat ol the ward c o u n c i l o l the shop delegates, the Vital nei ve cell ter o l all the proletarian energies ol tlie ward. H i e electoral sys teins could he varied according to the size ol die shops, h u t the target should he one elected delegate lor every fifteen w o r k e r s broken d o w n by category (as is done in English lac lories) I n this way, by a series of electoral stages, the linal committee ol factor) delegates should include representatives of the e n t i r e labor pro (ess (workers, clerical stall, technicians). T h e w a u l committee should also strive to include delegates From the other categories of workers l i v i n g in that ward as well: servants, (abdrivers, Street carronduc tors, railroad workers, street cleaners, salesc lerks, etc. The ward committee should he the expression of the riitht Working class l i v i n g in the w a r d , a legitimate and authoritativebody capable ol generating respect lor a system ol discipline in vested w i t h v o l u n l a i i l y delegated power and oi ordering an immediate and total work stoppage throughout the c n l i i e ward. T h e ward committees would be l i n k e d up »•• citywide c o m m i t tees, controlled and disciplined by 'be Socialist Party and the trade u n i o n fedei at ions. Su«h a sysleui ol worker* democracy (c 001 clin.itc-d w i t h llicil n t u i v a l i ' i i l peasant organizations) w o u l d iirovnlc a iiertnaitctn f o n n and discipline to tlte masses. It w o u l d be a magniheent school for political and administrative experience and w o u l d include all of the masses down to the last m a n ; w i t h i n it the masses w o u l d learn tenacity and! perseverance and would become act us toined to regarding themselves as an a r m y in the field that re quires a strong eohesiveness if it is not to be destroyed and reduced to slavery. Each factory w o u l d constitute one or more regiments of this army, w i t h its commanders, its liaison officers, its officers' corps, and its general stall, each w i t h powers delegated b j Free election, not imposed in an a u t h o r i t a r i a n manner. Meetings held in the shops and ceaseless propaganda and persuasion h\ the most con scions w o r k e r s should b r i n g about a radical transformation ol the workers 1 psychology, improve the preparedness oi the masses to

224

HISTORICAL

DEVELOPMENT

exercise power and their a b i l i t y to d o so, and inculcate an awareness of the rights and duties of both comrade and worker, an awareness that is both concrete and effective because it is derived

directly from living historical experience. Antonio Gramsci <meisession of it. Ii organizes the workers not as producers b u t as wage earners, thai is, as products of the capitalist system ol private property, as sellerj of the c o m m o d i t y ol labor. T r a d e u n i o n i s m unites the workers on the basis of the tool they use in their labor or the material they must t r a n s f o r m ; in other words, it unites t h e m on the basis of the forms imposed upon them by the capitalist system, the system i economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m . I'sing one tool or process ing one material rather than another cultivates different skills and different attitudes toward labor ami earnings. The worker becomes fixed i n his skill and a t t i t u d e and comes to conceive of them not as ;i factor in or aspect ol p r o d u c t i o n but as a mere means to eat n money. T h e trade u n i o n , or the industrial u n i o n , unites the worker w i l b his comrades in the same trade- 01 same industry, w i t h those who use the same tool or transform the same m a t e r i a l ; in so d o i n g , it reinforces ibis psychology, m a k i n g the possihilit) f the woi ker's cvei conceiving ol hiiusell as a " p r o d u c e r " increasingly more remote. T h e worker is led to consider himself a " c o m m o d i t y " on a national or i n t e r n a t i o n a l market, whose pi ice and value

are determined by competition. I he u r n I < i w i l l IM a i d e I n sec b i m s e l l ;is :i |>iodu< el o n l y i l he

sees liintsell as an inseparable part of the entire system ol laboi subsumed in the manufactured object, only if he lives the u n i t y of the industrial process, which requires the c o l l a b o r a t i o n o l skilled and unskilled w o r k e r , o f the office employee, the- engineer, and the technical managei alike. . . . M o v i n g f r o m this primary element, seen as a u n i t y , as the creator of a specific p r o d u c t , the tvorkei rises to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of an evei broader u n i t y u n t i l his ihoti] Ju i in b r a n s the n a t i o n , w h i c h i n its entirety is a gi

Revolulions

\ ITALY

225

tic system of production, characterised 1>\ its exports, by the sum of the wealth it exchanges against an equivalent Mini of wealth Bowing from every part of the world, from the numerous other gigantic systems of production of which the win Id is constituted. When liis thought has accomplished this movement, the operator has become a producer: he has acquired the consciousness of his lunclion within the entile productive pioiess from the lactoiy to the nation, and to the world. Then the worker perceives his class and becomes a communis! because he sees that private prop erly is not a function ol productivity; then ho Incomes a rcvo lutionaiy because he perceives the capitalist, the private owner, as a dead spot, an obstacle that must he eliminated. He then understands the "state/' that complex organization of society, as a concrete form of society; lie sees that it is only a particular form of the gigantic system of production that reflects—with all the new and higher relations, interlockings, and functions demanded by its immanent grandeur—the life of the factory. He sees that the state represents the totality of the fine!) balanced and hierarchically ordered conditions necessary for his industry, bis fac tory, and his person as producer to live and grow.

Novembers, 1919 T h e dictatorship ol the proletariat can only be embodied in a type ol organization thai IS spec ilic to the activity ol pro ducers, not wage earners, the slaves of capital. The factory council is the basic unit of such an organization. All branches of labor are represented in the Factory council in proportion to the contribution each crafl (trade) and each blanch of labor nukes to the manufacture ol the object the larlory produces lor the society at large; it is therefore a class institution and a social institution. Its raison d'etre rests in labor, in industrial production—that is, in a pennanent lac I and no longer in wages, in class division, i.e., in a lai t ill.il is liansitoiy and which lor that vciy leason we wish to supersede. Hence, the council makes the unity of the working class a reality, gives the masses a cohesiveness and a form ib.it reproduce the cohesiveness and form assumed by the masses in the general or ganization of society. T h e Factory council is the model for the proletarian state. All

the problems inherent in the organization ol the proletarian rtate are to be found in the organization ol the council, In both, the

22i\

HISTORICAL

DEVELOPMENT

concept (»i citizen gives way to the concetH ol ctntirattei < < >I!;IIH M .I I ion in useful and high-quality prodttt tiati deveh ips solidarity and inttll ipljes • lie I lot ids f il a (let I ion and hat e m i t v. 1 ' \ et \ o i i r is nulls pcnsahle. c\ci\(Mie has q hint lion ;md a p o s i t i o n K.vetl the most

ignorant and backward til workers, even lite most vain and Mpu hte' ol engineers will ultimately be persuaded ol tins iruth m the experience ol the factory organization: all will eventually acquire i i o m n i u m s ! c onsi i-uisiiess c apuhh f»| ;i aspiul Free prtiducers and consumers, tin- place l work and its connect ions i>\ profes sional affinities shall replace the structures n H in t h e stal ist i n s t i t u t i o n and order- parliaments, city halls, ett . W h i l e the possibility l m u l t i p l e social agreements based on

236

HISTORICAL n r \ KI.OI'M KN

personal allinities. common interests, proximity, and particular tiisics is not disregarded, then social regulation is not considered necessary. But, in contrast, economic regulation, which affects each one and obeys an indisputable need, is necessary. It is Irvi tliis reason thai what interests the National Confederation ol tabor in the first place is the regulation of die economic lile ol the regime to come* In onlei to arrive at this state ol things—whic h is the supreme aspiration of those disinherited from the social wealth—it is necessary to proceed in two parallel and interdependent directions; a) the insunec lional preparation that is to say. prcpaiaiiou l the violent struggle against the reigning privileges and moiiop olies—hy means ol the general strike; the occupation ol the factories, the land, and the means oi transport and communication; die iclusal to p i o d u r e lot capitalism and to ohcy the stale; the

defense ol conquered positions by all means, and aid to regions where the fences of labor have not yet succeeded; h) the economic preparation to suhstimte for financial direction of productive life in the interest ol privileged minorities, the direction f the producers and distributors themselves in the in terest of the whole lahoi ing collective.

Plan of economic reorganization The direction and control of production in the

hands of the producers themselves The l>Ui(c of work. The fust productive cell, the fust expression ol the socialized economy, is at the place of woik: factory, faun, mine, vessel, school, etc. All the manual, administrative, and technical personnel of each place ol work form hy delegation ol its sections ;i committee l the lac toi v. latin, mine, etc. I hese committees, recallable at any moment, organize work at the place of their jurisdiction and are responsihle for their functions and management to the personnel that appoint them. The places of work enter into reciprocal relations l>y allinities of function OK the local level and create sections or trade unions 1 hese Sections pi trade unions ol a paihculai industry constitute a fed eiation m » ounc d ol ihe industrial hranch.

Revolutions

STAIN

2^7

Federations or councils ol industrial branches Thus, from below on up, from the place of work to ihe industrial level, embracing by industry the whole l activities that tend to the satisfaction of a human need, arc formed as mam branch federations or councils as there are industrial functions in each locality. . . .

Local liaison The industrial federations or councils are assot iated in H local federation of industrial branches (or local council of the economy) in which the particular interests ol various guilds ate balanced, production ami distribution arc coordinated, common regulation is established, the exceptions permitted to this regulation on the local level are studied, and statistical and demo graphic data are centralised.

National liaison Two lines of permanent liaison run Irotn the place ol work to the association ol all the country's productive lorces: a) the geographic line reaches from the trade union, federal llOll, or industrial branch council to the local federation ol industrial councils, whence it rises u> the regional economic federation or council and Irom there to the national economic council; b) the other, professional line leads from the place of work to the trade union or section, from this to the industrial branch or federation of the locality, then to the regional lederation of the industry in question, and from the latter to the national body. In a statist structure, each inhabitant of a country is regisleied in the records of the civil service, the military archives, or the bureau of taxation; in the new economy inhabitants will also be registered—not as citizens, future soldiers, or taxpayers, but as

producers and consumers. The natural and spontaneous play of these force* oi production excludes parasitic entities, whose function \ields no benefit to useful work Thus courts, jailers, police, professional armies, state

Functionaries, the financial apparatus, rentiers, speculators, and t lergj disappear....

23S

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

Me< 11; 111 • s111 of b u b i t c o p i n i o n

As counterweight to the economic organism of the new social community, public opinion is lull; manifested and can be expressed: 1) at the place of woi 1 , then in the section or trade u n i o n , in

the industrial branch council, hi the federation or local cent* i ol the economy, and thence further (it is understood thai in the general assemblies ol the iiulusuial section i federation m branch council, those who »re engaged in the productive process ami those- who, owing t i nu si be < w i l d l i v i / e d pn id m l i o n . . . .

In keeping w i t h the above considerations, and alter inspection of the report of the Economic C o u n c i l , on the proposal o i the M i n i s l e i of the Economy and w i t h the agreement o l the C o u n c i l , it is r u l e d : Article I. In accordance w i t h the basic principles established in this decree, the industrial and trade enterprises o l Catalonia are d i v i d e d into:

a^ collectivized enterprises m which tlie responsibility of management lies with the wnikeis ol the elite i pi ise ;md which w i l l be upieseniccl by (he works c o u n c i l : b) private enterprises, in winch management is the task of the owner or manager, w i t h the cooperation and financial c o n t r o l of tltC w//< J/* ft. T h e management hoard is elected for one year. A maximum of one-third of the members ol the management hoard from the preceding year can be reelected to the management board. N o one can he a member of the management board more than two years in a row. During their mandate, the members of the management board do not give np their regular responsibilities and work in the enlei prise. Members are not paid for their work on the management hoard. A) tide 7. During his mandate, a member of the management board cannot be dismissed from work, nor can he be transferred without his consent. Article S. The enterprise's director administers the enterprise's production and business affairs, and the holding company's due < toi administers the work and business affairs ol the holding company. Until otherwise determined by law, to insure correct, compet e d administration of the enterprise and holding company, the cnteipiisc director is appointed by the management board of the holding company, or the authorized state organ if the enterprise is not merged, and the director of the holding company is ap pointed by the authorized state organ. T h e workers' conned or management board of the enterprise can propose replacement ol the dirci t' >i w i t h socially owned means ol p r o d u c t i o n ami .sell management ol the w o r k i n g people in prod u r t i o n a m i tliM.fi b i l l ion of the national p i n d i u l in (lie v\oik organization and sm ial r o n m u u i i l y. Article 7. ( ) n l \ work and the results ol work shall determine a person's material and social position. N o one may directly or indirectly gain material or other advantages by e x p l o i t i n g the w« >i k ol others, Artu lr S. T h e means of production and other means of socially organised work, as well as mineral and other natural resources, are soi ial pioperty. T h e employment of the means of product ion and other socially owned means and all othei rights over Muse* and other means shall he regulated hv law in accordance w i t h their nature and purpose1. Article 9. Sell management in the woi k organization shall in elude in partictilai the righl and d u t y ol ilu- w o r k i n g people to: I) manage the work organization d i r e c t l ) or t h r o u g h organs ol management elected by to* IIIM Ives; Translated by Helen Kramer. 2:>H

Establishment

I

VOGOSLAVIA

25!)

!>» Organize production «»i other m t i v i t y , attend la the develop n i n i i oT ilie work organization, and determine plaits and pro £\ ,1111s of work and development; 'i decide on r o t i m i e r r t in inroclttcrtfli and - and n othci business mat let s of ihe work orgauizat i) d i s t r i b u t e the wol k c»ii*ani/at ion's i n o i i i t r and provide fot the development ol the matetial basis l ns w o r k ; d i s t r i b u t e in n u n c among the w o r k i n g |ieople; meet the worl organization's obligalions to the Soi rel Rtioiis; determine lioms of work i n the organization in accordance w i t h general w o r k i n g conditions; regulate other matters ol common concern; secure internal ntiicrvision and rendei then w m k I MI hi u ; 7) regulate ;m ledcral law MU\ conditions and standards

Eslablishmenl

I YUGOSLAVIA

261

determined by the regulations coordinating economic develop

ment and the attainment of the f>th< I basic relations envisaged by the social plans. T o expand the material base of its work, the organization .shall he assured other social means, apart from those treated by its own work, under equal conditions and in accordance with the uni form principle of the credit system. Article 12. In accordance with the principle of distribution according to work, each worker shall be entitled to personal income proportionate to the results of his work and to the work of his unit and of the work organization as a whole.

')

>7. Program of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia [1958]

The position ol producers and ihe role vi the state I l i e stair

a lid pi • tfllll I i o n

Social ownership of the means ol prndw tioii makes it i>nssil»l»- io exclude IMI4 only lite itrivate ownei IMII ultimately aim the Hate as an intermediary between the |»roducei ami die means of product ion. The prodncei becomes the bearer l the social function ol managing production and. at the same time, an active participant in the function of distribution ol the national prod net. The state appears less and less in direct production ss political authority. State organs, however, are still an important and essential factor in the carrying oul ol a number ol S«H ial functions in relation to the economy and othei spheres i>f soi icty. I he role ol the Mate in that area of sot ial relations does not derive from the political power thai it has. nor from economic monopoly, but from the lac 1 thai the state itsell is changing: that is. in this area it is he R r p r t l t U i l f1**11 t

|)i'»Mtj» ' ir it n l . pfH., TVortjM I ]>>rih\,i \ntn'*n*"'ii'ljaifJH

gvilmnji (Belgrade: Kattntfki Kramer.

2f>2

tampa,

1972), pp. 117-22.

u

Ju-

Iranstatcil l>\ (Men

Establishment

I

YUGOSLAVIA

263

( u i n i n ^ . and increasingly must become, a system l SIM iortant mate mlopulation, for faster technical and cultural development, for the prevention of bureaucracy and conservatism, for faster and more just solution ol social problems, etc.. and, at the same time, for tin* constant progress l socialist and drum < ratic relations iutNUis proplr.

Establishment

Bolivia

"<S. Theses of Pulacayo: Text Adopted by the Trade Union Federation of Mtiters of Bolivia* | Novciubei 8, 1946]

(>. Workers' control nl the mines T h e T U F M B supports Ml measures undertaken by the trade unions in the direction til achieving effective workers' control over .ill aspects of the Functioning ol the mines. Wc must reveal the managerial secrets of exploitation, technical accounting, Maiisloriuat it MI of iniiiri alsf etc., in ordci Ui establish t i 14- di reel intervention l the workers as such in the so-called secrets. Since our objective is the occupation of the mines, we nmsl interest ourselves in throwing light on the employer's secrets, l he woi l (is should control 1 IK- technical direction ol[exploitation, control the account books, and intervene in the appoini ment of employees, and they should particularly interest them selves in the publication ol the profits received by the targe mining companies and the hands thej perpetrate iti tsonnection with the payment of taxes to the state an\ tin- I b e t a «»i Colquitt of December 196$. nut in the meantime, markets* comipol bad become a reality.

270

?)9. Thescs of Colquiri: Adopted by the Trade Union Federation of Miners of Bolivia [Decembers, 1963]

I. We repeal what was already Hated al the congress ol (.(»l(|nii i-San |ose: ihe aiilinat ional attitude ol ihr present fpyv eminent enteis violently into conflict with the orientation of the workers, who are seeking to consolidate the conquests made up to today and to surpass iheni. Political evolution is moving into a division into two well defatted camps; (a) the government, which is subsetvieiit to impeiialist and bourgeois interests, and (I)) ihf workers' movement, which is seeking to consolidate national and social liberation by the transformation of Bolivia. Imperialism has imposed its designs Ofl ihe government ol the Nationalist Rev o ! u ( i< Ulill \

i\|n\c|ii(iii

Hid ( I n o i l g i l

II n p < n l \

e x p l o i t s the

(ouil

try. We miners see nothing in such designs and we leject them. We are alien to the delivery of the mines, petroleum, and forest areas to financial Capital. We suffer from the fact lhat ail social func tions of education and the army have heen confided to the hands of the Yankees. The late of official policy is decided hy the ambassador of the United States. 2. The defeat ol the official administration, inept and immoral, has brought the mines to a situation ol total bankruptcy. When. by our blood, we won the nationalization of the mines, we were sure that they would be put at (lie disposal of the country and not Rrprintrd fimr Er«tr*t M i",! I • I.. Ctmlt '•'•

• nuiotestitm

autholo^u: (I'.nis: Itaiiyuis. MasptfO, H)70)f pp. 'H'» i,. I.;, | Cocckelbcrghs Partismfoilag. Translated by Helen Krnrm i.

271

272

HISTORICAL

DEVELOPMENT

converted into the property of profiteers who proliferate in the shadow o! political power. It is the neneious ollci in^ of the life of the workers that has permitted the nationalization ol the mines, hut it is elements foreign to our cause . . who profit from it. Nationalization, in the hands of the present government ami gradually as lime passes tends lo he converted into a hollow word, lor llie real employe, is none other than the HID. 5, I he government seeks to force the miners to work under the menace of terror and to exclude the working class totally from the direction of COM 1 BOL (Bolivian National Mining Corporation). II the administrative criterion is maintained, the bourgeois c haiac lei isl i< s o| nal ionali/ation will be accentuated. We w o i k e i s

are lighting for an opposing thesis: the creative capacity of the Working class (which is expressed solely when it acts collectively organized) , with the will to win and the < eilainty that its directing vole must become the real cement of the new administration of the mines, ciinHtllg them to emerge front their present chaos and to me irasr pel < r|»l ihl y the p l o d u c l i o u liiMlies.

4. This constitutes an elementary duty ol the miners to take the mines out of the hands of the present usurpers. We say to the country that we are struggling firmly in ordct to impose workers' management as the unkinc means of pulling the mines at llie set vice of the national majority. Workers' management signifies that the class, acting collectively, takes into its hands the destiny of our hasic industry. 5, Finally, it is this class, mobilised from the base, which will he the mines from rum and to increase production.

Establishment

Peru

40. General Law of Industries Decree-Law No. 18350 [July 1970]

Title VIII On industrial community Article 23. The Industrial Community is a juridical person hereby created iii Industrial Companies, ll represents the whole of the workers engaged full time therein, and it aims at the administration l the property that may l>e acquired lor the benefit of said workers, in accordance with this legal provision. Article 24. The assets of the Industrial Community will be pro gressively constituted by the monthly deduction of 15 percent of the Industrial Company's Net Income, which will be reinvested in the same Company, free from income tax. If reinvestment in the same Industrial Company is not convenient and the Industrial Community has not reached the ownership of 50 percent of the Company's Capital, the correspond ing percentage of the Net Income will be invested—following authorization from the Ministry of Industry and Commerce—in the acquisition of part of the Company's Corporate Capital belonging to other partners or shareholders. The Industrial Community Assets are increased when the

Company reinvests the Nel Income corresponding to t>
Advantages offered by a workers' enterprise system for the transitional period within ;t democracy Here we w o u l d l i k e to emphasize an advantage of the workers' enterprise system w h i c h can clearly he gleaned From the experiences of the agrarian r e f o r m . T h i s advantage consists i n the fact that it permits the m i n i m i z a t i o n , or at least the substantial r e d u c t i o n , ol the social and economic costs ol a structural change ol the scope thai is intended in Chile. I his advantage is c*j*c cially evident when those changes aie to he instituted w i t h i n a democratic Framework and in a country such as C h i l e , which is in a relatively advanced Stage of political and social development. In other words, if the long-term project is c o m m u n a l socialism and not state socialism, it is much easier to design a transitional mechanism w i t h i n a democracy which w o u l d avoid serious CCO nomic setbacks for the c o u n t r y and unmanageable social tensions. The Christian Democratic government's agrarian reform is a dear step in that d i r e c t i o n . T h e (act that agricultural production more than doubled its rale of growth and sot ial tensions were maintained at a manageable level (allhough, to he sure, some q u i t e regrettable personal tragedies o c c u r r e d ) , w h i l e more than 20 percent ol the agricultural productive potential and almost SO percent ol the e x p r o p r i a t e lamlhukUugs were expropriated,

2K0

HISTORICAL

DKVKLOPMKNT

was not an arc iclent: it was made possible by the intelligent use of

the inherent characteristics ol the system. The first characteristic of the system which permits the recluc l i o n ol the economic and soc ial costs of transition is the (act that it allows those capitalist enterprises whose c o n t i n u e d f u n c t i o n i n g is necessary d u r i n g the transition to m a r k out a relatively w e l l -delined status lor themselves. Before complete transformation of the soc ial and economic system, they w i l l have the o p p o r t u n i t y to integrate themselves slowly i n t o the dual framework. For example, in the case of the agrarian r e f o r m , I am r e f e r r i n g to the large laiidhohlings w h i c h eotild not i n i t i a l l y be expropriated and the small and m e d i u m producers for w h o m a solution ol eventual integration was sought. This characteristic derives from the fact that a workers' enterprise system presupposes not only centralized p l a n n i n g which directs the productive apparatus on the basis of social efficiency; but also an i n d i v i d u a l economic incentive system that p e i m i t s the operation of decentralized productive units. It is the existence of these mechanisms ol i n d i v i d u a l incentives (call it niaiket 01 whatever) w h i c h , together w i t h the p l a n n i n g .system, is one ol the pillars ol elliciency in a system ol workers' enterprises 1 his pei mils the d e f i n i t i o n of dear guidelines and the o p e n i n g ol prospects toward a final solution as m u c h for the organizations that w i l l be able to maintain their present functions only tempo rarity as loi those which, w i t h the necessatv adjustments, w i l l be able to coexist w i t h the s\stem over the long r u n . In a situation in which common Standards are r o u t i n e l y applied to measure the c o n t r i b u t i o n of each membei of soc ietv toward die furtherance of sound goals (s plan-guided incentive sys ( ( i i i i and in which the organizational lonns are necessarily m u l t i ple and l l e \ i h l e , any well -meaning person or g r o u p can find leasihie ways to integrate himself or itself. T h i s is true even when these individuals or groups have lost power or eeonomie and so < ial p o s i t i o n .

State so< lalisin. on the other hand, loc uses its (tin ienc y o n the direct and centralized steering of the productive apparatus by planning mechanisms. T h e nonexistence Of irrelevance of a sys leiii ol economic incentive and its i m p l i c i t c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h oihei elements o l die state apparatus is largely what impedes the working out of even relative!) dear solutions, whether tran&i ttonal i final, loi the above incutioned groups or oiganizations. I he- second characteristic ol c o m m u n a l socialism which factli-

Establishment

I CHILE

1ZSI

tales the transition toward its definitive establishment within a democratic system is that it demands a profound tespect for genu incly democratic social norms. Its claim to social and economic efficiency is based on the capacity, dynamism, and responsibility of the workers in directing the productive tasks at all levels, and not merely on the centralized planning of the productive process in accordance with social criteria. In so doing, communal social ism implicitly opts for a transition in which the fundamental tool foi change is majority consent to carry out the desired transformations, rather than simply the imposition of these transformations by the state. State socialism, on the other hand, makes its claim to

efficiency on the basis of centralized management by the "political representatives" of the people and on the changes they arcable to institute. Hence, it lends to concentrate on implementing these changes, which are usually conceived a priori and subjected to little consultation, criticism, or approval on the part of the workers, while, by the same token, the administration of the productive process is necessarily infected with a high degree ol sectarianism and arbitrariness. The inherent necessity ol com munal socialism to move along profoundly democratic lines creates an environment in which sex ial tensions arc reduced and unnecessary economic setbacks are avoided during the transition. T h e reduction of economic and sen ial costs, which makes the above two characteristics of a workers' enterprise system possible, is, in mv Opinion, an essential recpiirement if the changes of the dimensions envisioned for Chile are to be instituted within a democratic framework. It might be argued that the example of the agrarian reform is a poor one because its pace was extremely slow and because it was concentrated on a specific sector of the economy without affecting the others in any way whatsoever. However, while recognizing quantitative limitations, we should bear in mind that it involved the introduction of an cxhaordinarily profound and conflict laden structural change that normally should have unleashed grave economic and social ronsecpiences. That these were avoided or minimized tells us something important about the advantages of COmfmmal socialism chuiug transitional phases. In any case. our argument does not rest on this specific expedience but on as pectS of the basic characteristics of woikcr-conholled enterprises.

It is these < haractei istM s that n ally make possible a transition less

2H2

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

<mi|\ and more suitable ki the ('3tilraii condition than itate SO I i.it istti.

lastly, for those who insist thai socialism has never been achieved without those costs, it is worth reminding them that tins transition has never before been made within a democracy, nor in any country with an economy as complex as that of Chile and with a similar so< ial and politic al development.

12. Experiences of the Federatio qf Workers1 Brigades iynd Enterprises [1972] VICTOR

ARROYO

I would like to sneak about 'he question of participation by relating the experience 1 those n| us who now constitute tin so called l e d e i a l i m i ol W o t k e i s ' l»i igades and Knlei prises.

This

experience has the virtue of being precisely that—experience rather than merely a pure product of the imagination. For those who do not know of us, otn adventure began Four yean ago when wc took over the factor) in which we worked. 1 hat was our real tion to the merciless exploitation to which we were Subjected 111 this small enterprise. Although many may find it hard to believe, ir is in Hie small and medium-titled industries thai the most (la grant instances ol iujusii< e ate Found. W e have traveled a hazardous road, hut

we have conic o n !

ahead. We have lived through a hard and painful experience. And we believe thai hard and painful experience is a far bettei teacher than any nuxiel analysis designed by theoreticians who know workers only by their external charat (eristic s. T o us it is very dear that an alternative ibrra ol participation exists in which the essential aspect! of the exploitative conditions under which we have suffered so far would be maintained. T o Rrr»rint.\\ Mi i|\n MM it-M m rcctond

283

284

H I S T O R I C A L HI VIvl.or.MKNT

make ii appear more attractive, it might he disguised in navel wrappings: for example, the distribution ol company shaics to the* workers and employees or the participation of the workers in tltC ownership of die company, without anv actual transfer ol pown into llieir hands. Wr are all too well acquainted with lliis alternative; in our arduous pilgrimage, we have received many Mich oilers. When we took }>osscssiou of the factory, we confess we were guided bv a purely economic motive. We declared, "The ownership ol the enterprise should be in the hands of its workers." A year later, we discovered that this proprietary attitude caused a grave problem. The new comrades coming into the enterprise automatic ally became second-class workers, wage laborers for the group thai had begun the experiment. We were therefore Forced to rethink our entire model, not accoidiug to the latest book ol Some bleary-eyed theoretician, but in direct response to a COOc rete challenge that laced us. In this way, we came to understand that participation is not maintaining the existing system, ill which one peison acquires the labor power that others must sell. T o continue within that framework was leading us inexorably into a tiaxesty of participa lion. Our conceptions matured within a very hostile environment.

The Mobile Group of Carbineros (Special Police Force) kept tabs on us as though we were delinquents. And when we went to banks to apply lor credit assistance, they consistently denied it be catlfC we had nothing but our hands as collateral. It was a deeply instructive lesson about the reality ol the capitalist system. We shall never forget it. We also learned that a single productive unit, a single enterprise managed by its workers, was meaningless in isolation from lite test of the (lass. Thai is why we began to create and acquire other production units. And gradually we discovered that participation has to evolve from below. Along the way, we had to create popular democratic slogans and guidelines to eradicate once and for all certain bureaucratic attitudes in comrades who had been cite barged with administrative functions. We also had run ins with the political party structure. Chileans who actively participate in parlies constitute a minority. People svmpathi/e with paities and cluster around them. I In \

identify with certain group* hut do not active!) entei into them.

Establishment

I r.iin.i

28!i

This "independent" scctoi in quotes because we know (hey annot neutral—is very important in our Country, Political groups do not seem to have understood this—not even thnsr of a popttlai character. Thai is why even these bitter gnmps I ill mm ilw* vices typical ol the capitalist system wilhin wlinli liny «»|xi;ilr I IM-S think ol themselves as the niasteis ovci the people. T h e paily is

an enterprise, the people the workers; and the Administrative Council is the Central Committee or the National Council of tin commonwealth which issues communiques and orders to its base. These were facts which clashed head-on with that reality. We were determined thai we would not fall into the simplistic error that conflltel a political party with the working (lass, because that party is only one of the organizations of the class. In om concern with having even the most uneducated of our comrades participate, we discovered that self-management as such does not exist. It does not exist because we depend on something (ailed a market, on something else called the provision of raw materials, and. third, on something called credit. We then came to understand thai it was essential to alter radically the Chilean so ciopolitic al system to allow workers gradually to assume decisionmaking positions. We realized, on the other hand, that state ownership is not necessarily synonymous with social ownership. T h e United States, gentlemen, has state enterprise, yet no one would think ol calling ii a socialist nation! Our experience has also shown us that central planning is essciui.il. Without it. the risk ol precipitating unhanuncled competition among various workers' collectives is enormous. We could say, then, that sell -management requires central planning. We discovered something else, too: that the agencies of participation cannot be confused with unions. A union represents class interests. The production committee basically represents efficiency indices. A union, therefore, must always remain autonomous, no matter what system of participation is put into ellect. T b e t t are many other things we have discovered along the way over these four years, questions which may seem ridiculous to the technicians, but which have concerned us. I can mention, for example, the problem of including our women in tbe experiment. Those of us workers who embarked on this venture are enthusiastic about it. We often decided to sacrifice distribution of useful goods in order to reinvest; at other times we have decided to ab

sorb highei cosy through greatei productivity. How important it

28fl

HISTORICAL

DEVELOPMENT

. 1 . to l»( able to count on the support and understanding l «>m women rtntiracles in w a k i n g decisions l i l m k i n d , which have .in ti a d n ( < I hearing 1 it« ials.

(Certain •»! 'he principles underlying bureaucratic organtzation arc based on the assumption thai mute officials dcc ial re search section was created. A n d beginnings wete made at establishing a formal managerial structure, and stepping up managerial skills by means ol t r a i n i n g . A l l this happened d u r i n g the period when there occurred an open split in the management. I b i s split was precipitated by a difference in technical and social outlook !>etween the co-managing directors. A l t h o u g h the older of the t w o resigned in 1939, the3 split remained. The new special ist functions were in the hands of those who were identified as Supporting the younger m a n , w h o became sole managing director, and w h o favoured the wider use of specialists. T h e line man agers leaied they m i g h t be d o m i n a t e d by the otheis. I his leai was reinforced by the fact that greater c o n t r o l l i n g power was given to the Specialists as a means of c o p i n g w i t h the large n u m bers ol new and inexperienced su|>ervisois n c a t e d d i n i n g the wartime expansion. At the same time, the national emphasis on joint consultation in the engineering iuclustiy. combined w i t h the- personal interests of the Managing Director, led to the setting up ol joint consultation in the f i r m . I his laid the basis tor an extension ol democratic Control. Ibit it also added h i the confusion .IIMHII the |unci.UlltS l the executive, a contusion u l u i l i had al ready lieeti exacerbated by the split between the l i n e manager* M i d the spec ialists. . . .

I\\rc tit i\ c consultative contusion The use bv higher management of so called f u n c t i o n a l managers, to keep c o n t r o l over the line managers, was reinforced l>\ tin use ol the joint consultative machinery to by pass the exec titive chains and establish direct contact w i t h the workers 1 repre tentative* I hesc l i n e r were regarded as a mofe reliable source of i n f o r m a t i o n about shop ROOT matters than the m i d d l e and lowei giades ol management I he \ \ 01 ks Committee and Works C o n n

Establishment

I E N T E R P R I S E HISTORIES

SOI

< il were set 111> w i t h o u t the support of tlie m i d d l e management levels. Nevertheless, the meetings between workers and top management made it possil)le to put i n t o practice, to some extent at least, the p r i n c i p l e that people should he able to participate in the derisions that a i l e d them. 1 he existence and g r o w t h of the consultative system marked a change i n the character of the f i r m . I l established a basis for good relations between workers and management, and lor tackling some of the c y t l i c i m i and despaii left over f r o m the r o n l u s i o u ot the 1930s. W i t h tin- development of the Principles of OrgtmixMiion, hammered out by the W o r k s C o u n c i l , the pattern was set of the C o u n c i l taking part in policy m a k i n g , w h i l e leaving to the management the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of policy. At the same t i m e , however, j o i n t consultation had the effect of increasing the sense ol loss of a u t h o r i t y experienced by tin l i n e executives. The shop floor had a channel r o u n d t h e m . I n stead of s u p p l y i n g executive leadership for the subordinate management grades, top management was g e t t i n g together w i t h the Workers' representatives. The fact that the superintendents, t h r o u g h t h e i r committee, had i r o i n the b e g i n n i n g been given a seat on the W o r k s C o u n c i l d i d not improve the s i t u a t i o n . O n the Contrary, i t served to exaggerate the difficulties by g i v i n g m i d d l e management the feeling that their contact w i t h t o p management was no (loser than that of the workers (if indeed as (lose) . The dilh( ulties tin own u p by joint consultation arose from on conscious motives w h i c h were at play along w i t h the conscious and constructive aspects ol the developments. The t o p manage ment were partly evading their anxiety about lacing and w o r k i n g t h r o u g h t h e i r relationships w i t h each other and w i t h their subordinates. A n d the W o i ks ( o u m i i l l c e representatives weie using their relations w i t h highei management, whether cooperative or antagonistic, to avoid having to lace their constituents. Both these groups also m i r r o r e d larger wale Forces i n the Factory. Everyone desiied to avoid shesses in g i o u p relationships: and the W o r k s C o u n c i l p r o v i d e d the lead that was wanted—a lead in High I from d e a l i n g w i t h these stresses. This consultative Collusion between the a p p o i n t e d manage ment and the elected stall and workers' representatives was bolstered up by a n u m b c i of strongly held beliefs. One ol these was the general belief i n industry that if only the discoid between

management and workers could be rtaolved« everything else w o u l d COme out all l i g h t . Another was the helu f i l i i i m a t i o l i a l 01 e m o t i o n a l influences COtlM not he at woi k among people who

!»02

HISTORICAL in \ i i . o r \ i i N i

had reached the level of top management of had become elected representatives, Bui the beliefs thai canned the most afgumfni were those based OH n h h n a i e valued asso< intcted (although individuals differed in the u h o l r I w n i r i l i u s s ol their < IMIMI sriut ol ( | KIU h a view) . . . .

The regulation ol IMWCT The rhangf In structure of the Works Council completed the differentiation of ihe executive from the consultative chain, the General Managei being h i t as die top level rhannel of < nntmmiic ation between ihe iwo lystettts, with full responsibility l(»i implementing the views ol the Council in management, and for placing the views of management before the Council. The Works Council, as an elected bnch representative of the total fac« lory, actittired policy-making functions as a member ol a com* p;my-wi> |M iinissKni ol i l i r h i M i i ' i n B4 suti.tl Miiihcs.

S09

°»|l)

HISTORICAL

m- v i M U M j s i

W o r k started the b i l l o w i n g Monday w i t h o u t management. Nevertheless, production was kept going and r>\ the sale ol n r ^ iiKiits on the kK&l market as well as the sale ol f the C o m p a n i o n upon his e n t e r i n g the C o m m u n i t y has already been sltidied here. Ever) three months the ( U n c i a l C o u n c i l examines evcryhod\ and decides whether l»c is still worthy ol Ic.s siams as a Companion. Wives o f ( it concch-

trates on the field of concrete historical possibilities, and also differs from posiiivr. sj)(< ialized si iciu c insofai as it does not remain satisfied ^v 1 f 11 a n i n e description ol tllC oppoi limit ies actual!)

given hut also explores the hidden potential ol the historical situ ation. Critical social theory ol self-management tends, therefore, to build up a synthesis of experience and wisdom, of theory and

practice, of explanation of the given present forms of social reality and insight into qualitative future social change* Such a theory explores the following three crucial oroblerns: 1. What is the meaning ol the concept of self-management in contrast to related ideas such as workers participation, workers' control, ditrc t democracy, decentralization? 2. What are the mote basic: philosophical principles which can jusiiiy the view that self-management is a dc&tiable form of socu' organization? .». Is the idea of setf-tnanagcmcnl rrrdu 1. i. modern dttstrial sex iety? Is it a mere Utopian dream Of arc there certain

J27

S2S

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY

specifiable historical conditions under which it could be practically implemented and give rise to a rational and clhcient social S \ s l < 111?

I The term self'tnanmgcmtni is curreuth used in a very indis«iiinin.ne way. covering a number of different social structures which have tmi \r\ fully eliminated 1liti< less and less reified, less and less r n u t t n g e n l upon external a u t h o r i t v , and m o r e and more sell determined. I here are loot sin h basil i i t u d h i ' i n s . 1 he iii.4

MIC ii 1 onciitiou is negative: c o o r d i n a t i o n and direc-

INTRODI i- I ION

Ml

ttON of social piocesscs must n o longer be in the IKMHIS of .m\ i n s t i t u t i o n that enjoys a monopoly ol ecommtu and political power (such as capital, t h r state w i t h its coercive apparatus, and die party w i t h its bureaucracy, hierarchy ol power, and ideological m a n i p u l a t i o n ) . People themselves must decide o n all matters o f c o m m o n in (nest, ami tins is possible only if the scx.iety is organized as a federation o l councils composed of nonprofessional, notyflienated representatives of lh< people at all levels of social s t r n r r u r r : in the enterprises and focal c o m m u n i t i e s , i n the regious and whole branches ol activity, and, finally, in the sond c o n d i t i o n of self-determination is reliable k n o w l edge ol tin situation, o l iis M . I K ilies and l i m i t a t i o n s , of tfie exist m g l i c m U . ol the < out lit Is In he resolved, of (he alternative pt*SI bilitios ol f u r t h e r ileve b'pinent. I i r c d o m is iiu o m n i l ihh* with j o - , n o i a i u e oi biased pctccption ol lealitv. I fie i iglit to make dccisions w i t h o u t p i e \ i o n s access to i n f o r m a t i o n is i mere formality: self d r l r n n i n i l ion hccennesa facade behind which a real manipulation by others, b) political bureaucracy and technocracy, take s place. T h e r e f o r e , a genuine self-determination presupposes [he f o r m a t i o n of c i i t i c a l study gioups at afl levels o] sot [a] decision m a k i n g , f r o m ihe local c o m m u n i t y and enterprise i n tltc federa l i o n as a win h 1 lie t l i i i d c o n d i t i o n of self elciei m i n a t i o u is I! 1 * - existence o l a powct fnl. democratic p u b l i c o p i n i o n , 1 lie genuine genera] w i l l of the jieople can be Formed only through open c o m m u n i c a t i o n , free expo-SNioii ol critical opinions, and dialogue. It i > < U.u. till i i . that any monopoly over the m;iss media (eithci by b i g business, or the church, or the state, or the paily) must be dismantled. -Such a monopoly enables a r u l i n g elite to m a n i p u l a t e the rest of the popniaxjon. «•» create artificial needs ,(> impose its ideology, and to constriK r "it^ieJfish particular interests as the general ones. I 'he n h»K (he mass nucha niusl be free and genuinely socialized. I he f o u r t h c o n d i t i o n ol self-determination is the discovery ol the true %elf of the c o m m u n i t y , the development «>! consciousness 'about real general needs ol the people. T h i s Condition is basic and most difficult to i' hieve. ( ) n l \ w i t h great effort and ill some crucial situations does an i n d i v i d u a l , nation oi class reach a l u l l sense ol self-identity. 1 Itcrcfore, most of what | isscs under the name of freedom in contemporary society is o n l ) an illusory free dotn: mere o p p o r t u n i t y ol rboice among altern;i tiscs. But alternatives arc often imposed, choice is a r b i t r a r y , and.

WZ

S O C I A L AND P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

even when it has been guided l>y a consistent c r i t e r i o n ol evaluat i o n , this criterion is hardly ever authentic, based on a c r i t i c a l , etilightened examination ol one's real needs awl one** lout; range interests, I his c o n d i t i o n clearly presupposes a universal humanist point of view, and practically implies creation of a new socialist c u l t u r e and a Inimanist r e v o l u t i o n of a l l education. l e a d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l t o discover himself, his own specific |>owcrs and pot en tial capacities, teaching h i m how in develop them and use them as a socialized human being thai cares about the needs erf other individuals, would have to become the primary task of a new humanist education. T h e preceding analysis d e a r l y 4ntUeates~rhat tine transitaon From reiBcation and external d e t e r m i n a t i o n to freedom and self* d e t e r m i n a t i o n is a matter ol a whole epoch. Existing forms of lei (-management, seen in this broad historical perspective, are surely of great r e v o l u t i o n a i y importance, but tbey should be regarded as o n l y the i n i t i a l steps. W i t h general material and cultural development, many other steps w o u l d have to be made, many present l i m i t a t i o n s w o u l d have to be overcome. T h u s , the organs of the classical state (in the sense o i an insti u anient of class rule) w o u l d have t o f>e replaced by the organs o f self-management composed of the delegates of workers* collectives and t e r r i t o r i a l communities. P l a n n i n g of p r o d u c t i o n and social development w o u l d have to be a synthesis ol the decision m a k i n g in decentralized, autonomous units ol the social m i c r o structure and the democratic (enters ol the macro structure. T h e market economy, w i t h its p r o d u c t i o n for profit, w o u l d have to he gradual!) replaced by production for genuine human needs. W i t h further ie< Imological advance, p r o d u c t i v i t y of work w i l l q u i c k l y increase, while, at I he same time, present day hunger lor i n i i s i i n u r goods Will be leplared b\ e u t i i e l v d i l l e i e n t aspirations. The present -day ovei stressed concern about p r o d u c t i o n and management w i l l naturally tend to d i m i n i s h . Self-determination in various other aspe< is ol bee and creative praxis w i l l n a t u r a l l y gain in importance.

In the preceding analysis, it was assumed that a model of society based on self-determination (the SPgyaJ case of which in the CCOIIomk and political sphere is sell management) is superior to anv authoi itanaii (strongly or moderately) social model. 1 his is a < RaTlenge not only to totalitarianism (of the fascist, bureau cratici m technocrats v a r i e t y ) , w hose intellectual and moral pusi

:t:w

lion is so weak that it must disguise ilsrll behind a ps< udorcvo lutionary, populist ideology, | M it also to lihet alisni, which reduces human einam ipation to political liheralion only, and even in that narrow sphere reduces human freedom to a set of liberties and right! of the individual citizen confronted with the permanently indispensable slate. The state remains always an inevitable external authority. As it is out of the question that human iudi viduals and various social groups could lrccl\ organize themselves

and freely coordinate the efforts that are necessary in order to take (are of general social intciests, they will, time and again, have to consent to the rule of a privileged, powerful minority. On the other hand, labor remains always the essential part ol a " h e a l t h s " human life, no matter how much the productivity of work increases. If law and order within a stable stale and maximi zation of material production remain the basic pillars of the -human--snerery, then an alternative to the earlier described social form based on self-management would be a computerized con sumer'l society in which an increase of comfort and entertainincut would remain the essential aspiration of the greatest part of h u m a n k i n d . T h i s liberalise model of society has a well-known philosophical, ideological, and religious background. T o i l is an inescapable part of the human predicament. It is both a healthy outlet lor h u m a n energy and a means to c o n q u e r natuie. The coercive* function ol ihe state is necessary in order to curb the evil, aggressive, selhsh chives in human nature and to provide peace and security* What. then, is the philosophical background of the model of SC'H ialist self -management? T h e basic philosophical ideas, developed by Karl Marx and some of his followers, are the following: 1. Man is essentially a being of Iree. creative activity, ol praxis. 2. U n d e r the conditions ol class society, human potential is wasted; man is alienated. .—-— 3. C o m m o d i t y -frnxhirtlon aTuT^political life controlled and dominated by the stale are two essential lorins of alienation (alienated labor and alienated poll lies') . 4. Ruling classes have a vested interest in the preservation of alienation; therefore, h u m a n emancipation and lull realization of the human potential can be achieved only through a revolution ary transformation of the whole economic and political s t m r t n u and the introduction of self-management.

"• I 1

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY

I Ins entire analysis K'sis on 4 concept ol h u m a n nature (hat holds thai beneath a vast variet) of manifested, observable tea t t t m ol h u m a n behavior in histoty is revealed a pet manenl j)o tcniial capacity ol man lo aefcin an imaginative, creative ttay. io poultice CVet new objects and lomis ol social life, in»( o n l \ u» change in such a way his surrotnidings hill io evolve himsr II Man is often inert and passive; he occasional!) manifests a strong irrational d r i v e td destroy; and, in general, he has many conflicting latent disjwvsitious (to be inde|H*ndenl and free bit! nlso to cst ape t r s | ) ( i i i s i h i l n \ ; to heloim to a social c o m m u n i t y hni also Mi puisne selhsh private goals; lo live in peat e and security b i l l also lo rompete and he aggressive, ( tc.) I bese latent dispositions aie empirically testable in ihe sense that they can he brought to life and observed when appropriate c o n d i t i o n * are created. Some ol them tie \t-sponsible MM great ac hit veinr uls ol human history and an \v«nih\ «»l Itctttg u i u l n i i o l ; some ol them luxe led In great disasters 01 long |>eriods ol ticcay and stagnation and should l>r modified ami overcome. I he capacity lor fnuxis is taken to he the essential tliaractcris tic ol men precisely because ii was and n-mains the neegssan and M i l h i n n t c o n d i t i o n ol human histcny. In all teal historical m o m i n t s , moment* '»l novelty, individuals and whole large collec lives acted in a Specific i l l I y h u m a n \ \ ; n win* h is distinguished from the heha\ Jul ol animals in I he lollow itlg iesp< t is: _ Spi i IIK a l l \ h u m a n aclivhv, praxis, i u v o l w s ;i ciiiisciiHis. p u i j»o.s< fill change nl objects. I his change is not i c i w l i t i o u s , it in i r o d m e s a novelty. Man rebelsagainst any h a m ol l i m i t a t i o n , be il horn the outer w o r l d 01 h o m w i t h i n himself. Novelty is eSSCII t tally the o v e r c o m i n g ol the l i m i t a t i o n . 2. Praxis is the object ificat ion ol all the wealth of the bust h u m a n potential capacities and pov.eis. Ii is an activity which is a goal in itself and Iree in the positive sense ol a genuine self-realization. T h e r e f o r e , it is p r o f o u n d l y pleasurable for its o w n saL< no mallei how n i n t h cHoit and energy it might lcciuirc. H. W h i l e it involves self-affirmation, praxis also mediates between one i n d i v i d u a l and another ami establishes a fecial relation h ' t w H - n ' h e y i . In the process of praxis, an i n d i v i d u a l is b i n n e d i ately aware that t h r o u g h Ins activity and his product he latisik i the needs ol oilier i n d i v i d u a l s , e m i r h e s their l i f e , indirectly becomes pait of lliem. Thus, t h r o u g h praxis an i n d i v i d u a l becomes a social heitig.

INTRODIH

'V' r >

i I-

•1. J iuallv. praxis is universal m the sense i l u t by c f>nsl;mf l e a r n i n g m a n is able to incorporate in Ins activity the modes ol action and p i o d u c t i o n of all other l i v i n g beings and all other nations a n d ^ r v i l i z a i i o t i s . these

potential

characteristics of a specilicallv

human,

free,

and creative activity vetv rareh conic to expression undei the c o n d i t i o n s ol m o d e r n industrial p r o d u c t i o n and modern political life. I he work of die vast m a j o r i t y ol human beings, dne to a l e r i e l (if historical conditions, dues not have a specifically human char aciei and may be dcsciihed as a hemendnus uaslc ol hnman po t e n t i a l , as mlienated labo). W h e n the necessity for an increase in the productivity ol lahoi i c s u l u iii the division ol labor, in the p a i t u i m i ol Mjctety into professional grottiM, in the polarization of physical and i n t e l t a m . i l w m k e i s a n d o f m a n a g e r s a n d e m p l o y e r s , i l l I In- rt 111111 > I n i j •.

and a t o m i z i n g ol tin* e n i n e w o r k i n g process i n t o individual phases, and, finally, i n the creation of operations around which the whole life of i n d i v i d u a l s or groups ol workers may sometimes he fixed, the entire structure of hlttnan w o r t disintegrates and an acute gap between its i otisi it u n i t elements appeals; | | H n o Unigei has i!

product

d e t e r m i n e d ptoducct a n d the producer loses all

c ounce t ion w i t h the ohjec l he produced. I his is a

two-sided

. for

the

111 r >« 111 < I Hill Ollly escapes fit HII Hie Control III it* ITCatlM

''I''

also begins i n :ni

like

c\ieiitalt7atiu an independent

(?'.nliius\
it

VM\

SOCIAL AND P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

natural object, but rather a specific r c l a l i o n s h i p ol a man toward the o i l i n man. is alienation.^*"" Mai \ d i d not discover the idea of alienated labor; it can be [omul in Hegel** early works. However, M a r x reuiiened a pioblem which Hegel had Rctively solved and dosed, l i e gave it a real historical perspective w i t h i n the Framework of a general humanistic philosophical vision. W h i l e w o r k i n g on (Irimthissc dcr kritik der politischen Oekonontie, and in his first draft of Capital. Marx rarely used the t e r m alienation itself, h i t the conceptual structure expressed therein was the basis for Marx's e n t i r e critique o l political economy, Marx** critical position in Capital can o n l y be understood i n the l i g l i l ol his hypothesis ol true human c o m m u n i t y and true production where each man both " n l l i i m s himself and the other man. I hi , n i . i l \ s i s o l l a b o r i n Capital

is t h e S t a l l i n g p o i n t l o r t h e ex

p l . i M . n i o n a n d c r i t i c i>m o l c a p i t a l i s t soc iety, a n d ol any u t i l e ! soci-

( i \ which is based on c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n , I IK- character ol labor is contradictory. What Marx in his earlier works called "alienated labor" is now placed under die t e r m "abstract l a b o i . " Only abstract laboi creates exchange value ami only it has a so ( i ally acknowledged importance. I lowevcr. m a n s labor is bete to tall) ( t i p p l e d , deprived of everything personal, bee. creative, spontaneous, or human, and reduced to being a simple supplement to machines. T h e only socially acknowledged rlnoac.trrisljj ol that labor w i l l be I K n u a n t t t y , and this w i l l be judged on the market ;ind w i l l i e( eive its abstract objective form—money. The fetishism ol commodities, the mysticism of the men handise w o r l d are the concepts by which, w i t h i n the sphere ol economics, Marx expresses the same structure ol productive relations w h i c h he termed in his earlier works "alienated labor/ 1 Again the point is, .is Marx sa\s in Capital, thai " t h e i r [the c o m m o d i t y producers*], own historical movement takes the f o r m ol the movement of things under whose control they happen to be placed, instead ol having control over thein." : { T h e conclusion which M a r x draws from his analyses ol the p r o d u c t i o n ol relative smplus value re2, " D U M I I rtir wechnclseiUge EntSuacrtmg o d d HlHlCrcimluttf; d a Pi iv;it» l*i i\;tfrinjjje charactci of a c o m m o d i t ) only " w h e u t v a i ions specific cases. of work arc reduced to a c o m m o n character which they all have as the r \ j i c n ' l i i m c of Working capat ily, as h u m a n la)>< ,i in tin* ah stiael." I 11 is abstract la hoi < < as< s |«» IK* a in ed ami i i i l l d l n u a i l ••! the luunaii bcitlg ami IH'HUIICS I I M n i n e iu-< i svu \ mraiis ol 11s subsistence. " T h e accumulation ol wealth al one end is at the same l i m e the accumulation of poverty, hard labor, slavery, igtfon u n c , f n o w i n n tiestialilv. and moral decline -ital and in all earlier works. One who loses sight ol ihis criticism also loses the possibility ol understanding the deepest meaning oi Marx's message and opens himself up to the dattg< n»us illusion that many h t s i o i h a l ptoblenis have been ahead) resolved when all that has been tealized are some preconditions a n d all thai has Iicen ac hieved are some first steps toward their r c s o h o i o i i . M a r x carefully explained in his earlier writings thai private profxfrty L\ not the cause hut the consequence \ alienated fafror, just as god* are o r i g i n a l l y the c«msrtjtiettir. n«u the i ause, ol t e l i {*H»tts alienation f h i N later does conditio* l i i ig h< •« mn- rccipft »< a I In the society which Mats; calls " p r i m i t i v e , " "nonrrllective i o i n uunism, "man's peisonalii\ is negated in ever, sphere"; the ent i r e world ol culture and civilization is negated and regresses to a Marx, ftu Kmpitml, Vol. 1. Ch»p. 8t$. p- 675. 7. Ihirl . Vol 3. C h i p

11 sv,

1.

I \ I ROIUC, H O N

S3!)

ward the unnatural simplicity ol ihe poor and waittl£ss indivtd ual, who has not • >nI\ uoi snrpissed private imtperty, but h;»s mil yet even attained h.h In this kind -I sm iety, Marx wiya, "iIn rotn mniiity is only a coTmimnily ol n»f>iA" and ol o/m;///y of wagj's paid with c o m m u n a l capital by ihe c o n m n m i l \ as universal < .loMahsi '•' I li.it is uliv \ l a i \ hit thai the hasi« question w.ts that ol I hi nature of labor lather ih.in tin- q u e s t i o n ol private property. "In

speaking ol private property, one believes oneself t be dealing with Mum 'thing FNtrwal u> mankind, ftwi in i)M*aking l labtfl one drals ililCClh ViMi mankind Use IT. t h i s new I m m o l a t i o n ol

the problem alreacl) contains n> solution."1* T h e solution, therefore, is to abolish those relations into which the worker (onus during the process ol his labor, to abolish the si ina lion in u h u h IK- IK< on US only o n e ol the < QUI mod hies in the l n h r d wen Id ol i oimnodit ics, T h e essence o f e x p l o i t a t i o n lies in the facl thai an miiiilalcd. objectified labor that is, capital rules over live work and a p p i o p i i a t e s the value it creates, which is greater than the value ol the labor l o n e itsell. Marx expressed

this major thesis ol his in Capitmt, m ihe Following concise man tier: " I lie rule of capital over tlie worker IS meicly the rule l things over man, ol dead over live labor.'*11 T h e specific historical form w h i c h enabled the appropriation I>f objectified labor in Maijj j i n n e ^vaA,xh< disposal ol capital on the basi^^f f^avrttc o w n e i s h i p ol the means ol p i o d u c t i o n . I his spe< ilie feat m e clouded ovri the ;;cneiality ol it*; content, and it is HO woiuler thai to mans M a i x M s it seemed, and still seems. t h ~ ihe possibilily that e x p l o i t a t i o n may exist in a society in whirji p i i v a l e enterpiises have been nationalized is a < oniuuiu lit) in ai.i.. p m, 10. ibid., p. 128. M M - ;

|,

Wi

1955)

MO

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY

iii fact, appear on the market as collective capitalists and codec tive exploiters; (Needless to say, within the process ol internal distribution, it is assured that this appropriated surplus of value will never reach the poekets of the producer! themselves, hut ratliei will find iti olh ,ne a net |-ssat J siippleinent to the i n c o m p l e t e social realily aild can w i l h c i a u a \

nnl\

w h e n m a n liberates h u n s r i l ft m i l till

id i o n .i! ^ >l human aetivity, whatevet these glials mighl be. f This leads ns to the second :ii"unieiiL I T O I I I the l.ict that "el ficiency" i** a neutral roncetH, it dues Fulton dial it could hoini; process of education and fgfttng nf Ihf'socialist consciousness ol all individuals. I he thiol group of conditions under which the principles ol pai IN -ipaloi v democracy and efficiency would be reconciled dcii\<s From the analysis ol the basic Stages ol the pTOCCSS ol dec i sinn making and of different kinrls of knowledge ind competence needed Each rational technical decision presupposes (an a cut! i\ll .ut.ihsH of the situation ^inchulme Miiujia\_oj the etlcithc no>$ M p«*ticte* adopted in the pa . atul ,h a loTuTTaTixr-f1*1^ ui.f111 i 11,'« » feels In in sell in lie anything but an animal. Whal is annual lieconics human and what is hit man heroines animal. ( eii;unl\ eating, drinking, pox usiting, etc., ;ni' also genuinely hum in lum lions |»ut in the abstraction which separates them front the sphere of all other human activity and turns them into sole and ultimate ends, lliey are animal. We have considered the act of alienating praetical human activii\. labor, in two#4 its aspects: (11 I lie relation of the worker to the product of ////no as ;m alien object exercising pnwei ovei him. This relation is at the same time the relation to the sensuous extemal world, to the offsets ol nature as an alien world antagonis tkally opposed to hmi. [2\ The relation of labm t^ the mi "f fnoducliott within the labor process. This relation is the relation of the worker to his own activity as an alien activity not belonging i«> him: it is Activity as suffering, strength as weakness, beget i:n" IN emasculation tlw worker's OWH [ihysical and mental energy, his personal lif< or what othei than ictivtt) is an ac

ALIENATION AND RE I Fl CATION

555

livily wliii 11 is turned against him, neither depends on nor be longs tect trf alienated labtn in deduce from the lwo already • nttsil m lice and ill i h! his conscious ness, He has < OHM inns life-.u ti\ itv It is not a determination with which be directly inergi Cf>nsciou3 life icti " In rtl} distill guishes in in ftutti at i i u ity. I' i> of lltii that he is a generic being. Or k is only because he is a generic

ST>f>

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

being t h a t he is a Conscious Being, i.e., that his own life is an objec i lor h i m . O n l y because of that is his activity Iree activity Alienated labor reverses this relationship, so that it is just because man is a e onsc iows being that he makes his life activity, his essential b e i n g , a mere means to his existence. In creating an objective world by his practical activity, in work in g-it j) inorganic nature, man proves himself a conscious spe (ies b e i n g , i.e., as a being that treats the spec ies as its own esscn tial b e i n g , or that treats itseli as a spec ies being. A d m i t t e d l y animals also produce. T h e y b u i l d themselves nests, dwellings, like the bees, beavers, ants, etc. But an a n i m a l only produces what it immediately needs lor itself or its young. It produces one-sidedly, whilst man produces universally. It produces only under the dom i n i o n of immediate physical need, whilst man produces even when he is free f r o m physical need and only t r u l y produces iti Freedom thetefrom. An a n i m a l produces only itsrlf, whilst man tcpiodures the whole ol nature. An animal's product belongs immediately to its physical body, whilst man Ireely confronts his

product. Ati animal forms things in accordance with the standard and the need ol the species to which it belongs, whilst man knows how to produce in accordance w i t h the standard of every species, and knows how to apply everywhere the inherent standard to the

object. Man therefore also forms things in accordance with the hw's ol beauty. b is just in the w o r k i n g - u p of the objective w o r l d , therefore, that man lirst really proves himself to be a sjweies being. This pi OIIIK l ion is his active species lilc. T h r o u g h and because of this p r o d u c t i o n , nature appeals as Ins work and his reality. T h e ob jtt t of labor is, therefore, the objectifuat re* of man's species life: 1 ; ,•/,I envy and the urge to reduce to a common level, SO that this envy autl urge even constitute the essence of competition. I he crude communism is only tfie consummation of this envy and of this leveliing-down proceeding from the preconceived minimum. It has a definite, limited standard. I low little this annulment of private property is really an appropriation is in lact proved by the altttracl negation ol the entire world of culture and civilization. Uic regression to the unnatttittl simplicity i I tlic poo\ and i man wlm

!'(iU

SOCIAL

ANI>

r o i i ti< ; \ I. I ' l i i i . o s i i n n

has not o n l y Failed to go beyond private property, b i l l has not yet even attained to it I he c o m m u n i t y is only a c o m m u n i t y of labor, and an equality of wages paid out hy the r o m m u n a l capital—the community as the universal capitalist. Both sides of the relationship are raised to an imagined universality—labor as a State in w h i c h every person is put, and capital as the acknowledged universality and power of the c o m m u n i t y . In the approach to woman as the spoil and handmaid of coin tnunal lust is expressed the i n f i n i t e degradation in which m a n exists For himself, l«>r the iccrel l\ private- property (i.f genesis

(the b i r t h act of its e m p i r i c a l existence)

for its t h i n k i n g consciousness the comprehended ( ess of its (oming-lo-be,..

alienation

a n d fcflOWfl pro

.

T h e positive transcendence of private a t i o n ol human

actual

a n d also

property

as the a p p r o p r i -

life is, t h e r e f o r e , the positive tiause e u d e m c e>l all

that is to say, the r e t u r n ol m a n I H H I I r e l i g i o n , lain

ily, slate, etc., te avoided above all is the re-establishing of MSoci ety" ;is an abstraction vi$-n-vi.\ the individual, live individual h the writtl bring. Mis lilt*, even il ii may not appear in the direct (firm ol a cotmmiual life can ied out together with oilu-is is thctr[ore an expression and confirmation of sociai life. Man's individual and Species lili an not Hiffetettt. however niiirh— and this is inevitable* the mode of existence l the individual is a tnarc pot* iiruhn. i more gtnerml mode ol iIK* life i the sjiecies, l the existing class society ami liinn is necessary. Thus the "concept" of alienation is sinmlta ncously a call for the revolutionary transformation of the world. Some think that dealienation could he accomplished on the in dividual level without any Sort of change of the social structure or of "external conditions*' through internal moral revolution or the application of certain medical-psycliialrM therapies, others think that dealienation tan be carried out only on die social level by the transformation of the social structure, primarily by changes in the sphere of tin economy, altei i (responding R«j>iiiiUil from Mv%ttitio*t

by Helen Kramer.

/r/«Art (/..igicb: Ka/.lnf*. ISS6), |>|». 09 71.

I l.imhtnl

S(>4

S O C I A L AND P O M T I C A 1 ,

PHILOSOPHY

changes in nil rillier spheres of life w i l l automatically follow. K m alienation is a phenomenon thai is encountered b o t h in the n i d i vicinal person and in human society, and it does not dominate only this or that aspect of man's lile. but die whole man. H e i n e , ihe way toward dealienation does noi lead across o n l y the transform a t i o n of the external conditions n! man's existence or only change m his " i n t e r i o r . " The dealienation of social relations is the precondition for the f u l l development of unalienated, free h u m a n personalities, and free personalities are the necessary pre condition loi the dealienation ol social relations. There is no theo rctical way out ol this theoretical circle. The only way out is r e \ o Ititionary social practice by which people, changing social relations, also change their own nature. I he question of the decisive or essential sphere of human dealienation is justified only il we do not Forget that the difference between the essential and inessential is very relevant. Perhaps the most fundamental f o r m ol man's sell alienation is the split of his activity i n t o various "spheres" in external interpersonal relation ships In accordance w i t h this, we can say that the essential sphere ol dealienation is not some separate Sphere but the "sphere ' ol relations among spheres, the "sphere" l the itruggle foi overcomi n g man's split i n t o m u t u a l l y opposed spheres. This does not mean that the e x i s t i n g difference a m o n g spheres should be ignored or d e n i e d . I n all ol past history the decisrn

lole in the interaction ol different splteres ultimately belonged Ui the economic sphere. H e m e , the Struggle lor the dealienation of that sphere has particular initxirtatice. It should not be t h o u g h t , however, thai the struggle for dealienation in other spheies has no importance. It is also necessary to avoid the illusion that it is pos sible lo carry Otll dealienation of the economic sphere while i c inaining only w i t h i n the I r a m e w o i k ol that sphere. I he problem of the dealienation of cronomic l i l e cannot be solved by t h c a b o l i t i o n ol private ownership The transformation ol private ownership i n t o state ownership (whethei "capitalist!! or "socialistic" state ownership) does not introduce an essential change in the position of the w o r k i n g m a n , the producer. The dealienation ol economic life requires also the a b o l i t i o n of state o w n ershlp, its transformation i n t o t r u l y social ownership, and that can be attained onlv bv organizing all of social life on the basis of the sell-government ol the direct piodueers.

Hut il producers' sell government is ihe necessary condition for

ALIENATION

AND REIF1CATION

$6!)

llir dcalicnalinii ol the Wonomic "sphere" oi man's life, if .done is no! sufficient. Producers' sell goveininenl does not lead aulomati-

cally to the dealtenatiou ol consumption; neither is it sufficient for the dealinialion ol JIKKIIK I ion. Some forms ol aliettatiotl in production have then root in the nature ol modern means ol production and in the organization of the process ol production, and they cannot be eliminated only l>y a change in the form of managing production, Some farmi of the struggle for dealienatioti have already been found and verified; others are still to be discovered and tested.

1.

Alienation and Power HFRBKRT G1NTIS

Alienation appears on many levels. Most of these can be explained in terniS III %Oi ml loirs. \ social role is a "slot" thai people (it into, tarrying whit it characteristic duties and obligations, defined by institutionalized expectations as to the he lutviol l the role «»c ( np.nu. "ttuiehcr." "baker, " w o r k e r . ' "solclici ,'* ''capitalist/ 1 "lover/' "husband," "community m e m b e r - a l l lluse are social toles. The nature of these roles and their availability to the individual ate quite as important as the distI ihntion ol material ^MMHIS and power in assessing the value ol a social sys tein. Alienation occins because the roles open to individuals do not satisfy their immediate needs in terms ol theii interpersonal activities in faintly, community, and work, and their requirements lor healthy personal mythic rli vel< ipmrnt. T h u s we center on the role-concept to emphasi/e the inherently s\nis prt mission ft! tin publisher.

366

ALIENATION AND UNIFICATION

367

< liattgv and develop OVCI tittle, depend on criteria and priorities required by basic social and economic institutions. This is not in obvious assertion, anur discussion i social roles tal es ««N some distance in undei standing alienation as a smeiH. All are effected and implemented hy those who own capital, land, and have some control over production. T h e shape of society at a point in time, and the1 way it changes over lime depends on institutional power, state power, private ad m i n i s t i a l i \ c power, and how they interrelate. W e shall see that available social roles and the forms of social interaction in the most important areas ol life are determined outside the area of state decision-making. I lie disinhnl ion of income, the prices ol factor* ol production, (he historical development ol technology, the organization ol work activities, the structure and development of communities, are all basically directed through the impersonal operation ol market institutions and private-administrative control. In fact, we shall argue thai, given the backdrop of economic institutions (markets and private-administrative decision-mccJiauism*), tin

A 1.1 KN A T I O N

AM)

R i l l ICATION

561)

latitude of stale power Tor a u t o n o m o u s , effective derision - m a k i n g is sevei ely l i m i t e d W h a t about the relative power of i n s t i t u t i o n a l ;md private-administrative

decisionmechanisms?

We

should

nole

that

both

forms are i n v o l v e d in most private economic decisions. For instance, while wages are d e t e r m i n e d basically by the supply and demand

for different

types of labor

( i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e c i s i o n ) , tliey

arc also a l l r r t e d by u n i o n m a n a g e m e n t negotiations, as well as racial and sexual d i s c r i m i n a t i o n Similarly, while

(private-administrative

a capitalist can decide the

decision).

technologies to be

used a n d the work-roles be uses to apply t h e m , his dee ision w i l l be closely allec ted by the prices of capital goods and various types of

labor-all

determined

by

essentially

institutional

decision

mechanisms. T h t l l the real cptcstion is not which s t i i u l i o n a l a n d which

decisions are p r i m a r i l y in

are basically p r i v a t e - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e . R a t h e r ,

we must ask: W h a t is the latitude

of private a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power

in the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of any p a r t i c u l a r outcome? H e i e , we shall see that lor the most i m p o r t a n t dec isions that affect o u r lives, this l a t i t u d e is r a t h e r m i n i m a l .

daily

The small capitalist in a

perfect m a r k e t lor a h o m o g e n e o u s c o m m o d i t y in l a d has no latitude at all. The pi ices of his lac tors ol p r o d u c t i o n , as well as the price l his product a n d its q u a l i t y , are d e t e r m i n e d by the* market (instil utiotial

power» ,

The w o r k roles he chooses mttSl be those

that m i n i m i z e his costs, o r else he w i l l lose m o n e y a n d go o u t of business. Such producers m e r e l y ratify really made* in the sphere ol

and implement

institutional

power.

pioducers d o indeed have some i n d e p e n d e n t

decisions

Oligopolistic

l a t i t u d e — t h e y can

c o n t r o l both price a n d q u a l i t y ol o u t p u t t some e x t e n t , a n d to some degree the d e m a n d a n d political Nevertheless,

lobbying even

for t h e i r

product through

advertising

(e.g., t h e so called " d e f e n s e " industries) .

here

the

latitude

of

their

administrative

p o w e r is h i g h l y c i r c u m s c r i b e d , l o r they must g l o w a n d m a x i m i z e profits to satisfy their o w n e i s a n d stockholders. T h i s is most s i n k ingly seen in collective b a r g a i n i n g , w h i c h is a p r i v a t e - a d m i n i s t * .* live dec ision -mechanism h a v i n g epiite l i m i t e d powei to alter the market-determined

wage

"excess" profit—What management

rate.

Workers

is left OVer *ftet

wages, a n d

I.IW

can

only

bargain

OV€l

interest, d i v i d e n d s , t.\ processes beyond theti control. The state is really a dependent forte, whose main function is i preserve, in as pine a form as is ft a&ible, the hasic capitalist institutions* which determine social development. The growth of the slate is d u e to seveial conditions: (a) basic e c o n o m i c institutions

have functioned less perfectly over time, so increasing intervention lo "shore them up" has been neeessarv; (b) conflicts between various groups of capitalists have become increasingly severe, requiring more and more legislative mediate n; (c) more and more state palliatives have been rtecessar) to avoid the "politicizaliou" of workers and < iti/ens over intolerable social conditions: and (d) certain services necessary to the expansion of capi tal (r.g., roads, education, the military) tan only be supplied by the state. In all cases, slate power is a dependent and condition ally applied power. But if the operation of the slate depends on capitalist economic institutions, then the Stud*] «>f institutional decision-making be (amies rentral. This is in Linn captured in the theory ol alienation. A decision-mechanism will be tenned ''alienated" when (he criteria—implicit or explicit—according to which it determines out tomes me tubsteniimUy independent from the needs of nidi i'ldurils wtinrn

the outtouir

aliccts.

I leure the c

MIISI

• development o\ s counterculture negal ing the bureaucratic mentality is I ' O I I I H

\i

1*1111.osnmn

the hehaviot of men and women in o u t society b u i l d s upon these v;y exchangevalue, that h u m a n relations between i n d i v i d u a l s are substituted l>v object relations between buyer and seller. 1 his is true both w i t h regard to commodities and with regard to labor power. I a b o r power is transformed i n t o a commodity and therefore i n t o

an object The producers become differentiated Ironi their prod* nets, which do not belong to them and which emerge as i m p e l sonal things. I ukacs goes a step further, l i e n i n e s the fetishism of r o t tit n o d i tics to othei social conditions, particular!) to the development of bureaucrat^ and its hlltCUoning. As mentioned ear Iter, lie had been a student of M a x Weber s and n o w used W e b ei's theories about bureaucracy and rationality to supplement Marx's theory of the fetishism o i eommoditics. I Iwrefoie the tInoty of n ilic at ion can be- said to be built upon a synthesis ol some of Marx's and some* of Weber's tliotights. Max Weber points o u i how m o d e m capitalism cannot f u n c t i o n without formal rattonality and calculation, how bureattcracy is the power system which, f r o m the point ol view ol formal rationality, is the most effective one, and h o w other institutions are affected by this development. I n particular, he mentions the legal system and how it becomes rationalized and bureaucrat tzed T h leads to the fact

A I I I. N A T I ON AND U N I F I C A T I O N

B'j

that it loses ;mv a i h i l i a i iness it ni;iy possess, and makes possible

accurate predh lions < nm ertting its method ol Iun< t i>umy Helen Kramer.

S84

7.

Necessity and Freedom KARL MARX

The realm of freedom actually begins only where labor which is determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases; thus in the very nature of things it lies beyond the sphere of actual material production. Just as the savage must wrestle with Nature to tatiffy hi> wants. >o must civilized man. and he m\i$t do - P in -ill MXIJJ formation* and u • production. With his development this realm of physical neceswtv expands as a result of his wants; but, at the same time, the forces of production which satisfy these wants also increase. Freedom in this field can only consist in socialized men, the associated producers, rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature; and achieving this with the I east) expend it ure of energy and under conditions most favorable to, and worthy of, their human nature, liut it nonetheless still remains a realm of necessity. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom—which, however, can blossom forth only with this realm of necessity as its basis. The shortening of the working day is its basic prerequisite. KcjnintCMl from Capital, Vol. 3 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1940) . j»}> /«>•> B •

385

8.

Power and 11uman ism LUC I EN GOLDMANN

There is no abstract and universal socialism, nor any particular criterion that authorizes one to » y (tlutiys and c;>rrywherc that this in thai society is or is not socialist. Neithci the nationalization ol the- means of production nor the professions ol faith of this or that government suffices to afltma it in a wellfounded way. Socialism assumes, above all, social relation! that permit people to live as niiuli as possible in accordance with their aspirations, under conditions ol optimal conformity between the relations ol production and the (in umstaiu es that allow the praxis of the °,ioat majority ol the society's members. In this connection, it inusl he added -and Mai\ sufficiently slicsscd il him sell that the »i< hci the society, the easi«i h ihtt • ' »ulo to 1966, this process ol integration seemed t«» succeed effective!) It was during this time thai some sociological theories were developed \vhi( h. though radically opposed to mie anothei in ihcii value judgments, nonetheless affirmed the same thing and transformed a transitory situation into a historic period, Enchanted by the birth of "positive" (that is to say, integrated) thinking. Raymond Aion and Daniel Hell sang the hymn of the end of ideology; with the melancholy consciousness that culture was in its death throes. David Riesman announced the end of inner direction; with the apocalyptic consciousness of the prophet who sees the coining of the end ol the world. Herbert Mno use cried OUt the coming of that monster, one dimensional man. At the s;une lime, e l s e w h r i c m I i.uiee a ihroiv w h i c h was

presented as scientific although it was in reality highly ideological, and which, along with the ideas of Althusser, penetrated even Marxist thought, announced the disappearance ol the subject, ol man. and of History, and the Coming l a "knowledge" reserved to an elite completely separated from the masses by the "episte mologic al gap" hetween "ideology" and "urn ivili/ed thought, 1 ihc propli ' all interest—not o n l y social and p o l i t i c a l , but even organizational—in the investment policy ol the enterprise, which implies adaptation to technocratic socieiy. I he most important product u n d e r l y i n g the image ol integrated organizational capitalism— w h i c h I once railed the il literate specialist and professor—contains an i n t e r n a l contradict i o n which threatens to explode violently in the course ol historic e v o l u t i o n . However, to the extenl that the consciousness ol the m i d d l e , salaried strata becomes oriented more and more toward not q u a n t i t a t i v e hot qualitative demands, toward rxat t i n g panic i pat i t * ! m dec ision - m a k i n g a n d . at the- c x h e n i r , hue i n g a n e i i t i i r l y C I C I I K M i a 11< i i i a i i a ^ c i i i c i i l o i t h e n i t c r p i ise. t h e IJCt'SlJCt'tivc cil

ihe

e v o l u t i o n ol the industrial societies toward socialism is both ic newed and p r o f o u n d l y modified. Now, this stratum is l e n d i n g lo heconie, at the same t i m e , the most important n u m e r i c a l l y in the new society—41 social g r o u p whose individuals, h a i d l y replaceable in view ol t h e i r qualifications, are situated at the nerve center \ activity we do not mean " d o i n g something," but the q u a l i t y ol creative activity thai can opeiate in one's e m o t i o n a l , in tellec tual, and sensuous experiences and in one's w i l l as well. One premise for diis spontaneity is the acceptance ol the total person a l i i y and the e l i m i n a t i o n ol the split between "reason" and 'nat u r e " : lor only il man does not repress essential parti of his self, only il he has become transparent to himself, and only il the dtfferent spheres ol l i f e have leached a fundamental integration, is spontaneous activity possible. W h i l e spontaneity is a relatively rare phenomenon in o u r culture, we are not entirely devoid ol it. I n order t o help in the uii d e m a n d i n g ol this point 1 should l i k e to r e m i n d the reader ol

some instances where we all catch a glimpse ol spontaneity. In the first place, we I now ol individuals who are—or have been spontaneous whose t h i n k i n g , feeling, and acting were the expression of their selves a n d not ol an automaton, i hese inch-

LIBERATION

AND

RADICAL

HUMANISM

599

vidtials are mostly known to us as artists. A s a i i n l l n • »t Eact, the at list can he defined as an i n d i v i d u a l who can express himsell sponfamously. If this were the d e f i n i t i o n of an artist l*».tl/;u d f f u n d h i m just in lli.ti w'.r, t h r u l e i l i i n philosophcis and s( i< n lists have to he called ailists loo. while others aie as i t i l f c i c n t f r o m t h e m as an o l d -fashioned phoin lost the a b i l i t y to p< ireive it. As a tnattet of fact, there is n o t h i n g more attractive and c o n v i n c i n g than sponianeils whether il is to he found in a c h i l d , i n an arlisi, 01 in those i n d i v i d u a l s w h o cannot lints he groti|>ed according t o age of profession. Most of us ran observe4 ai least m« >inents of o u r own spontaneity which are al the same t i m e moments o! genuine happiness.

Whether it be the fresh and spontaneous perception e>l a landscape, or the dawning of some truth as the result of OUT thinking, or a sensuous pleasure I hat is not stereotyped, or the w e l l i n g up of love for another person—hi these moments we all know wh.it a spontaneous act is a n d may have some vision of what human life could he if these experiences wen not such rare and uncultivated oe current es. W h y is spontaneous activity tlu answer to tin problem of freedom? W e have said t h a i negative Freedom by itself makes the ind i v i d u a l an isolated being, whose relationship because we IISC it. O u t s is only that to w h i c h we ate g e n u i n e l y related by tan creative activity, he it a person or an i n a n i m a t e object. O n l y those q u a l i t i e s thai result I r o n i out spontaneous activity give strength to the sell ami iheieh\

l o i m the hasis ol its i n t e g r i t y .

sponlaneouslv, to express what

I he i n a b i l i t y

otte g e n u i n e l y

to ael

feels atid ill inks.

and the r e s u l t i n g necessity l die untqueuess ol tlte sell is l l i r most valuable achitveinenl ol liinnan c u l t u r e and il is this Very a< hiev eineut Mill i , i l l «I HI v i imlay. I In nmlies thai i h e j all share lite same fundamental h u m a n qualities, tit M llscy shaie the lw k fate " I human lieing*. thai they all have the same inalienable claim o n hreedom and happiness. It h n thei more means that their relationship is one ol solidarity, not one ol domination submission. What the concept " I equality dors not mean is dial ill men ,nt- alike. Such a conct*|>t ol equality is derived from the role that Hie i n d i v i d u a l plays in bis economic activities today. I n t h r relation between the man who buys and the iMie w h o sells, iIM concrete d i f l e n uccs ol iicrsotiality -*^ e l i m i n a t e d . In tins sim ation only one t h h l g matters, that the one lias something to sell and the other has money to buy it. Tn economic l i b ' one man is noi different from another; as real peisons ilnw are, and tin 4 < ulti vaibm ol i b e i r uniqueness is the esseme ol i n d i v i d u a l i t y . Positive freedom also implies the p r i n c i p l e t h a i there is no higher power than this u n i q u e i n d i v i d u a l s r l l . thai man is the iCUtei A\\'A piiip«iM ol his l i f e : thai ilie growth and l e a l i / a t i o n of m a n \ i n d i v i d u a l i t y is an end that r a i l nevei be subordinated to pmposes which ate supposed to have greater d i g n i t y . I b i s interpretation may arouse serious object ions. Does il not postulate un In idU d t g l A ISIll? Is it not i be III ;;.it toll ol the Mea «»1 sa< l i b ' C l«>i an ideal? W o u l d its acceptance not lead to anarchy? These ipies tions have actually already b u n answered, partly e x p l i c i t l y , [lavtly i m p l i c i t l y d i n i n g «MH i w r v i t m s discussion. H o w e v e r they an too i m | j o r t a u t lor ns not to make anotlici attempt to d a r i f ) the answers and t o avoid misunderstanding.

LIBERATION

AND R A D I C A L H U M A N I S M

403

T o say that man should not he subjcc t to anything higher than himsell doe* nol deny the dtglltt) of ideals, On the contrary, il is the strongest affirmation of ideals, l i Forces ns, however, to a c r i t i cal analysts of what M I ideal is One is generally apt today to as siuue ih K an ideal is .my aim whose a< hicxeiueiit does IHll i m p l y material gain, anything loi whic h a p r i s o n is ready Ui sacrifice egotist tea I ends. This is a purely psychological —and for that mailer lelativisl ir-cone ept nf an ideal. I'Kmi this subjeclivisi view p-iiiii ;i |\isi isi, who is ili ivett by tltc desire to suhoidinaie liiuiscll U I a higher powei and at the v i n i r tune to nvcrpowci othei pen pie. h;is an ideal just as much as the man who lights lor human equality and h e r d o m . On ihis basis die problem o l ideals can ncvei be solved. \\< 11111st recognize ihe difference between genuine and l i r t i lions idrals. which is jnsl :is h i n d aim -nl il a difference a^ lli.il be t w c t l l h i i l i i .iihl falsehood. A i l ^ I I I I I I K ideals have OIK t i l i n g in CtHttttMMl! they expiess the desire lor something w h i c h is nol \< i accomplished bni w h i c h is desirable for the purposes of the growth and happiness nl the i n d i v i d u a l . W e may not always Know what serves this end, we may disagree about the Font »i*ni oi this 01 ih.u ideal in terms of hitman development, b u t this is no reason for a relativism which says that we cannot k n o w what furthers hie or what block* it, We o r nol always sine which food i> health) and which is not. yet we d o not conclude thai we have no way whatsoever ol recognizing poison. I n the same way ue can know, if we want to, what is poisonous l o r mental life. We know d i a l poverty, i n t i m i d a t i o n , isolation, are directed UgafflSj l i f e ; that everything that serves Freedom and furthers the courage and strength to be unesell is fat l i l e . What is good or bad Foi man is not a metaphysical question, but an empirical one that can be an swered on the basis ol an analysis ol man's nature and the effect which certain < auditions have on h i m . . . . Obviously, one of the greatest difficulties in the establishment of the conditions lor the realization ol democracy lies in the con tradiction between a planned economy and the active co-opera t i o n of each i n d i v i d u a l . A planned economy ol the scope ol any big industrial system requires .1 great deal ol centralization and, as a consequence, a bureaucracy to administer this centralized machine. On the other hand, the active control and CO operation by each i n d i v i d u a l and by the smallest u n i t s ol the whole system requires a great RIIKMUI itttali/atiou lam h o m the top is blended with active p a r t i c i p a t i o n h o i n below, u n less the stream of social life c o n t i n u o u s l y flows f r o m below up-

10!

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

w.nds, a planned economy w i l l lead to renewed m a n i p u l a t i o n of the people, T o solve this p r o b l e m oi c o m b i n i n g centralization w i t h decentralization is one of the major tasks of society. Hut it is certainly no 1<m soluble than the technical problems we have already solved and which have b i o u ^ h t us an almost complete mas teiy over nature, It i> to he solved, however, only i f we d e a r l y recognise the necessity of doing so and if we have faith in the people, in their capacity to take care ol their real interests as h u m a n beings. In a way it is again the p r o b l e m of i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e w i t h which we aie confronted. I n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e was one of the great s t i m u l i both o| the economic svstc in and also of personal de veloptnetil under liberal capitalism. Hut there are t w o qualifications: it developed ntil) selected qualities o f man, his w i l l and ra (tonality, while* leaving h i m otherwise n i l x i r d i l i a t C to economic ^oals. It was a principle that functioned best in a highly i n d i v i d u a l i / r d a n d c o m p e t i t i v e phase ol capitalism which h a d r o o m lot

comities* independent economic units. T o d a y this space has nai lowed d o w n . O n l y a small n u m b e r can excirise i n d i v i d u a l i h i l i a live. If we want to realize this p r i n c i p l e today and enlarge it s " thai the whole personality becomes free, it w i l l be possible otil) on the basis ol the rational and concerted effort l a society as a whole, and hy an amount ol decentralization w l i n l i < an > the smallest units ol the system. O n l y if man masters society and subordinates the economic machine to the purposes of h u m a n happiness and only il he iii tivel) participates in the social process, ( to he overcome what now drives h i m i n t o despair—bis aloneness and his feeling ol powerlessness. M a n does not m f f e r so m u c h from poverty todav as he Riders f r o m the fact that he has become a cot; i n a large machine, an a u t o m a t o n , that his l i f e has become e m p t y and lost its meaning. I he victory OVd all k i n d s of a u t h o r i t a r i a n systems w i l l be possible only il democracy does not retreat bul takes the ollen live and proceeds to realize what has been its aim i n the minds of those who fought for freedom t h r o u g h o u t the last centuries. I t w i l l t r i u m p h over the foices of n i h i l i s m o n l y il it can i m h u e people w i t h a l a k h that is the strongest the h u m a n m i n d is capable of, the faith i n life and in t r u t h , and in freedom as the active and spontaneous realization Of the i n d i v i d u a l sell.

10. Order and Freedom LJUBOMIR TAMC

T h e H a l t i n g p o i n t and guidelines lor d e t e r m i n i n g a clear a t t i t u d e of socialism toward the state and bureaucracy are given in M a i V s criticism ol the Slate and bourgeois society. ; I I K I in the h istot if stiugglc ol the proletariat lor the " w i n n i n g ol democ

racy/' But, n the same time, disagreements and wrong roads begin here as well. Marx's r r i tic ism of political representation and bureaucracy be gins w i l h I lie- n i l i c i s m t I IrgcTs political philosophy. . . . I legcl sees in Imreauc iac y lh.it "general class' in which lie the "con sc iousness of the state and the most outstanding e d u c a t i o n . " the class that represents the " m a i n p i l l a r of the state. H e defines the state as the " r e a l i t y of the c o m m o n idea," the realization of freedom, and considers the bureaucracy to be the class that insures the l i n k i n g of gener.il nnd spec ial interests; its hierarchy and responsibility, combined w i t h " c o n t r o l f r o m below," aie sulhcient guarantees for the prevention of arbitrariness and abuse of power. Marx considers this view of I legel's u n f o u n d e d because of Hegel's characterisation of the state as the realization ol freedom. but Marx slso criticises Hegel's proposition that the idea of free doni is realized in the modern state. . . . I n his criticism of Hegel's philosophy of the slate, Marx clem Reprinted item Pevtdbt I i M t d e (lc%rade: Kiilim:*, lc>c»7). pp. 112 19. 2ri8 r,i. Translated by Helen Sniim

405

406

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

ottstrates the dialectic character of the state. He i m p l i c i t l y adopts Hegel's thesis tlntl the state (more precisely, the c o m m u n i t y ) 1S that whole, thai place where personal Freetlom < m atone l>< realized; lie considers . . . thai I legcl i>ret iscly d e s c i i l x s ihc essence ol the m o d e m Stale. However. Im Marx the essence ol the modern stale is not (he esseme ol the state in the SettSC ol a < o m n m n i l \ in which there exists "substantial u n i t y " of the people and the stale. of special and general interests, He shows thai ihe alienation ol the m o d e r n stale horn man arises at that moment when the "£u reaucracy is necmary in socialism is therefore possible only nuclei the assumption ol a definite acceptance of the political state

410

SOCIAL

ANM> P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

under the name nl the "dictatorship ol the |*roletaitat" and "so* i i . l l i s i il« IIIO< I ,i< > .*

the ground

I ben r \ < l \

< title i s m o l b i l l < H I M it \ r l i < U u i ;

of the uery hntenHcrmcy

and. U\ the very nature ol

ihitlgs, remains illusory a n d i m p o t e n t . I n the tiual analysis, t h e n is n o radical solution, lot

in the heal of C1M9I il is possible to

,H 11 i«*\ ttinially. however, should be distinguished bronj what the) air. l o t even today, workers' councils arc seeking themselves. Sometimes t i n s look backward, asking themselves whether the) are only a better organization ! work than ihc capitalist mode or something more than that In that painful hesitation between i«>« 1.1 v and t o m o r r o w is hidden one ol the mosi d i f l k u l l problems ol contemporary socialism, In many countries, the bourgeoisie has disappeared as the r u l i n g social force, bttl that alienated c o n d i t i o n w h i c h characterises bout geois society has not disappeared. [Tie rule ol commodities and money which produces (Utd reproduces liottrgeois ohjee 11\ ism. the rule
• . l i t

K i t

A

T

I

o , %

A

N

D

R

A

D

I

C

A

L

M

I

M

A

N

I

S

M

I

I

!

)

the political ;md economic JXIUC 1 of (he bourgeoisie is going on. i m p o r t a n t changes are taking place. I he state apparatus ol tllC (•Id society is being destroyed from its very foundation, civic parties disappear, polities gains great signilw anee o w i n g to the la< t that economics and science, c u l t u r e and art became tlic object ol the revolutionary, centralized regulation and direction. I n addit i o n , what is particularly i m p o r t a n t , very considerable sections of the people become politically active, take pan directly in the pi cess of transformation ol the old society, or at least there is a lively Feeltng that the course ol events depends Oil their attitude. But then, as time passes. Following the successful revolutionary encounter w i t h \\\c one-time r u l i n g class, an ever clcarei tendency appears to concentrate the majority «>l decisions concerning all key social questions in the hands ol a l i m i t e d group of rulers. Indeed, they take del isinns in the name of others, often w i t h their consent and not infrequently w i t h their real or potential support. But as soon as such a sharp division has been completed in s society into those who are pennam-ntlv j»olilical siihfrcts and who m a l e decisions and i m p l e m e n t d i e m , and those w h o are |x>litical objects and who ate called on only to agree w i t h the decisions made a n d t o behave in agreement w i t h them, it is not difficult to discover all the essential forms of political alienation. T h e y arc: ~~ . M a n loses control over political institutions: the state, t h c \ party, etc., institutions which he lias created and w h i c h f u n c t i o n in his name. Thence his feeling < •! powei lessens: lie is not p.u I ol the political process and has no inilucuce on the com se o( events. Political occurrences, i n c l u d i n g those when his active participat i o n is called l o r - a s is the case with elections—lose their mean i n g , for there is no real choice and his vole has n o real part to play. For this reason politics ceases to offer any really intellectual or emotional satisfaction the p o i n t is readied where people begin to withdraw a m i Income apathetic. In .such a situation there i s 4 i m r a l degradation and a l o w e r i n g of the standard of political behavior of those who s t i l l find it useful for themselves to engage i n politics. N o w often fear. j>reecl. craving l o r success become the primary motives o l political activity! 2 M a n ajhjnatxs himselT i n a bureaucratic soriety from other J)£jo^>leniolrjiaUer w h e t h e r he falls w i t h i n the g r o u p of those w h o r u l e or of those w h o are r u l e d . \\\ the fust case, there develops w i t h i n the man an e x p l i c i t ! ) i n h u m a n feeling for hierarchy, lor social status: m chmtttttg those with w h o m he wishes to have

420

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

closer relationships he is guided primarily not by what a man is but by what position he has. In the second case the politically apathetic individual in a society in which all politics is decided by other people, and in which bis own use and fall to a very large extent de|>end on how he is thought of in powerful political in : stilntions, will often be tempted to play various roles which do not

suit liifiit suspecting that others do the same. In this atmosphere l mistrust, insincerity, artificiality, many potentially human and intimate relationships between people die before they really begin to develop. In the drastic cite innsiaticcs of a bureaucratic society (in the time of Stalin) the individual had at times to hide his political opinions even from members nlliis~ow4*~fa-mily. ^V^In a bureaucratic society political activity ceases to be creative activity. Thus a man who involves himself in politics alienates himself from one of his essential needs and bom one of the essential possibilities of a really human way of his existence. Dis < ussion ol things about which conclusions have been previously prepared, elections ol candidates already decided on in advam e, criticism which—most certainly—will not have the slightest effect and which is in fact only part of a clearly defined ritual—all this

gives political activity a purely manifestation*! character, turns it into a routine and empty (oimalism. U is for this reason that nowhere are there so many cliches, so ninny stereotypes, nowhere so much spiritual emptiness and boredom as in the functioning ol a bun MIII i.ili/eil politic ;d apparatus. _J_ Anally, all these conditions often lead to a complete split between the way in which man politically exists and his authentic potential bemg. We find one lorm ol this conllic t 58 those who ;ne aware of ihrii degradation ami who know that their opportunist oi buicauci.il K existence is far below the level of what they (tm be ;md of what they should be. A set ond form of the loss of the true Sell is to be found in (aes.uistie political sttuc tines. The history of Socialism will record thai SUch st nut in es often appeared in the initial bincauc ralic pluses ol Socialism* Social psychologists have explained the nature nl tin- pioecss which we ;ne dealing with heie. A leelin^ ol insecurity- which can be objectively historically conditioned oi t .m be created or supported by bolstering propaganda—leads to powerful affective identification of the mass with the leader and to theii readiness to follow him blindly, fanatically. In this wav. one arrive* .it the point ol ,i t le.u 4 ill i em ess ion and depersonalization oi the individual. Instead ol growing progressively ami be

L I B E R A T I O N AND RADICAL H U M A N I S M

121

coming; more individualized, the individual forgets himself, his needs and his potentialities, his living projects; he frees himself from personal responsibility and becomes an element of the mass which completely uncritically and irrationally adapts itself to the mood of the leader. This analysis shows that in post-capitalist society which evolves towaids Socialism poweihil and drastic foiins of political alienation are possible to the extent to which the revolutionary elite tnms itself into a bureaucracy, and to the extent to which a division of people into political subjects and political objects occurs. The time has now come to explain t h e c o m e p t ol hmeaucrai) which has been assumed in the Foregoing exposition.

2. T h e essence of bureaucracy This is a notion which in its application to the society of a transition period has undoubtedly undergone a decree of generalization. In a capitalist society, bureaucracy is the apparatus of the expert, of the executor, and to a greater or lesser extent it can be identified with the social group whichconstitntes the state apparatus and wields executive power. Both Marx and Lenin—the former in his analysis of the civil war in Fiance, the latter more particularly hn his later writings—were very much aware of the danuei that, lollowiuu successful political revolutions, a new bureaucracy forms itsell from the ranks of the lenders ol the Victorio u s vvoi king class. However, alter the death ol Lenin, Stalin very soon shifted the meaning of the term: from then on "bureaucratic" came to he us< d only for the definilely cold, superior, routine, formalisti< relationship of some Functionaries towards otdi nary people and towards their problems. Not until the criticism ol Stalinism was the problem of bureau cracy as the problem of a social group that has taken all political power as a monopoly into its own hands again put on the agenda. Hut all the maze of different, more or less revolutionary opinions which we call criticism of Stalinism had weaknesses of their own. I'i'st ol all, the veiy concept ol hurcauciacy was never really c\ plained in a satisfactory way—very often there appears to have been no attempt at all to analyze it. In addition, bureaucracy and

bureaucratic tendencies are often discussed With much heat hv those who are themselves, to a marked degret. bun am rats: so thai one not infrequently gains the impression thai bureaucracy has

422

SOCIAL AND P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

become a phantom four against which everybody is striving l>nt which n is quite impossible lo locate* On the othei hand, in widening the concept of bureaucracy it is possible to go so far in the othei direction thai il sometimes be(onus idenliliecl with any social ju<mp which «»uide> and U'^nlatcs tin* six ial pox esses, hi this sense, it has been stated that polities itself tiives bit lit lo hmcaueiaey and that bureaucracy is neccssatily connected with the existence ol the function of centralized plannint* in society. 1 I ere the ideas of polities. cent\aH?ation, and planning aic treated in a very uon dialec 11< al way. In a developed MM i.iIist society, jjnvei iliilg anTT (TnTTTTTT^ tunc \ ions will liave to exist, and this exactly Irnin the viewpoint of the whole, at the level collective, w i l l me d i i t e d 1 »y the hmcauciaey. Indeed under Stictl circumstances the l ) i i i c ; i n ( i , H \ is the sole instoiic subject. I n l n n n b r i n g that pait l the proletariat in w h i r l i the collective w i l l ol the proletariat a n i v e s .il ,i s r l l c o n s c i o u s a n d p i a c t i e a l

(til tit Intent, the

huo.in

424

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

status, ol the degree ol his power. Having originally developed \ n \ indirectly, tlie impulse to private disposal and even ownership can become the dominant motive in the second generation of bureaucrats. What was at the beginning a typically ideological atl itnde—an attempt to rationalize and juviiv the relationship_o£ exploitation whi< h at lirsl was not vet deaf even to the bureau c rril llilnsell — later l)cc;ime a cleaily cynical and hypocritical attitude: ohc no longer believes o n e s own words hut uses them for"" pra^malic reasons—in order deliberately to conceal truth. So it becomes evident that in oidei to supci scde c\|>loitat ion it is no) SIIIIK ietil merely to destroy the piiTatc owneiship ol die m/'.iii^nl pi ml tit Ifr>n.As long as relatively undeveloped productive powers and lelaiive nialciial shortage* produce tlie* impulse for the pos session ol ever hetter material ^oooSr-m+d-JiiJon^ga.s a particular social group has a monopoly ol derision ni;ikiIi}J oil TTTfl>fHIil human oppn$tkm ttno beginning to become an or!

••// generis—tor

there is

.1 BE RATI ON A N D RADICAL HUMANISM

Vll

no reason why in this field, beauty, n o b i l i t y , and a feeling of d i g nity should not be preferred to greyness of thought and rawness of b e h a v i o r Such a process l the totalization of social consciousness is parallel w i t h the process of die simultaneous i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n and socialization of m a n . Roth of them presuppose a technically highly developed and rich so< iety in w h i e h die elementary material needs of people ;ne satisfied, in whii h genuine CUltllfC has eoine w i t h i n the reach ol a l l . ami in which there exist sufficient!) strong Forcei w h i c h , in the naine ol a critical and humanistic sell < ons< iousiu ss. unceasingly lay d o w n the demand lor die dialectical supersession of every existing historical f o r m . It is an Srcat) of hisloiy thai sell management first began to he

realized in a relatively backward semi-rural country and not in the highly developed and relatively rich social communities of the West. Front this it lollows that, on the one h a n d , sell manage ment in Yugoslavia w i l l nol be f u l l y realized and its forms he fullilled by the < oi responding content lor a long t i m e O n the other hand, this paradox may he explained by the absence of a power In I critical humanistic conscious force in the West, such as w o u l d be able to lead the whole of society to the realization of its optimal historical possibilities. What is essnili.il hn Marxist theory is the thesi* ol tly* ohjti tjvf f>(i\sihilit\ of sel\nui)iH[{t'mt'fit and nol ol il< nete.sary leali / a l u m . 1 he very idea ol sell management presupposes that people themselves .ire the cicatois ol history in given conditions, i.e., in the objectively delei mined h a i u c w o r k of possibilities. In this way. the icleii ol self management picsupposes an open, activist interpretation of history in w h i c h the a n i l i c i . t l gajj between law ami Contingency, necessity and freedom has been overcome. T h e philosophy of bureaucracy is essentially different in this respect. lUneancracY advocates voluntarism when the question is of the f u t u r e and absolute d e t e r m i n i s m when the Question is of the past. As it itself does not have scientific knowledge, as it does not even have* sufficient Confidence In the scientist, and finally as the most rational decisions, most adequate to the expected course of things, w o u l d often be against its own interests, die lnnc.nn \M y does not even t»y to justify rationally its projects lot the future, but ,ti best. gbes I be in the tiecessai y aut hoi ity by OJJoUllgthe texts ol the classics. Hut this is u h \ it gi\es ,n> aura o f n e o \ v t o everything thai happened in the past. I n !• ii rav • di* k< I i >«• < < pt o f ~ f 1 1 possibility has no meaning. H i s t o i y is b e i n g taken a* a linear pro

'12N

SOCIAL AND P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

cess in which hureaucracy never has any chance of going wrung. Bill

il

history

is an O | M I I

aii(i m u l t i l i n e a r

picx'TO

m—which—

nothing is completely provided for in advance, we arc laced with the q u e s t i o n : cannot perhaps sell '-management lead to chaos and d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , to a p r e d o m i n a n c e o l change, to a had and irrational solution of the key questions ol society? Such a course is not o n l y a possibility b u t I necessity—in the o p i n i o n of a bureaucrat. F r o m this comes his historical responsibility lor the f u r t h e r course r b u i l d i n g Socialism. F r o m this there follows n o t o n l y a lack ol Confidence 111 the intelligentsia but also an aristcx »atie attitude towards the w o i k i n g class and towards people in general. W h e n e v e r it speaks of the people, bureaucracy regards thejn basically as a p r i m i t i v e , backward mass, w h i c h w i t h o u t its rule w o u l d become cpute savage and destroy all that has been gained by revo~" l u t i o n . In the last analysis it w o u l d seem In lollow horn this that the b u i l d i n g of Socialism is a type1 of c n f o i c e d happiness, in which the m a n w h o is m a k i n g sonTeone happy never slops speaking iii the n a m e ol the m a n who is made happy. I he not ion of soc ial self management p n supposes a h i u d a m e n tally different conception of m a n . I n the f r a m e w o r k ol a philosophy whose- m e t h o d anything

t m m «»1 n i n i (\A\

is dialectic, this conception can h a r d l y

in c o m m o n

with

empty

rhetorical

romantic

have

idcali/.a-

M : M I U :\ c o n ! i acinic n v creature and in his ptescnt

behavioi opposing leuclenc ies ap|>eai: ol t icaliveness a n d de-

stine t iveness, and of

of

sociability

i r r a t i o n a l i t y , etc.

and

non-sociability,

However,

in certain

of

rationality

historical

condi-

i ions. I various deformations, this process Hep by step will incvilabh he c o a t i n g a

state of society in which bureaucracy will lose i en its last rmison With the definitive abolition of bureaucracy and the relation

430

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

ships of I lass six iriy oi which it IS the bearei (politic ;«l partial IZ3 ttoti, rei Beat ion, and exploitation) the fust great phage of the transition p c i i o d is h e m m i n g completed. The I list o r teal f o r m ol

society which Follows is the lyslent of sell management.

4. Self-management as a historical process When we understand ^>< i l l self management m the to l a l i t y ol its moments it becomes Hear 11 i t I its i n t m d i K tion really

is a fundamental social revolution and al^n thai it must be a m sti m d as a loin* last inu hisim u al )>n.< < ss .md not just as the ac t ol a minute. In Vnuoslavia it was hisi i n t r o ^ m l{\ at i he h \ e l ol the enter jOU^e. then it was o i a d n a l l v widened to include all u-mk-inp, m g » n i / a t i o n s a n d social i n s t i t u t i o n s I [qwevcr at the level ol the een It.d organs we have just hemm h» take important ii:mi at fnllei development ol s< If-management I IK* lusi group oi preconditions is of i technical character, Contemporary machine technolog) is to an increasing extern changing the condition ol the worker in production, He is slowly ceasing to he a mere fragment of the machine and to an ever greater extent is becoming an active element in a very complicated ^•aem. The effect ol automation is particular!) revolutionary: in addition to the Fact that automation is Freeing \ast amounts ol lime for 11011 produc live activity, it is leading to the aholition ol the differences between the physical worker and the "white-cotlai worker"; il is integrating the producei Intn a whole united pro (luctiou process and awakening in htm an interest in the efficient functioning elsjhc individual product to take an increasing interest in the effect of the work of the whole collective and, on the other hand, equips him with increasing coni|>ctence to assess the work of the enterpi isc and to take a more active part in all dec ision making about il _]u this way the worker is bccoininu a natmal .iffy of the techni cal intelligentsia: in capitalism—in the struggle against the bom geoi&ie, which completely loses its reason for existence; and in the transition period—against the political bureaucracy which in the new conditions becomes increasingly incompetent and wasteful. The second group of conditions is of an economic charactei and is concerned, above all, with the level ol economic develop^ ment. Self-management can growr successfully only in a relatively rich society and one in which the elementary needs of the people have ahcady been satisfied, and in which each indivuhraf has niched such a device ol economic security that |r**-TTV>cs not liav c • to worry about possible economic repercussion in the event ofTiis social involvement. In a poor and hackwo-l Society there is not M much to decide IrecK about If "the nation is too small •mcl the pre ssu re on il too large] strict centjrajuaj ion and hrinplan Fling, which of course h a w s very lillle loom l2

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

the stale and parly appaiaius lake decisive economic, cadre* and

othei decisions and fix Ibettetaitsol tliasis of self-management is the principle of ihe freedom ol man. the principle ol the initiative ot the subject which, in the last analysis, lends to the creation of importaitl h u m a n values. A L the hasis ol a m a i k e t economy is the pi iiu iple ol e< onomi< necessity, the p r i m iplc ol activity to o b t a i n

an ever »\ eatei income. It is true that the initial forms of workers] ^ m a n a g e m e n t with a substantia] increase- o l the i n i t i a t i v e ol the w o r k e r cannot

he realized without developing ami satisfying hi* material mtei n h , ; n n l l l i i s < o n d i l i o n c a n n o l he I n l hi I: d i l l i n o

is m» i o m p e i i

42Mi

S I M I A I , AND POLITICAL P l l l l . o s o i ' i n

lion between the enteritises on the market and a greater role lor the market in tlic i c g u l a l i o n ol production" IWit. on the othei hand, were market relations to remain jwrmnuenth. with out significant corrections, i gradual degeneration ol sell manage i n n i t i n t o a certain type of capitalist system ol cooperatives w o u l d he possihle. l i the value of an enterprise is ffrrmfnictitly assessed only on ilic basts ol success in realizing income, and il the whole system came lor a long lime lo rest on the idea that the fundamental interest ol the woi ker is ihe ac (position of ever great ci IvagCS and pcison.il iuc o n u s , then this would have deep and last ing > a society under such Condition* w o u l d ItOt essentially diffei front the type ol people created by capitalism. Society w o u l d be made up ol people whose e n t i l e m o t i v a t i o n to action is directed !>y the single desire to acq u i r e and possess material goods. These are the majority o i p r o pie w h o strive to Have, and not to be as tunc:h as possihle. In this way the same spiritual p a u p e r i s w i w o u l d in l a d he maintained which is characteristic ol capitalist sorkitv ancl the destine t i o n of which is, according to M a r x , one oi the aiTm^of c o m m u nism. *">s*-^^ The a t t i t u d e taken here dors not i m p l y a rather naive h r l i e t ^ that the laws ol commodity piocluclioii and d i s t r i b u t i o n can l>< e l i m i n a t e d or superseded at w i l l , i n o u r present historical condi innis it is H ; I I I \ possible only to control them to a certain extent, and to collect them hy preventing g r o w t h ol concealed loi ins ol e x p l o i t a t i o n , ol senous inequalities, ol a m «>tln-1 k i n d ol inhuman r e l a t i o n s h i p among various social gi oops. I h e contradiction ol sell management and mat kel economic relations w i l l be gradually solved in the f u t u r e by surpassing the m o t i v e ol earnings and possessions as the universal motive of h u m a n activity. Bill this is possihle only to the extent that the society frees itself f r o m material wants and shortages, that there grows w i t h i n all its i n c m h c i s needs ol a higher order, such as: the need For creative activity, lor p o l i t i c a l involvement, lor cult u r e and art, lor knowledge, for Sincere, human relationships w i t h other people. I n such c o n d i t i o n s material s t i m u l i lose1 t h e i r p r i m a r y importance. Apart f r o m this, socialist society is c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the p r o b l e m ol finding effective methods for measuring the* value of Work Othei than the price of products «>n the market. T h e |H •< e certainly is. or c o u l d be, an indicator ol the | economic

planning. T h e crucial question is: planning tot what? It is assumed thai planned economy will guarantee the greatest gpod t () the greatest number; in oilier words, it will mean equal distribution ol Wealth establish social justice. In thai Case, it should be possible 10 reconcile planning ivith freedom, II modern technological trends preclude Mich reconciliation, then they should be curbed so .is tY I ttlrn Kramer.

•nr,

MG

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY

traitzation of power and political liberalization; slate domination O\IM MK i;ii wealth was maintained bj various methods. At first the very centralized governmental authority managed directly l*y planning the economy and society as .* whole, until striking economic disproportion! and other irrational consequence* ol state monopoly and the subjectivism (arbitrariness) of the political hierarchy became evident. Then came tlie gradual freeing of » • (ailed objective economic Jaws from political dictation, or the reorientation to a free market economy, along with the cautious affirmation of itarliamentari ilemocracy in a decentralized state I he state continues to diieet .uid to Imd its raison d'clic in the economy; it does not function exclusively as a inert economic decision-maker, however, but increasingly ai 11 h> h i v e ;is much health as possihle. and hence a m a x i m a l l y productive labor force, and health activity becomes p r i m a r i l y preventive medicine. A n d so forth. I n short, every h u m a n product is really the product of social labor -a social, and not private or stale, product. Accordingly, only social ownership, w h i c h is not identical to national or gfOUp ownership, is suitable t o the social nature of the p r o d u c t i o n of llltmatl goods. A m i it alone- is suitable lo human n a l u i e . T h e man pioducci himself is ,\ soe ial product, the pioeluct of social

labor, Me is created by his patents and arrives in the work) as f»uK raw material, ihe mere material ol a man. As manpower, i e., is a owe h.iuie , engineer, wi iter, or ic ten , lie is the proclue t ol eclu

cat natal, medical, literary, and many other laboi s. l i o i u all this, u follows that a ual iclf-governing commune is

I Ml M w SOCIETY

VM

possible as a productive commune and not ptimarilv and neces sartly as i territorial community of citizens. Om present-day township is a state jurisdiction which finds its raison d e n e in mediation among vmious spheres of S(Krial labor in one territory, sep ami nit* some from others by its mediation. Separation docs \K> lent e to the six ial i n l i n e M| work, and the township makes use i>|

the power ol state laws and organs ly the transformation l social labor "by itself" inio social labor "lot itsell" and by the line of realising true social ownership. By this Formation, there is established a unified eeofunnn system ol the country which is simultaneously the coimtiy's poHtical system. The organized social self government ol the woi kers is itself the lawmaker. I Inlaw or norm of social behavior is no longer thai loiced CM skill

fully manipulated accommodation to an a priori reason of state, but is thai subsequent generalization or statement ol the "common denominator*1 in various sell governing environments. The norm which is thus proclaimed by an organ ol social sell government (from ihe council in the enterprise to the congress of workers' councils or the supreme workers' council) acquires the true authority ol law bv some suitable type "l social ratification. By such organization of society, the epochal slogan ol the workers' move ment "All power to the workers' councils"—which until today has nowhere become empirically dominant, would finally be im plemented. Accelerated progress t work and human life would be liberated, and the bask driving force would be the natural need of workers to produce as modi as possible with the least pse M ' l n

a simultaneous and unified process. The level of the development of man s COM iousntSS depends on the level ol man's historical practice, 1 he levels of development of the human C o m m u n i t y , and thus ol man's consciousness, depend on Us material existence* ;is Marx had already shown b r i l l i a n t l y in his y o u t h . C h a n g i n g man. therefore, is no contemplative or educational work, h u t the result r

duccr coitsumci c o m m u n e , which has (he tight and d u l y lo apply in its o w n was the general MlViei laws ( i n Us own u a \ * not in the sense oi theii v i o l a t i o n , Inn in the sense ol die diversity ol forma of their i n i p l e i n e n t a l i o u ) , to solve in its o w n way the problem ol records of production and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the o u t p u t . I ' n d e r capitalism this wai the 'private affair* ol the i n d i v i d u a l capitalist, «he large landowner, the kulak. U n d e i Myviet rule this is n o t a pi ivate a l l a h , hut the most impni taut slate u n i k . ' " J L c i t i n , therefore, even in the most d i i h c o l l days ol the exis tence ol the young Soviet Republic when the hardest concrete problems of organizing the new rule were posed, approached mat lers concretely and on the basis ol prmcitdc. Self-goveminenl ol the producers^ workers' councils as the organization of comnumes. were to concern ihemselves not o n l y w i t h the organiza thai of ptocluctinn l>ul als Co|iyi • i : nivcis\\\

l'n%s, h i i

Kiiii(r)

|tt*rtt»i*siroi.

468

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PH1LOSOFHY

ers" to denote a cluster of completely autonomous, mutually unconnected and conflicting groups. Yugoslav Marxist theory is absolutely correct when it opposes Kl(-government to sialism. More recent development, however. has exposed contradictions within sell government itself: between six ial and group part icularistic self government. It is n<jt enough to speak simply ol social self government on the one hand, and of •buses of social self government on the other. It is time to turn 0U1 attention mote decisively to the tendency of individual selfgoverning groups to exploit sod threaten other sell governing groups and thus society as a whole. I hus fragmented, the working (lass naturally displays egoism and particularism. Only in a system of integral sell government will it hilly manifest its lOCial character, solidarity, and universal

ity. Only horizontally and vertically integrated self-government will e n a b l e

t h e w o r k i n g class to b e c o m e

the d o m i n a n t

social

force. Self-government based exclusively upon groups will rein !"!i it is indispensable. The Yugoslav experience shows thai

the stale can easily

manipulate

atomized

sell g o v e r n m e n t

Mired m the framework ol self-governing groups, the woiking < l.iss cannot make its way onto the political stage to |>ose epies tions concerning the total distribution of surplus value. So long •is this is the ( is

I II I

N l W SOI II I v

171

lem of the state in socialism to its withering away. Whatever WC may take this concept to mean, il is (liar thai the piocess will till an entire ctMJCh. Whenever society is imahle to take over certain state (tmctiollS, the st;itisis take a maximalist posture in order hi make their positions secure, posing the alternatives as either the Withering away ol the state or the untainted monopoly ol the state-. Hut this is a False dilemma, since there is something else which is certainly realizable in principle: all stale organs should aiHl Can be iubordtnated, even at this very moment, to oigans | social self government. What is the relationship between self-government and ownei ship? c an are s|>l human existence—jeopardizes the development of homo kumonui and his community. The path of socialist community does not Circumvent people'* interests, not even their material interests. Hut socialist community cannot he achieved, either, hy means of their ahsolutization. How, then, can personal and group interests be Stimulated without threatening the sense •>! socialist community? While after the revolution the category of "interest" was almost completely proscribed, iti Yugoslavia today otic hears more and more reference made to interests alone. However, socialist community is not hast d upon naked interests. In it serious concern, solidarity, and the devotion ol se > V I I V

I •.'line alienated from society and began to lake the lion's share of scicial production for itself. This economic and sex iopolitical m o d e l later became n paradigm for an entire group of countries. I lie choice of the nonmarket economic model after the revolut i o n was also undoubtedly motivated by the desire to avoid the i r r a t i o n a l i t y of anarchic and wasteful market c o m p e t i t i o n by naeans ol strict Kate planning. However, statist subjectivism and v o l u n t a r i s m have produced results n o less i r r a t i o n a l . W i t h o u t a commodity-money economy today there cannot be any rapid progress toward material abundance. There is still n o better way in which to determine the material needs of the popul a t i o n and on this basis to produce real "use values." I he other wise noble wish to eliminate the mediation of "exchange values" a t the very beginning of socialism has resulted in production for Stockpile! rather than for use. T h e market can diagnose and cure many " i n f a n t i l e disorders" a n d shatter many economic myths constructed by statism. I t can reveal, for example, that beneath f u l l employment there is only pseudoemployment, or that an extraordinary rate of economic g r o w t h < an to a certain degree mean accumulation assi\ i / a h o n o| the- cliiect pioduceis

and t h e i r maintenance i n the position of unfree, inert beings,

Till

NRW S O C I E T Y

4H1

lacking rights and transformed into a "pendant of the machine," into a Fragment ol man. . . . I lie only way for an ordinary person from the mass to he tram formed from an object inlo a conscious, interested subject, from a don into an initiator, from a hand into a brain and will, is his active inclusion in various organs of sell-govci niiieiil. In that way not only is the initiative of the broadest masses developed, the

productivity of labor increased, and the power of the bureaucracy reduced, hut only then do some vital forms of man's alienation begin to be abolished: the product of his labor ceases to be completely alien to him; production becomes something more than a mechanical, forcefully imposed activity; cooperation in self-governing bodies necessarily causes a greater degree of mutual communication and solidarity. T o the extent that man is not only a social but also an individual being, and a being of a particular collective, it is illusory to speak of his freedom if social self gov eminent in one of its possible forms has not been realized. T o be sure, the individuals acquisition of the right of decision •taking does not at all guarantee that he will decide in the general MM rial interest! r even in his own, personal interest, for he must be rather rational to judge his interest correctly. Moreover, there is no assurance that the behavior of people in the organs of self government will completely coincide with what they think to be their own personal inteiest; their behavior will often be con formist, but in this case not so much in relation to the general social centers of powci as in relation to local inic rocenters of powers, in the enterprise and in the eomuiune. Accordingly, social •elf-government latently bears within itself not only the clangeis of individualism and particularism, which shaiply dash with gen eial sex rial interests, but still greater dangers of the mass creation of small bureaucratic cliques, which arc small only in relation to the number of members in them and to the spatial and temporal langes of power, and precisely because of that can be terribly effective in their antisocial impact. Hy that alone, social self-government necessarily draws after itself certain forms of haphazardness and anarchy, which socialist society cannot and ought not to tolerate. Hence, both guidance and soc ial self government are necessary conditions of socialism. Hut. simultaneously, they also carry with them certain phenomena that aie Dltlttlalls ex< lutivc Up to now, piactice has still not succeeded in solving this con tradiction. . . .

182

SOCIAL AND P O L I T I C A L

PHILOSOPHY

I. T h e conditions For guiding social

development m Yugoslavia lly a b o l i s h i n g i h r b o u i g r o i s i e as a < hiss and mg I In* i ii< ans ol

p r o d u c t i o n , MK ialisiii aecpiiied

ihe

natiotiali/ historical

possibility of the u n l i m i t e d gradual mastery of b l i n d social l o i n s

and ol the u n l i m i t e d progressive humantaation ol locial life. The forms of p l a n n i n g in the development of socialism u p to now led also, however, to certain negative experiences, ambiguities, and resistances. T o the extent that social ownership «»l llic means ol production is manifested as state ownership and political power is concentrated in state* organs, p l a n n i n g w i l l be the administrative, external, compulsory imposition ol goals ami tasks, which reduces io a m i n i m u m the i n i t i a t i v e , freedom, and d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l producer. O n (he o l h c i h i n d , l i n e rational guidance is lacking il objective, unbiased, concrete i n f o r m a t i o n about the State of society is not provided, il political decision -making does not rclv on that i n f o r m a t i o n , il the more remote as well as the more immediate goals and needs of soc i.il development are not cleaiU defined, il the necessary attention is nut d r \ o i c d io the d e v e l o p m e n t of the methodology and lechnicpics ol p l a n n i n g , a n d

if society does not provide mechanisms for b r i n g i n g the most capable, professionally competent revolutionary cadres into leading posit inns. I he p i o b l e m of g u i d i n g social di \ elopuieiit

is posed in o u r

c o u n t r y in veiy complex and contradictory conditions. We i n t r o duced self-management and thus also in practice began the process of the w i t h e r i n g awa\ of the* stale. But we still have a vei \ pout i l u l st:ite ;md a v e i \

gieal c one t n i l at ion ol ec oiioinic a n d

politic.il powci in central social institutions. O u i parliaments, especially the federal and republican parliaments, have a h y b r i d , contradictory (haracter. T h e y are gradually becoming organs of self-government to the extent that in them aie introduced more and mote w o r k i n g |>cople who are elected democratically, w h o perform their leadership functions t e m p o r a r i l y , and w h o are compensated for them as for every other creative, highly skilled labor, w i t h o u t any rights to permanent enjoyment of some privileged social status. O n the other hand, the parliaments are still organs ol the state to the extent to w h i c h the executive councils and ad u i u i i s h a i i w organs, by their pressure and a u t h o r i t y inherited b o m the past, succeed in exercising a decisive influence » situa

nil

NEW serceived it completely. Planning today tan no longer even be imagined without the application of theoretical, methodological, ami technical knowledge From a whole series of very exact disciplines that were tlevel oped in the West niter the Second World War, ami that are rncompassed by the common name til operations rcst-aidi or watt agnnnii science* T h e subject of this science is, briefly, the scientific preparation of decisions, tlie calculation of the most optimal solutions in a gi\en situation when the objectives to be met art known and the available means are limited. . . . We, unfortunately, are undertaking nothing, or at least nothing in an organized way. There are individuals who have by

chance learned something about this complex of sciences and, on personal initiative, Work Oti some problems. Hut all this amounts to very little ami, taken as ;i whole, is unsat Ma. toiv. We have nei-

thei the corresponding instruction, nor the research work, not a l'oln\ ol creating personnel, not application m practice* We are

therefore threatened with the danger of lagging severely behind

18f>

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

not only the more developed capitalist countries bill also the so cialisl countries, who, thanks to a threat couc enliatiou of lesouiees ami redoubled efforts, usually succeed in catching up to the West in all the exact disciplines in which they trailed at the time oi the Second World War. In the near future, the conviction will suiely ripen in our country that rouse ions interventions aimed at guiding soc ial pro cesses d o not tolerate improvisation and guessing, that lluy must he far more exactly planned. Then perhaps we will discover that the- insulin ient development of Hie neees.saiy expert peisoimel is one of the main limit ing laetoi s.

6. Levels and forms of guidance T o he successful and maximally rational, guidance must he carried out on all levels of the BOCtal structure. Those who insist on the- importance of planning in socialism need not deny the possibil ities of planning also on the* level of the woi k organizat ion, township, ami province. T o the extent to which the personnel and other preconditions lor it exist, it is certain that in a sell management system (in which the laws of the market operate with relative freedom) collectives have I strong interest in o|>erating as sucrcsslully as possible and. to accomplish this, in sufh ciently acquainting themselves with all h e l m s relevant lor the successful forecasting and regulation of production and sale oti the market. Generalized, a priori disbelief in such possibilities would iii practice tiuly mean the supporting of bureaucratic tendencies and would imply a simple return to the methods of administrative socialism. Hut likewise it is naive, to put it mildly, to think that rational guidance of overall social processes c an he ac hieveel hy the spontaneous harmonization of individual local and regional plans, or by spontaneous vertical linking. Not only must one planning organization avoid negating the freedom oi decision of Others, hut all organizations together, directly or indirectly, must set certain general frameworks to their freedom of planning, that is. establish c guided, and not some purely theoretical interest in finding out and anticipating the course of some process. Thus forecasting is just (he assumption of the plan and not the plan itsell. T o forecast a certain direction of movement means to decide in Favor of it on the basis of our needs and long-run objectives. The question is raised: arhy should we decide in favor ol one possible direction ol movement il we do not intend to truly engage ui selves lot its realization? Why should we call a plan something that is purely a forecast, simpl) a nonohligatory reflection on the future and not also the chosen course of action? Or. whv should wc. in the theoretical phase, decide in favor erf one alternative and then, in practice, do something entirely different? The only consistent position would be the total rejection of the plan—both as an obligation and as a lorecast, on the level of the federation and of the republic as well as on local levels. If it is considered unimpoilanl to define in advance where society as a whole will line! itself tomorrow, it appears that elementaly con sistency would require that the same principle also he applied to every individual part of society. Guidance is not something that woidd be (in and ol itself alone) valuable in one area of human life and dangerous in another. Iti fact. this is one of the essential

characteristics of the stun tme ol human practice. T o the extent to which man is free, he strives to participate in shaping his future; therefore, among the various real possibilities of the future course, he chooses that which most corresponds to his needs. T o the extent to which mnn is an net we, creative being, he does not satisfy himself with only the contemplation of the future possibilities but engages himself in the practical icali/atioti of a selected objective. Finally, to the extent that man is a social beingi comnumicat ing, cooperating, and sharing with others certain needs and values, he is ready also to strive for supraindivicinal goals, even for those that do not satisfy his personal needs but ate indirect values for him because ihcy satisfy the needs ol oihei people for whom he cues. Only thus is guidance possible not only in personal and family life but also in the life of broader social communities. Rut the re-

188

SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

verse is also true: a man who is interested only in guidance in his own immediate setting shows by this that he is not a sufficiently social being, or that he is not conscious of the inseparable connection of personal and sen ial interest

7. The bearers of social guidance Nevertheless, a person can accept guidance as a general value—and hence also accept it wheie the society as a whole is concerned—yet have reservations about it because ol the real danger that the sex ial group that is its bearer may alienate itsell honi society and oppose itself to soeiet\ as a tyrannical external Ion e. Hence, one of the most important questions in connection with guidance of overall sen ial development is: who should carry out this tunc tion, and how c an possible abuses be avoided? T h e experience of the SOCialill countries has clearly shown that locial guidance on the pan of state organs inevitably leads to the creation of a very powerful political bureauciac v. Insofar as this bureaucracy is educated, well informed, and willing to rely oo the technics] intelligentsia and utilize the accomplishment! of s< i ence, such planning can be relatively effective and can even failure the relatively rapid growth of the material base l society; but it will also lead to great economic losses, passivize the direct producers and maintain them in the position of wage laboreis. and create insupportably large social different es. T o give over the lunc tion of guidance into the hands ol experts would had to another variant ol bureauc i acy- tec hnoc racy. T h e technical buieauc i a< \. because of its greater competence and ex peitise IH Controlling social processes, would perhaps show a

greatei degree ol efficiency; but it would also show s greater disie gaid of political, social, and all other human values. I he nly completely satisfactory solution is found in a system of sell government The supreme organs ol self-government should assume lull responsibility for defining general social objectives and the instruments for their attainment. T o be sure, such defining could be considered rational only if it takes into account, on the one hand, the Umg-tuM objective* of the whole epoch (the elimination of all hidden forms of exploitation, the overcoming ol social differences between social groups and regional differences between the more and less developed anas, the achievement of material welfare, social solidarity, etc.) and. on

INI

M \V s o c : i l

FY

-IN'I

the other, the real condition of society, the systematic tendencies of its change, the plans of lower sociopolitical organizations, etc. Science should play an important multiple role in the formation ol such «ni overall plan—by precise definition of objectives, elaboration of alternative policies that will lead to these objectives, e\ animation of the effectiveness of the adopted policy, preparation of measures for modifying the given policy when in practice it ihows itself less successful than was expected, detailed elaboration of short-run plans, continuous control of their implementation. continuum sounding of public opinion, etc. T o be sine, decisions on the choice among alternatives ought to be made by the highest political self government body, the parliament These decisions would naturally be obligatory; they would constitute the legal framework withtn which the decision-making of the sell govern men! organs at sill other levels would take place. However, these decisions WOtIM not be imposed by raw force on the pai t of some alien power external to society, as is the case under bureaucratic conditions. The essential difference lies in the democratic way in which, after many preliminary studies and discussions, the overall plan is adopted.. . . At the present time, for our society it would be a step toward a higher degree of democracy, toward the elimination ol some dis piopoi lions and instabilities, and even toward the heei operation of the biWS ol the market, il the numerous uncoordinated, insullictently organized interventions on the part of individuals and Individual organs of die slate apparatus, which under present con ditiotlS ate difficult to avoid and prevent, were replaced by care fully prepared, scientifically based, overall regulation of the basic instruments of further social development by the highest, most authoritative, and most democratically elected political institutions of our society. The following conclusion can be drawn from all the foregoing: the contradiction before which we find ourselves cannot be surpassed by the simple negation of one part of it, as some think today. Guidance cannot be reduced to nonobligatory forecasting of the future course of things, for then it is not guidance at all. On the other hand, neither can this contradiction be surpassed by negating or essentially limiting the piinciplr ol sell government, foi this is not only one of the key achievements «»l out levolut ion.

but, in general, it is the precondition ol thai humantzatton ol won i