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"' A That
did the concept of m anliness among the ancient Romans?
VV mean
How was it related to other Rom an social and political institutions, such as the family and the Res Publica? How did it change over time? Recent studies of ancient Roman m asculinities have concentrated on the private aspects of the subject, particularly sexuality, and have drawn conclusions from a narrow field of reference, usually rhetorical practice. In contrast, this book examines the public and the most important aspect of Rom an masculinity: manliness as represented by the concept of virtus. Using traditional historica!, philological, and archaeological analyses, together with the methods of socio-linguistics and gender studies, it presents a comprehensive picture of how Roman manliness developed from the middle to the late Republic. Arguing that virtus was not, in essence, a moral concept, Myles McDonnell shows how the semantic range of the word, together with the manly ideal that it embodied, were altered by Greek cultural ideas; and how Roman manliness was contested in the religion, culture, and politics of the late Republic.
ROMAN MANLINESS
What did the concept of manliness mean among the ancient Romans? How was it related to other Roman social and political institutions, such as the family and the res publica? How did it change over time? Recent studies of ancient Roman masculinities have concentrated on the private aspects of the subject, particularly sexuality, and have drawn conclusions from a narrow field of reference, usually rhetorical practice. In contrast, this book examines the public and the most important aspect of Roman masculinity: Manliness as represented by the concept of virtus. Using traditional historical, philological, and archaeological analyses, together with the methods of socio-linguistics and gender studies, it presents a comprehensive picture of how Roman manliness developed from the middle to the late Republic. Arguing that virtus was not, in essence, a moral concept, Myles McDonnell shows how the semantic range of the word, together with the manly ideal that it embodied, were altered by Greek cultural ideas; and how Roman manliness was contested in the religion, culture, and politics of the late Republic. Myles McDonnell teaches in New York City, currently in the History D epartment of Columbia University. He is Director of the Classical Summer School of the American Academy in Rome (2 004-07), where he also has been a Mellon Fellow.
MYLES McDoNNELL
is Visiting Associate
Professor at Brooklyn College, The City University of N ew York. Director of the Classical Summer School of the American Academy in Rome (2003- 2005), where he is also a Fellow, he has contributed to the Journal of Roman
Archaeology and Journal of Hellenic Studies.
Jacket illustration: Capitoline Brutus. Musei Capitolini, Rome, Italy. Photo Credit: Scala / Art Resource, NY Jacket design by Ho lly Johnson Printed in the United States of America
ISBN 0-521-82788-4
Ill"
11111" "11""" 9 78 0521 82788111
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ROMAN MANLINESS
What did the concept of manliness mean among the ancient Romans? How was it related to other Roman social and political institutions, such as the family and the res publica? How did it change over time? Recent studies of ancient Roman masculinities have concentrated on the private aspects of the subject, particularly sexuality, and have drawn conclusions from a narrow field of reference, usually rhetorical practice. In contrast, this book examines the public and the most important aspect of Roman masculinity: Manliness as represented by the concept of virtus. Using traditional historical, philological, and archaeological analyses, together with the methods of socio-linguistics and gender studies, it presents a comprehensive picture of how Roman manliness developed from the middle to the late Republic. Arguing that virtus was not, in essence, a moral concept, Myles McDonnell shows how the semantic range of the word, together 1ith the manly ideal that it embodied, were altered by Greek cultural t. as; and how Roman manliness was contested in the religion, culture, politics of the late Republic.
td
yles McDonnell teaches in New York City, currently in the History partment of Columbia University. He is Director of the Classical mmer School of the American Academy in Rome (2004--07), where also has been a Mellon Fellow.
ROMAN MANLINESS VIRTUS AND THE ROMAN REPUBLIC MYLES McDONNELL
!~'N CAMBRIDGE :::
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211 USA www.cambridge.org Information on this tide: www.cambridge.org/9780521827881
© Myles McDonnell 2006 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2006 Printed in the United States of America
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library
of Congress
Calaloging in Publication Data
McDonnell, Myles. Roman manliness: virtus and the Roman Republic I Myles McDonnell. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-I3: 978-0-521-82788-1 (hardback) ISBN-10: 0-521-82788-4 (hardback) I. Men - Rome.
2. Masculinity - History. 3. Virtue. HQID90.7.R6M33 2006 20050I9038 305.31'0945'632 - dC22
1. Tide.
ISBN-I3 978-0-521-82788-1 hardback ISBN-ID 0-521-82788-4 hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLS for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in dris publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
For Myles) patri et filio
CONTENTS
List of fl/ustrations
page
Priface
Xl
Xlll
List of Abbreviations
XVll
Introduction - Manliness and Virtus
1
I. Manliness as Courage in Early Latin
12
I.
2.
3. 4. 5. 6.
Virtus and Early Latin Plautus and Roman Comedy Early Latin Inscriptions Early Latin Epic, Tragedy, and History M. Porcius Cato Virtus and Martial Courage in the Middle Republic
11. Hellenization and 'ApETT) - Semantic Borrowing Bilingualism and Semantic Calque Virtus and Fortuna 3. Virtute Deum I.
2.
Ill. 'ApETT) and Manly Virtus
12
16
33 44 50 59
72 72 84 95 10 5
Semantic Borrowing and Popular Theater 2. Virtus as Human Excellence 3. Ethical Virtus 4. Virtus and the Canonical "Virtues" 5. Virtus as a Political Value I.
vu
105 10 7 110
128
134
CONTENTS
IV. Visual Representations of Virtus Visualization of Abstract Concepts in Ancient Rome Virtus as the Armed Amazon 3. Virtus and the Mounted Warrior 4. The Equestrian Image in Republican Rome I.
2.
V. The Boundaries of Manliness Virtus, Slaves, and Foreigners Virtus and Women 3. Virtus and Sexuality 4. Fatherhood, Family, and Wealth - Virtus and Private Life 5. Man and Boy - Patria Potestas and Virtus I.
2.
VI. Manliness in Republican Rome 1. Teaching Manliness 2. Aristocrats and Horses 3. Institutional Constraints on Displays of Manliness
VII. Divine Virtus - M. Claudius Marcellus and Roman Politics Manliness and Politics Abstract Deities and Divine Virtus 3. Virtus and Honos 4. Breaking the Constraints 5. Mal.'Cellus' Successors I.
2.
VIII. Virtus Contested 1.
2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
142
142 146 149 154 159 159 161 165 168 173 181 18 I 185 195
206 206 209 212 228 235 241
The Experience of War Equites Equo Publico Cultural Change and Hellenism The New Man of Virtus Marius and the Gods Competing Definitions of Manliness Virtus and the Legacy of Marius
IX. Virtus Imperatoris
242 248 259 26 5 26 7 27 1
290 293
Virtus in the Late Republic The Virtus ofPompey 3. Virtus and Caesar's Commentaries I.
2.
VU1
293 295 300
CONTENTS
x.
Manliness Redefined
320
Virtus and the New Man Imperator Togatus - Cicero's Claim to Virtus 3. The Dual Nature of Virtus in Saliust
320 33 2 35 6
1.
2.
Epilogue - Roman Manliness and the Principate
Bibliography Index Locorum General Index
lX
ILLUSTRATIONS
Jugate heads of Honos and Virtus. Obverse type of denarius, 70 B.C. or 68 B.C. 2. Bust ofVirtus. Obverse type of denarius, 71 B.C. or 65 B.C. 3. Honos crowning Virtus. reverse type of denarius, I.
100 B.C.
page 146 147
148
4. Dioscuri. Reverse type on denarius, c. 206-200 B.C. 5. Mounted warrior. Reverse type on denarius, 129 B.C. 6. Mounted warriors. Reverse type on denarius, 127 B.C. 7. Mounted warrior. Reverse type on denarius, II6 or 115 B.C. 8. Republican Tempe at Cora: (a) plan; (b) fayade elevation; (c) side elevation. 9. State Plan. Area sacra dello Largo Argentina, Rome. 10. Elevations and plans of (from left to right) the Tholos in the Sanctuary of Athena Pronaia at Delphi; the Philippeion at Olympia; the Tholos at Epidauros. 11. Frontal, axial view of Temple B in Area sacra dello Largo Argentina, Rome.
Xl
250 251 252
253
276 282
283
284
PREFACE
For some of the years I was a graduate student I worked in Manhattan Night Court, where, it being New York City, my colleagues were of varied ethnic backgrounds of which they were highly conscious. One, named Vince, proud of his Italian heritage, took a special interest in my study of the ancient Romans and would often peruse the books I brought to the courthouse after a day of classes and study. But Vince consistently expressed disappointment with titles such as Roman Politics, The Roman Citizenship, and Agricultural Implements of the Roman World, protesting that they failed to capture what he considered to be the essence of his ancestors, the ancient Romans. Disappointment ended when I showed up one evening with a particularly large volume whose title immediately won Vince's approval. "Now that's a book that might teach you something about the Romans." The book was Italian Manpower, and Vince, not unreasonably, had mistaken Brunt's demographic study for one about something else. In a sense then, the present book was written for Vince; although I think he will be somewhat surprised, and I hope not too disappointed, by what ancient Roman manliness comprised, and what it did not. On examination, Roman manliness, or the kind of manliness ancient Romans meant by the Latin word virtus, turns out to have little to do with the qualities and activities - sexually aggressive display and behavior, fathering of children, support and protection of familycommonly associated with manliness in Mediterranean as well as other cultures. The discourse over virtus took place on a different plain. Virtus was a quintessentially public value that was displayed, tested, won, or lost in the delimited context of service to the Republic. For this, as XlIl
PREFACE
well as other reasons, this book is not about cultural studies, but rather history informed by philology. Because earlier philological studies of virtus have proved to be inadequate in one way or another, the first three chapters of the book are devoted to an examination of the meanings of virtus in pre-Classical Latin, which I hope are sufficiently rigorous without being overly tedious. These are followed by chapters that treat the interaction of the determined meanings of virtus with the social, political, and religious contexts in which they were used. This approach raises fundamental issues about the degree to which language produces rather than expresses meaning and about the relationship between language and "reality" (issues which, in my opinion, ultimately bring us up against unanswerable epistemological questions). A premise of this book is that a relationship does exist between words and things, albeit a complex one, that in the end is not demonstrable. Although open to criticism, this position seems preferable to that of epistemological skepticism. For once taken, that path will take us, if with Socrates we have the courage to follow the argument wherever it will go, to a Samuel Beckett nightmare world of solipsism or of silence. Better to make a leap of faith, if that is what it is, for meaning. This book has its origins at Columbia in the early eighties, at a time when William Harris had just written War and Imperialism in Republican Rome, and Richard Brilliant was lecturing on, among other things, visual images of Roman abstract concepts. The discrepancy between what my teachers were saying about virtus and what philologists had written led to a dissertation directed by William Harris entitled, "Virtus as a Social, Political, and Religious Concept in Republican Rome," which profited greatly from the comments of the dissertation committee members, Roger Bagnall, Alan Cameron, Morton Smith, and Joseph Solodow. This book was written with, and its publication delayed by, meager institutional support. It is all the more pleasing, therefore, to acknowledge the institutions and individuals without whose support the book would not exist - John Graham, Mike Peachin, Mervin Dilts, Roger Bagnall, William Harris, Jim Russell, Darby Scott, Julia Gaisser, David Lupher and Bill Barry, Carol Thomas and Richard Johnson, Barbara
XIV
PREFACE
Boyd, David Sider and Sarah Peirce, Roberta Stewart, the Intercollegiate Center for Classical Studies in Rome, and the American Academy in Rome. I owe a great deal to the generosity of spirit of the working people with whom I grew up and worked, separated from me now, to paraphrase Tony Harrison, by years and books, books, books, as well as to many scholars, both living and dead. Becoming acquainted with the tradition of Plautine scholarship that runs from Rits chl , to Leo, to Fraenkel, was a particular pleasure. Of my undergraduate teachers, special debts are owed to Alan Schulman, Konrad Gries, Ursula Schoenheim, and Zvi Yavetz, of my graduate teachers to Morton Smith and William Harris. For their support and encouragement over the years, I am also indebted to Ernst Badian, Erich Gruen, and to John D'Arms. The comments and criticism on various chapters of the book by Barbara Boyd, Jon Roth, Tim Pulju, Paul Zanker, and the anonymous readers saved me from numerous errors. I also thankJason Gajderowicz and Maggie Meitzler for their editorial help. I am especially grateful to Sue Treggiari for her guidance and encouragement after reading an early and very long version of this book. The period during which the book was written was not without personal difficulties. During this time it was good to count as friends Larissa Bonfante, Jim and Jenny Russell, Laura Zurlini, Pasquale Pesce, Liz Bartman, Lee Sherry, Gail Cornell, Jon Roth, lli Nagy and Eric Lindgren, Ed Harris, Kate Miner, Lisa Fentress, and the 1998 fellows of the American Academy in Rome. My greatest thanks go to Kate Welch, who alone knows how much I owe her. The book is dedicated to my father and my son. M.McD. Rome June, 2005
xv
ABBREVIATIONS
ANRW = H. Temporini, W Haase, Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen vvclt. Volumes 1-11 37.3. Berlin, New York 1972-96. BMC, Greek Coins I. Italy = R. S. Poole, Catalogues if Greek Coins in the British Museum. I. Italy. London. 1873. Reprinted Bologna. A. Forni, 1963. BMC, Rom. Emp. = H. Mattingly, Coins if the Roman Empire in the British Museum. 6 volumes. London 1923-62. Brunt IM = P. A. Brunt, Italian Manpower, 197I.
BSL
=
225
B.G-A.D.
14.
Oxford
Bulletin de la Societe linguistique de Paris
CAF = T. Kock, Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta. 3 volumes. Leipzig 1880-8. Reprinted Utrecht 1976. CAH 2 = Cambridge Ancient History. 2nd edition. 12 volumes. Cambridge 1970-2005. CGFP = C. Austin, Comicorum Graecorum fragmenta in papyris reperta. Berlin, New York 1973. Charpin
=
F. Charpin, Lucilius Satires. 3 volumes. Paris 1978-9I.
Chassignet = M. Chassignet, Caton, Les Origines (fragments). Paris 1986.
CIG = A. Boeckh et alii, Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum. Berlin 182877·
CIL = Th. Mommsen et alii, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Volume 1XVIII. Berlin 1853-1995.
XVll
ABBREVIATIONS
CJI = J.-B. Frey, Corpus qfJewish Inscriptions. New York 1975. CRAI
=
Comptes rendus de l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres
Earl, MPTR = D. C. Earl, The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome. Ithaca 1967. Earl, PTS = D. C. Earl, The Political Thought qf Sallust. Cambridge 196I.
EG = G. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta. Berlin 1878. Eisenhut, VR = W Eisenhut, Virtus Romana. Munich 1973. Enn. Ann. S = O. Skutsch, The Annals qfQ. Ennius. Oxford 1985. Enn. Ann. Vahl. = J. Vahlen, Ennianae poesis reliquiae. 2nd edition. Leipzig 1928. Reprinted Amsterdam 1967. Ernout-Meillet = A. Ernout, A. Meillet, Dictionnaire hymologique de la langue la tine. 4th edition. Paris 1960.
FGH = F. Jacoby, Die Fragmenta der griechischen Historiker. Parts 1-3. Berlin 1925-58. Franekel, E. PI. im PI. = Elem. = E. Fraenkel, Plautinisches im Plautus. Berlin 1922 = Elementi Plautini in Plauto. Florence 1960. FRH = H. Beck, U. WaIter, Die Fruhen romischen Historiker 1. Darmstadt 200I.
Harris, WIRR Oxford 1979.
=W
V. Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome.
HRR = H. W G. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae. 2nd edition. 2 volumes. Leipzig 1906-14.
IDel
=
F. Durrbach et alii, Inscriptions de DClos. Paris 1926-2002.
IG = F. Durrbach et alii, Inscriptiones Graecae. 10 volumes. Berlin 1873-72. ICUR = L. Moretti, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae. Rome 1968-90. IGRRP = R. Cagnat et alii, Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes. 4 volumes. Paris 1901-27. ILLRP = A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Latinae liberae rei publicae. 2 volumes. Florence, 1957-63. XVlll
ABBREVIATIONS
ILS = H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae. 3 volumes. Berlin 18921916. JlWE = D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions if Western Europe. I Italy, Spain, Caul. 1993; 11 The City if Rome. 1995. K-T = A. Korte, A. Theirfelder eds. Menandri quae supersunt. Leipzig 1957-9· Krenkel
=
W Krenkel, Caius Lucilius. Satiren. Leiden 1970.
= K. Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte. Munich 1960. Leo, PI. For. = F. Leo, Plautinische Forschungen zur Kritik und Ceschichte Latte, RR
der Komodie. 2nd edition. Berlin 19I2. LSJ = H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, H. S. Jones, P. G. W Glare, CreekEnglish Lexicon. Oxford 1940. LTUR = E. M. Steinby, Lexicon topographicum urbis Romae. 5 volumes. Rome 1992-2000. MRR = T. R. S. Broughton, The Magistrates oj the Roman Republic. 2 volumes. New York 1951-2. Marx = F. Marx, C. Lucilli carminum reliquiae. 2 volumes. Leipzig 1904-5·
MDAIR = Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung MEFRA = Melanges de l'Ecolejrancaise de Rome Men. Korte = A. Korte, Menandrea, ex papyris et membranis vetustissimis. Leipzig 1910. Mommsen, R. Staatsr = Th. Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht. 3rd edition. Leipzig 1887-8. Reprinted Graz 1969.
NAC = Numismatica e antichita classiche Oakley, Commentary = S. P. Oakley, A Commentary on Livy Books VI-X. 2 volumes. Oxford 1997-8. Ogilivie, Commentary = R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5. Oxford 1965.
OCIS = W Dittenberger, Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae. 2 volumes. Leipzig 1903. Reprinted Hildesheim, Zurich, New York 1986.
XIX
ABBREVIATIONS
OLD = P G. W Glare, Oxford Latin Dictionary. Oxford 1968-82. ORF4 = H. Malcovati, Oratorum Romanorumfragmenta liberae rei publicae. 4th edition. Turin 1976. PA = S. B. Platner, T. Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary Rome. Oxford 1929.
if Ancient
PCG = R. Kassel, C. Austin, Poetae comici Graeci. 8 volumes. Berlin 1993-2001 . RA = Revue archeologique RAL
=
Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei
RE = A. F. von Pauly, G. Wissowa, et alii, Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumwissenschqft. Stuttgart 1894-2000. Ribb. = O. Ribbeck, Scaenicae Romanorum poesis fragmenta. 3rd edition. I Tragicorumfragmenta; 2 Comicorvmfragmenta. Leipzig 1897-8.
RIC = H. Mattingley, E. A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage. 10 volumes. London 1926-67. ROL = E. H. Warmington, Remains of Old Latin. Revised edition. 4 volumes. Cambridge, Mass, and London 1979. RRC = M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage. 2 volumes. Cambridge 1974. Sarsila = J. Sarsila, Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature until Livy. Jyvaskyla 1982.
SDHI = Studia et documenta historiae et iuris S VF = H. von Arnim, Stoicorum veterum fragmenta. 4 volumes. Leipzig 1903-5· SEG = Supplementum epigraphicum graecum. SylP = W Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptiones graecarum. 3rd edition. Leipzig 1915-24.
= A. Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorumfragmenta. Leipzig 1856. TrGF = B. Snel1, R. Kannicht, S. Radt, Tragicorum Graecorum frag-
TGF
menta. 5 volumes. Gottingen 1971-86. TLL = Thesaurus linguae Latinae.
IQ
xx
volumes. Leipzig 1900-2004.
ABBREVIATIONS
Walbank, Commentary = F. W Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius. 3 volumes. Oxford 1957-79. Wissowa, RKR = G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer. 2nd edition. Munich 1912.
WS = Wiener Studien: ZeitschriJt fur Klassische Philologie, Patristik und lateinische Tradition
XXI
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTUS
On the fifth of December in 63 the Roman senate met to discuss a grave crisis. I Senators and a sitting praetor had been accused of conspiring to murder the chief magistrates and overthrow the state. Over the previous seventy years, the old and aching Republic had suffered terrible violence, but seldom if ever had men from the inner circles of power been accused of such crimes. In the debate to decide the fate of the accused senators, three of Rome's leading figures gave speeches that would become famous. Cicero's Fourth Catilinarian became a classic of Latin oratory, mined for examples of urbane wit. 2 Even more celebrated were the speeches delivered by Caesar and the younger Cato, which were immortalized by the historian Sallust, writing some twenty years after the event. 3 A central concern of Cicero's speech, and of the words Sallust placed in the mouths of Caesar and Cato, I
2
3
All dates are B.C. unless noted otherwise. It was a source for Dornitius Marsus' De urbanitate. See Quint. Inst. 6.3.109 and E. S. Ramage, Urbanitas (Norman, 1973) pp. 100-6. The present form of the Fourth Catilinarian was published by Cicero three years after it was delivered with considerable revision; Cic. Att. 2.I(SB 21).3, with G. Kennedy, The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World, 300 B. C.-A.D. 300 (Princeton, 1972) pp. 176-82, esp. p. 177, n. 45. Caesar's speech is at Sallust, BC SI, Cato's at BC 52.2-36. The debate between Caesar and Cato was famous; notices of it appear at Dio. 37.36; Plut. Cic. 20-1; App. BC 2.6 (20-2); Suet. Iul. 14, but all that survives of the speeches are Sallust's renderings. The relationship between the speeches Sallust gave to Caesar and Cato to what they actually said does not affect the point made here, which is the concerns shared by the contemporary participant Cicero and the near contemporary historian Sallust. Many other eminent senators also spoke that day; for the consular speakers, see Cic. Att. I2.2I(SB 260).1 with E. G. Hardy, 77u Catilinarian Conspiracy in Its Context: A Re-Study of the Evidence (Oxford, 1924) pp. 89-97.
ROMAN MANLINESS
was the decline of ancestral standards of manliness. 4 Given that some of the men charged with planning to slaughter their peers had held the highest offices of the Roman state, and were the descendants of men who had made Rome great, this is not surprising. 5 "Manliness" what it was and how it had been perverted - was, in a real sense, what the debate and the crisis were about. The Latin word for manliness is virtus, from vir, meaning man,6 and virtus designates the activity and quality associated with the noun from which it is derived; virtus characterizes the ideal behavior of a man. 7 In all accounts of ancient Roman values virtus holds a high place as a traditional quality that played a central part in war, politics, and religion. So close was the identification of virtus with Rome that when virtus was honored with a state cult, the image chosen for the cult statue was the same as that of the goddess Roma herself an armed amazon. Virtus was regarded as nothing less than the quality associated with, and responsible for Roman greatness, and was central to the construction of the ancient Roman self-image. The place of virtus in
4
5
6
7
For example, Sit Scipio clarus ille cuius consilio atque virtute Hannibal in AJricam redire atque Italia decedere coactus est. - "Celebrate that Scipio by whose intelligence and manliness Hannibal was forced to return to Africa and to leave Italy." Cic. Cat. 4.21; see also Sall. BC 51.42 and 52.22. Conspirators included men from noble families and some patricians, as well as ex-consuls and praetors. See E. S. Gruen, The Last Generation cif the Roman Republic (Berkeley, 1974, repr. 1995) pp. 418-22, and pp. 282-4, and Florus 2.12.3. A primary meaning of vir is man as opposed to woman or child, but virtus rarely denotes this sense. Vir is one of a number of Latin words that denote a man. It is usually carries positive connotations, and often refers to a politically active man, as opposed to homo, which is frequently coupled witlr an adjective that denotes the status a man is born into (nobilis, novus, Romanus), or with a pejorative adjective. It is tlre close connection between vir and Roman citizenship that informs the usages of virtus. On vir and homo, see G. Landgraf, Kommentar zu Ciceros Rede Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino (Leipzig, Berlin, 1914) p. IIS; T. Pulju, "Vir and Homo in Cicero's Pro Milone," LACUS Forum 19 (1994) pp. 567-74; also P. Hamblenne, "Cura ut vir sis! ... ou une vir(tus) peu morale" Latomus 43 (1984) pp. 369-88 (376, and n. 26 on vir and civis); S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage (Oxford, 1991) p. 7; F. Santoro L'Hoir, The Rhetoric oJ Gender Terms, 'Man', 'TMlman', and the Portrayal cif Character in Latin Prose (Leiden, 1992) pp. 9-28. Another Latin word, mas, denotes man as the males of the species. The word is formed from vir and the suffix tut, which conforms to a pattern seen in iuventus-iuvenis, senectus-senex; see A. Ernout, A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue latine. 4th ed. (Paris, 1960) p. 739.
2
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTUS
ancient Roman values is well expressed by Cicero in a speech he gave before the Roman populace in 43 : crudelitatem mortis et dedecus virtus propulsare solet, quae propria est Romani generis et seminis. hanc retinete, quaeso, Quirites, quam vobis tamquam hereditatem maiores vestri reliquerunt. [quamquam] alia omnia falsa, incerta sunt, caduca, mobilia: virtus est una altissimis defIxa radicibus, quae numquam vi ulla labefactari potest, numquam demoveri loco. hac [virtute] maiores vestri primum universam Italiam devicerunt, deinde Carthaginem exciderunt, Numantiam everterunt, potentissimos reges, bellicosissimas gentis in dicionem huius imperi redegerunt. But virtus usually wards off a cruel and dishonorable death, and virtus is the badge of the Roman race and breed. Cling fast to it, I beg you men of Rome, as a heritage that your ancestors bequeathed to you. All else is false and doubtful, ephemeral and changeful: only virtus stands firmly fIxed, its roots run deep, it can never be shaken by any violence, never moved from its place. With this virtus your ancestors conquered all Italy fIrst, then razed Carthage, overthrew Numantia, brought the most powerful kings and the most warlike peoples under the sway of this empire. Philippics 4.138
Virtus is the special inheritance of the Roman people, and it was by this virtus, this "manliness," that Roman supremacy had been built. The Romans believed they were successful because they were "better" men. 9 In order to understand the ancient Romans, therefore, one must understand their concept of manliness, and to understand that, one must understand virtus. Yet virtus is a notoriously difficult word to translate. As in most cultures, in ancient Rome the term for manliness had a number of different denotations. Yet it is striking that a word whose etymological connection to the Latin word for man is so apparent, can be attributed IQ
8
9
10
The text and translation (adapted slighdy) is that of D. R. Shacketon Bailey, Cicero Philippics (Chapel Hill, London, 1986). For similar sentiments about virtus, see Cic. 2 Verr. 4.81 and Sail. BC 53.2-5. Cf. Plin. NH 7.130, in the context of a discussion ofjortuna. Although Romans did attribute virtus to some of their enemies, commonly to Gauls, see Claudius Quadrigarius, frag. rob HRR, p. 208, and Caesar, De bello Gallico, where the attribution is common; cf. Sail. BC 53.4; and subsequently in Chapters IX and X. D. C. Earl, The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome [henceforth MPTR] (Ithaca, 1967) p. 20, claimed that virtus is untranslatable.
3
ROMAN MANLINESS
not only to women, but to deities, animals, abstract ideas, and inanimate objects. II As a purely linguistic phenomenon this is noteworthy, but since virtus was regarded by the Romans as a preeminent social and political value, its wide and sometimes odd semantic range has implications that go beyond philological significance. The phenomenon has received less attention than it deserves primarily because scholars have viewed virtus as an unchanging Roman value and have construed the word as having a semantic range intrinsically so elastic as to make almost any use of the word unremarkable. The general opinion among philologists and political historians is that virtus was an essentially unchanged concept, which from earliest times had a wide semantic range. Moreover, virtus is said to have been a single, all-embracing concept that subsumed other cardinal Roman virtues. It has been termed "homogeneous" or "undivided Roman virtus," and its significance sought in a "virtus complex" of moral ideals. The prevailing view is that whatever changes may have occurred in the meaning of virtus were minimal and insignificant. 12
II
I2
It is clear from usage that virtus struck the ear of an ancient Roman much as "manliness" does that of the English speaker; see James J. O'Hara, True Names- Vergil and the Alexandrian Tradition of Etymological Wordplay (Ann Arbor, 1996) pp. I07 and 127-8. But the semantic range of manliness is much more restricted. Although manliness may qualify an abstraction, e.g., "the silent manliness of grief," Goldsmith, Deserted Village (OED, s.v., "manliness,"), unlike virtus, it cannot qualify something like farmland. W Eisenhut, Virtus Romana [henceforth VR] (Munich, 1973) pp. 14-22, acknowledged the influence of Greek words, but argued that from the beginning virtus had broad semantic significance centering around the idea of general capability. The same view is found in Eisenhut's entry on "virtus als gottliche Gestalt," RE, SuppL XIV (1974) cols. 896-9IO. K. Buchner, Humanitas Romana (Heidelberg, 1957) pp. 3IO-13, wrote of einheitliche romische virtus. For the virtus complex, see D. C. Earl, "View Complex," MPTR, pp. II-43, esp. pp. 34-6; see also "Political Terminology in Plautus," Historia 9 (1960) pp. 235-43; The Political Thought of Sal/ust [henceforth PTS] (Cambridge, 1961) pp. 1840; "Terence and Roman Politics," Historia II (1962) pp. 469-85. To a great extent, this evaluation of virtus is derived from ideas formulated by earlier philological studies of the principal Roman virtues - ideals such as pietas, constantia, gravitas, dignitas, auctoritas, etc. - that dominated German scholarship between the two world wars; see, e.g., U. Knoche, "Der romische Ruhmesgedanke," Philologus 89 (1934) p. II5, reprinted in Vom Selbstverstiindnis der Romer (Heidelberg, 1962) p. 23. Similar views were expressed by V. Poschl, Grundwerte romischer Staatsgesinnung in den Geschichtswerken des Sal/ust (Berlin, 1940) pp. 12-26; cf. M. Pohlenz, Die Stoa (Gottingen, 1948-9) n, p. 134 fr. For a caustic evaluation of the whole approach, see A. Momigliano, Alien Wisdom (Cambridge, 1975) p. 16.
4
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTUS
The central ideals of a society are, however, seldom entirely static. Speaking at a time of civil war, when he was rallying forces to defend traditional senatorial government against generals who challenged it, Cicero in the Philippics strove to present virtus as both traditional and unaltered. But, as Cicero knew, the meaning of virtus had changed over the course of centuries. Many Latin texts certainly do present virtus as a wide-ranging and all-encompassing ethical concept, but such texts, almost without exception, date to the period of Cicero or later. A general weakness of philological analyses of virtus, and other Latin values as well, has been their tendency to impose usages found in laterepublican and imperial literature on to occurrences of virtus found in early (pre-Classical) Latin. I3 The consequence of this myopic emphasis on uses of virtus found in Classical Latin has been, on one hand, to undervalue the meaning of virtus that predominates in early Latin martial prowess or courage - and, on the other hand, to underestimate seriously the extent of Hellenic influence on virtus. That the Latin language was greatly influenced, especially in its lexicon, by borrowing from Greek, is certainly the case. In addition, the idea that virtus had an intrinsically wide semantic range is at odds with the conclusions of historians of ancient Roman institutions, religion, and art, who in examining the evidence for its cult, have agreed that virtus was primarily a martial concept. I4
See, e.g., K. Biichner, "Altromische und Horazische virtus," Die Antike 15 (1939) pp. 145-64, reprinted in Biichner's Studien zur romischen Literatur In Horaz (Wiesbaden, 1962) pp. 1-22, = Romische wertbegriffi, ed. H. Oppermann (Darmstadt, 1967) pp. 37699 where the picture of "old Roman virtus" draws very heavily on the works ofPublilius Syrus; H. Dahlmann, "Das romische Mannesideal," in Mannestum und Heldenideal, ed. F. Miiller, (Marburg, 1942) pp. 22-35; reprinted as "Virtus Romana," in H. Dahlheim, Kleine Schriften (Hildesheim, New York, I970) pp. 9-22. J. Hellegouarc'h, Le vocabulaire latin des relations et les partis politiques sous la republique. Publications de la Faculte des lettres et sciences humaines de Universite de Lille, vol. II (Paris, 1963) pp. 242-4, emphasized the political aspect of virtus, but his study is based almost entirely on late-republican texts; as noted by J. Sarsila, Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature until Livy (Studia Philologica Jyvaskylaensia 16, 1982) p. 90. Early Latin is that before the time of Cicero's literary productions (before c. 80 B.C.); Classical Latin is that written from c. 80 and c. A.D. 20. '4 E. Saglio, "Honos," Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines, III I (paris, 1889) col. 248; G. Wissowa, in W H. Roscher Aus Fiihrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischeni Mythologie I. 2 (Leipzig, 1886-90) "Honos," p. 2707; IV (192437) "Virtus," p. 336; and Wissowa, RKR (Berlin, 1902) p. 135; H. L. Axtell, The Deification 1J
5
ROMAN MANLINESS
It is Latin usage itself, however, that makes the notion of virtus as a wide-ranging ethical ideal untenable. This will be demonstrated in the following chapters, but two passages are worth noting here. In his tragedy Hectoris lytra - The Ransom if Hector - the Latin poet Ennius, who lived from about 239 to 169, has Priam state that justice - ius - is better than virtus because bad men often possess virtus: Melius est virtute ius: nam saepe virtutem mali Nanciscuntur: ius atque aecum se a malis spernit procul. justice is better than virtus, for bad men often acquire virtus: justice and fairness take themselves far away from bad men. 155-6 Jocelyn = se. 188-9 Vahlen = 200-1 ROL
The lines repeat a famous Socratic dictum about justice - OIKT] - and courage - 6:vopEio, IS and it might be argued that Ennius' characterization of virtus merely reflects the paucity of Latin vocabulary that compelled the single word virtus to regularly translate both 6:vopEio, the Greek word for courage, and 6:pETT], the Greek word for excellence. Indeed, 6:pETT] was a broad-ranging and decidedly ethical concept, and virtus was the standard Latin word used to translate it. I6 But in Greek literature one does not find 6:PETT] contrasted with ethical ideals as Ennius here contrasts virtus to ius. Quite the contrary, as early as the mid-seventh century, the poet Theognis expressed the view that "the whole of 6:pETT] is summed up injustice" - EV oE olKolocrvvn crvAAT]f301lV m):s' 6:PETT] 'crTIV. (147 West). By the mid-fourth century
of Abstract Ideas in Roman Literature (Chicago, 1907) pp. 22 and 25; E. Samler, "Honos," RE VIII. 2 (1913) cols. 2292-4; J. A. Hild, "Virtus," Daremberg-Saglio V (1917) col. 926; G. DeSanctis, Storia dei Romani, IV ii I (Florence, 1953) p. 302; K. Latte, RRG (1960) pp. 235-6; Combes, pp. 205-12; G. Dumezil, ARR (Paris 1974) p. 252. W V Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome [henceforth WIRR] (Oxford, 1979) p. 20. Contra Eisenhut, "virtus als gottliche Gestalt," RE Suppl. XIV (1974) cols. 896-9IO. 15 Xen. Sym. 3.4; PI. Prot. 329E; also Isoc. 4.197; cf. O. Ribbeck, Die romische Tragodie im Zeitalter der Republik (Leipzig, 1875, reprinted Hildesheim, 1968) p. 30. H. D. Jocelyn, The Tragedies of Ennius (Cambridge, 1968) p. 295. Earl, Historia II (1962) p. 476 and Eisenhut, VR, p. 30, commented on the "un-Romanness" of the lines. 16 For 6:pETT] as an ethical concept, see U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Sappho und Simonides, Untersuchungen uber griechische Lyriker (Berlin, 1913) pp. 169-89; and A. W H. Adkins, Merit and Responsibility (Oxford, 1960).
6
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTUS
this idea had become proverbial. I7 Ennius' lines, however, which were recited before a Roman audience, draw a clear contrast between ius, an overtly ethical quality, and virtus, and stand in stark contradiction to the theory that virtus was conceived of as an ethical ideal representing the sum of the qualities valued by Romans. 18 Some might argue that the view of virtus expressed in these lines of Latin tragedy are poetic, Greek-influenced, and somehow un-Roman. Such things, however, cannot be said of its appearance in the prose work of a quintessentially Roman author. In Book Three of De bello civili, Juhus Caesar writes of two Allobrogian brothers named Raucillus and Egus, who commanded Caesar's Gallic cavalry at the battle of Dyrrachium in 48. Caesar states that he had given them position and wealth because of the great virtus they had displayed in war: ... singulari virtute homines, quorum opera Caesar omnibus Gallicis bellis optima fortissimaque erat usus. his domi ob has causas amplissimos magistratus mandaverat atque eos extra ordinem in senatum legendos curaverat, agrosque in Gallia ex hostibus captos praemiaque rei pecuniariae magna tribuerat locupletesque ex egentibus fecerat. hi propter virtutem non solum apud Caesarem in honore erant sed etiam apud exercitum cari habebantur; ... men of outstanding virtus, whose excellent and very brave serVIces Caesar had employed in all his Gallic wars. Because of this he had given to them the highest offices in their own country, and had seen to it that they, extraordinarily, were enrolled in the senate, and had awarded to them land in Gaul captured from enemies and a great amount of very valuable booty, and 17
18
Aristot. EN II29B29; see Adkins, Merit and Responsibility, p. 78. On 5iKT] and apETT], see also Phocylides, 16, and note the reluctance of Thrasymachus to contrast the two at PI. Rep. 348D. Sarsila, p. 42, cited Xenophanes (frag. 2 Diels-Kranz) contrasting apETT] to pW~T] -"strength;" not at all to the point. See Cicero, Off. 1.62, where in translating Panaetius Cicero uses Jortitudo for av5pEia, virtus for apETT]; cf. A. R. Dyck, A Commentary on Cicero, De Officiis (Michigan, I996) pp. I9I-2. The ethical meaning of apETT] predominates in Greek literature of the fourth century and later, especially Middle and New Comedy; see Chapter Ill. This is true, whatever specific meaning virtus might have in Ennius' lines; on which see Chapter I. A connection between virtus and unethical conduct is also found in two unattributed fragments of Latin tragedy. In one, an act of violence that is characterized as virtus is also described as ethically repugnant, inc. inc. Jab. I97-9 Ribb. = I02-4 ROL, p. 6I7 (on which see later Chapter I). Another fragment suggests that virtus is ethically neutral, and that while it is best to make ethical use of it, virtus could also be employed in the sacrilege of sacking a temple, inc. inc.Jab. 30-3I, Ribb. = 98-9 ROL, p. 6I7 (see Chapter I).
7
ROMAN MANLINESS
had turned them from poor to rich men. Because of their virtu5, these men were not only held in honor by Caesar, but were also dear to the army; BC 3.59.1-3
Succumbing to greed, however, the brothers embezzled the pay of the soldiers under their command. This conduct is described as an ethical failing by Caesar, who writes that it brought public scorn as well as guilt to the two Gauls. 19 Caesar, however, decided to put off any punishment of the brothers, and did so, he tells us, in large measure because of their virtus. 20 Caesar neque tempus illud animadversionis esse existimans et multa virtuti eorum concedens rem totam distulit; ... Caesar, deciding that it was not the time for punishment, and conceding much to their virtu5, postponed the whole business; ... BC 3.60.1
The statement of Caesar, who was famous for his precision with words,21 that he had temporarily excused the ethical failings of Raucillus and Egus because of their virtus, makes little sense if virtus were normally considered a single all-inclusive and ethical concept. The contention that virtus comprised a "complex" of moral ideals that was "regarded by the Romans themselves as embodying the specially Roman ideal" is, therefore, demonstrably untrue. 22 Yet it is the case that Caesar's contemporary Cicero both states that an ethical usage of virtus (as the quality that engenders and preserves friendship) is its meaning in colloquial speech - ex consuetudine vitae sermonisque nostri -, and not infrequently employs virtus as a unified, all-embracing, ethical
I9
20
2I 22
Caes. BC 3.59.3. Magnam tamen haec res illis offensionem et contemptionem ad omnis attulit, idque ita esse cum ex aliorum obiectationibus tum etiam ex domestico iudicio atque animi conscientia intellegebant. - "Nevertheless, this affair brought to these men [Raucillus and Egus] great discredit and scorn in the sight of all, and they realized that this was not only a result of the aspersions of strangers, but also of the judgment of their friends and of their own conscience." (BC 3.60.2). Here, as almost always in Caesar's works, virtus has a martial meaning, see Chapter IX. For Caesar's careful and pure diction, see Cic. Brut. 261. Earl, MPTR p. 36. Hellegouarc'h, p. 568, saw that in the late Republic, virtus was not used as a moral term in ordinary language. Harnblenne, Latomus 43 (1984) pp. 369-88, came to a similar conclusion about the political uses of vir.
8
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTUS
term.23 Virtus was a far more complex value than modern scholarship has supposed, and how it came to be used in various and contradictory ways requires explanation. But a study that privileges usages of virtus found only in Classical Latin will not do. The first three chapters of this book examine the various meanings of virtus, from its earliest occurrences, with each instance of the word evaluated on its own terms by paying close attention to both textual and historical contexts. The influences of Greek words and ideas, in particular exPETT], on some of these meanings are evaluated, as are the socio-linguistic mechanisms by which these influences were effected. From a philological perspective, this will be seen to be largely a process by which Latin virtus came to take on the modern meaning of "virtue." But analyzed as a purely ethical concept, virtus is inevitably a poor cousin to the more semantically wide-ranging and philosophically sophisticated Greek concept exPETT] , from which many of the ethical references of virtus were adopted. A proper study of virtus must situate the Roman concept in its cultural and historical context as well as concentrate on the basic meaning of the term, which is "manliness," and how it functioned in Roman society. It will be seen that the pervasive influences of Hellenism on midand late-republican Rome, not only altered the meaning of the word virtus, but the idea of manliness itself. As a consequence, two distinct conceptions of the term developed - one traditionally Roman and essentially martial in nature, the other Greek-influenced and primarily ethical. 24 Not only that, but beginning in the late-second century, the divergent meanings of the term denoting Roman manliness were publicly debated, and the contested meaning of virtus played a critical 2J
24
Cic. Amic. 21. sed haec ipsa virtus amicitiam et gignit et continet nec sine virtute amicitia esse ullo pacto potest - "but this very virtus both engenders and preserves friendship, nor can friendship possibly exist without virtus" Cic. Amic. 20. For Cicero's use of virtus as an all-embracing ethical term, see, e.g., Off. 3.13; De or. 3.136; Mur. 30; Imp. Pom. 64. The distinction between the two meanings of virtus seems to have been appreciated and employed by Machiavelli; see J. H. Hexter, The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation (New York, 1973) pp. 188--92. Most recent classical scholarship has followed Earl and Eisenhut. Those who have not are disappointing. C. A. Barton, Roman HOl1or: The Fire il1 the Bones (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 2001) p. 57, renders virtus as "effective energy," referring, pp. 41-2, to the dubious semantic connection between virtus and vis; on which see Chapter n, n. 3. Most of what Barton writes about virtus is impressionistic.
9
ROMAN MANLINESS
ideological role in the crisis that shook and finally ended the Roman Republic. Anthropological and sociological studies have shown that despite differences of content and definition, in most cultures manhood is regarded not as a status gained merely by coming of age, but as something that must be demonstrated or won, a concept that is precarious, elusive, and exclusionary. Moreover, in most cultures the term denoting manliness comprises a variety of qualities, emphasis on one or exclusion of another depending on societal values. 25 This book, therefore, also addresses the fundamental questions of what it meant to be a man - vir - in ancient Rome, how the status was attained, and how it changed over time. Institutions that taught and encouraged the aggressively martial types of behavior that Roman manliness traditionally comprised are examined, together with the ways in which manliness was demonstrated. Of great importance for understanding the nature of Roman manliness are the distinctive ways in which virtus was represented visually - the armed amazon and the mounted warrior - and the ideological significance of the latter in regard to republican values. In addition, it will be shown how, in order to insure the stability of the state, the Republic developed a singular system of institutional constraints on aggressive displays of manliness, and that the cult to divine Virtus played a central role in challenges to those constraints that were posed in the late Republic by ambitious Roman leaders. The scope of this study is limited, with certain exceptions, to the republican period. (Because of the notoriously poor documentation for much of this period, some of the arguments that are later advanced 25
So D. M. Gilmore, Manhood in the Making (New Haven, 1990), M. Hertzfeld, The Poetics of Manhood (Princeton, 1985), and for multiple masculinities, and the idea ofhegemonic and subordinate masculinities, see R. W Connell, Masculinities (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1995) pp. 76-86; discussed in Chapter V. Despite the obvious importance that family and reproduction held for the ancient Romans, and that the word vir was used in reference to these, they were excluded from the ideal concept of manliness as represented by virtus. It is, therefore, unnecessary, and perhaps counterproductive, to analyze all the various meanings and nuances of the word vir, in order to understand the Roman ideal of manliness. To understand that, we must concentrate on the meanings and nuances of the word virtus, and on its place in Roman society and culture. On meanings of vir, see the works previously mentioned n. 6. For an illuminating treatment with a different emphasis, see the essays in A. Giardina, ed. L'uomo romano (Bari, 1989). 10
INTRODUCTION - MANLINESS AND VIRTIJS
are ambitious; I hope not excessively so.) This decision was made, in part, to keep the book to a reasonable length, but for a number of substantive reasons as well. First, with the exception of one or two new usages found in late Latin, the semantic development of virtus seems to have been completed by the time of Cicero. Second, it was under the Republic, as Rome grew from an important Latin community to a great Mediterranean power, that the institutions and mores that are characteristically Roman were shaped, and the ancient Roman selfimage was constructed. Roman values that changed under the Empire did so, to a large degree, in reaction to the lost but not forgotten Republic. Finally, there is an intrinsic connection between virtus and res publica. Before the establishment of the Republic, royal women, such as Tanaquil and Tullia, were imagined to have played an important and active role in public affairs, and the political power of imperial women rose to great heights with the Principate. But in the intervening 500 years, the Republic defined political power as male. In this Rome was not unusual, because political power was a male preserve in virtually all ancient societies. But the bond between the form of the state and the status of being a man was closer and more essential in Rome than in others, because in Rome, serving the Republic was the only way many Romans males could lay claim to being a man.
II
I
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
I do not blame the words, which are like excellent and precious vessels, but the wine of error, which was introduced into them for us by intoxicated teachers. Augustine, Confessions
A basic and necessary premise for the theory that virtus had an intrinsically broad semantic field of reference is the contention that its very common meaning of courage, especially martial courage, was but one aspect of a wide-ranging concept. Support for this view can certainly be found in the works of various authors of the late republican and the imperial eras. But in the time between the late Republic and the earliest surviving texts, the Latin language had undergone considerable change, and whether the notion that virtus had an intrinsically broad semantic range is supported by early Latin usage is questionable. This chapter will explore the issue, focusing on close readings of a number of critical early Latin texts and will argue that in pre-Classical Latin (before Cicero) the predominant meaning of virtus is courage. I I.
VIRTUS AND EARLY LATIN
Virtus occurs in pre-Classical Latin with considerable frequency, but determining its meaning is often difficult. Its first occurrence is in a passage from Rome's earliest legal code, the XII Tables, usually dated I
What kinds of courage - a complex and problematic concept in any language - virtus denoted is discussed in this chapter, Section 6. 12
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
to the mid-fifth century. No complete text of the original survives, but scholars have pieced together the code from quotations found in the works of various later Latin authors. Virtus is mentioned in Table X, among notices of restrictions on burial honors, specifically in regard to a provision about crowns awarded for virtus. 2 Two of the texts relevant to this provision are, flla iam significatio est, laudis ornamenta ad mortuos
pertinere, quod coronam virtute partam et ei qui peperisset et eius parenti sine fraude esse lex impositam iubet. - "Now the meaning is that decorations of renown belong to the dead, because the law orders that a crown obtained by virtus may with impunity be placed upon him who had won it and upon his father." (Cic. Leg. 2.60), and from Servius' commentary on Vergil's Aeneid II .80, in antiquis disciplinis relatum est, quae quisque virtute ornamenta consecutus esset, ut ea mortuum eum condecorarent. - "In the ancient rules it was related, anyone who because of virtus had won decorations, these may adorn him when he is dead." The provision is part of what seems to have been an attempt by the Roman aristocracy at self-restriction by placing limits on extravagant funeral displays. 3 The reference to crowns won by sons being conferred on their fathers conforms to the old and peculiarly Roman system in which the pateifamilias legally owned anything acquired by a member of his family. 4 The meaning of virtus in this provision of the XII Tables, however, hinges on a third problematic passage from Pliny's Naturalis Historiae, which has caused considerable discussion in regard to both text and Pliny's interpretation of the ancient regulation. namque ad certamina in circum per ludos et ipsi descendebant et servos suos equosque rnittebant. Inde ilia xii tabularum lex: "qui coronam parit ipse pecuniave eius virtutis suae ergo duitur ei." quam servi equive meruissent pecunia partam lege dici nemo dubitavit.
2
J
4
For all of the texts of the provision in question, Tabula X, 6-7, see M. Crawford, et aL, Roman Statutes II (London, 1996) pp. 708-IO and pp. 556--'75 on the date and collection of the XII Tables. So E Wieacker, "Die XII Tafeln in ihrem Jahrhundert," in Les Origins de la republique romaine (Vandoeuvres-Geneva, 1967) pp. 291-359, esp. p. 313; E. Baltrusch, Regimen Morum (Munich, 1989) pp. 44-50; cf. T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome (London, New York, 1995) pp. I07-8. Crawford, et al., p. 563. On this provision, see Mommsen, R. Staatsr. P p. 426, n. 2.
13
ROMAN MANLINESS
For they themselves went down to the CIrcus during the games to compete and they sent their slaves and horses. From whence that law of the XII Tables: "who obtains a crown himself or by means of his chattel, it is conferred on him because of virtus." No one has doubted that in the law, what is said to be obtained 'by means of chattel,' slaves or horses had won.
Plin. NH 21. 7
Following this reading of the text, Eisenhut interpreted virtus in the passage as the quality of either the victorius individual himself or of his possessions, and rendered it as "general excellence."5 The reading virtutis suae, which is that of most editions of Pliny, is, however, found only in one manuscript; all others have virtutisve suae. The preferred reading, therefore, should probably be: qui coronam parit ipse pecuniave eius virtutisve suae ergo duitur ei, - "who obtains a crown by himself or by means of his chattel, or it is conferred on him because of his virtus, 6 with a distinction between the first clause, which refers to a crown being won by a man or by his chattel in games, and contains no reference to virtus, and the second, which refers to a crown conferred on the man for his own virtus. Given what is otherwise known about the awarding of coronae during the Republic, the meaning of virtus here is most likely physical courage. 7 5 Eisenhut, VR, p. 23 citing R. Diill, Leges duodecim tabularuml Das Zwolftafelgesetz (Munich, 1944). See also C. Mayhoff, C. Plini Secundi Naturalis Historiae (Leipzig, 1892); ad loco J. Andre, Pline L'Ancien, Histoire Naturelle, Livre XXI (paris, 1969); ad loc approved by Sarsila, p. 23. 6 As was pointed out by Crawford, Roman Statutes (London, 1996) m #40, p. 708. In ROL III p. soo, Warrnington printed eius virtutisve ergo arduitur ei. Pliny's entire interpretation is very dubious and the text may be corrupt. Crawford, pp. 709-10, wrote: "Pliny's picture of the circus is bizarre ... his explanation of pecuniave eius is absurd and the text itself in any case unsatisfactory." Contra E. Rawson, "Chariot-Racing in the Roman Republic," PRSR 49 (1981): pp. 1-6, esp. pp. 3-S = Roman Culture and Society (Oxford, 1991) pp. 389-407, esp. pp. 392-4. In addition, when introduced with phrases like nemo dubitavit - "no one doubted" - Pliny's statement are frequently suspect; cf., e.g., NH 9·2S; 30 .I. 7 So Mommsen, R.Staatsr. P p. 426, n. 2 and E. Courtney, Archaic Latin Prose (Atlanta, 1999) pp. IS-16 and 22-S; contra F. Bernstein, Ludi Publici; Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung der Offentlichen Spiele im republikanischen Rom (Stuttart, 1998) pp. 70-I. On the various types of coronae given for martial valor, see H. O. Fiebiger, "corona," RE IV (1901) cols. 1636-43; for coronae given for competitions, see cols. 1642-3. Note that the early fIfth-century (c. 480) Tomb of the Warior from Lanuvium contains both weapons and athletic equipment; see F. Zevi, "Tomba del guerriero di Lanuvio," in M. R. Di Mino, M. Bertinetti, ed. Archeologia a Roma (Rome, 1990) pp. 166,0
14
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Unfortunately, like the XII Tables passage, most Latin from before the age of Caesar and Cicero survives only in fragments -lines from otherwise non-extant works quoted by later writers. More often than not the fragments have no more, and frequently less, of a context than the provision of the XII Tables just examined, making it difficult to know exactly how a particular word is being used. It is, therefore, the relatively few works of pre-Classical Latin that survive in a more or less complete form that must be the starting place in the search for the meanings of words in early Latin. Of such complete works, it is the earliest, the comedies ofPlautus, that furnish the best opportunity for determining the meanings of virtus. For in addition to the large number of occurrences of the word it provides, the Plautine corpus also exhibits virtus in a relatively wide range of dramatic situations, as opposed to the predominantly military contexts in which the word is found in early Latin epic, tragedy, and history. The significance of any finding about the term is reinforced by the wider range of references. Furthermore by providing the contexts in which virtus is used, the comedies ofPlautus not only facilitate the determination of the meaning of the word in the passage under consideration, but, if the numerous instances of virtus in Plautus can be clearly categorized by context, they may furnish a basis by which to compare and judge the more obscure occurrences of virtus in the fragmentary remains of non-Plautine literature. In order to determine the meanings of virtus in early Latin, then, Plautine usages will be analyzed first, followed by an examination of the occurrences of virtus in other early Latin texts. In the comedies of Plautus, however, virtus sometimes occurs in a passage where the context is ambiguous or seemingly neutral, and determining the word's precise connotations is consequently difficult. Here Plautus' consistent patterns of word and phrase usage can be helpful. Because if a character in a play is frequently associated with virtus in passages where the word clearly has a specific and particular meaning, it is likely that virtus will carry the same meaning when applied to that character in what otherwise might be considered a neutral context. Because Plautus' words were heard by an audience, it follows that if, for example, virtus occurs in a martial context and reappears a few lines later in a neutral context, the references and meaning of the first occurrence would be transferred to the 15
ROMAN MANLINESS
second. 8 Words having multiple meanings offer the poet the opportunity for play, and Plautus was a punster, but puns are usually easy to identify, and none involving virtus has been found in Plautus' works. Two influential studies of virtus have claimed that the meaning of courage is common neither in the Plautine corpus nor in other early Latin literature. Earl maintained that such a meaning functioned as only one aspect of a much wider political and moral concept of virtus, whereas Eisenhut asserted that in Plautus courage is a rare and exceptional meaning for virtus, becoming prominent only in a later period. 9 Eisenhut's case is refuted by even a casual examination of two of PIautus' comedies, Amphitruo and Miles gloriosus, in both of which the courageous meaning for virtus is common. IO Occurrences of virtus in these most military of Plautus' plays far outnumber those in other plays, but the fact that virtus often has a martial denotation in plays in which military matters figure prominently could indicate only that this particular aspect of virtus is being emphasized because of the theme of the play. II A closer examination of the occurrences of virtus in Plautus is required. 2.
PLAUTUS AND ROMAN COMEDY
Virtus occurs sixty-six times in the Plautine corpus: fifty-five times in the singular, eleven in the plural. All who have studied the subject are in agreement that of these, nineteen unequivocally convey the idea of physical courage. I2 Most of these are found in the context 8
9 10 II
12
For this method of discovering an inrmediate and consistent context for words and phrases within a play, see W Thomas MacCary, Servus Gloriosus: A Study of Military Imagery in Plautus (diss., Stanford, 1968) and S. L. Hines, The Metaphorical Use of Mythological and Historical Allusions in Plautus (diss. Minnesota, I973). Earl, MPTR, pp. 3I-2; Eisenhut, VR, p. 25. As demonstrated by Sarsila, pp. 28-33. So Earl, Historia II (I962) p. 470. G. Lodge, Lexicon Plautinum II (Leipzig, 1904) pp. 878--9. Two of these occurrences, at Amphitruo 75 and 78, are in an interpolated passage; see M. McDonnell, "Ambitus and Plautus' Amphitruo 65-8I,"AJPh I07 (I986): pp. 564,6, and subsequently Chapter Ill, pp. I99-200. Virtus meaning courage occurs with martial connotations at Amphitruo I9I, 2I2, 260, 534, 648--9, 652-3, Miles gloriosus I2, 32, 57, I027,Asinaria 556, Epidicus I06, 38I, 442, 445, Pseudolus 532, Curculio 179, and Truculentus I06. See Lodge, I1, pp. 878--9; A. N. Van Omme, Virtus, een Semantiese Studie (Utrecht, I946); Earl, Historia 9 (I960) pp. 235-43; K. Strawecka, "Spuren der philosophischen virtus in
16
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
of the actions of men in war, common soldiers and leaders both. In such contexts virtus often denotes an aggressive martial quality, as for example at id vi et virtute militum victum atque expugnatum oppidum est "That town was conquered and sacked by the strength and virtus of the soldiers." - (Amph. 191).13 The same usage is found in Terence, at Bunuchus 778, where the aggressive martial virtus of a general is combined with the might of soldiers - imperatoris virtutem noveram et vim militum. I4 At the end of the same play, reference is made to facta et virtutes tuas- "your deeds and courageous acts" (Bun. 1090) of the same soldiers, and virtutes surely means the soldiers' martial deeds. IS When Plautus attributes virtus to military leaders, it sometimes represents a heroic quality such as in the awarding to Amphitruo of the golden libation vessel of the king whom he had personally slain. Amph.
260
post ob virtutem era Amphitruoni patera donata aurea est, qui Pterela potitare solitus est rex. afterwards, in recognition of his virtu5, a golden bowl was given to my master Amphitruo, with which king Pterela was accustomed to imbibe. 16
IJ
14
IS
16
den Komodien von Plautus," Eos 57 (1967-8) pp. 2Il-18; Eisenhut, VR, pp. 24--9; and Sarsila, pp. 28--9. See Eisenhut, VR, p. 40, Sarsila, pp. Il-I2. "Courageous" virtus has an aggressive connotation at Amph. 75, 191,260, 534, Asin. 556, Cas. 88, Cist. 198, Mil. 12,32, 57, 1042, and Cure. 179, Epid. 381, Pseud. 532, True. 106; see below. Unless otherwised noted, the Plautine texts cited are those ofF. Leo, Plauti Comoediae (Berlin, 1895). So Eisenhut, VR, p. 29 and P. McGlynn, Lexicon Terentianum II (London-Glasgow; 1967) p. 283; cf. Eun. 776. That the comedies of Terence were more faithful to their Greek models than were those of Piautus, and consequendy they display distinctively Roman values somewhat less commonly, was argued by Earl, Historia II (1962) pp. 469-85; see the cautions and comments ofS. M. Goldberg, Understanding Terence (princeton, 1986) pp. 3-3 0 . Contra McGlynn, p. 283 and Eisenhut, VR, p. 29, who were misled by the word mores at Eun. 1089. Here, as often in early Latin, the word mos is morally neutral and means "habit" or "characteristic;" cf. Plaut. Mil. 1327 and subsequendy p. 39. Of the nine occurrences of virtus in the surviving plays ofTerence, two, Eun. 778 and 1090, have a martial meaning, whereas a third, Phor. 33-4, seems to mean courage, so Earl, Historia Il (1962) p. 473 and Eisenhut, VR, p. 30, "merit, with the nuance of courage," contra McGlynn, p. 283. Cf. Amph. 252. Virtus is also attributed to Amphitruo at Amph. 534, 648-9, 652-3, and to other commanders at Epid. 106,442,445, Mil. 12, 32, 57, 1027. At Amph. 534 and Mil. 12 and 32 virtus describes heroic conduct; in the latter two examples used ironically.
17
ROMAN MANLINESS
But Plautus also uses virtus to describe the "non-aggressive" courage that men rely on in defense of their homeland: ... magnanimi viri freti virtute et viribusl . .. respondent bello se et suos tutari posse, ... - "bold men relying on their virtus and strength ... they answer that they could defend themselves and their people in war .. :' (Amph. 212, 21 4).17 In other passages, virtus is used within military images referring, often ironically, to non-military characters, usually slaves. In fact, the comic use of military imagery by or of a slave is a hallmark ofPlautine style. A good example is found in Plautus' Epidieus, when the slave of that name is described as a victorious general, virtute atque auspicio Epidici eum praeda in eastra redeo. - "I return to camp with booty because of the virtus and auspices of Epidicus." (Epid. 381).18 There are a number of Plautine passages where the context seems to indicate a meaning of courage for virtus, but where this meaning has been denied by those who argue that virtus was a general, wide-ranging concept. Examination of the passages in question shows, however, that such denials have little foundation in the texts. In most cases they ignore the dramatic contexts in which the term occurs and misinterpret the word's meaning. In Act 11 of Plautus' Trueulentus, the soldier Stratophanes makes a speech complaining about mendacity in reports of battles. strenui nimio plus prosunt populo quam arguti et cati:
True. 494 facile sibi facunditatem virtus argutam invenit, 495
sine virtute argutum civem mihi habeam pro praefica, quae alios conlaudat, eapse sese vero non potest. Doers are far more beneficial to the people than eloquent and clever men: virtus easily finds its own ringing eloquence, without virtus an eloquent citizen is to my mind like a wailing woman, who praises others, but is, in truth, not able to do the same for herself.
'7
IS
On the differences between the aggressive and steadfast denotations of "courageous"
virtus, see this chapter, Section 6. Virtus is used in military images by a slave at Pseud. 532, by a youth at Cur. 179, and by a prostitute at True. ro6. See J. Chr. Dumont, "La strategie de ]' esclave Plautinien," REL 44 (1966) p. 203 and MacCary, Servus Gloriosus, pp. 71-6, 91, 139, 209. For military imagery in Plautus, see Fraenkel, PI. im PI. pp. 231-50
18
= Elem. pp. 234-41.
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Arguing for his theory of a virtus complex that included a range of values among which was excellence in oratory, Earl claimed that here virtus is the quality "from which good oratory arises."19 But the lines suggest no connection between virtus and oratory; quite the contrary. The soldier presents the old and familiar contrast between words and deeds, with the latter represented by virtus. 20 That the deed in question is martial is made plain by the preceding lines ofStratophanes' speech: manibus duella praedicare soleo, haud in sermonibus. - I am accustomed to making my battles famous with my hands, not in speeches. (True. 483) and non placet . .. / neque illi quorum lingua gladiorum aciem praestringit domi. - nor do I like those whose tongues· at home blunt the edge of a sword. (True. 491-2)21 To interpret the line facile sibi facunditatem virtus argutam invenit to mean that oratorical eloquence is a function of virtus, as Earl did, is to completely misunderstand the text. Virtus here plainly means martial courage. References to virtus occur a number of times in Plautine prologues. The prologues to the comedies were often used to explain the complicated plots about to be presented by having a character break the dramatic illusion and address the audience directly.22 In the prologue of Amphitruo the character of Mercury, speaking directly to the audience, makes reference to a number of Roman deities.
Amph.42
nam quid ego memorem (ut alios in tragoediis vidi, Neptunum Virtutem Victoriam Martem Bellonam, commemorare quae bona vobis fecissent) quis bene factis meus pater, deorurn regnator, architectus omnibus? For why should I mention (as in tragedies I have seen others, Neptune, Virtus, Victoria, Mars, Bellona, recalling whatever good deeds they had done for you) the benefits that my father, ruler of the gods, designer of all?
19
20 21 22
Earl, Historia 9 (1960) p. 241. In fact, the connection of virtus with rhetoric is first found in the firSt century, e.g., Cic. Brut. 84, De or. 1.134 and is derived from uses of apE,." in Greek rhetorical treatises; see subsequent text. Cf., e.g., Xen. Cyr. 3.3.50-51, and cf. Sail. Bl85.31. Other references to war in Stratophanes' speech occur at True. 482, 484, and 486. On prologues, see K. Abel, Die Plautusprologue (Millheim, 1955), passim.
19
ROMAN MANLINESS
Victoria, Mars, and Bellona were all gods of war, and among such bellicose companions a martial meaning for Virtus seems obvious here. The passage has generally been taken as a reference to divine Virtus as the personification of martial courage. Yet Eisenhut found reason to deny this. Passing over Victoria, Mars, and Bellona, he claimed that Neptune was not a martial deity and on that basis denied the warlike nature ofVirtus. 23 But the status of Neptune as a god of victory at sea is well attested for the age of Plautus. It was to Neptune that Scipio Africanus credited his great victory at Cartagena in 210, and before setting out on his African campaign in 204, he sacrificed to Neptune. 24 These lines from the Amphitruo prologue, therefore, not only confirm that divine Virtus was a martial deity, but they demonstrate that references to war and to gods of war were common in Roman drama of the late-third and early-second centuries. Plautus' plays were originally staged between roughly 210 and 184, a time of intense Roman military activity, and in the prologues characters addressing the audience frequently mention Roman military victories. 25 Near the end of the delayed prologue to Plautus' Cistellaria, the character of personified "Aid" or "Assistance" - Auxilium says to the audience: Cist. 198
... bene valete et vincite virtute vera, quod fecistis antidhac; servate vostros socios, veteres et novos, augete auxilia vostra iustis legibus, perdite perduelles, parite laudem et lauream, ut vobis victi Poeni poenas sufferant . . . . Be well and goodbye, and conquer by true virtu5, as you have done before; secure your allies, both old and new,
2J
24
25
Eisenhut, "virtus als gottliche Gestalt," RE SuppL XIV (1974) cols. 896-7, the starting point for his overall misinterpretation. Divine Virtus appears at Plautus, Bacch. 892, but in the company of so many other deities that nothing can be determined about its nature. For Virtus as a martial deity at Amph. 42, see, e.g., Wissowa, in Myth. Lex. F coL 2707 and Hild in Daremberg-Saglio, 5, "wtus" col. 926. On Scipio at Cartagena, see Poly. 10.11.7, with O. Skutsch, HSCP 71 (1966) p. 126; for the African campaign, App. Lib. 13, cf. Liv. 29.27. See St. Weinstock, "Neptunus," RE XVI (1933) cols. 2514-35. For other references to victory and war in Plautine prologues, see Asin. 14-15, Capt. 67-8, Rud. 82, and True. 74-5. 20
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
increase your auxiliaries with just laws, destroy your enemies, gain praise and laurel, so, that the Carthaginians, conquered by you, may suffer the penalty. The same lines occur, nearly verbatim, in what seems to be a later Plautine play, Casina, when at the end of the prologue the speaker addresses the audience with: ... valete, bene rem gerite et vincite Cas. 88 virtute vera, quod fecistis antidhac.
Goodbye, carry out your affairs successfully, and conquer by true virtus, as you have done before."26 Eisenhut thought that in these prologues virtus carries not a military meaning, but a general, non-specific one. Earl was of the same opinion, holding that at Cistellaria 198, virtus denotes a standard of conduct that extends beyond victory in war to include the proper conduct toward allies and the just laws mentioned in lines 199-200.27 But it is not necessary to suppose that the injunctions to preserve allies and to augment defenses should be understood as aspects of virtus. The text exhorts the Romans to employ virtus simply for the purpose of conquest. Allies are secured, auxiliaries augmented by just laws. Moreover, the overall emphasis of lines 197-202 of the Cistellaria prologue is firmly military. The meaning of vincitel virtute vera, therefore, should be "conquer with your true courage." If the collocation does denote a standard of conduct, it is a martial one, as most commentators have agreed. 28
26
27
28
The relationship of these passages is complex and debated. Most scholars have dated Cistellaria to shortly before the end of the Hannibalic War and the original staging of Casina to sometime in the early 180s. Some attribute both prologues, excepting Casina 5-20, to Plautus. Others think the relevant section of the Casina prologue is a nonPlautine interpolation, see E. Paratore, Casina (Florence, 1959) pp. II f.; A. DeLorenzi, Cronologia e evoluzione plautina (Naples, 1953) p. 197. A cogent case can be made for Cistellaria 197-202 being non-Plautine interpolation; see H. B. Mattingly, "The First Period of PIautine Revival," IAtomus 19 (1960) pp. 240--6, esp. 241-3, and E Ritschl, Parerga zu Plautus und Terenz (Leipzig, 1845) p. 237, note. Eisenhut, VR, p. 26; Earl, Historia 9 (1960) pp. 241-2. Earl based his argument on a comparison of Cist. 198 with Amph. 75--6, but in the later passage virtus as a political standard is being compared to its function as a military standard, see Chapter Ill, Section 5. So Lodge, 1I, p. 879 and Sarsila, p. 32. 2I
ROMAN· MANLINESS
The use of virtu5 in military metaphors by slaves has also been misinterpreted. At the beginning of Act II of the play that bears his name, the slave Pseudolus ironically describes his devious schemes as if they were the strategies of a general: ... nam ego in meo pectore prius ita paravi copias, duplicis triplicis dolos perfidias, ut, ubiquomque hostibus congrediar
Pseud.
s8r
(maiorum meum fretus virtute dicam, mea industria et malitia fraudulenta), facile ut vincam, facile ut spoliem meos perduellis meis perfidiiis . . . . for I have already prepared troops in such a way in my mind, tricks and deceits in double and triple lines, so that I may do battle with enemies anywhere (trusting, I may say, in the virtus of my ancestors, in my own energy and my deceitful roguery), so that I may easily conquer, easily despoil my enemies with my deceptions.
Eisenhut gave virtus here a non-specific meaning of capability or proficiency.2 9 But the usage occurs in the song in which Pseudolus compares his guileful plans to those of a general attacking a city. These lines, and the entire passage, abounds in military images (see Pseud. 586-7). Pseudolus' song, in fact, parodies aristocratic speeches in which Roman citizens often heard mention of the martial accomplishments of noblemen's ancestors. Near the end of his song, Pseudolus states that he will win booty - praeda (Pseud. 588) - and subject his enemies to terror and flight - metum etfugam perduellibus meis (Pseud. 589)so that, he says, his enemies "may know that I was born; that I was from such a family that I was" - me ut sciant natum. leD sum genere gnatus. (Pseud. 589-90). The parallel between the purely martial ancestry referred to in lines 589-90 and the phrase maiorum meum . .. virtute
29
Eisenhut, VR, p. 25, Tiichtigkeit. Lodge, p. 879, gave a meaning of "power, or aid," but was misled by the similarity of PseudoIus' phrase to the Plautine collocation virtute deum (et maiorum). The latter formula is, however, quite distinct; cf. Aul. r66, Per. 390, Trin. 346, and the discussion of the phrase in Chapter n. 22
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATtN
at Pseudo Ius 581, suggests that in the latter virtus denotes the martial valor of ancestors. 30 A similar situation occurs in Plautus' Asinaria at the end of a mock prayer spoken by the slave Libanus (Asin. 545-57) and in the response of - his fellow slave Leonidas: Lib. - eae nunc legiones, copiae exercitusque eorum vi pugnando, periuriis nostris fugae potiti. Asin. 556 id virtute huiius collegae meaque comitate factumst. qui me vir fortior ad sufferundas plagas? Asin. 558 Leon. - Edepol virtutes qui tuas non possis conlaudare sic ut ego possim, quae domi duellique male fecisti. Lib. - Now these legions, troops, and their armies by violent fighting, have been put to flight by our perjuries. This was accomplished by the virtus of this colleague, and by my own generosity. Who is a braver man than me for suffering blows? Leon. - By the god, you could not praise your virtutes as I could the evil things you have done at home and at war.
Long ago Fraenkel recognized Libanus' prayer to Peifidia as a parody of a triumphator's prayer to Jupiter,3 ' and the martial language of the last four lines of the prayer indicates that at Asinaria 556 virtus means martial courage, as most agree. 32 It is reasonable to suppose that the same meaning would be carried over to the occurrence of the word in the plural - virtutes - two lines later. In early Latin plural forms of qualities like virtus regularly denote individual instances of the quality in question, and" deeds of courage" is the regular meaning of virtutes in the comedies of PIautus and generally in early Latin. 33 Earl, however,
30
31
32 33
So Harris, MRR, p. 20, n. 3. For Pseudolus' song as a parody of aristocratic speeches, see Dumont, REL44 (1966) p. 203 and MacCary, Servus Gloriosus, pp. 179-80; cf. Fraenkel, PI. im PI. pp. 63-5 = Elem. pp. 59-61; F. Leo, "Ueber den Pseudolus des Plautus," Naehriehten Konigl. Gesellsehaft der Wissensehtiften zu Gottingen, philol-hist, klasse (1903) pp. 347-54; E. Lerevre, Plautus' Pseudolus (Tiibingen, 1997) pp. 61-2. Fraenkel, PI. im PI. p. 238 = Elem. p. 229. Cf. Asin. 545, and Capt. 768 ff. and Per. 753 and 251, also see MacCary, Servus Gloriosus, p. 139. Sarsila, p. 31, n. 3. Lodge, p. 879, gavefirmitudo animo. For the plurals of abstract Latin nouns see E. Liifstedt, Syntaetica I (Lund, 1942) pp. 30-6. On the meaning of virtutes in Plautus, cf. Mil. 12, Cure. 179, and see Piischl, Grundwerte, p.22.
23
ROMAN MANLINESS
interpreted the official-sounding phrase of line 559, quae domi duellique male fecisti - "things that you have done wickedly both at home and in battle" - with its comic substitution of quae male fecesti, for the normal quae bene fecisti - "things you have done well" - as synonymous with virtutes in the previous line, thus giving virtutes a broader domestic as well as military reference. 34 This interpretation is possible, since the words quae domi duellique malefecisti do echo an official phrase found in formulaic triumphal language. But such triumphal formulae did not regularly contain the words virtus or virtutes, and when they did, virtus referred invariably and exclusively to martial exploits. 35 Moreover, Earl's pleonastic interpretation is unnecessary. Domi duellique can be taken independently of virtutes, as being used by Plautus to further emphasize the contrast between the mock-martial boasts of Libanus at Asin. 554-7 - duelli - and the dressing-down these receive from Leonidas at Asin. 558-65 - domi -, where military metaphors are entirely lacking. At Asinaria 558 virtutes occurs in a typical servile military metaphor and most probably means simply "deeds of martial courage," as most commentators and translators have rendered it. 36 Thus far all the examples of virtus that have been examined are military in nature. Most denote an aggressive type of physical courage, fewer the courage needed to withstand attack. But in Plautus' comedies a courageous meaning of virtus is also found in non-military contexts denoting the ability to overcome fear of death and pain. Cicero, in fact, defined virtus in this very way. Appellata est enim ex viro virtus; viri autem propria maxime est fortitudo, cuius munera duo sunt maxima mortis dolorisque contemptio. For virtus is derived from [the word for] man; for a man, however, courage is the most essential thing, the requirements of which are two - great scorn for both death and pain. Tusc. 2.43
Although the theme of contempt for pain and death is found elsewhere in the first two books of the Tusculan Disputations, and although 34 Earl, Histaria 9 (1960) p. 242. 35
See Chapter n.
36 Eisenhut, VR., p. 28 and Lodge, p. 879, ef. Posehl, Grundwerte, p. 22
24
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
the Greek author on whose work Cicero drew in these books did lay stress on courage as a virtue,37 the etymological connection between virtus and vir in this passage indicates that the definition of the former as "contempt for pain and death," is a Ciceronian reference to a value traditional associated with manliness by the Romans. 38 Willingness to endure pain and death was, indeed, central to the Roman ideal of manliness, the most famous example perhaps being that of C. Mucius Scaevola placing his hand in the fire to demonstrate Roman virtus to an enemy king. 39 Yet this well-attested specific usage has been largely ignored by those who have gone off in search of vaguer and more general meanings for virtus. The willingness and ability to withstand pain as an aspect of virtus is found in the extended dialogue between the slaves Libanus and Leonidas that takes place in Act II of Asinaria. Leonidas addresses the following words to his fellow: Asin. 323 Em ista virtus est, quando usust qui malum fert fortiter; fortiter malum qui patitur, idem post potitur bonum.
Ah, that is virtus, one who bravely bears something bad when required; He who bravely undergoes something bad, afterward obtains something good.
Focusing on the play between malum and virtus, some have taken the latter to represent something broader than physical courage. 37
38
39
In Books I and II of the Tusculan Disputations Cicero followed the Stoic philosopher Panaetius. For the latter's opinions on courage, see M. Van Straaten, Panetius, sa vie, ses &rits et sa doctrine avec une edition des fragments (Amsterdam, 1946) pp. n8-80; cf. Aristot. ENII50A. See the co=ent of A. E. Douglas, Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, II and V (Warrninster, 1990) p. 7 I, "The etymological observation ... does not seem necessary to the argument." The attempt of A. Grilli, Marco Tullio Cicerone, Tusculane, libro 11 (Brescia, 1987) pp. 312-14, to reconstruct a Greek model for Cicero's etymological note is unconvincing. Note that at Tusc. 2.43 Cicero cites as an example of contempt for pain death contra dolorem et mortem disciplina; - the wholly Roman cultural institution of gladiatorial games; cf. Tusc. 4.64 and Rep. 5.9. Liv. 2.12, esp. 2.12.14 - Iuberem macte virtute esse, si pro mea patria ista virtus staret. In the form Livy gives, the story goes back to c. 200. But the story's emphasis on enduring pain is considerably older; see R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5 (Oxford, 1965) pp. 262-3. For the relationship of enduring pain and the fear of death to virtus see also Caesar, BGVI.14.5, and VII.77.5, respectively.
25
ROMAN MANLINESS
Interpreting the lines in general ethical terms, Earl translated "to bravely withstand evil fortune," and took virtus as a general "standard of conduct. "40 But the context makes it clear that here both malum and virtus have quite specific meanings. The dialogue between Libanus and Leonidas contains repeated references to brutal physical punishments that Roman slaves were subject to (Asin. 276-7, 285, 297-305, 309-14), the description of which is characteristic of Plautine comedy. 4I Moreover, the lines immediately preceding the occurrence of virtus refer to the beating Libanus expects to suffer: Lib. -
tantum facinus modo inveni ego, ut nos dicamur duo omnium dignissumi esse, quo cruciatus confluant.
Leon. - Ergo mirabar quod dudum scapulae gestibant mihi, hariolari quae occeperunt, sibi esse in mundo malum. Lib. -
I have just now found such a deed, so that we two may be said to be the most worthy of all, where tortures assemble.
Leon. - Ah, I wondered that my shoulders were itching a while ago, they began to predict there was something bad for them at hand. Asin. 313-16
and Lib. - Si quidem O1=es coniurati cruciamenta conferant, habeo opinor familiare tergum, ne quaeram foris. Lib. - Even if they all pledged to collect the tortures, I reckon that I own a back, and don't have to look for one outside. Asin. 318-19
There is nothing vague about the nature of the malum mentioned by the slaves in lines 316 and 323. It is not a reference to general evil, but a clear and specific reference to a painful whipping. Consequently, at 40 Earl, Historia 9 (1960) p. 243. Van Ornrne, p. 57, also claimed "something broader than
41
military or physical courage." Strawecka, p. 215, rejected anything resembling martial courage, and argued that virtus represents the Epicurean idea of "good coming out of evil." Lodge, p. 879, gavefortitudo animi. The reference to slave punishment fit Fraenkel's criteria for Plautine originality; see PI. im PI. p. 19 = Elem. p. I7; cf. Philemon, frag. 23 K, however.
26
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Asinaria 323 virtus also has a specific reference, and means "the courage to bear pain. "42 In Plautus' play Persa, in another comic prayer, this one to Jupiter, the slave Sagaristio reflects on the punishment he will suffer if he misspends his master's money and uses the word virtus as follows: Per. 268
virtus, ubi occasio admonet, dispicere ....
virtus [is], when the situation is at hand, to perceive it clearly ....
As at Asinaria 323, Earl interpreted virtus in Persa 268 in a general sense, denoting a "standard of conduct".43 But again, the context shows that the meaning of virtus is quite specific. Immediately after defining virtus, Sagaristio tells the audience what it is that will require virtus - corporal punishment. quid faciet mihi? / verberibus caedi iusserit, compedes impingi?"What will he do to me? Will he order me to be flogged with whips, to be held down with shackles?" (Per. 268-9).44 Again, the meaning of virtus at Persa 268 is "the courage to face up to pain" and so be able to see things clearly.45 If one part of Cicero's definition of virtus - "scorn for pain" - is exemplified in the attitudes of certain Plautine slaves toward corporal punishments, the other part - "scorn for death" - can be seen in the play Captivi. The central figure of this play, Tyndarus, the slave who is not a slave, and who risks his own life for that of his master, is perhaps Plautus' noblest character. So it is not altogether surprising that in passages where his actions are described by virtus, the word has been interpreted in a broadly ethical sense. But again, if the contexts are 42
43 44
45
The dialogue between Leonidas and Libanus is also full of military images, see Asin. 267-71,278-80,294-5,307 and 317. Cf. Fraenkel, PI. im PI. p. 232 = Elem. p. 224, and MacCary, Servus Gloriosus, pp. 135-7. Earl, Historia 9 (1960) p. 242. Lodge, p. 879, gave .the general meaningfirmitudo animi. Sagaristio had also referred to a whipping a few lines earlier: tux tax tergo erit meo. - "He will smack whack on my back" (Per. 264). Compare the admonition to "be a man" written by P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura to Catilina in 63: cura ut vir sis et cogita quem in locum sis progressus. Vide quid tibi iam sit necesse, - "Take care that you are a man and recognize what circumstance you have come to. See what you must now do." Cic. Cat. 3.I2; cf. Sall. Cat. 44.5, with Hamblenne, Latomus 43 (1984) pp. 372-3. Cf. Also A. O. Rorty, Mind in Action (Boston, 1998) p. 300, on courage: " ... it is the very practical matter of seeing situations in such a way as to elecit relevant actions and reactions."
27
ROMAN MANLINESS
examined, it becomes clear that within passages praising the overall nobility of Tyndarus' behavior, references to virtus denote a distinct and specific quality - the courage to face pain and death. In Act 11 of Captivi, Tyndarus, embarking on his scheme of reversing roles and pretending to be his master Philocrates, speaks these words to the real Philocrates, who is about to be set free:
Capt. 410 nam tua opera et comitate et virtute et sapientia fecisti ut redire liceat ad parentis denuo, cum apud hunc confessus es et genus et divitias meas: quo pacto emisisti e vinclis tuom erum tua sapientia. For by your effort, and generosity, and virtu5 and good sense, you made it possible to return again to my parents, since you revealed in the presence of this man both my good birth and my wealth: By this arrangement, by your good sense, you have freed your master from chains.
A variety of meanings, all vague, have been proposed for virtus here "general excellence"; "the devotion of a slave"; a Greek philosophical ideal. 46 But at Captivi 410, virtus, like its companions opera, comitas, and sapientia, has a specific meaning. Tyndarus is covertly asking his master to remember his good deeds and not to abandon him when he, Philocrates, is free. In line 410, he lists the specific things he has done, and will do, for his master. Opera is the energy with which he is putting his scheme into effect; sapientia, here practical intelligence,47 refers to the cleverness with which Tyndarus carries out the ruse; comitas generosity or kindness - explains Tyndarus' reason for making the sacrifice; and virtus is the courage that Tyndarus displays by risking his life. This is made clear by reference to an earlier scene in which Tyndarus had made the same appeal to Philocrates, invoking the same qualities of affection and courageous self-sacrifice: Nam tu nunc vides pro tuo caro capite / carum oJferre < me> meum caput vilitati. - "For 46
47
"Personal excellence or ability" - Eisenhut, VR, pp. 24-5; a slave's devotion - Van Omme, pp. 63-4; the Stoic idea of social responsibility, - Strawecka, 214; Lodge, p. 879, gave the meaning animi vis, potentia. The regular meaning of sapientia in Plautus; see G. Garbarino, "Evoluzione semantic a dei termini piens e sapientia nei secoli III e II a.c.," AAT lOO (1965-66) pp. 254-84, esp. 255; U. Klima, Untersuchungen zu dem Begriff Sapientia von dey repuhlikanischen Zeit his Tadtus (Bonn, 1971) pp. 75-83
28
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LA'TIN
you. now see that for your dear life I sell my own dear life cheaply." (Capt. 229-30). Captivi 410 certainly describes an ethically laudable act, but since that act is broken down into four specific categories, a specific meaning of" courage to face death" is the most appropriate meaning for virtus. 48 After his master has escaped and his scheme has been discovered, Tyndarus invokes virtus in his proud reply to his captor Hegio's threat on his life: Heg. - Facito ergo ut Acherunti clueas gloria. Capt. 690 Tynd. - Qui per virtutem, periit, at non interit.
Heg. - So be it then, that you may enjoy glory in Hell. Tynd. - He who dies through virtu5 is not annihilated. Most commentators have concentrated on connection of virtus to a willingness to die. So Earl, noting the connection between virtus and gloria, thought that the former designates some general standard of conduct by which posthumous fame is won. 49 Again, facing death for a noble cause is ethically laudable, and the ethical tone of the dialogue is made plain by Tyndarus' words, Dum ne ob male facta, peream, parvi aestumo. - "So long as it is not because of evil deeds, let me die, I consider it a small matter." (Capt. 682). But the immediate context must be taken into account. Tyndarus is here responding directly to Hegio's threat of torture in the previous line: At cum cruciatu maxumo id factumst tuo. It has been done, but with terrible pain for you.
Capt. 681
The context also makes clear what Tyndarus means by "dying per virtutem." His proud description of what he has done, meumque potius me caput periculo praeoptavisse, quam is periret, ponere. So Harris, WIRR, p. 20, n. 3. 49 Earl, Historia 9 (1960) 240. Van Omme, p. 89, thought that here Plautus translates apETT] in a Greek commonplace meaning "virtue is deathless." Strawecka, p. 214, gave virtus 48
an ethical sense as "the willingness to help a friend." Sarsila, p. 26, commented only on the notion of immortal fame. Lodge, p. 879, gave the meanings mores, probitas, honestas for virtus.
ROMAN MANLINESS
that I had preferred to place my own life in danger, than that he [Philocrates] should die: Capt. 687-8
followed by his declaration in line 690 that to die by virtu5 confers undying fame, provokes this savage response from Hegio: Quando ego te exemplis pessumis cruciavero atque ob sutelas tuas te morti misero, vel te interiisse vel periisse praedicent; dum pereas, nihil intererit: dicant vivere. When I have tortured you in the most painful ways, and have caused you to die because of your cunning plans, let them proclaim either that you are annihilated, or merely dead; so long as you are really dead, I do not object at all that they say you are alive. Capt. 691-4
There can be little doubt that, as earlier in the play, virtu5 at Captivi 690 is not a vague, ethical term, but rather the courage to face death by torture. 50 At the end of the play, after learning that Tyndarus is his long-lost son, the humbled Hegio, on seeing him returning in chains from the quarries, utters these words: Capt. 997 sed eccum incedit huc ornatus haud ex suis virtutibus. Here he is, he is coming here, but decorated not at all according to his virtutes.
Some have favored a general meaning of "merits" for virtute5 and because the phrase ornatu5 . .. ex 5ui5 virtutibu5 seems to have been a commonplace expression in republican Rome, such an interpretation is possibleY But the fact that all earlier references to Tyndarus' virtu5 50
51
The notion that bravery bestows undying fame was central to Roman values and is stated by Naevius, corn. ro8-ro Ribb. and Ennius, Ann. 382 S. A meaning of "merits" - Verdienste, - was proposed by Strawecka, 2I4 and by Eisenhut, VR., p. 25 - Verdienste, Wiirde, Wiirdigkeit. Lodge, p. 879, gave mores, probitas. It may derive from the Greek commonplace KOo"~EiO"eat EK 6:pETwV, see, e.g., Thuc. 2.42.2, Dem. I8.287. The Latin phrase is found at Ter. Adel. 176, and with some variation at Plaut. Mil. 6I9; see later Chapter Ill.
30
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
refer to the courage he displayed in the face of torture and death, and that in Plautus' plays the regular meaning for the plural form of virtus is "deeds of courage," suggest that at Captivi 997, ornatus . .. ex suis virtutibus means "decorated according to his courageous acts." That these acts refer to Tyndarus' undergoing pain and eventually death is supported by the immediate response that he gives to Hegio's reference to his virtutes at Captivi 998-1000. Vidi ego multa saepe picta, quae Acherunti fierent cruciamenta, verum enim vera nulla adaeque est Acheruns atque ubi ego fui, in lapicidinis. I have often seen many tortures that took place in Hell depicted, but truly, there is no Hell equal to where I was, in the stone quarries.
This harrowing description of the punishment he suffered for the actions that saved his master's life, spoken by a character wearing heavy chains - compedibus (Capt. 1025) - is a strong indication that Tyndarus' virtutes are his "courageous deeds." The principal meaning of virtus in Plautus emerges from this analysis. To be sure, virtus displays a variety of meanings other than martial and courageous in the Plautine corpus - meanings that will be considered in due course. But of the sixty-six Plautine occurrences of virtus, fully half convey the idea of physical courage, 52 outnumbering any other particular meaning that can be assigned to the word. 53 In military contexts virtus can denote the kind of courage required to defend the homeland, but more often it designates aggressive conduct in battle. In non-military situations courageous virtus usually refers to the capacity to face and endure pain and death. The predominance of courageous virtus in Plautus is not only statistical however. In Act 11 of Amphitruo, Alcumena, the noble wife of the general for whom the play is named,
52
53
It is significant that virtus occcurs far more frequendy in the two most military of Piautus' plays, Amphitruo and Miles gloriosus, than in the others. Amph. 75 and 78 occur in an interpolated passage; see earlier, n. 5. At Amph. 75 virtus means martial courage; for its meaning at Amph. 78, see below Chapter Ill, Section 5. Many of the other particular meanings can be shown to have been affected by Greek influences; see Chapters Il and Ill.
31
ROMAN MANLINESS
recites a long soliloquy (Amph. 634-53) that ends with praise of her husband and his virtus. . .. id modo si mercedis datur mi, ut meus victor vir belli clueat. satis mi esse ducam. virtus praemium est optimum; virtus omnibus rebus anteit profecto: libertas salus vita res et parentes, patria et prognati tutantur, servantur: virtus omnia in sese habet, omnia adsunt bona quem penest virtus
.... if only this reward is given to me, that my husband is praised as victor in war, I will consider it enough for me. Virtus is the greatest prize. Virtus, without a doubt, comes before everything liberty, safely, life, property and parents, fatherland and children are guarded and preserved [by it]. Virtus has everything in itself. The man who possesses virtus has all that is good.
In the last two lines virtus is said to embrace all that is good, but it does so in a way very different from that described by those who have regarded virtus as a wide-ranging and all-encompassing ethical concept. In Alcumena's song virtus is specifically and unequivocally the quality of a general and warrior. 54 Moreover, the relationship described between virtus and all the other things Romans valued -liberty, property, family, and fatherland - is one of dependence. Virtus embraces all that is good because it is virtus that guards and preserves all that is good. Such an attitude about martial valor fits well with the historical circumstances, because the years during which Plautus' comedies were first staged witnessed an almost uninterrupted string of great and lucrative Roman victories. The words given here to Alcumena, the model Roman wife, testifY to the paramount place that martial virtus held in the
54
Lodge, p. 878; Strawecka, pp. courage in Alcumena's song.
2I2-I3;
and Sarsila, pp.
32
30-2
agreed that virtus means
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LA TIN
popular comedies of Plautus and in the society whose values they reflect. 55 The dramatic action of Plautus' comedies occurs in the decidedly private world of family intrigues and servile chicanery. If the most common meaning of virtus is physical courage in the Plautine corpus, then it seems likely that the same meaning would prevail in types of republican Latin where military themes predominate. Because emphasis on military accomplishment is ubiquitous in surviving public inscriptions from the republican period, it should not be surprising if in them the meaning of virtus is martial courage. 3. EARLY LATIN INSCRIPTIONS
Virtus is found with relative frequency in the relatively few surviving Latin republican inscriptions. The concept plays an especially important role in some of the earliest and most important of these, the elogia celebrating the lives and deeds of the Cornelii Scipiones that are inscribed on their tombs near the Via Appia. In these inscriptions virtus has again been interpreted as a broad-ranging quality centering around public political values, but extending to private values. 56 An examination of the texts in question shows otherwise. Virtus is mentioned in the earliest of the elogia, that ofL. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus (consul in 298), which has recently been dated to 55
56
Alcumena's monologue falls into two sections: Amph. 633-4I, which is solely concerned with Alcumena, and Amph. 64I -53, which refers to the deeds of Arnphitruo. The second section, in which all the occurrences of virtus are found, has long been recognized as a Plautine expansion. If there is Greek influence in the monologue, it is limited to Amph. 633-4I. See P. Langen, Plautinische Studien (Berlin, I886) p. 6; R. Perna, L'originalita di Plauto (Bari, I955) p. 206, n. I;]. Genzmer, Der Amphitrio des Plautus und seingriechisches Original (diss. Keil, I956) pp. I24-5; and G. Williams, review ofGenzmer,JRS 48 (I958) pp. 220-I. For the division of the monologue into two sections, see Genzmer, pp. 120-5. Although it is certainly true that Plautus' characterization of Alcumena contains much that is farcical, it is mistaken to interprete every word and phrase she speaks as comic, see E. Segal, "Perche Arnphitruo," Dioniso 46 (I975) pp. 254-67, esp. p. 254. Earl, PTS, pp. 20-I and MPTR, p. 22-3, tried to fit this evidence into his theory of a virtus complex in which virtus subsumed other cardinal Roman values. Eisenhut, VR., pp. 208-ra, also saw virtus in these inscriptions as a broad value, Tiichtigkeit, but insisted that virtus is not here given a value superior to honos, jama, sapientia, etc., which also appear.
33
ROMAN MANLINESS
the 250s. 57 The inscription reads as follows: Cornelius Lucius Scipio Barbatus Gnaivod patre Iprognatus, fortis vir sapiensque quoius forma virtutei parisuma Ifuit, consol, censor, aidilis quei fuit apud vos. Taurasia, Cisauna ISamnio cepit, subigit omne Loucanam opsidesque abdoucit. Lucius Cornelius Scipiuo Barbatus Born to his father Gnaeus, a brave and sagacious man, whose fine looks were equal to his virtu5. Consul, censor, aedile he was among you. He captures Taurasia and Cisauna in Samnium, he reduces all ofLucania and leads away hostages. lLLRP 309 = elL F 6-7
Eisenhut and Earl both rendered virtus generally as "excellence," primarily because of the Hellenic flavor of other lines in the elogium. 58 Greek influence is clear in the architectural form of Barbatus' sarcophagus as well as in the phrases fortis vir sapiensque, and quoius forma virtutei parisuma fuit, which correspond to the elite Greek ideal of KOAOKO:yo6io. 59 But care must be taken to understand the nature of the Greek influence, and it should not be overestimated. There is no ethical or philosophical coloring present, because in the phrase fortis vir sapiensque, the latter term represents practical knowledge q>POV1IlOS, not croq>OS - and may have a military connotation. 60 Nor 57
58
59
60
The redatingwas done by R. Wachter, Altlateinische Inschriften. Sprachliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zu den Dokumenten his etwa 150 v. Ch. (Bern, 1987) pp. 301-42. Objections have been expressed by E. Courtney, Musa Lapidaria (Adanta, 1995), pp. 216-20, and F. Zevi, "Sepulcrum Scipionurn," in LTUR 4 (1999) p. 85, but see the arguments of G. Radke, "Beobachtungen zur Elogium aufL. Cornelius Scipio Barbarus," RhM 134 (199 I) pp. 69-'79 and H. 1. Flower, Aristocratic Masks an Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture (Oxford, 1996) pp. 170-'7. For earlier discussions, see F. Coarelli, "Il sepolcro degli Scipioni," DArch 6 (1972): pp. 36-ro6, with bibliography. Eisenhut, TIR, p. 208; Earl, MPTR, pp. 21-2, cf., PTS, p. 20, arguing for his "virtus complex." Degrassi, ILLRP, 309, commented,forma cum virtute coniuncta ex more Graecorum. On the Hellenistic form of the sarcophagus, an altar, see Coarelli, DArch (1972) pp. 36-ro6, the entries of Coarelli and Zevi in Roma, medio repubblicana (Rome, 1977) pp. 234-9, and Flower, pp. 160-6. See Zevi, Studi Misc., 67-'71; Eisenhut, TIR, p. 208. On "sagacity" as the regular meaning of sapientia in early Latin, see G. Garbarino, AAT roo (1965-6) pp. 254-63, who held it
34
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LA TIN
does the joining offorma and virtus dictate a non-martial meaning for latter. When, half a century later,forma et virtus were joined by Plautus in Miles gloriosus, the collocation was inspired by a Greek source, yet clearly refers to physical beauty and martial courage. 6r A Greek ideal of practical wisdom and martial courage seems to have been current in Rome during the lifetime of Scipio Barbatus. A story is told of a Roman embassy to Delphi in the time of the Samnite Wars (sometime during the mid-fourth and early-third centuries), in which the oracle directed that the Romans erect two bronze statues, "one to the bravest and another to the wisest of the Greek people." Statues of Pythagoras and Alcibiades were placed in the Comitium. 62 Because Alcibiades had been "the foremost in beauty of his time" (Plin. NH 36.28), as well as a great commander, it is clear that his statue represented a Greek-inspired ideal of beauty and martial courage - virtus et forma. It seems that in the lifetime of Scipio Barbatus, Romans were familiar with a Greek ideal that placed emphasis on beauty, wisdom, and martial courage. Greek influences on the elogium are, therefore, no reason to deny that the virtus of Barbatus refers to his successes in war, which are, in fact, emphasized in the rest of the elogium. 63 The next two elogia in which virtus occurs refer to men who died young: Quei apice insigne Dial[is fl]arninis gesistei I mors perfec[it] tua ut essent omnia I brevia, honos, fama,virtusque I gloria atque ingenium. Quibus sei I in longa licuiset tibe utier vita, I facile facteis sup erases gloriam I maiorum. Qua re lubens te in grerniu, I Scipio, recipit terra, Publi, I prognatum Publio, Corneli.
has a political meaning; so too Klima, pp. 58-65. For the possibility of a military meaning see E. L. Wheeler, "Sapiens and Stratagems," Historia 37 (1988) pp. 166-95. 61 The courage and beauty credited to Pyrgopolynices at Mil. 12, 57, 1027, 1042, and I327 are central to his characterization and were taken from the Greek model; see L. Schaaf, Der Miles Gloriosus des Plautus und sein grieehisehes Original (Munich, 1977) pp. I44-5 and Leo, PI. Fors. p. 179. 62 fortissimo Graiae gentis et alteri sapientissimo. Plin. NH 34.26. Pythagoras is perhaps to be explained by his fame in Magna Graecia, but the choice of Alcibiades is more puzzling; see Zevi, p. 67 ff., who offered explanations for the choices. 6J SO Zevi, Studi Mise., p. 7I; also Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, pp. 41-2 and 223-5.
35
ROMAN MANLINESS
You wore the distinctive cap of the Flamen Dialis death made everything of yours brief - office, reputation, virtus, glory, and talent. If you had been permitted to make use of these in a long life, you easily would have outdone the glory of your ancestors with your deeds. Therefore, happily does the earth take you to her bosom, Publius Cornelius Scipio, son ofPublius lLLRP 3II = elL F 10 L. Cornelius Cn. f. Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapientia I multasque virtutes aetate quom parva Iposidet hoc saxsum. Quoiei vita defecit, non I honos honore, is hic situs, quei nunquam I victus est virtutei. Annos gnatus (viginti) is Il[oc]eis mandatus . Ne quairatis honore I quei minus sit mandatus.
Lucius Cornelius Scipio, son of Gnaeus, grandson of Gnaeus This stone holds great sagacity and many virtutes, but a short life. Here lies a man whose life not his esteem, denied him office, who was never conquered in virtus. He was given to this place with twenty years. Do not ask about an office that was not given to him. lLLRP 312 = elL F II
These inscriptions are problematic, and have been variously dated anywhere from 175 to c. 135. 64 The first is thought by some to be that of P. Cornelius Scipio the Augur, the son of the great Scipio Africanus, who adopted P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus sometime before 168. This man was made augur in 180, but was unable to pursue a career and hold office because of poor health. 65 But all who favor this identification must explain how an inscription stating that its subject had a short life, mars peifecit tua ut essent omnia brevia, can be that of a man who lived to be at least 40 years old. It is also very unlikely that the same person would have been both augur and Flamen Dialis. Because Publius was a common praenomen among the Scipiones, the identification of the tomb must remain uncertain, but it cannot be that of Scipio the Augur. G. V. Surnner's suggestion that the 64 65
Coarelli, DArch 6 (1972); pp. 36-ro6 Flower, pp. 327-8. See Miinzer, "Cornelius (331)" RE 4 (1901) cols. 1437-8; Degrassi, ILLRP 3II; and H. H. Scullard, Roman Politics 220-150 B.C.' (Oxford, 1973) p. 286.
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
inscription refers to an otherwise unattested son of the augur is attractive, however. 66 Various suggestions have been proposed for the identification of the young man honored in the second inscription (ILLRP 312); all are speculative. 67 But if the identity of the young men commemorated by these two inscriptions is uncertain, something can be said about what they were honored for. Because both inscriptions celebrate men who died before they held major public offices, virtus has been interpreted as a semi-private value, which expresses the potential for great deeds in a public career precluded by death. 68 But there is little in either inscription to recommend such an interpretation. The only reference to potential in either elogium occurs in lines four and five of the inscription honoring the man who was Flamen Dialis, which state that if he had lived longer he would have surpassed his ancestors in gloria. But the inscription also suggests that the Publius in question had already achieved honos,Jama, virtusque, gloria atque ingenium, if only in· a small measure - tua ut essent omnia brevia. The other inscription, to Lucius Cornelius Scipio, says that although he never held public offices, the deceased had multas virtutes to his credit and had never been bested in virtus. The obvious question is in what ways a Roman aristocrat who died before he could hold major office might have distinguished himself. Polybius says that Roman candidates for office had to have served in ten military campaigns, and that the office of military tribune required either five or ten years of such service. Military service at Rome usually began in the eighteenth year. 69 If the young men for whom the elogia were composed were normally ambitious Roman aristocrats - and 66
67
68
69
See G. V. Sumner, The Orators in Cicero's Brutus: Prosopography and Chronology (Toronto, 1973) pp. 36-7, for the identification with the son ofScipio the Augur. Eisenhut, VR, p. 208, n. 613, suggested that line three of the inscription implies that the deceased had at least begun a political career, but there is no mention of an office, not even military tribune. Cf. Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, p. 226. See Degrassi, lLLRP 312 and Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, p. 227 Earl, MPTR, pp. 22-3, on virtutes in ClL F II; cf. Earl, PTS, p. 21, Historia II (1962) p. 475. Eisenhut, VR, p. 209, took virtutes in ClL F II as "good characteristics" rather than "great deeds," because he thought the latter had been denied by an early death. Poschl, Grundwerte, p. 20, n. 3, claimed that in ClL F II, virtutes translates apETal, but the meaning "brave deeds" is required. Polyb. 6.19.4 and Harris, WIRR, pp. II-14.
37
ROMAN MANLINESS
the inscriptions imply that they were - they would have spent a considerable part of their youth serving the state in war. In that case the young P. Cornelius Scipio may have been seriously wounded as a military tribune - hence his honos, fama, virtusque gloria - and being precluded from a regular political and military career, was granted the office of Flamen Dialis through the influence of his family shortly before he died. 70 L. Cornelius Scipio may have died in battle. Certainly the diction of both inscriptions suggests an atmosphere of martial accomplishments. The collocation virtusque gloria from the first elogium has a military ring, and in the second, nunquam victus est virtutei can hardly be taken in any other way. Because "valorous deeds" is a regular meaning of virtutes in early Latin, multas virtutes should have this meaning here. 7! The last of the Scipionic elogia to include virtus is that of Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus, who either as military tribune or quaestor accompanied Scipio Nasica in I49 on the mission to disarm Carthage, and as praetor peregrinus ten years later expelled Jews and Chaldaeans from Rome and Italy.7 2 Hispanus seems to have died shortly after the praetorship, and the elogium, which is in elegiac meter, is dated to the I30S.
Cn. Cornelius Cn.f. Scipio Hispanus, I pr(aetor), aid(ilis) cur(ulis), q(uaestor), tr(ibunus) mil(itum) (bis) , (decem)vir sl(itibus) iudik(andis), I (decem)vir sacr(is) fac(iundis). Virtutes generis rnieis moribus accumulavi, progeniem genui, facta patris petiei,
70
71
72
This P. Cornelius Scipio cannot have died in battle while he was Flamen Dialis, because of the restrictions prohibiting the priest of Jupiter from military service; on which see Gell. NA ID.I5. Cf. Plaut. Amph. 191 and the prologues at Amph. 75, Cist., 197 and Cas. 88. Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, pp. 40-3, translates virtus as "courage" in ILLRP, 3II, but mistakenly as "merit" in IURP, 312. For the pun on honos in the fourth line of ILLRP 312, see F. Klose, Die Bedeutung von honos und honestus (diss. Breslau, 1933) p. 19 and Courtney, p.227-8. See Miinzer, RE IV, coL 1493 andMRR I, pp. 459 and 482 and Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, p.229
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Maiorum optenui laudem ut sibei me esse creatum laetentur; stirpem nobilitavit honor. Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Hispanus, son of Gnaeus, praetor, curule aedile, quaestor, military tribune twice, member of the board of ten who judge legal cases, member of the board of ten who oversee religious matters. I increased the virtutes of my family by my actions, I produced offspring, I tried to equal the deeds of my father. I maintained the renown of my ancestors, so that they are happy that I was born into their line; public office ennobled my family. lLLRP 316 = elL F 15
Earl saw in "the extreme insistence on family" expressed here a mark of the loss of aristocratic self-confidence. He translated virtutes as "merits."73 Eisenhut, too, denied a martial significance to virtutes because of the presence of mores and compared virtutes here to "accumulated family property."74 But mores does not impart an ethical quality to virtutes. In early Latin mores is a morally neutral word meaning "manner or way of doing things." When the word has moral coloring it is because of some qualifYing word or phrase attached to it.75 In combination with virtutes, it is likely that mores would take on the martial references of the former, as it does in a line from Plautus' Miles gloriosus about the soldier <si> forma huius, mores, virtus, animum attinuere hic tuom, ... ifhis beauty and his conduct and his virtus capture your spirit here ... Mil. 1327 73
74
75
Earl, Historia 9 (1960) p. 237; MPTR, p. 27 and PTS, p. 26. Eisenhut, VR, pp. 209-10. Eisenhut also thought a martial reference unlikely because what we know of Hispanus' career tells only of diplomatic and domestic actions. In fact we know very litde about his career. Biichner, Antike IS (1939) pp. 9-10 = Romische wertbegriffe, p. 386 took virtutes as "deeds of ancestors" without an edllcal reference, because he claimed that mores has an ethical sense here. H. Roloff, Maiores· bei Cicero (Gottingen, 1938) p. 27, n. 314, took virtutes as the sum of the virtutes of the ancestors, the deceased having added to this. Plautus uses mos to denote both positive and negative values and almost always qualifies it with an adjectival or an appositional phrase; see Poen. 306-7, Mer. 383, Trin. 283, and Ter. Phor. 55; cf. Lodge, n, pp. 88--9.
39
ROMAN MANLINESS
As virtus denotes a martial quality in earlier Scipionic elogia, so here virtutes should mean" deeds of valor," its regular meaning in pre-Classical Latin. 76 Other later republican inscriptions in which virtus occurs are honorific in nature, paying tribute to a public figure, and in them uses of virtus are often modeled on Hellenistic Greek formulae, with the phrase virtutis causa mirroring the common phase 6:pETf\S EVEKEV "on account of excellence."77 The closeness of the parallel is clearest in bilingual inscriptions. In Greek inscriptions, 6:pETT] has a wide range of meanings, some of which are non-military. In the various formulae of Hellenistic honorary inscriptions, for example, the meaning of 6:pETT] was often influenced by the words associated with it: KaAoK6:yaeia - "goodness"; 51KOlOcrVVll - "righteousness"; 6:v5payaeia - "bravery. "7 8 But 6:pETT] itself often has a clearly martial meaning in inscriptions. It is certainly martial on the inscription of the base of the equestrian statue at Delphi, which depicted Philopoemen charging into combat, and in fact martial excellence is the regular meaning of 6:PETT] when it is associated with equestrian statues. 79 Similarly, where virtus and 6:pETT] are found in bilingual honorary inscriptions, the contexts are usually military in nature. The Greek text of a bilingual inscription dedicated by peoples of Asia Minor and honoring an otherwise unknown legatus, who seems to have served with Lucullus in 74-3, leaves no doubt as to the nature
76
77
78
79
Courtney, Musa Lapidaria, p. 43, translates virtutes as "glorious deeds," somewhat too broadly in my opinion. Numerous Hellenistic inscriptions of this type can be found in OGIS. For earlier precedents, see W Larfeld, Griechische Epigraphik (Munich, 1914) I, p. 509 f., II, p. 836 f. Greek inscriptions of this type honoring Romans can be found in IGRR. See the study of W Schubart, "Das hellenistische Kiinigsideal nach Inschriften und Papyrus," AFP 12 (1937) pp. 1-27, esp. p. 5. On the Philopoemen statue see Plut. Phi/o. IO.8; H. B. Siedentopf, Das hellenistische Reiterdenkmal (Waldsassen Bayern, 1968) p. 108 (= Syll. 625); and G. Daux, BCH 90 (1966) p. 283 if. See also the inscription on the statue ofPhilopoemen at Tegea recorded by Pausanias, 8.52.6. The martial connotation of apETTJ is found on the inscribed bases of other equestrian statues; see Siedentopf, nos. 65, 76, 136, and 48. For a martial meaning of apETTJ in fifth- and fourth-century inscriptions, see e.g. R. Meiggs, D. Lewis, A Selection of Historical Inscriptions (Oxford, 1969) no. 48, M. R. Todd, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions II (Oxford, 1948) nos. 120, 131, and 178.
40
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
of virtus, because it is translated with the specific Greek word for courage - av8pEia: C. Saliuio C. f. Nasoni, leg(ato) pro pr(aetore) 1 Mysei Ab[b]aitae et Epic[tete]s I, quod eos bello Mitrhida[ti]s conservavit, virtutis ergo. r[ai]w:LaAAoviwI faiov vl0:)J NaO"wvI, 1 TIpECJ[3EVTn Kat aVTlo"TpaT7']yWI MvO"ot 1 'A[3[3a!E1Ta! Kat 'ETIlKTTJTE1S, (hI a\JTOVS EV TWI TIOAEI-\WI TWI MI6pI5aTovs 1 5IET7']PTJO"EV, 6:v5p7']as EVEKEV.
1
To Gaius Saliuvius Naso, the son of Gaius, legate with the authority of a praetor, the Mysians, Abbaitians, and Epictetes, because he protected them in the war with Mithridates, on acount of his virtus - 6:v5pEia. lLLRP 372 = ClL P 743 80
In a bilingual inscription erected on the Capitol in Rome, the Lycians give thanks to the virtus of the Roman people, with virtus translated by apETT]. [Ab co]muni restitutei in maiorum leibert[atem 1 Lucei] Roma(m) Iovei Capitolino et populo Romano v[irtutis] benivolentiae beneficique causa erga Lucios ab comun[i]
/\vKiwv TO KOlVOV KOl-\lO"al-\EVOV TT]V TIaTpIOV 5TJ1-\0- 1 KpaTiav TT]V 'PWI-\TJV ~It KaTIETWAiwI Kat TWI 57']I-\WI TW[I] 'Pwl-\aiwv 6:pETf\S EVEKEV Kat Evvoias Kat EVEpYECJias 1 Tf\S Eis TO KOlVOV TO /\vKiwv.
1
The Lycians community, having been restored to their ancestral self-government, give [a statue of] Roma to Capitoline Jupiter and to the Roman people, on account of their virtus-6:pET7'], their good will, and their good deeds toward the community of the Lycians. lLLRP 174 = ClL P 725 = lLS 31
Eisenhut denied a Inilitary reference to virtus here because the Greek reads apETT]SEvEKEV rather than av8pEias EVEKEV. But, as we have seen, apETT] frequently has a martial meaning in inscriptions, and Eisenhut's point would be valid only if both words, apETT] and av8pEia, had appeared in the same inscription. Mommsen connected this inscription to Sulla's victory over Mithridates; others have placed it in the period
80
On the date of the campaign see MRR
n, p. 41
lO5, and additional note, pp. lO6-7.
ROMAN MANLINESS
after the defeat of Perseus. 81 In either case, the reference suggests a military victory and that virtu5 refers to the military might of Rome. A fragmentary bilingual inscription from the base of a statue in the Italian agora at Delos, made by a sculptor who worked there around 100, refers to virtu5. Mommsen attributed the inscription to C. Marius, who was in the east in 98-97, and supplemented the text, together with that of a fragment of a Greek inscription found nearby and mentioning 6:pETtl, acccordingly: [e. Marium e.f. lega]tum Alexandreae Italicei quei fuere I [virtut]is beneficique ergo. 'Ayacrias MTlvo<j:>ii\ov I 'E<j:>EO"lOS ETIoiEl. lLLRP 343 = elL III 7241 = IDel 2489
The other fragment, with supplement, reads TIPEcr~EV]"TT)V 01 EV 'Ai\E~av5pEiaJ [TIapa hai\lK]oi 6:pnf\s Kai EVEpymias [evEKa].
[faiov M6:pIOV YEVOIlEVOl
I I Del 699 E. 94
For Gaius Marius, son of Gaius, ambassador, the Italians who reside in Alexandria, on account of his virtus - 6:pnT] and good deed(s). Agasias the Ephesian, the son ofManophilos, made it.
It has been suggested that the bilingual inscription belonged to a statuary group depicting a defeated barbarian warrior, and both statue and inscription have been connected to Marius' great victory over the Cimbri and Teutoni in 102-1. 82 If the inscription does honor Marius, whose reputation as a military hero was then at its height, the connection between his German victories and his temple to Honos and Virtus makes a reference to martial virtu5 certain. 83 A late-republican inscription, which seems to be a copy of a considerably earlier original, tells of a public tomb, a rare honor during the 8I
82
83
Eisenhut, VR, p. 212. Mommsen, ClL I 589, argued for a SulIan date on the basis of App. Mith. 61; see R. MelIor, Ch iron 8 (1978) pp. 3I9-30; A. W Lintott, "The Capitoline Dedications to Jupiter and the Roman People," ZPE 30 (I978) pp. I37-44, and bibliography in SEC XV 603-I2, for other opinions. Mommsen, ClLIII 724I; Ch. Picard, "Le guerrier blesse de l'agora des Italiens aDelos," BCH (I932) p. 49I fr. and A. Passerini, "Epigrafica Mariana," Athenaeum ns 17 (I939) P·7 0 -3· Picard, 524, surtout une victoire militaire.
42
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Republic, located at the foot of the Capitol for an otherwise unattested Roman-
I virtutisque caussa senatus I consulto populique iussu locus I monumento, quo ipse postereique I eius inferrentur, publice datus est.
C. Poplicio L.f. Bibulo aed(ili) pl(ebis) honoris
To Gaius Poplicius Bibulus, the son ofLucius, who was plebeian aedile, because of his office (reputation) and virtu5, by a decree of the senate and a law of the people, this place was given as a public monument, to where he and his decendants may be conveyed. lLLRP 357 = ClL F 384 The collocation honoris virtutisque recalls the cult of Honos and Virtus and implies a martial reference. 84 In the bronze inscription that records Cn. Pompeius Strabo granting Roman citizenship to a contingent of Spanish cavalrymen in 89 during the Social War, the martial reference of virtus is patent. 85 [C]n. Pompeius Se[x.f. imperator] virtutis caussa lequites Hispanos ceives [Romanos fecit in castr]eis apud Asculum a. d. XIV k(alendas) Dec(embres) ex lege Iulia ... en. Pompeius Sex. f. imperator I virtutis caussa turmam I Sailuitanam donavit in I castreis apud Asculum I cornuculo et patella, torque, I armilla, palereis et frumen[t]um I duplex. Gnaius Pompeius, the son of Sextus, as general, because of virtu5, made the Spanish cavalrymen Roman citizens in the camp at Asculum on November I6, according the Julian law. Gnaius Pompeius, the son of Sextus, as general, because of virtu5, gave the Sailuitanian troop at the camp of Asculum a helmet-horn and plate, a torque, an arm bracelet, breast-pieces and a double ration of grain. lLLRP 5I5 = ClL F 709 = lLS 8888 Almost all occurrences of virtus in republican inscriptions, then denote a martial idea of manliness. 84
85
See Degrassi, ILLRP; but this cannot be the man who was tribune of the plebs in 209; see MRR I, p. 289, n. 4. On the cult, see later, Chapter VII. Granting Roman citizenship for bravery in batde is otherwise attested; see the fragment of the historian Sisenna, frag. 120, HRR, and later, in Chapter V
43
ROMAN MANLINESS
4. EARLY LATIN EPIC, TRAGEDY, AND HISTORY
Military themes also loomed large in non-comedic genres of early Latin literature such as epic, tragedy, and history. Unfortunately, these survive only in fragments. Although virtus is regularly found in them, many of the fragments are too short to allow reconstruction of a context. But where the fragments are full enough for the context to be understood, virtus usually denotes martial courage. The strongly military theme ofEnnius' national epic poem, Annales, suggests that where virtus is found in the surviving fragments it denotes martial courage. 86 The word occurs five times in four fragments of Annales. Two are too short to permit certainty, but from what is known about one of them, it seems very likely that in it virtus denotes martial valor. The line in question is preserved in Servius' comments on Vergil's Aeneid II .27, where the Ennian verse is quoted: (quem) non virtutis egentem - "(whom) not lacking virtus" (Ann. 605 S = 473 ROL). The fact that Vergil's adaptation attributes virtus to the young warrior hero Pallas, mittatur Pallas, quem non virtutis egentem - "Pallas would be sent, whom not lacking virtus" - (Aen. II .27), suggests that Ennius too had used virtus to refer to the martial valor of a warrior. 87 In a fragment from Annales where there is a reasonably full context, the virtus of an army is described. 88 Aspectabat virtutem legionis suai Expectans si mussaret [dubitaret] quae denique pausa Pugnandi fieret aut duri laboris He was observing the virtus of his army, waiting to see if they would mutter, what respite finally would there be from fighting, or what end of hard work. Ann. 326-8 S = 333-335 ROL89 86
87
88 89
Sarsila, p. 40. For the military theme of the poem see 0. Skutsch, The Annals of Q. Ennius (Oxford, 1985) pp. 5-8. So Skutsch, p. 737. The brevity of another fragment - Nee metus ulla tenet, fieti virtute quieseunt - "Nor does any fear hold them; relying on virtus they rest" (562 S = Ann. 478 ROL), precludes certainty, but a courageous meaning is likely. The text of Annales is that of Skutsch. So Eisenhut, VR, p. 30 and Skutsch, p. 503. Skutsch, p. 503, connected the fragment to the rebellion P. Villius faced on arriving in Macedonia in 199.
44
MANLINESS AS COURAGE IN EARLY LATIN
Pursuing his idea of virtus as a wide-ranging concept, Earl contended that here virtus refers to something more than just a martial quality and represents a standard of political conduct. But this interpretation has no basis in the text. The lines describe a general considering the military standard that he expects his soldiers to display in war. Here virtus represents the steadfast rather than aggressive courage of Roman soldiers, but has nothing to do with politics or anything other than the conduct of war.9 0 Virtus also occurs with a fuller context in the famous speech that Ennius gave to the general Pyrrhus in Book VI of Annales: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis: Non cauponantes belium sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era quidue ferat Fors Virtute experiamur, et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit Eorundem me libertati parcere certum est. Dono - ducite - doque - volentibus cum magnis dis. Neither do I demand gold for myself, nor should you have given me recompense. Not bargaining over war, but fighting it with iron, not gold, let each of us risk his life. Whether Lady Fortune may want you or me to be supreme, what she may favor let us test by virtus. And at the same time accept this pledge Whose virtus the Fortune of war has spared the freedom of the same I am resolved to spare. I give these, take them, I give them with the great gods willing. Ann. 183--pOVT)o"IS in Plautine usage is patent; see Garbarino, AAT 100 (1965-6) pp. 255-7. Plautus plays on the etymological relationship of sapientia to sap or at Pseud. 737-8 and Mil. 587; see Garbarino, pp. 260-5. St. 123-5; Per. 549-60. On the latter, see L. Van Hook, "The Praise of Athens in Greek Tragedy," CW 27 (1934) pp. 85-8; S. Cecchi, "La propaganda di prestigio a favore d'Atene nelle tragedia greca," Dioniso 34 (1960) pp. 143-64. See also Enn. Ann. 2II12 S = 229-30 ROL, with Skutsch, p. 378 ff. On sapientia in Terence, see Garbarino, p. 274 ff. II2
'ApnT] AND MANLY VIRTUS
certainly took on a variety of new meanings borrowed from 6:pETT], it would not be surprising if the decidedly ethical connotations of 6:pnT] also affected the Latin word. Because although the martial meaning of 6:pnT] predominates in Greek epics, histories, and tragedies, the ethical sense of 6:pnT] was extremely common in Greek literature of the fourth century and later. 28 It was especially so in Middle and New Comedy, where 6:pnT] was employed almost exclusively as an ethical term. Of the fourteen times it occurs in the fragments of Middle and New Comedy, only once does 6:pnT] have a clearly non-ethical denotation. 29 Conversely, when virtus has an ethical meaning in early Latin, it is almost always found in Latin adaptations of Greek comedies. The best place to examine the ethical usages of virtus in early Latin is in the comedies of PIautus, where there are full contexts. Here the influence of 6:pnT] is suggested by the correspondence, found in usage and context, between ethical uses of virtus, and 6:pnT] when it occurs with an ethical meaning in Middle and New Greek Comedy. In the Latin plays almost all occurrences of ethical virtus are found in dramatic situations that conform to a few moralizing topoi with which 6:pnT] is regularly associated in Greek comedy: lectures about virtue and vice by a father to a son, or one friend to another; speeches of self-reproach For the development of 6:PETT] as an ethical term, see Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Sappho und Simonides, pp. I69-89; Adkins, Merit and Responsibility H. F. North, "Canons and Hierarchies of the Cardinal Virtues in Greek and Latin Literature," in The Classical Tradition, Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan, ed. L. Wallach (Ithaca, I966) pp. I68-83, and more recently M. Finkelberg, "Time and Arete in Homer," CQ 48 (I998) pp. I5-28, and "Virtue and Circumstances: On the City-State Concept of Arete," AJPh I23 (2002) pp. 35-49. 29 Only in Anon., frag. 4I2 CAF. 'ApETT] is clearly ethical at Antiphanes, frag. 208 PCG = 2IO CAF; Philemon, frag. 74 PCG = 7I CAF; Menander, frag. 30I PCG = 338 K-T = 408 CAF; frag. 7I6 PCG = 493 K-T = II09 CAF; Anaxandrides, frag. 7I . PCG = 2 CGFP = Alexander, frag. 5 CAF; Anon., frags. 126, I63, I90, I95, 1286 CAF; Menander, frag. I79c K-T = 203 CAF; cf. E. W Handley, BICS 26 (I976) pp. 84-6. 'APETT] occurs seven times in the fragments offourth-century and later tragedies in Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vol. I, ed. B. Snell (Gottingen, I97I) and vol. 2., ed. R. Kannicht/Snell (I98I). The word has ethical denotations in five, possibly six of these examples; Carcinus (70) frag. 4 TrGF I; Diogenes Sinopensis (88) frag. 3 TrGF I; Apollonidas (I52) frag. 2 TrGF I; Zenodotus (2I5) frag. I TrGF I; Anon., frag. 346 TrGF II; Anon., frag. 327 TrGF II. At Antiphon (55) frag. 2 TrGF I 6:pETT] denotes bravery. In Aeschylus and Sophocles 6:PETT] usually means courage; in Euripides the word is about evenly divided between valorous and ethical references. 'ApETT] is used with a wide variety of meanings by fourth-century rhetoricians. 28
II3
ROMAN MANLINESS
by a contrite youth; and accusations against a guardian or teacher for corrupting his ward. Some occurrences of ethical virtus also correspond to specific, well-known Greek phrases employing apETi). The patterns of usage for ethical virtus that occur in Plautus are also found in a comic fragment of Gn. Naevius, and, somewhat modified, in the comedies of Terence. All are useful for understanding how ethical virtus was employed by later non-dramatic authors. An old and recurring theme in popular as well as philosophical Greek literature is the opposition between virtue and pleasure, expressed in Greek by apETi) and i]50vi) respectively.3 0 Beginning with Prodicus' story of "the Choice ofHerakles," a common way for the apETi) - i]50vi) dichotomy to be treated was as an ethical decision presented to young men. In fourth-century rhetorical works addressed to or discussing young men, the contrast between the life governed by i]50vi) (or po6vllio - "laziness") on the one hand, or by apETi) , on the other, is common. 31 This choice occurred in Greek New Comedy in a variety of stock dramatic situations, and when these were adapted by Roman playwrights, the ethical sense of apETi) seems to have been regularly translated by virtus. Greek comedic writers often presented the theme in the form of a harangue by a father or the complaints of a more level-headed youth about the dissolute life of a friend,3 2 and it appears as such in Roman comedy.33 A good example of the use of virtus in this trope is found in Trinummus. The prologue of this play states that Plautus adapted it from a Greek comedy called Thesaurus written by the late fourth, early third century playwright Philemon. Philemon is known to have been 30
JI
J2
JJ
The dichotomy was mnch favored by the Stoics; see Cic. Fin. 1.6I, 2.69, 3-49, Acad. pr. 2.I40; PInt. De Stoic. I5(I040D); Stob. Flor. 6.66. The choice was offered to Herakles by the personified figures of A'PETT) and KOKio "Evil," see Xen. Mem. 2.2.20-34. For fourth-century examples, see, e.g., Isoc. 1.5-8, 9.46, I1.23, I6.29; Dem. 60.2; cf. 61.32, and Thuc. 2-42.2-4. See Anon., frag. 1286 CAP; cf. P. Oxy. inv. 50 4B 30 H (5) frag. A, Handley, BICS 26 (1979) pp. 84-6. For the ways in which Menander exploited this convention, see T. B. L. Webster, An Introduction to Menander (Manchester, I974) p. 39 ff., and W T. MacCary, "Menander's Old Men," TAPA I02 (I97I) pp. 303-35. For tirades against hetairai, see Anaxilas, frag. 22 PCG = 22 CAP; and Alexis, frag. I03 PCG = 98 CAP. For examples of this type of stock scene in Roman comedy, see Ter. Adel. 60-80; Heaut. 20I-IO; Plant. Mer. 61-79. For full references and discussion, see Ph.- E. Legrand, Daos, tableau de la comedie grecque pendant la periode dite nouvelle (Lyon, I910) p. I63 ff.
II4
'Apml AND MANLY VIRTUS
especially fond of ethical themes, and the theme of his Thesaurus is reported to have been "the helping friend."34 In Act 2, scene 2 of Trinummus, after a long lecture on proper ethical conduct by an old man named Philto to his son Lysiteles, the latter asks his father to help a young friend who has squandered his inheritance on pleasure. The father characterizes the friend by contrasting his dissolute behavior to virtus, Trin. 336 337
qui quidem nusquam per virtutem rem confregit, atque eget;
nil moror eum tibi esse arnicum cum eius modi virtutibus. [a person] who indeed under no circumstances wrecked his wealth through virtus, and is in want. I don't care much for a person with virtutes of that kind being your friend.
The ethical sense of virtus is patent and in the second instance ironic. 35 It is generally agreed that the moralizing tone of the father-son dialogue in this scene of Trinummus was derived from Philemon's play.36 What Philemon seems to have presented in this scene was a debate over the nature of apETT]. The conventional father character proposes a limited definition of private self-control with no element of social responsibility. He views social contacts only as a source of ethical corruption. 37 His son Lysiteles argues for a social standard of ethical conduct, placing particular emphasis on helping friends in distress (Trin. 344 ff.). The debate reflects Greek, not Roman, moral concerns. For the obligation 34
35
36
37
Trin. 18-19. For the theme ofPhilemon's Thesauros, see Apul. Fiar. 167 fr. This play seems to reflect Peripatetic ethics and ideals, Apul. FIar. 16. 63-4 and 67; P. Grimal, "Analisi del Trinununus e gli albori della fuosofia in Roma," Dioniso XLIII (1969) pp. 363-75; and Fantham, Hermes 105 (1977) p. 406. For the overall seriousness ofPhilemon's works, see also Jachmann, Plautinische, p. 225 fr. So Lodge, p. 879; and Van Onune, p. 66, n. 92, and Strawecka, 216-17, who both saw the influence of 6:pETTj, contra Eisenhut, VR. pp. 24-5. Earlier in the scene Lesbonicus is clearly described in ethically negative terms, Trin. 312, 334; cf. Trin. 281,284-6,320; Most. 139-144. See Fraenkel, PI. im PI., pp. 56 and 140 = Elem., pp. 53 and 133; F. Leo, Geschichte der romischen Literatur 1: Die archaische Literatur. I (Berlin, 1913, Reprinted Darmstadt, 1967) pp. n6-7; but also Zagagi, Tradition, pp. 90-104. Fraenkel, PI. im PI., p. 128, n. 2 = Elem., p. 156, n. 2, thought that Plautus introduced much of the moralizing into Trinummus, but see Jachmann, pp. 224 and 226 fr., and Webster, Studies, p. 139. Cf. Trin. 337; also 280-90, 339-43. On the narrowly private nature ofPhilto's ethics, cf. Trin. 305-12 and 317-18.
II5
ROMAN MANLINESS
to render financial assistance to friends in need was a traditional Greek value, which also figured strongly in Peripatetic ethics. A fragment of the comic poet Antiphanes specifically states that it is a mark of apET~ to use money to help one's friends, apETT) TO TTPOtKO TOtS <j>iAOlS VTTllPETEtV, - "virtue is to help friends willingly." (frag. 208 PCG = 2 IQ CAP), and it has been shown that financial generosity was considered to be one aspect of apET~. 38 The obligation to help impecunious peers, however, was quite foreign to Romans of the middle Republic (as Polybius states very explicitly), and had no connection to virtus. 39 Because the entire scene of Trinummus revolves around a distinctly Greek notion of what virtue is, it is likely that at lines 336-7 Plautus' uses of virtus were derived from Philemon's treatment of apET~ in his play Thesaurus. The same moralizing reproach by father to son is found in a fragment of Naevi us' comedy Tarentilla. The fragment seems to have presented the stock situation of a philandering son, a courtesan, and a disapproving father in a moralizing rebuke that includes a reference to virtus, primum ad virtutem ut redeatis, abeatis ab ignavia, domi patris patriam ut colatis potius quam peregri probra. First that you go back to virtus and depart from idleness that you look after your father and fatherland at home rather than disgraces abroad. corn. 92-3 Ribb. = Tarent. 12 Marmorale = 90-1 ROVo
N aevius clearly adapted his Tarentilla from a Greek model, and although the style of these lines betrays Naevius' hand, it is wrong to claim 38
39
40
MacDowell, Mnem. I6 (I963) pp. I27-34; Antiphanes, frag. 226 PCG= 228; see previous Chapter n, p. roD Cf. this scene in Trinimmus with Menander, Dysk. 797-812, and Handley, Dyskolos, pp. 207 fr. There is no reason to doubt Polybius' strong words about the Roman lack of generosity in regard to money: "[Scipio's generosity] was astonishing in Rome, for there absolutely no one gives away anything of their property to anyone, ifhe can help it." (31.26.9); " ... so extreme is their precision about accounts and their profiting in regard to time [of repayment]," (31.27.II). See Walbank, Commentary, UI, p. 505-9 and Zagagi, Tradition, pp. ro8-31. E. V Marmorale, Naevius Poeta (Florence, I950). Other fragments from Tarentilla show the scorn for courtesans so typical of fathers in New Comedy (Naevius, com. 75-9 Ribb. = Tarent. 2 Marmorale = 74-9 ROL); cf. Anaxilas, frag. 22 PCG = 22 CAP, and Alexis, frag. I03 PCG = 98 CAP; and paternal anger over the squandering of money by sons (com. 83-4 Ribb. = Tarent. 6 Marmorale = 80-I ROL).
rr6
'ApET11 AND MANLY VIRTIlS
that the opposition of virtus and ignavia and the emphasis on patres and patria display a distinctively "Roman morality. "41 We have seen that the contrasting of apETT] and paev~ia - "laziness" - was a topos in Greek moralizing on young men, and Greek as well as Roman tradition stressed loyalty to fathers and fatherland. 42 We may, therefore, surmise that the influence of the Greek topos was at work, and that the presence of the apETT] - i)8ovT] motif in a Greek comic model influenced Naevius' use of virtus is likely. A similar topos, this time revolving around a profligate son, a levelheaded friend, and the former's father, appears in Plautus' Bacchides, when old Philoxenus speaks of his request that young Mnesilochus reform Pistoclerus, the son of another old man, Bacch. 1085
nunc Mnesilochum, quod mandavi, viso ecquid eum ad virtutem aut ad frugum opera sua compulerit, ... Now I'm going to see Mnesilochus, whether, as I requested, he has forced him to virtus or morality by his efforts ....
The ethical connotation of virtus is clear from the use of the word frux at line 1085, and from the description a few lines earlier ofPistoclerus' wild life (Bacch. 1076-7). The request that Philoxenus refers to here occurred earlier in the play at Bacch. 494-5, lines that are a direct translation of the Greek of Plautus' model, the Dis exapaton of Menander. It seems likely, therefore, that the occurrence of ethical virtus at Bacch. 1084a-85 conforms to the dramatic situation that Plautus found in his Greek model. 43 41
42
43
Eisenhut, VR., p. 24; Sarsila, pp. 26-7. For the Naevian style of the line, see Fraenkel, "Naevius" RE suppL VI (1935), coL 630. For a discussion of possible Greek models for Tarentilla, see Marmorale, p. 171. For a discussion on Naevius' comedy and its relationship to Greek models in general, see Marmorale, p. 161 and Fraenkel, RE, 628. A glance at J. Geffcken's Griechische Epigramme (Heidelberg, 1916) demonstrates the importance of patriotism and allegiance to family in Greek values; see esp. pp. 189, 191; see also G. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta (Berlin, 1878) p. 30, ll. 5-6. On the relationship between Bacch. 494-5 and Menander's lines, see Handley, Menander and Plautus, pp. 9-10 and 22. Webster, Studies, p. 131, stated that Philoxenus' monologue, or something like it, had appeared at this point in Menander's play, because the sentiment expressed was important to the movement of the plot. The same kind ofmoralizing about virtue and pleasure appears in the form of a lecture by one friend to another at Plautus'
II7
ROMAN MANLINESS
Another way in which New Comedy dealt with the 6:PETT] - i)50vT] dichotomy was to have a young man soliloquize on his moral failings, promising himself to reject his evil habits; this usually occurs just before an accounting with his father must be made. In the beginning of Plautus' Mostellaria, in his lament, young Philolaches sings, venit ignavia, ea mihi tempestas fuit, mi adventu suo grandinem [imbremque] attulit; Most. 139 haec verecundiam mi et virtutis modum deturbavit detexitque a me ilico; postilla optigere me neglegens fui. continuo pro imbre amor advenit [in cor meum], is usque in pectus permanavit, permadefecit cor meum. Most. 144 nunc simul res, fides, fama, virtus, decus deseruerunt: ego sum in usu factus nimio nequior. Idleness came, that was for me the storm, by its arrival it brought to me hail and rain; this toppled for me moderation and a measure of virtus and unroofed these from me then and there. Mterwards, I was careless to cover myself. Immediately love arrived like a storm, into my heart it seeped, right into my breast, it soaked through my heart. Now, all at once, property, credit, reputation, virtus, esteem departed. I have been made through [this] experience totally worthless.
The ethical reference of virtus at line 139 is clear from its joining to verecundia - "moderation" - and its contrast to ignavia - "idleness" and amor.44 This meaning would be carried over to the occurrence of virtus five lines later at line 144, where the inclusion of virtus in what is a list of traditional Roman values - res,jides,fama, decus - does not alter its ethical meaning, since the obligation to maintain property, credit, reputation, virtue, and esteem was as well established among Greeks as it was among Romans. 45
44
45
Trin. 642-51, on which see the discussion later in this chapter, and in Terence's Heauton Timorumenus, 207· Lodge, p. 879, Van Omme, p. 88, Strawecka, p. 127, and Eisenhut, fIR, p. 26 gave the general sense of "praise" as a native Latin meaning. On all these as Greek values, see note 99 later. For the joining of virtu5 and res in Cato, Agr. 32, see previously, Chapter I.
IIS
'ApETl1 AND MANLY VIRTUS
Philolaches' song (Most. 9I-I56), while clearly a Plautine creation, seems to have been based on a similar theme to that expressed in a monologue in the Greek original. That young men should reject i]8ovT] or pa6vI-\ia and follow 6:pETT] was, as we have seen, a topos in Athenian rhetoric that also appears in the fragments of New Comedy. Young lovers soliloquizing on their moral failings were also a common theme in New Comedy and the trope has been traced back to Euripides. 46 The clearest sign of the Greek background ofPhilolaches' song is the reference to ars gymnastica at line I5I and Fraenkel argued that Plautus' extended comparison was adapted from a less elaborate comparison of youth to a house that appeared in the Greek model for Mostellaria. The ethical meaning of virtus in the passage may then reflect the appearance of the 6:pETT] - i]8ovT] contrast in the Greek original. 47 In New Comedy the 6:PETT] and i]8ovT] dichotomy was also frequently connected with the ethical development and education of young men, and a common comic motif is the corruption of a youth by a degenerate teacher or a slave. Plautus' Mostellaria opens this way, with the country slave Grumio accusing the city slave Tranio of ruining their master's son by catering to his vices.
Most. 33
nam ego ilium corruptum duco, quom his factis studet; quo nemo adaeque iuventute ex omni Attica antehac est habitus parcus nec magis continens, is nunc in aliam partem palmam possidet. virtute id factum tua et magisterio tuo. For I reckon him corrupted who pursues such activities; No one of all the youth of Attica previously had a thrifty character equal to his, none was more restrained.
46
47
See Leo, Geschichte, pp. 112-13, who also compared these lines to Trin. 223-31. On the structure of the first act of Mostellaria and its relationship to the Greek original see M. KnOrt, Das griechische Vorbild der Mostellaria des Plautus (diss., Munich, 1934) pp. 36-8. Cf. Most. 150-5, and Bacch. 426-7, and Eur. Ale. 557, Phoen. 94; see Leo, PI. For. p. 135. Fraenkel, PI. im PI. pp. 169-77 = Elem. pp. 160---9, provided parallels for the comparison from the fragments of New Comedy. The image of the house recurs later in the play; see Webster, Studies, p. 133, n. 2, and E. W Leach, "'De exemplo meo ipse aedificato': An Organizing Idea in Mostellaria," Hermes 97 (1969) pp. 318-32. Fantham, Comparative Studies, p. 25, n. 16, commenting on tempestas at Most. 137, wrote, "The metaphorical use of tempestas in Plautus is virtually confined to the Philemon plays."
II9
ROMAN MANLINESS
Now he carries off the palm in the other direction. This happened because of your virtus and your teaching. Most have seen a vague and general meaning for virtus here. 48 But in view of Grumio's charges of Tranio's moral corruption a few lines earlier: nunc, dum tibi lubet licetque, pota, perde rem, corrumpe erilem adulescentem optumum; dies noctesque bibite, pergraecarnini, arnicas ernite liberate, pascite parasitos, opsonate pollucibiliter. Now while you want to and you have the opportunity; go ahead drink, waste wealth, corrupt the master's fine young son; drink day and night, behave like a Greek, buy girls and free them, feed parasites, buy food sumptuously.
Most.
22-4
The meaning of virtus must be in some sense ethical, and clearly ironic. Plautus' Mostellaria seems to have been adapted from Philemon's Phasma, and this scene, like Mostellaria in general, well fits the ethical themes that characterized Philemon's comedies. 49 Moreover, the debate between Grumio and Tranio shows signs of its Greek model, and echoes parodies of philosophical schools and doctrines that are known to have occurred in New Comedy. 50 Tranio's corruption Lodge, p. 879, gave auxilium; Eisenhut, VR., p. 24, Tiiehtigkeit- "ability," as a native Latin meaning, citing Trin. 643, Pseud. 725-6, Capt. 410-Il, Pseud. 581, and Trin. 336-7. But in all these virtus has other meanings. Van Omme, p. 30, saw an idiomatic expression meaning "thanks to," but the passages he cited are not proper parallels. E. A. Sonnenschein, Plauti Mostellaria (Oxford, 1907) p. 24, cited Aul. 166, Mil. 676, Trin. 355, Most. 173 and True. 74I, but the first three have virtute deum, and True. 74I has the virtus fortuna trope. 49 A didascalic notice gives only the tide of the model for Mostellaria. Menander, Theognetus, and Philemon all wrote plays entided (j)6:(J~a, but Philemon's seem most likely; see Webster, Studies, p. I42 fr. and F. Delle Corte, Da Sarsina a Roma (Florence, I967) p. I29 fr. Greek style moralizing occurs throughout the Grumio-Tranio debate, beginning at Most. I; also at Most. 84-I57. 50 The theme goes back to Aristophanes' Cloudes. See F. Della Corta "Stoiker und Epikueer in Plautus Komodien," in Musa iocosa: fur A. Thieifelder (1974) p. 89; Leo, PI. For. pp. I36-7. Opening expositions featuring slave debates are standard in New Comedy; see, Leo, Gesehiehte, p. Ill. The occurrence of peregraeeamini at Most. 22 and 64 shows Plautus' hand, but the reworking is minimal and explicable. 48
120
'ApET11 AND MANLY VIRTUS
centers around his excessive eating and drinking (references to Tranio's eating habits occur at Most. 2, 5, 20, 22, 24, 35, and 63-5) and in New Comedy extravagance at the table as a sign of moral corruption was part of the stock attack on Epicureans. 51 A number of fragments of New Comedy have corrupt paedagogoi justifYing themselves before irate fathers with explicit references to "Epicurean" habits of eating and drinking. Furthermore, the reference to Tranio's magisterium at Most. 33 indicates that he is being likened to a teacher, and in New Comedy it was common for a low character, often a slave, to assume the role of teacher in comic dialogue. The Greek paedagogus as escort and teacher was a protector of morals. 52 If magisterio tuo is a sarcastic reference to the doctrine of a philosophical school by which the mock paedagogus Tranio has corrupted his charge, then, in view of the traditional connection between lTatoEia and 6:PETrl in attacks on corrupt teachers of the young, it is reasonable to think that virtus at Mostellaria 33 is a translation of Philemon's 6:PETrl. The fundamental and wellknown indifference of Epicurus to both 6:pETrl and lTatoEia would only have heightened the comic irony of the original Greek parody. 53 But while a parody of an Athenian philosophical school by Philemon would have played well before an Athenian audience, an explicit reference to Epicurus or his doctrines would have been unintelligible
For Epicurean eating habits in New Comedy see Baton, frag. 3 PCG = 3 CAF; Damoxenus, frag. PCG = 2 CAF; and Webster, Studies, p. III ff. The confrontation ofGrumio and Tranio is that of country versus city, a trope older than either Epicurus or New Comedy; also see Ter. Adel. I04-S, 809 ff., 833 ff., 866 ff., and 881 ff. 52 At Pseud. 447 a slave is called paedagogus; at Most. 186 the ancilla Scapha plays teacher to Philematium's student, see esp. Most. 188-9 and 194. At True. 734-8 another aneilla acts as teacher. At Asin. 226-9 a lena plays a teacher and in Act. I, se. 2 of Poenulus a parasite does. See also Ter. Hee. 203 and Bun. 261-S, with Fantham, Comparative Studies, pp. 3S-8. For the "Epicurean" habits of corrupt paedagogoi, see Baton, frag. S PCG = S CAF; Hegisippus, frag. 2 PCG = 2 CAP. On the paedagogus as a comic type, see R. Schottlaender, "Die Komische Figur des Padagogen bei Plautus," Das Altertums 19 (1973) 233-40. On the blame that accrued to the paedagogus ifhis pupil was corrupted, cf. Plaut. Baeeh. 379-81 and 419-34. 53 For virtue and teaching, see Cic. Off. 3. 139. The conjunction of 6:pETT) and TIaJoEJa occurs repeatedly in attacks on sophists as corruptors of youths; see PI. Gor. SI9E, Prot. 324B; Xen. Cyr. 13.1-3; cf. Cic. Pis. 69; Plaut. Baeeh. 148. On Epicurus' attitude toward 6:pETT), see Bp. coni. 8(Il6) Usener, p. 137; on TIaJoEJa, Bp. conI. 26 (163). Usener, p. ISO. Epicureans were a proselytizing group, who memorized the words of the master (Cie. Fin. 2.21), so Epicurus' opinions would have been known to Athenian audiences. 51
121
ROMAN MANLINESS
to the average member of Plautus' audience. Plautus would have had to replace these with a more general reference, and he seems to have done just that with general anti-Greek catch phrases at Most. 22, pergraecamini and at Most. 64-5, bibite, pergraecamini, / este, eifercite vos, saginam caedite. - "drink, behave like a Greek, eat, stuff yourselves, slaughter the fattened animal."54 Ethical virtus occurs with a more general reference in Plautus' Rudens, which was adapted from a Greek original by Diphilus (Rud. 32), and there are indications that the usage is dependent on 6:pETT). Early in the play, a fisherman gives his opinions of a pimp, whom he first described as fraudulentum, / deorum odium atque hominum, malum, mali viti probique plenum, - "dishonest, hated by gods and men, full of evil and true vice" (Rud. 318-19), and then says of him:
Rud.
32I
Cum istius modi virtutibus operisque ornatus qui sit, eum quidem ad carnificem est aequius quam ad Venerem commeare. For one who is decorated with virtutes and accomplishments of that kind it is more just that he merit the executioner than Venus.
Virtutes clearly has an ethical sense, used ironically. 55 Given the closeness of cum virtutibus operisque to the very common Greek formula 6:pETf\S KCXt EVEpYEcrlcxs EVEKCX, Plautus may be translating closely here. This is supported by the occurrence of a similar phrase ornatus ex virtutes, also applied ironically to a pimp, found in a scene in Terence's play Adelphoe (155-96), which we are told Terence took from a play by Diphilus. Moreover, we are also informed that Terence translated the scene in question very closely; verbum de verbo expressum extulit are the words used. 56 Here a youth, Aeschines, argues with a pimp named Sannio: Adel. 176 54 55
56
San: quid hoc reist? regnumne, Aeschine, hic tu possides? Aes: si possiderem, ornatus esses ex tuis virtutibus.
See Della Corte, "Stoiker," p. 88 fr. So Lodge, p. 879, Van Ornme, pp. 67, 88, and n. 92, and Strawecka, 216. When in the prologue, Rud. 13-30 and 47-8, the ethical theme of the play is stated explicitly; the pimp is clearly the evil man referred to there. I use E. A. Sonnenschein's text here. See Ter. Adel. 6-II. For the meaning "word-for-word translation," see W Beare "Contamination in Plautus and Terence," RPh 14 (1940) p. 31, n. 1. On the correspondence
I22
'ApnTJ AND MANLY VIRTIlS
Pimp: What is this? Do you own a kingdom here, Aeschines? Youth: If I did, you would have been decorated according to your virtutes.
The phrase ornatus ex (or cum) virtutibus, although rare in Plautus and Terence, corresponds to the proverbial Greek expression Kocr~Elcreat EK TWV 6:PETwVY If Terence's ornatus ... ex tuis virtutibus is a close translation of this Greek commonplace, then given our knowledge that Plautus sometimes stayed very close to his Greek model, it is possible that Plautus' cum virtutibus operisque is also a translation of an ironic use of 6:pETcxi that Diphilus had used more than once to describe a pimp.5 8 Greek influences can also be seen in some of the uses of ethical virtus by the late second-century satirist C. Lucilius. 59 In the seven fragments of the satires where it occurs, virtus is employed in a wide variety of senses. Most of the fragments are too short to permit definite determination of the meaning of virtus, although a martial meaning in some is probable. 6o Lucilius' surviving writings, however,
57
58
59
60
ofDiphilan scene Terence inserted into his adaptation of Menander's 'A5EAcpoi to Adel. 155-96, see Donatus, Commentum Terenti, Adel. 199. The common Greek expression is found at, e.g., Thuc. 2-42.2 (pericles' Funeral Oration); Dem. 18.287 (De corona); Xen. Cyr. 8.1.21; and Polyb. 9.10.1, where it is clearly proverbial; cf. Diod. Sic. I I. II. 3. Other than in the two passages under discussion, ornatus ex tuis virtutibus occurs in pre-Classical Latin only at Capt. 997; cf. decora . .. tuis virtutibus - "worthy of your deeds" - Mil. 619 and 738. It is found six times in Cicero's philosophical works, each time in a Greek context - Tusc. 3.37, 5.28; Off. 1.46; Fin. 2.II2, 4.59,5.93 - and in the orations at Plane. 58; Qu. Rose. 7, Imp. Pom. 51, Phil. 13.24, and Phil. 13.49. On the similarities between Terences's Diphilan scene and Plautus' Rudens, see A. Mariage, "Difuo cornico," SIFCXV (1907) p. 508 If., esp. p. 515; Leo, Geschichte, p. 246; Marx, Plautus Rudens, pp. 293-6; H. Drexler, "Die Komposition von Terenz Adelphen und Plautus Rudens," Philologus, suppl. XXVI, heft II (1935) p. 105 If.; Webster, Studies, p. 160; and E. Fantharn, "Terence, Diphilus and Menander," Philologus II2 (I968) pp. 196-215. On the vexing question ofLucilius's dates, see E. S. Gruen, Culture and National Identity in Republican Rome (Ithaca, 1992) pp. 272-83. Lucilius seems to have begun writing C. 131, see W J. Raschke, "The Early Books of Lucilius," JRS 69 (1979) pp. 7889· Macte, inquam, virtute simulque his viribus esto! - "Praise, I say, for your virtus together with your strength!" (V 27 Charpin = 225 Marx = 245 ROL = 228 Krenkel), preserved in Servius's comment on Aen. 10.641 where Ascanius kills his first enemy in battle;
12 3
ROMAN MANLINESS
display considerable Greek influence as well as Greek words, and his use of virtu5 to denote the fertility of land has already been discussed. 6I In three of the fragments, virtu5 has a clear ethical denotation, which is most explicit in Lucilius' lengthy and famous description of virtu5. 62 Virtus, Albine, est pretium persolvere verum quis in versamur, quis vivimus rebus potesse; virtus est homini scire id quod quae que habeat res; virtus, scire, homini rectum, utile quid sit, honestum, quae bona, quae mala item, quid inutile, turpe, inhonestum; virtus quaerendae finem rei scire modumque; virtus divitiis pretium persolvere posse; virtus id dare quod re ipsa debetur honori; hostem esse atque inimicum hominum morumque malo rum, contra defensorem hominum morumque bonorum, hos magni facere, his bene velle, his vivere amicum, commoda praeterea patriai prima putare, deinde parentum, tertia iam postremaque nostra. Virtue, Albinus, is to be able to pay in full a true price for things in which we participate, and in which we live; virtue is to know what each circumstance may hold for a man; virtue is to know what is right, what is useful, and what is honorable for a man, what is good and likewise, what is bad, what is useless, shameful, and what is dishonorable; virtue is to know the end and the means of something worth seeking; virtue is to be able to pay the price in full by means of wealth; virtue is to give what, by its nature, is owed to honor; to be an enemy and an opponent of bad men and bad behavior,
61
62
cf. Accius, 473 Ribb. = 482 ROL; Pacuvius, I46 Ribb. = l56 ROL; Sex. Turpilius, com. 7 Ribb., and Ogilvie, Commentary, p. 265. A martial meaning seem likely at primum qua virtute <sese> servitute excluserit. - "fIrst, by what virtus did he free himself from slavery." - (XXVII 30 C = 715 M = 787 ROL = 733 K); cf. Liv. 24.l6.9; 27.57.II and Cic. Ba/b. 9.24). More ambiguous are Luc. XXX l3 C = l085 M = IOl3 ROL = I066 K, and XXX l2 C = I084 M = IOl4 ROL = I065 K. On fertility of land, see earlier Chapter II. For Lucilius' own use of Greek, see Wc. Korfrnacher, "'Grecizing' in Lucilian Satire," Cl30 (l934-5) p. 45; on Hellenic influences, see later. The text is that ofF. Charpin, Lucilius Satires III (paris, 1991) p. l05. 124
'Apml AND MANLY VIRTUS
and, on the other hand, to be a defender of good men and good behavior, to esteem these men greatly, to wish them well, and to live as a friend to them, furthermore, to put the interests of the fatherland first, of parents next, and third and last, our own. H 23 Charpin = 1326-38 Marx = II96-1208 ROL = 1342~54 = Krenkel The passage is preserved by Lactantius, who in introducing it states that here Lucilius had collected the ways in which virtue had been described by philosophers, implying that he was drawing on Greek sources. In addition, the underlying theme of the passage, that virtue is knowledge, is a Greek philosophical idea. 63 The majority of scholars who have studied the passage have agreed that it reproduces Greek, in particular Stoic, ideas about the nature of virtue, and most have seen the major influence as Panaetius, the leader of the Stoic School during the later third of the second century, and a man who visited Rome frequently and was a close acquaintance of men, most notably Scipio Aemilianus, with whom Lucilius was intimate. 64 Some, however, have denied Greek influence, insisting that the virtus fragment is a statement of traditional Roman ideals. In opposing Greek influences, Earl, for example, commented disrnissively that "these fragments have been a happy hunting ground," in the pursuit of Stoic parallels in Lucilius' work. If so, the hunting has been good. 65 Lucilius' phrase pretium persolvere - "to pay the price in full" - reflects
63
64
65
Lact. Instit. div. 6.5.2. Eisenhut, JIR., p. 36, noted three occurrences of scire. For Panaetius as the main influence, see F. Marx, C. Lucilii Carminum Reliquae II (Leipzig, 1905) pp. 425-'7; C. Cichorius, Untersuchungen zu Lucilius (Berlin, 1908) p. 350; J. Heurgon, Lucilius (Paris, 1959) p. 167; Poschl, Grundwerte romischer, pp. 19-20, n. 3; Charpin, pp. 255-7. W GorIer, "Zum virtus-Fragment des Lucilius und zur Gescmchte der stoischen Giiterlehre," Hermes II2 (1984) pp. 445-68, argued that the fragment reflects a number of different sources, and that Antipater of Tarsus, Panaetius' predecessor as head of the Stoa, was the major influence. F. Alesse, Panezio di Rodi, Testimonianze, Edizione, traduzione e commento (Naples, 1997) p. 237, saw Stoic influence on Lucilius, but expressed reservations about the direct influence of Panaetius on the virtus passage. On the background ofLucilius, see Gruen, Culture, pp. 272-83. See W Krenkel, Lucilius Satiren II (Leiden, 1970) p. 7II. Earl, Historia II (1962) P·4 82 .
12 5
ROMAN MANLINESS
Stoic doctrine on 6:~ia - "moral value or worth,,66 - and the admonition to be an enemy to bad men and a friend to good - hostem esse . .. vivere amicum - is paralleled by the Panaetian passages at De officiis 2.18. Indeed, the general similarities between Cicero's rendering of the doctrines of Panaetius at De officiis 2.18 and the Lucilius fragment are striking. 67 Earl argued against Greek influence by claiming that the identification of Stoic doctrines in the fragment rests on the false assumption that Lucilius was himself a Stoic. In a similar vein, W J. Raschke objected that Lucilius and the active public men with whom he associated would not have "accepted a theoretical brand of Stoicism in totO."68 But whether Lucilius was or was not a Stoic has little importance for understanding the virtus fragment, because a Roman need not have been a devotee of a Greek philosophical school to have been familiar with its doctrines. Similarly, the fact that in some other Lucilian fragments a whimsical attitude toward Greek philosophy and culture is expressed hardly proves that the ideas in the virtus fragment are not a reflection of Stoicism. Lucilius might mock Romans who used Greek words for mere effect, but on occasion he himself employed them. Consistency of thought is the virtue of a philosopher, to be expected least of all in a satirist. Lucilius was one of a number of elite Romans active during the last three decades of the second century who, having absorbed Greek literature and culture, began for the first time to assert
66
67
68
Cf. Diog. Laert. 7.I05 and Sen. Epist. 89.14; also see SVF 3, 124-6; Cic. Fin. 3.20; Pohlenz, Die Stoa n, p. 134, note to p. 262, and for detailed discussion, Gorler, 446-51, 456-63· See the point by point comparison to Cic. Off. 2.18 done by M. P. Piwonka, Lucilius und Kallimachos (Frankfort am Main, 1949) p. 36, n. I; cf. Charpin, pp. 255-7. See also the comment ofDyck, Commentary, p. 383, on honestum and utile. Alesse, p. 237, expressed doubt. W J. Raschke, "The Virtue ofLucilius," Latomus 49 (1990) pp. 352-69, quotation on 353, who followed Earl, Historia I I (1962) p. 482. Raschke, 359-66, concluded that the tone of the passage is ironic, noting the "mercantile diction" of pretium persolvere verum. Gruen, Culture, p. 3IO, thought the passage is parody. But Lactantius, who had read the passage in context, and noted its philosophical background, clearly regarded it as a serious ethical defInition, and the use ofpretium persolvere verum is a function not of irony, but of the paucity of words that Latin writers faced when attempting to render Greek philosophical ideas into their own language.
126
'ApETll AND MANLY VIRTUS
self-confidently the value of Roman culture. 69 One way this was done was through language, and this is what the virtus fragment attempts - to render complicated Greek doctrines in a purely Latin style. The Latin is clumsy precisely because Greek terms are studiously avoided. 70 The underlying weakness of arguments for Lucilius' description being a traditional Roman view of virtus stands out clearly in Earl's comment on the hierarchy of values - fatherland, parents, personalwith which the passage ends. "At least," wrote Earl, "the final couplet preserves the traditional Roman order of priorities." But the placing of fatherland before parents was traditional among Greeks as well as Romans, and shared societal values cannot be used to demonstrate a peculiarly Roman standard. 7' In this particular case, the demonstration is especially vulnerable, since the hierarchy of duties presented in the last two lines corresponds to ideas expressed by Panaetius, which Cicero reproduced at De rjficiis, 1.57-8.72 But the major obstacle to considering Lucilius' definition of virtus as traditionally Roman is what is missing from these last lines. The Romans were famous for their reverence of the gods, and Polybius stated that this was one of the things that distinguished them from Greeks. If Lucilius were setting forth a Roman view of values, one would expect to find in the list,
69
70
7'
72
See Gruen, Culture, pp. 272-317, who, however, overestimated the degree to which earlier generations were Hellenized. Lucilius' vocabulary generally agrees with that later used by Cicero and Seneca to translate Greek philosophical terrns, see R. Fischer, De usu vocabulorum apud Ciceronem et Senecam Graecae philosophiae interpretes (diss., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1914); 1. Mariotto, Studi Luciliani (Florence, 1960) p. 10, n. 5; Charpin, pp. 254-7. For Lucilius' criticism of the intermixing of Greek and Latin see II 15C = 84-6M = 84-6 ROL = 74-6K. The sceptical comments ofN. Terzaghi, Lucilio (Turin, 1934) p. 20, n. 2, were based on observations that only show the difference between poetic and philosophical forms of expression. FOr references of devotion to fatherland and fathers being a Greek value, see earlier, n. 42, and those cited by Dyck, Commentary, p. 178. Earl quotation, Historia I I (1962) P·4 82 . For the Panaetian origin of the hierarchy, see A. R. Dyck, "On the Composition and Sources of Cicero De officiis 1.50-8," CSCA 12 (1979) pp. 77-84; and Commentary, p. 179; contra E. Lerevre, Panaitios' und Ciceros 1?flichtenlehre (Stuttgart, 2001) pp. 37-8. Panaetius' student, Hecaton ofRhodes, treated the problem of the competing obligations to parents and fatherland in his own work nEpi TOU Ko6ijKOVTOS and came down in favor of the latter; Cic. Off. 3.63 and 90.
12 7
ROMAN MANLINESS
together with regard for the fatherland and parents, some mention of the gods. The absence of any such sentiment is conspicuous. Panaetius, however, was well known for his belief that speculation about the gods is futile, highly unusual for a Stoic. So, far from reflecting traditional Roman values, the final couplet of Lucilius' lines on virtus is strong evidence for a Greek source, probably Panaetius. 73 The nature of the evidence precludes precision in determining to what degree virtus, when it was applied to men with a meaning of general excellence, or with the more specific meanings of intellectual or ethical excellence, was affected by semantic borrowings from O:pE'TT]. The semantic range of virtus may have always included some activities other than those associated with physical prowess or courage, and it is possible that in some instances a more general meaning for virtus was extended into non-physical and non-martial contexts without the beneftt of foreign influence. But the relative rarity of such meanings of virtus in early Latin, together with their close correspondence, in both usage and context, with common and regular uses of O:PE'TT], strongly suggests that in many instances we are dealing with borrowings. This is especially true in regard to the meaning of virtus in a strictly ethical sense. Otherwise, the overtly non-ethical sense in which virtus was employed from the time of Ennius to that of Caesar is difficult to explain.
4. VIRTUS AND THE CANONICAL "VIRTUES"
The last common usage of virtus that shows the influence of O:pE'TT] is as the generic term for various other virtuous qualities. This usage is found only in classical and later Latin and is especially frequent in rhetorical and philosophical works, where the canonical four virtues, prudentia, iustitia, temperantia, and Jortitudo - "prudence," "justice," "self-control," and" courage," respectively, - are presented as aspects 73
See Van Straaten, frag. 68 = Alesse, frag. 134. On the difficult question as to whether or not Panaetius was an atheist (probably not), see Van Straaten, p. 88, Alesse, p. 267, and M. Dragona-Monachou, The Stoic Arguments for the Existence and the Providence of the Gods (Athens, 1976) pp. 269-'78. For traditional Roman reverence for the gods, see Polyb. 6.56; Cic. ND 2.9 with Pease, n, pp. 566-7, where numerous such passages are collected.
128
'Apml AND MANLY VIRTUS
of virtus.7 4 This subdividing of virtus, or naming of various qualities as virtutes, is also found in Cicero's speeches. At Pro Murena 30, for example, iustitia, fides, pudor - "propriety" - , and temperantia, are termed virtutes, and later in the same speech Cicero names the four cardinal virtutes as aequitas - "fairness" - , temperantia,fortitudo, and prudentia, or variants of these. When circumstance required, Cicero could expand the list of virtutes to include just about any and all positive qualities. 75 In his Second Catilinarian, Cicero contrasts a long list of positive and negative qualities, and equates the former with virtutes omnes - "all the virtues" (Cat. 2.25). It is this categorization of virtues that has led some to claim that virtus traditionally represented a single, wide-ranging ethical ideal that subsumed other cardinal Roman values, physical prowess and courage among them, and that this constituted a special Roman ideal. 7 6 That an ethical element had been a central and traditional component of virtus is contradicted, as we have seen, by its nonethical uses by Ennius and Caesar. But beyond this, the use of virtutes as a term that subsumes and encompasses other principal virtues corresponds precisely to the wellknown division of apETTJ into the four cardinal virtues: <j>pOVll pp. I20-I, on publicani and equites jurors miss the point. It is not a matter of how many equestrians were publicani, but of the latter's 20
influence. We might have a different picture if the historical tradition were not so heavily optimate in character, or if we possessed more than one fragment (ORP 40.1) of the speeches of Gaius' ally, M. Fulvius Flaccus, an outstanding general. On the concentration of the surviving accounts, see Stockton, p. 87. Gaius did defend his extended military service, see ORP 48.123 = Plut. C. Gracc. 2.6.
VIRTUS CONTESTED
ambivalence about the image intimately connected with virtu5, that of the mounted warrior.21 Until the 180s, Roman coinage was dominated by a relatively small number of "public " or "state" types, depicting either deities or symbols that were emblematic of the Roman state - such as Jupiter in a victory chariot, the Dioscuri, or a ship's prow - that were repeated with little variation. By the 180s increased political competition seemed to have led moneyers to introduce types bearing symbols or emblems referring to their own ancestors and families. 22 Experimentation with such "private," or better "family" types went on for some forty years, but suddenly in the early 130S, the position of moneyer became popular with members of noble senatorial families. At the same time, reverse types began to change from year to year, and their ancestral references became much more explicit and frequent, with images of historical figures appearing as reverse types in c. 137, 135, and 134 (RRC 234, 242, and 243, respectively). T. P. Wiseman and Michael Crawford rightly pointed to politics as the determining factor for this important change, in particular, the need for electoral advertising on coins after the Lex Gabinia of 139 introduced the secret ballot in elections. 23 What is surprising, however, is that in a society where military achievement, both personal and ancestral, was regarded as the best qualification for holding public office, there was initially no representation of an ancestor as a warrior on the coins. As we have seen, since the mid-fourth century, the Roman senatorial elite had fought and won military glory as cavalrymen, yet the only mounted warriors to appear on Roman coinage were the 21 22
2J
On which see earlier Chapter IV. For public and private types see Crawford, RRC, 11, pp. 713-28. Symbols or abbreviations of the monetary magistrate's name begin to appear in the early second-century and become standard by about 170, Crawford, RRC, 11, p. 725. Crawford, RRC, 11, pp. 728-9, and Wiseman, New Men, pp. 4-5, 148-9, and 204. The attempt by A. Meadows and J. Williams, "Moneta and the Monuments: Coinage and Politics in Republican Rome," JRS 91 (2001) pp. 27-49, to substitute for a political explanation a "commemorative" one, in which the innovative ancestral reverses are one more example of how noble families monumentalized their ancestors, ignores the rapidly changing nature of Roman politics in the 150S and 140S, as well as failing to provide an adequate explanation for why, what was in their own words "a paradigm shift," should have occurred when it did. The Roman nobility has been monumentalizing its ancestors since the late fourth century.
249
ROMAN MANLiNESS
4. Dioscuri. Reverse type. Denarius, c. 206-200 B.C. (RRC 128). Courtesy of American Numismatic Society
Dioscuri, [Fig. 0,] patrons of the Romans state cavahy , symbol of the collectIve virtus of the Roman elite, a quintessentially state type 24 This changed with a reverse type of a mounted warrior charging into battle on a denarius minted by l\!larcius Philippus in I29 Of soon after (RRC 25911)25 [Fig. 5]. I/Jhoever the 1110unted figure on 24
25
The only exception is a coin of c. 21I-2IO with a horseman as a reverse type (R68ov lTpaYl-lo VEI-lEO"llTOV lTo6Elv TOV MaplOv 01 TIEpi 2.1/AAOV 100TopoVO"l. Plutarch (26.3) describes how, blinded by the dust of battle, Marius led his army right past the enemy. The Cimbri then attacked the army of Catulus and were defeated by it. 82 Moreover, following Sulla's account, Plutarch attributes the Cimbric attack on Catulus' army, and the subsequent glory of Catulus' victory, to divine intervention, to fortune - alTO TVx.llS - the very deity, Fortuna huiusce diei, to whom Catulus had made a vow before the battle and to whom he would dedicate a temple. So according to Sulla, in the
79
80
81
82
Passerini, 42-43; Valgiglio, Vita di Mario, p. 125, n. 5, and R. G. Lewis, "Catulus and the Cimbri, IQ2 B.C.," Hermes 102 (1974) pp. 90-IQ9; the last gives a too favorable account of Catulus' generalship. All such accounts ultimately depended on Catulus' own liber de consulatu et rebus gestis suis, Peter, HHR I pp. 191-204, frags. 1-3. Ka6IEpW(JElV TTtV TVx1)V TfjS TtI-II§paS EKE1V1)S. (plut. Mar. 26.2). For the temple see MRR, I, 572, and later in this chapter. For Marius' temple and the spoils of the German victory, see CIL Pp. 195, n. 18. There is no mention of Marius making a vow before his victory over the Teutoni and Ambrones at Aquae Sextiae in 102. Marius' vow was not to Magna Mater, contra T. R. S. Broughton, Historia 2 (1953-54) p. 2Il and J. Van Ooteghem, Caius Marius (Brussels, 1964) p. 254, whose temple was rebuilt after III by a Metellus (Ovid, Past. 4.347-8), either Nurnidicus, Richardson, Dictionary, p. 242 or Caprarius (cos. 133), M. Gwyn Morgan, Klio 55 (1973) pp. 215-45. Plut. Mar. 26.3. For how Marius' tactics at Vercellae allowed Catulus, whose army held the center, to claim the victory, see K. Volkl, "Zum talctischen Verlauf der Schlacht bei Vercellae (IQ1 v. chr.)," RhM 97 (1954) pp. 82-9.
ROMAN MANLINESS
battle ofVercellae a divine power had favored Catulus and had given him victory, while Marius was rebuffed by a deity that was angry with him. The same tradition made its way into the works of Lucan and Augustine .... Non ille favore / Numinis, ingenti superum protectus ab ira, "that man was not shielded by divine favor, rather by the very great anger of the gods," (Bellum civile 2.85-6). Lucan writes of Marius. Augustine writes that even though Marius was devoted to the gods, they had been angry with him, and that he had been among those whom the gods hated. 83 Augustine almost certainly found this characterization in the work of either Sallust or Livy, who were his principal sources for the period of Marius and Sulla. 84 In the late Republic the portrayal of political opponents as hated by the gods was not uncommon. 8s That his political enemies made such charges suggests that Marius' claims to have divine support were well-presented and effective. But what was the basis for the charges that the gods were angry with Marius? In Cicero's speeches, the accusation that an opponent is an enemy of the gods is always substantiated by a specific allegation. Verres was the enemy of everything sacred and holy because he plundered temples (2 Verr. 4.75; 5.184-9; 4.71-2); the Catilinarian conspirators because they planned to burn down temples (Cat. 1.12, 33; 4.24); Antony because he falsified auspices (Phil. 3.9; 5.7).86 Marius also must have been accused of some crime to have provoked the gods'
8)
..• Non parum est quod fatentur etiam non von propitiis diis suis posse accidere homini istam temporalem, quam ninnis diligunt, tantum felicitatem et posse homines, sicut fuit Marius, salute viribus, opibus honoribus, dignitate longaevitate cumulari et peifrui diis iratis . ... quos oderunt.
(CD 11.23). The characterization occurs in a conventional contrast between M. Atilius Regulus and Marius (see Cic. Pis. 43 and Parad. Stoic. 2.16). The latter is not Juvenal's Marius Priscus (I. 49); see A. de Veer, "Perfrui diis iratis (De civ. Dei, L. 11, 23)," Revue des etudes augustiniennes 1(1955) p. 402. 84 For Augustinus' sources, see H. Hagendahl, Augustine and the Latin Classics 11 (Goteborg, 1967) pp. 631-49 and 664-5. That the characterization of Marius was not invented by Augustine himself, is strongly suggested by the form of his argument in chapter 23; cf. his argument about Sulla in chapter 24. 8s For example, Cn. Pomponius, Asc. 79 Clark, with Badian, Historia 18 (1969) pp. 474-5. Cicero made the accusation against his opponents more than once, see Beard in M. Beard and M. Crawford, pp. 32-3; Heibges, Latomus 28 (1969) pp. 833-49. 86 See Beard in M. Beard and M. Crawford, p. 32; and Heibges, Latomus 28 (1969): pp. 833-49. Cicero charged that Verres, the conspirators of 63, and Antony were all enemies of the gods.
VIRTUS CONTESTED
anger. The specific charge against him is not beyond recovery, and, as willbe seen, it has important implications for the controversy over the nature of virtus.
6. COMPETING DEFINITIONS OF MANLINESS
In a passage in Plutarch's biography of Mar ius, taken from the history of Rutilius Rufus (Mar. 28.5 = HRR F 188), Metellus Numidicus, who has just before been called a man of true virtue - apETT]V ai\1l6fl (Mar. 28.4), is contrasted to the immoral Marius, who, it says, had defeated Numidicus for the consulship of 100 by bribing voters. 87 Immediately following, the hateful deeds of Marius' sixth consulship are enumerated. Marius is accused of having shared in the crimes of Saturninus (Mar. 29. I); then the story of how Marius deceitfully tricked Numidicus into taking an oath that led to the latter's exile is related at length (Mar. 29.2-8). The extreme criticism of Marius he is said to have been an accomplice to Saturninus' murder of A. Nunnius - and the detailed emphasis placed on Numidicus, whose words are twice quoted (Mar. 29.6 & 8), make it highly probable that in chapter 29 Plutarch continued to follow Rutilius as his source. There are additional reasons for thinking this is so. Plutarch's criticism of Marius in chapter 29 is highlighted with an ethical comparison between him and Numidicus that centers around the notion of virtue. Numidicus, the steadfast man - j3Ej3atOV av8pcxis said to have agreed with Pindar that "truth is the source of great virtue." Marius, however, is accused of having regarded "lying as a part ofvirtue and ability. ,,88 Marius' reputation for deceit was widespread,8 9 and the accusation certainly originated as anti-Marian polemic, probably entering the literature with Rutilius Rufus. But the idea that someone would regard "lying as a part of virtue" is very odd and deserves 87
88
89
Plut. Mar. 28.5; cf. Liv. Per. 69. That the Metellus referred to here is Numidicus was demonstrated by E. Badian, "The Death of Saturninus," Chiron 14 (1984) pp. 101-47, 122; see also T. R. S. Broughton, "Candidates defeated in Roman Elections: Some Roman Also-Rans," TrAPhilS 81.4 (philadelphia, 1991) p. 9. mhos ~EV yap Eis O:PETf\S Ka! 8ElVOTllTOS ~Epi8a TO \jJEvcracr6m TI6E~EVOS ... 0:l\ij6Elav 6:pX1lv ~Ey6:l\l1S O:pETf\S KaTCx niv8apov. Plut. Mar. 29.3. Liv. Per. 80; App. BC 1.30 (29). Even Cicero repeats that Marius used lying and abandoned good faith and justice (Off. 3.79). On this aspect of Marius, see Passerini, 257-68.
ROMAN MANLINESS
attention. 90 In fact, a similar accusation is found in Dio Cassius, who consistently used sources hostile to Marius. Here an ironic antithesis between Marius' deceit and his reputation for virtue is presented. Of Marius, it is said: "He dared with great readiness to say anything, to promise anything, to lie about anything, and to swear falsely about anything from wruch he hoped to gain an advantage, [but] ... because of his extraordinary cunning and luck, a benefit he experienced in the absolute highest degree, he even acquired a reputation for virtue. "91 The question is, what kind of virtue was Marius reputed to have had? From beginning to end Marius' success and fame was based on his reputation for martial prowess. He early career and rise to power depended on his martial reputation, and with the defeat of the Teutoni and Cimbri Marius became one of the great military figures of Roman history. Marius was the quintessential man of martial virtus (see Cic. 2 Verr. 5.25; Imp. Pom. 47; Cat. 4.21; Balb. 46; Prov. Cons. 32; Rab. 29). Moreover, in his attacks on the Roman nobility martial virtus played a central part. Although never a "popular" politician in the manner of C. Gracchus or L. Appuleius Saturninus (Marius' foray as a popular politician as plebeian tribune in 119 had decidedly negative results), Marius' spectacular success is impossible outside of the context provided by post-Gracchan popularis politics. 92 In his election to the consulship of 107 he played a popularis card by attacking the nobility. But it is the manner in which Marius attacked the old Roman nobility that is significant, not only because it illustrates the existence of a serious ideological division within the Roman Republic, but also because it shows that a central aspect of that division was conflicting ideas about the nature of Roman manliness - virtus. The texts agree that in campaigning for the consulship of 107, and in speeches he gave
90
91
92
The idea did not, however, escape the notice ofTacitus, who employed it ironically at Ann·4·7I. Kat yap EiTrEiv TI Kat tllTOOXEcr6m Kai \jJEvcracr6m Kat E1TllOpKiicrm, EV 0 TIAEOVEKTTjcrE1V fjA1TlSEV, hOl~6TaTa ET6A~a ... EK TE yap Tiis TIEP1TEXVTjcrEWS Kat EK Tfis TVxTlS, 1i TIapemav Ta TIpha 6:ya6i;j ExpTjcraTo, KaiapETfis 56~av EKTTjcraTo. (Dio, Bk 26. 89.2.). Behind the military reputation was also great personal wealth and the support of equestrian order, see earney, Biography, pp. I9-26.
VIRTUS CONTESTED
shortly after his election, Marius delivered blistering attacks on the indolence, luxury, and military incompetence of the Roman nobility (see Sall. BI73.7; Plut. Mar. 9.2-4). One such speech is reproduced by Sallust in Chapter 85 of the Bellum Iugurthinum. Whether or not this speech was modeled on the words actually spoken by Marius in 107 is a moot point. It certainly underlines the qualities and characteristics that were central to Marius' political career. 93 In the speech, Marius proclaims his own martial ability -,- virtus - by comparing it to the inexperience and incompetence of his noble opponents. The stress on the enmity of the optimate nobility toward him has a clear basis in the events of Mar ius' career. But it is the particular way in which Sallust has Marius attack his noble .opponents that is telling. Marius contrasts his own hard-won military experience with the Hellenic over-refinement of his noble enemies, whom, he says, attempted to learn about war by reading Greek military manuals - Graecorum militaria praecepta legere (BI 85.12). Then Marius goes on to say that "what they have learned from books, I have learned from soldiering" - quae illi litteris, ea ego militando didici (BI 85.13). That this line of attack was associated with the historical Marius is shown by reference to it in Cicero's speech Pro Balbo, which was delivered in 56. Here Cicero asks the jury to imagine the presence of the long-dead Marius, who is made to contrast his own military experience and accomplishments to merely reading about war. Cicero has Marius say: "that he had been schooled as a soldier in campaigns, and as a legate in wars, that ifhe had read about wars as great as those that he had actually fought and ended ... he would have been able to learn thoroughly and to understand all the rules of war" - se stipendiis, se legationibus bellicis eruditum, se, si tanta bella
legisset, quanta gessit et confecit ... omnia iura belli perdiscere ac nosse potuisse (Balb. 47 for reading legisset cf. Imp. Pom 28; cf. Sall. BI85.12-13). This anti-Hellenic public stance of Marius is well-attested, and the contrast between Greek refinement and Roman martial valor is
93
T. F. Carney, "Once again Marius' speech after election in 108 B.C.," SO 35 (1959) pp. 63-70, esp. p. 66, n. I; also Passerini, 20-2; A. La Penna, "Aspetti e conflitti della cultura latina dai Graccru a Silla," DArch (1971) pp. 193-2II, esp. p. 2IO; and Paul, p. 207, contra Syme, Sallust, p. 169, n. 31; Koestermann, C. Sallustius, p. 293; and Evans, pp. 7 1-3. A careful reading of the speech in Sallust reveals that in it, virtus is throughout a martial quality; see later, Chapter X, Section 3.
273
ROMAN MANLINESS
ever-present. Plutarch, for example, records that Marius scorned Greek letters as the literature of a conquered people. Sallust has Marius say that Greek literature has not helped its. teachers to possess virtu5 (Bl 85.32). At Greek performances (athletic, musical, dramatic, or all three) that were part of the games he staged in connection with his vow to Honos and Virtus, it was reported that no sooner did Marius take a seat than he dramatically got up and left. 94 How sincere Marius' professions of antipathy toward Greek culture were, and the degree to which Marius was himselfHellenized, are beside the point. 95 What is important and incontestable is that there was an audience for it. It was such anti-Greek rhetoric, combined with his own martial accomplishments, that propelled Marius to extraordinary political success in the face of fierce noble opposition. Virtus was a central element in Marius' general public image. When defining the particular qualities possessed by some of Rome's great generals - Fabius Cunctator and the two Scipios - Cicero singles out Marius for virtus. 96 But as we have seen, the meaning of virtus was being affected by Greek influences, in particular by semantic borrowing from 6:pETT]. With a concept as central to Roman society as was virtus, such a phenomenon reflects not only semantic changes, but also changes in values. Like the two, Claudii Marcelli and Scipio Aemilianus before him, Marius associated himself with divine Virtus through a dedication to the divinity. Marius' noble enemies reacted against both the association and against the temple he vowed. But surviving evidence of their reaction suggests that what was being contested in the pro and anti Hellenic ideological battle that Marius and 94
95
96
Plut. Mar. 2.2. Gruen, Culture, p. 269, rejected the story as evidence for Marius' antiGreek public stance because he held that a disdainful departure would be an insult to the audience. But Plutarch includes the story in a series of examples of Marius' antiHellenic attitude. The Greek performances would have been only a part of games that also included Roman spectacles, which Marius no doubt made a point of attending and enjoying. For Marius' anti-Greek public image, see Plut. Mar. 2.2; Sall. BI63.3; 85.I2-I3; Cic. Arch. I9; Val. Max. 2.2.3e. Marius' stance as the New Dionysos after his German victories was part of his religious program, and Greek religious innovations had a long history at Rome and were not regarded as an aspect of elite Greek culture, contra Gruen, Culture, pp. 267-8. That Marius actually knew a fair amount of Greek was shown by Carney, Biography, pp. Io-I4; see too Gruen, Culture, pp. 268-9. For Marius' subsequent reputation, see Carney; RhM p. 300.
274
VIR7US CONTESTED
his opponents were waging was the meaning of virtus itself - what it meant to be a man in Rome. Evidence for an ideological and political contest between Marius' traditional martial virtus, and the Hellenized virtus of his optimate enemies survives in two areas - public oratory and temple architecture. Marius financed his temple to Honos and Virtus with the spoils of his German victories. But Marius built more than a temple. Texts consistently refer to his building as Mariana monumenta - the Marian monuments. 97 The temple of Ho nos and Virtus was the centerpiece of an architectural complex that also included an older temple to Febris, trophies from the Jugurthine and German victories, and, a bit later, probably Marius' house as well. We know from Cicero that Marius' temple to Honos and Virtus was large enough to accommodate a meeting of the senate, but nothing remains of it or of the larger complex. Its location, however, has been persuasively placed close to the Roman Forum, somewhere on the Velia. 98 That Marius' temple, like his attack on the nobility, was the subject of political contention is revealed by a detail preserved in the work of Festus. In a notice on the meaning of the word summissiorem, we are told that "Marius' temple of Honos and Virtus was lower than other temples so that it would not be an obstruction to the taking of the public auspices, and so that the augurs might not order its demolition."99 The Festus passage has been interpreted, certainly correctly, to mean that the original plan was to build a temple of the canonical Italic type with a high podium, such as, for example, the preserved republican temple at Cora IOO [Fig. 8 (a) (b) (c)]. The altered, lower design, 97
9B
99
100
Val. Max. 2.5.6; 4.4.8; Vitruvius 3.2.5; and regularly by Cicero, Sest. II6, Plane. 78, Div. I.59, 2.140. From spoils of German victory - elL Fp. 195, n. 18. Richardson, AJA 82 (1978) pp. 242-3, located the temple and complex on the site later occupied by the temples of Antoninus and Faustina, and the so-called temple of Romulus; F. Coarelli, nforo romano, Periodo areaico (Rome, 1986) p. ID3, in the vicinity of the Arch ofTitus; cf. Palombi, LTUR 2, pp. 33-5. For the senate meeting in Marius' temple, see Cic. Sest. II6, Plane. 78, Div. I.59, 2.140. summissiorem aliis aedem Honoris et Virtutis C. Marius fecit, ne, si forte offieeret auspiciis publicis, augures eam demoliri cogerent. (Festus 466-8 L). For other example of augurs keeping free from obstructions the prospectus from the temple, see Cic. Off. 3.66; cf. Val. Max. 8.2.1; and Linderski, "The Augural Law," ANRW, n. 16.3, pp. 2146-312, and 2158. Gros, MtHangesJ Heurgon (Rome, 1976) pp. 399 and 407--9; Richardson, AJA 82 (1978) P·243·
275
ROMAN MANLINESS
J A 8. Republican Tempe at Cora: (a) plan; (b) fa p. 309, ll. 47 HI 21.1: p. 303, ll. 29; p. 312 III 21 T p. 308, ll. 41 IV 2: p. 56, ll. 121 IV 21.T p. 308, ll. 43 V 8.4: P.302 V 25.2: p. 308, ll. 43 V 28-37: p. 304, ll. 31 V 33.3: p. 310, ll. 49 V 34.2: p. 301; p. 304, ll. 38 V 35.4: p. 304, ll. 38 V 35.5: p. 304, ll. 32 V 35.6-T p. 66, ll. 152 V 40-52: p. 309; ll. 47 V 40.T P.306 V 41: p. 67; p. 68 V 41.7-8: p. 306 V 44: p. 66, ll. 152 V 44.3-4: p. 308, ll. 43 V 48.6: p. 308 V 48.7: p. 306 V 52: p. 67; p. 68 V 52.3-4: p. 306 V 52.4: p. 308, ll. 43 V 52.6: p. 304, ll. 31 V 58: p. 309, ll. 47 V 58.1: p. 305, ll. 33 VI 1.4: p. 313 VI 7-8: p. 309, ll. 47 VI 7.4: p. 304 VI 8.4: p. 309, ll. 46 VI 14: p. 254, ll. 39 VI 34.3: p. 305, ll. 33 VI 34.4: p. 305, ll. 34 VI 34.7: p. 305, ll. 33 VI 36-42: p. 309, ll. 47 VI 36.1: p. 305, ll. 33 VI 38: p. 66, ll. 152 VI 38.1-4: p. 308 VI 39.1: p.68 VI 39.4: p. 68 VI 39.8: p. 68 VI 39.10: p.68 VI 40.5: p. 303, ll. 29 VI 40.7: p. 66, ll. 152 VI 40.7-8: p. 308 VI 77.s: p. 62, ll. 141 VII 4.9: p. 305, llll. 33-4
VII 5.1: p. 59, ll. 133 VII 6.1: P.3I3 VII 6-13: p. 309, ll. 47 VII 19.4-6: p. 304, ll. 32 VII 22.1: p. 302, ll. 25; p. 305, ll. 34; p. 308, ll. 41 VII 22.2: p. 308, ll. 41 VII 29.2: p. 305, ll. 34; p. 308, ll. 41 VII 29.6: p. 305, ll. 33 VII 32.5: p. 305, ll. 33 VII 36.4: p. 303, ll. 29 VII 42.2: p. 303 VII 47.7: p. 66, ll. 152 VII 50-52: p. 304, n. 32 VII 50T p. 66, ll. 152 VII 50.4-6: p. 66, ll. 152 VII 52.1: p. 65, ll. 151; p. 304 VII 52.3-4: p. 304 VII 53.1: P.307 VII 57·3: p. 305, ll. 34 VII 59.5: p. 306, ll. 36 VII 59.6: p. 305; p. 308 VII 62.2: p. 309 VII 65.3: p. 305, ll. 33 VII 77.5: p. 25, ll. 39; p. 62, ll. 141; p. 302 VII 80: p. 303, ll. 29 VII 80.5: p. 309, ll. 46 Book VIII (see Hirtius) PSEUDO-CAESAR
De bello Africo passim: p. 308, ll. 44 83.1: P·3 II 72-4: p. 294, ll. 3
De bello Alexandrino passim: p. 308, ll. 44 70.6.2: p. 167, ll. 19
De bello Hispaniensi passim: p. 308, ll. 44 42.7: p. 355 CALLIMACHUS
Hymni 94-96: p. 86, ll. 46 CARCINUS
Tragoediae (TrGF) frag. 4: p. II3, ll. 29 CATO, M. PORCIUS
De agricultura (Mazzarillo) prae. 2: p. 57; p. 58
43 6
INDEX LOCORUM
prae. 3: p. 130, ll. 70 1.2: p. 56,ll. 112; p. 73, ll. 5; p. 74 3·2:P· 56; p. 57; p. 58; p. 130, ll. 70; p. 372, ll. 122 33.1: p. 75, ll. I I 36: p. 75, ll. I I 43.2: p. 75, ll. Il
frag. 129: p. 52; p. 61, ll.139 frag. 141: p. 55 frag. 146: p. 55 frag. 156-8: p. 567, ll. 120! Ad Marcum jilium (Jordall) frag. 6, p. 78: p. 58, ll. 127 CATULLUS, C. VALERIUS
Orationes (ORF) 8·17: p. 55, ll. Il9 8.22: p. 59, ll. 132 8.58: p. 45, ll. 93; P.'287, ll. 126 8.72-82: p. 255, ll. 36; p. 324, ll.22 8.78: p. 56, ll. 120; p. 203, ll·77 8.83: p. 59, ll. 132 8.85-6: p. 261, ll. 53 8.94: p. 234, ll. 96 8·9T p. 45, ll. 93 8.98: p. 227, ll. 70 8.128-35: p. 132 8.141: p. 55; p. IlO, ll. Il9; p. 302, ll. 26;p. 360,ll. 104 8.146: p. 55; p. IlO, ll. Il9; p. 302, ll. 26;p. 360, ll. 104 8.148-51: p. 234, ll. 97 8.172: p. 178, ll. 46 8.173: p. 324, ll. 19 8.185-6: p. 237, ll. I07 8.224: p. 227, ll. 70
Carmina 64: P·167; p. 294, ll. 5 64.214: p. 294, ll. 5 68: p. 294, ll. 5 CATULUS, Q. LUTATIUS
Carmina (Courtlley) frag. I (p. 70): p. 281, ll. Il2 frag. 2 (pp. 76-7): p. 281, ll.Il2 CHAIREMON
Tragoediae (TrGF) frag.2: p. 87, ll. 51 CICERO, M. TULLIUS
Carmina De consulatu suo, (Courtlley) frag. IO: p. 354 frag. Il: p. 354
Epistulae Ad Brut. 23 (SE 25) 3: p. 158, ll. 46; p. 258, ll·47 23 (SE 25) IO: p. 109, ll. 14
Att.
Origines (HRR)
1.1 (SE IO) 4: p. 328, ll. 37 1.2 (SE Il) 2: p. 328, ll. 37 1.16 (SE 16) 6: p. 267, ll. 74 1.18 (SE 18) 6: p. 315, ll. 61 2.1 (SE 21) 8: p. 382, ll. 148 2.19 (SE 39) 3: P·299 3.8 (SE 53) 3: p. 169, ll. 23 4.1 (SE 73) 8: p. 169 4.16 (SE 89) 8: p. 218, ll. 44 4.17 (SE 19) 4: p. 171; p. 342, ll. 73 p. 381, ll. 145 5.20 (SE Il3) 6: p. 340, ll. 66 6.1 (SE Il5) 17: p. 258, ll. 45 7.2 (SE 125) 7: p. 386, ll. 5 9C (SE 74c): p. 381, ll. 145 IO.8 (SE 199) 9: p. 163 12.21 (SE 260) I: p ..1, ll. 3 13.7 (SE 314): p. 316, ll. 64
frag. I: p. 369, ll. Il7 frag. 2: p. 369, ll. Il7 frag. 3: p. 369, ll. Il7 frag. IT p. 55, ll. Il 9 frag. 51: p. 55, ll. Il9; p. 324, ll. 19 frag. 58: p. 53; p. 54 frag. 73: p. 324, ll. 19 frag.76: p. 55, ll. Il9; p. 324, ll. 19 frag. 78: p. 56, ll. 120 frag. 83: p. 50; p. 51; p. 52; p. 54 frag. Il4-5: p. 56, ll. 20 frag. Il8: p, 51 frag. 122: p. 56, ll. 120 frag. 126--'7: p. 56, ll. 120
437
INDEX LOCORUM
CICERO, M. TULLIUS
(cont.)
Fam. 1.7 (SB 18) 8: p. I09, n. 14 2.3 (SB 47) 2: p. 340, n. 66 2.5 (SB 49) 2: p. 340, n. 66 3.4 (SB 67) I: p. 332, n. 44 3.7 (SB 71) 5: p. 332; p. 340, n. 66 3·9 (SB 72) 3: p. 332, n. 44 3·IO (SB 73) 9: p. 223, n. 58 3·Il (SB 74) 4: p. 332, n. 44 4·9 (SB 231) 3: p. 340, n. 66 5·7 (SB 3) 3: P·354 5·13 (SB 201) 3: P.334 5.17 (SB 23) 4-5: p. 170; p. 340, n. 66 5.Ii! (SB 51) I: p. 169 6.1 (SB 242) 4: p. 340, n. 66 7.1 (SB 24) 2-3: p. 297, n. 16 9.14 (SB 326) 4: p. 340, n. 66 IO.3 (SB 355) 2: p. 340, n. 66 10.8 (SB 371) 3: p. 381, n. 145 10.8 (SB 371) 6: p. 340, n. 66 11.18 (SB 397) 2: p. 340, n. 66 12.IO (SB 425) 3: p. 340, n. 66 12.24 (SB 361) 3: p. 360, n. 44 13.27 (SB 293) 4: p. 170 13.28 (SB 294) 2: p. 340, n. 66 13.78 (SB 275) I: p. 340, n. 66 14.1 (SB 8) I: p. 163; p. 334, n. 51; p. 340, n. 66 14.1 (SB 8) 5: p. 169 14·3 (SB 9) 2: p. 169 14.4 (SB 6) 5: p. 169 14. Il (SB 166) 2: p. 163 15.5 (SB Ill) I: p. 340, n. 66 15.16 (SB 215): p. 333, n. 47 15.19 (SB 216) 2: p. 333, n. 47; p. 340, n. 66
Orationes Arch. 15: p. 348, n.88 19: p. 274, n. 95 22: p. 207, n. 7 27: p. 234, n. 97 28-30: p. 353, n. 94
Balb. 9: p. 298, n. 17 IO: p. 298, n. 17 13: p. 298, n. 17; p. 334, n. 50
IS: p. 298, n. 17 16: p. 29i!, n. 17 18-19: p. 330; p. 345, n. 82 46: P·273 47: p. 273 54: p. 134; p. 346, n. 83; p. 348, n. 88 Il3: p. 334, n. 50
Caedn. 77: p. 341, n. 68
Cael. 13:P· 381, n. 144 18: p. 173, n. 31 34: p. 340 37-38: p. 171, n. 25 40: p. 342, n. 73 41: p. 171; p. 342, n. 43: p. 17 1; p. 342, n. 76: p. 171; p. 342, n. 79: p. 171; p. 342, n.
73 73 73 73
Cat. 1.3: p. 345, n. 82 1.12: P.270 1.29: p. 334, n. 50 1.33: P·270 2.Il: p. 298, n. 17; p. 350 2.22: p. 262, n. 56 2.25: p. 129; p. 334, n. 50; p. 350 2.28: p. 350 2.29: p. 267, n. 74 3.14: p. 351; p. 354, n. 96 3.15: p. 96, n. 88; p. 351, n. 93 3.18: p. 267, n. 74 3.22: p. 267, n. 74 3.23: p. 350, n. 92 3.25: p. 350, n. 92 3·26: p. 351; p. 352 3.29: p. 352 4.2: p. 268, n. 78 4·5: p. 352 4· 9: p. 300, n. 22 4.19: p. 96, n. 87; p. 352 4.20: p. 298, n. 17; p. 348, n. 88 4.21: p. 2, n. 4; p. 272; p. 353 4.22 : p. 353 4.24: P·270 Clod. frag. 22: p. 262, n. 56 Clu. 39: p. 171; p. 342, n. 73
INDEX LOCORUM
51: p. 346 67: p. 330, n. 42 Ill: p. 328, n. 36 II8: p. 341, n. 68 133: p. 342, n. 73 141: p. 179, n. 51 165: p. 342, n. 73 200: p. 342, n. 73
64: p. 303, n. 35; p. 343, n. 76; p. 350 67: p. 343, n. 76 68: p. 341, n. 68
Leg. agr. 1.5: p. 348, n. 88 2·3: p. 298, n. 17; p. 329; p. 330, n·42 2.51: p. 298, n. 17 2.52: p. 298, n. 17 3.3: p. 350, n. 42
Deiot. 8: p. 145, n. II 12: p. 58, n. 130 26: p. 130, n. 78
Marc. 26: p. 298, n. 18 Mil. 6: p. 94, n. 77 24: p. 341, n. 68 30: p. 344 33: p. 298, n. 17 34: p. 344 36: p. 298, n. 17 66: p. 298, n. 17; p. 344 73: p. 29 8, n. 17 79: p. 298, n. 17 81: p. 344 89: p. 353, n. 94 95: p. 344 99: p. 299, n. 18 Mur. 2: p. 345, n. 82 12: p. 342 16-7: p. 94, n. 77; p. 325, n. 25; p. 328, n. 35;p. 330, n. 42 17: p. 266, n. 70; p. 323, n. 12; p. 324,n. 20;p. 327, n. 33;P. 330; p. 342; p. 345, nn. 81 & 82 18: p. 342 18-19: p. 33 0 22: p. 342; p. 344 23: p. 129, n. 75; p. 359 24: p. 345, n. 81; p. 347, n. 86 30: p. 129; p. 325, n. 24; p. 342; p. 347 32: p. 342 33: p·342 54: p. 343 60: p. 129, n. 75; p. 342 63: p. 129, n. 75; p. 342 64: P·34 2 66: p. 129, n. 75; p. 342 76: p. 233, n. 94
Dom. 16: p. 94, n. 77 39: p. 340 97: p. 340; p. 353, n. 94 102: p. 281, n. II3 II4: p. 281, n. II3
Font. 23: p. 129, n. 75; p. 325, n. 25; p. 326, n. 28 24: p. 327, n. 3 28: p. 243, n. 74; p. 350 39: p. 348, n. 88 42-3: p. 243, n. 4 74: p. 348, n. 88
Hay. resp. 6-7: p. 34, n. 79 19: p. 379, n. 140 23: p. 96, n. 88 49: p. 298, n. 17
Imp. Pom. 10: p. 94, n. 77 p. 298, n. 17 20: p. 298, n. 17 27: p. 58, n. 130; p. 298, n. 17 28: P.273 29: p. 307, n. 39; p. 339, n. 50; p. 342; p. 350 29-34: p. 305, n. 34 30: p. 298, n. 17 33: p. 298, nn. 17 & 18 36: p. 298, nn. 17 & 18; p. 343; p. 366, n. lIO 42: p. 298, n. 17 45: p. 298, n. 17 47= p. 272; p. 348, n. 88 51: p. 123, n. 57; p. 340 61: p. 298, n. 17 62: p. 298, n. 17
439
INDEX LOCORUM
CICERO, M. TULLIUS
(cont.)
Phi!. 3.3: p. 298, n. 18 3.9: P·270 3.8: p. 341 3.9: P·270 3.19; p. 298, n. 18 4. 13: P·3 5·7: P·27 0 5.40-41: p. 258, 47 5·41: P·94 6.12-13: p. 258, n. 48 6.13: p. 158, n. 45 8.13: p. 156, n. 36; p. 345, n. 82 9·4: p. 257, n. 43; p. 322 , n. 7; p. 345, n.82 9.13: p. 94, n. 81; p. 158 9.18: p. 388, n. 88 10.10: p. 298, n. 18 II.18: p. 58, n. 130 13.6: p. 334, n. 50 13.24: p. 123, n. 57 13.30: p. 382, n. 148 13.44: p. 298, n. 18 13 ·49: p. 121, n. 57 14.4: p. 305, n. 35 14· II : p. 94, n. 77 14.28 : p. 94, n. 77 14.31: p. 58, n. 130 14.33: p. 298, n. 18 14.34: p. 298, n. 18 14.36: p. 298, n. 18 14·37: p. 94, n. 77 14.38: p. 298, n. 18
Pis. 6: p. 351, n. 93 16: p. 298, n. 17 27: p. 298, n. 17 34: P·29 8, n. 17 35: p. 298, n. 17 43: p. 270 , n. 83 44: p. 58, n. 21
Plane. 9: P·344 12: p. 73, n. 4; p. 327. n. 31 13: p. 96, n. 86 29: p. 173, n. 31 30: p. 344, n. 77 51: p. 265, n. 67
440
p. 123, n. 57 p. 58, n. 130; p. 348, n. 88 p. 347 p. 346; p. 353 ,n. 94 p. 129, n. 75; p. 275, nn. 97 & 98; p. 343, n. 74;P· 344, n. 77;P· 350 80: p. 129, n. 75; p. 343, n. 74; p. 344, n. 77;P· 350 Prov. Cons. Quir. 19: p. 266, n. 70; p. 284, n. 117; p. 379, n. 140 31: p. 289, n. 17 32: p. 272; p. 298, n. 18; p. 348, n. 8 Quir. 20: p. 305, n. 35 Rab. 8: p. 341, n. 69 26: p. 348, n. 88 29: P.272 Red. pop. 16: p. 58, n. 130 19: p. 334, n. 50 24: p. 145, n. II Red. sen. 5: p. 58, n. 130 19: p. 334, n. 50 24: p. 145, n. II Q. Rose. 7: p. 123, n. 57 27: p. 162; p. 163 Ses. 6: p. 384, n. 151 37: p. 258, n. II9 47: p. 35 0 , n. 9 2 4 8: p. 353, n. 94 60: p. 344; p. 382, n. 148 62: p. 354, n. 95 67: p. 298, n. 17 86: p. 334, n. 50; p. 344 88: p. 344 92 : P·344 93: p. 73, n. 4; p. 344 95: p. 344 101: p. 285, n. 121 II3: p. 334, n. 50 II6: p. 275, nn. 97 & 98; p. 353, n. 94 136: p. 330, n. 42; p. 331, n. 43; p. 344 58: 60: 66: 67: 78:
INDEX LOCORUM
4·80-1: p. 239, n. II4; p. 331, n. 43 4. 81 : p. 330; p. 348 4.93: p. 239, n. II4 4.120: p. 230, n. 79 4.120-3: p. 212, n. 25 4.121: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79 4.126: p. 230, n. 82; p. 233, n. 94; p. 279, n. I06; p. 281, n. II3 4.151: p. 231, n. 86 5.3: p. 152, n. 26 5.25: p. 272; p. 348, n. 88 5.31: p. 330; p. 341, n. 82; p. 345, n. 82 5.70: p. 341, n. 69 5.82: p. 324, n. 20 5.128: p. 341, n. 69; p. 348, n. 88 5.180: p. 325, n. 24 5. 180- 1: P·33 0 5.180-2: p. 330; p. 345, n. 82 5.181: p. 31; p. 325, n. 25; p. 326, n. 28;p. 327, n. 3I;P. 328 5. 182: p. 329 5.184: p. 239, n. II4 5.I84-9: P·270
I3T p·344 138: p. 344 143: p. 58, n. 130; p. 344
Sull. 23: 24: 34: 83: 85: 86:
p. p. p. p. p. p.
266, n. 70; p. 324, n .. 90 330 305, n. 35 94, n. 77; p. 353, n. 94 351, n. 93 267, n. 74
vat. 28: p. 96, n. 86; p. 218, n. 44; p. 348, n. 88 I
Verr. 1.135: p. 348, n. 88 1.155: p. 348, n. 88
2
Verr. 1.2: p. 341, n. 69 1.3: p. 341, n. 69 1.II: p. 239, n. II4 1.55: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79 2.3: p. 348, n. 88 2.23: p. 341, n. 69 2.31: p. 345, n. 82 2.50: p. 231, n. 86 2.51: p. 231, n. 86 2.83: p. 341, n. 69 2.85-6: p. 239, n. II4 2.102: p. 341, n. 69 2.150: p. 158, n. 45 2.156: p. 341, n. 69 2.181: p.328 2.192: p. 334, n. 50 3.2: p. 342, n. 73 3.7-8.2: p. 330, n. 42 3.8: p. 341, n. 69 3 ·56: p. 341.n. 69 3.60: p. 341, n. 69 3 ·93: p. 341, n. 69 3.204: p. 341, n. 69 4-4-5: p. 290, n. 131 4.8: p. 3, n. 8 4.4-5: p. 290, n. 131 4.38: p. 341, n. 69 4.50: p. 341, n. 69 4.71-2: p. 270 4.72-4: p. 239, n. II4 4.75: p.270 4.7 8: p. 348
Philosophica Acad. pr. 2.13: p. 326, n. 29 2.140: p. II4, n. 30
Amic. 20: p. 9, n. 23 2I: p. 294, nn. 3 & 6; p. 340; p. 341, n. 68 39: p. 3II 77: p. 326, n. 28
Div. 1.59: p. 275, nn. 97 & 98 1.I06: p. 267, n. 75 2·7T p. 221, n. 53 2.140: p. 275, nn. 97 & 98 Fin. 1.IO-II: p. 290, n. I30 1.61: p. II4, n. 30 2.19: p. 338, n. 59 2.54: p. 326, n. 28 2.69: p. II4, n. 30 2. II2: p. 123, n. 57 3.20: p. 126, n. 66 3 ·49: p. II4, n. 30 4.22: p. 94; p. 326, n. I02
441
INDEX LOCORUM
CICERO, M. TULLIUS (cont.) 4.59: p. 123, ll. 57 5·93: p. 123, ll. 57 Leg. 1.1.1: p. 267, ll. 75 1.45: p. 74; p. 339 2.21: p. 214, ll. 31 2.58: p. 213; p. 339, ll. 64 2.60: P.I3 3.36: p. 244; ll. 7; p. 350, ll. 42 ND 1.8: p. 290, ll. 130 LID: p. 338, nn. 359-61 2·9: p. 128, ll. 73 2.10: p. 200, ll. 61 2.60: p. 90, ll. 62; p. 2ID, ll. 17 2.79: p. 86, ll. 46; p. 95, ll. 82; p. 191, ll. 36 3.52: p. 221, ll. 52 3.38[.: p. 95, ll. 82 3.80: p. 284, ll. lI8
1.25: p. 339 1.33: p. 338 1.51-52: p. 339 2.1: p. 323, ll. 14; p. 337 3·T p. 339, ll. 63 3.9: p. 261, ll. 55 3·18: P.339 3.28: p. 326, ll. 28 4.2: p.253 4.12: p. 234, ll. 97 5·1: p. 339, ll. 63 5·9: p. 339 Sen. 15: p. 323, ll. 17 43: P·I9 I
Tusc. 1.3: p. SI, ll. ID5 1.1-4: p. 290, ll. 130 1. lIO: p. 323, ll. 12 2.lI: p. 91, ll. 65 2-43: p. 24; p. 25, ll. 38; p. 72; p. 73, ll. 4; p. 339, ll. 63 3·I6-IT p. 62, ll. 146; p. 134, ll. 90 3 ·37: p. 123, ll. 57 4.36: p. 134, ll. 90 4.64: p. 25, ll. 38 5.56: p. 286, ll. 124 5.28: p. 123, ll. 57
Off. 1.21: p. 134, ll. 89 1.46: p. 123, ll. 57 1.57-58: p. 127 1.62: p. 7, ll. 17 1.74: p. 134, ll. 89; p. 353, ll. 94 1.74-'75: p. 347, ll. 86 1.76-78: p. 94; p. 134, ll. 89; p. 353 1.90: p. 58, ll. 130 1.I2I: p. 170; p. 179, ll. 50 1.138: p. 322, ll. 7 2.18: p. 126 2-45: p. 186, ll. I 2.61: p. 220, ll. 49 3.10: p. 284, ll. lI8 3.66: p. 275, ll. 99 3 ·79: p. 271, ll. 89 3.ID9: p. 326, ll. 28 3.121: p. 179, ll. 50 3.139: p. 121, ll. 53
Rhetorica Brut. 18: p. 382, ll. 148 55: p. 321 , ll. 4 65: p. 323, ll. 14 69: p. 53, ll. lI2 75: p. SI, ll. ID5; p. 191 76: p. SI, ll. ID5; p. 191 84: p. 19, ll.I9 91: P·335 96: p. 326, ll. 29 lI4: p. 284, ll. lI8 129: p. 327, ll. 31 165: p. 328, ll. 43 168: p. 327, ll. 31 23 2 : P·75 235: P·75 255-6: p. 134, ll. 89 261: p. 8, ll. 21 267: p. 332, ll. 44 294: p. 324, ll. 14
Parad. stoic. 2.16: p. 270, ll. 83
Rep. 1.1: p. 323, ll. 12; p. 336; p. 337 1.2: p. 336; p. 337 1.I2: p. 338 1.21: p. 227, ll. 70 1.23: p. 203, ll. 74
442
INDEX LOCORUM
De or. 1.20: p. 374, n. 86 1.48: p. 75 1.83: p. 335 1.117: p. 328, n. 34 1.134: p. 19, n. 19 2.4: p. 290, n. 131 2·35: p. 335 2·55: p. 328, n. 35 2.197: p. 327, n. 33 2.224: p. 179, n. 51 2.225: p. 132; p. 133; p. 134 2.268: p. Ill, n. 23; p. 321, n. 4 2.326: p. 75 2.341- 2: p. 92 ; p. 93 2·365: p. 345, n. 80 3·55: p. 134, n. 89 3·135: p. 323, n. 14 3·170: p·75 Inv. 1.94: p. 94, n. 77 Op. gent. 23: p. 76, n. 13
(ORF) 66·45: p. 132; p. 133; p. 134
CRASSUS, L. LICINIUS
DAMOXENUS
Comoediae (PCG) frag. 2: p. 121, n. 51 frag. 16: p. 100, n. 98 DEMOSTHENES
3.40: p. 378, n. 138 4·4S: p. 100, n. 99 18.287: p. 30, n. 51; p. 109, n. 12; p. 12 3, n. 57 19.148: p. 108, n. II; p. 109, n. 13 40.2: p. 100, n. 99 43.84: p. 137, n. 99 60.2: p. II3, n. 31 60.19-20: p. 87, n. 50 61.9-10: p. 87, n. 50; p. 331, n. 43 61.31-2: p. 87, n. 50; p. 331, n. 43 DE VIRIS ILLUSTRIBUS
32.3: p. 188, n. 25; p. 216, n. 37; p. 321, n. 4 45: p.225 58.1: p. 203, n. 74
Orat. 33·8: p. 335 81.2: p. 335, n. 52 83.3: p. 335, n. 52 136.1: p. 335, n. 52 139: p. 335, n. I Part. 47·4·5: p. 335, n. 52
DIO (CASSIUS)
7.35.2: p. 192, n. 42 8.32-3: p. 321, n. 4 15.24: p. 322, n. 9 17.58: p. 78, n. 21 21.78: p. 246, n. II 26.89.2: p. 272, n. 91 28.95.2: p. 285, n. 121 37.21.4: p. 315, n. 61 37.36: p. I, n. 3 37.43.2-4: p. 354, n. 95 37.54.2: p. 318, n. 73 43.22.2-3: p. 318, n. 73 43.23.6: p. 193, n. 46 43.37·4: p. 310, n. 50 43.43.1: p.3I5,n.61 44.4.2: p. 315, n. 61 44.4·3: p. 317, n. 67; p. 318, n·70 46.29.2: p. 258, n. 47 53.3-16: p. 385, n. I 53.20: p. 200, n. 59 54.18.2: p. 215, n. 36 56.23.2: p. 203, n. 77 60.22.2: p. 388, n. II
Top. 7 6 : P·97
(?) Comm. Pet. 3: p. 328 , n. 37 9: p. 328, n. 37 II: p. 134, n. 90; p. 328, n. 35
CICERO, Q. TULLIUS
COLUMELLA, L. IUNIUS MODERATUS
Rust. 1.4.1: p. 75, n. 12 COMICORUM GRAECORUM FRAGMENTA
(CAl') 122: p. 109, n. 16 126: p. II3, n. 29 163: p. II3, n. 29 190: p. II3, n. 29 195: p. II3, n. 29 1286: p. II3, n. 29; p. 114, n. 32
INCERTA
frag. frag. frag. frag. frag. frag.
443
INDEX LOCORUM
DIODORUS SICULUS
11.11.3: p. 92, ll. 68; p. 109, ll. 12 12.64: p. 204, ll. 79 I3.21.4-5: p. 88, ll. 55 I4.21.4: p. 88, ll. 55 I6.1.6: p. 88, ll. 54 I7·38.5: p. 88, ll. 54 I9.9.4: p. 77, ll. I8 23.2-4: p. 88, ll. 55 23.9.4: p. 78, ll. 2I 23.I9.20: p. 78, ll. 21 24.6: p. 88, ll. 55 27.5--6: p. 88, ll. 55 29.I9: p. 37I, ll. I20 30.22: p. 203, ll. 34 32.25: p. 239, ll. II4 33.I7: p. 325, ll. 27 35.38: p. 268, ll. 78 36.1O.I: p. I52, ll. 26 36.13: p. 267, ll. 75 DI0GENES LAERTIUS
5.27: p. 86, ll. 47 5.43: p. 88, ll. 53 5.4T p. 88, ll. 53 7.105: p. 126, ll. 86
DIPHILUS
Comoediae (PCG) frag. 107: p. 87, ll. 5I DONATUS, AELlUS
Ter. Phorm. 84I: p. 89, ll. 61 ENNIUS, Q.
Annales (Skutsch) frag. 71: p. 339, ll. 62 frag. I83-90: p. 45; p. 52, ll. 108 frag. 186--'7: p. 63, ll. I35; p. 85, ll. 4I;p. 30I,ll. 24;P. 364, ll. I09 frag. 2II-I2: p. II2, ll. 27 frag. 233: p. 9I, ll. 65 frag. 326-8: p. 44; p. 63; p. I30, ll. 70; p. 366, ll. III frag. 382: p. 30, ll. 50 frag. 388-99: p. 234, ll. 97 frag. 435-6: p. 44, ll. 90 frag. 562: p. 44, ll. 87; p. 6I, ll. I38 frag. 599: p. 355 frag. 605: p. 44; p. 353; p. 354 varia I-4: (Vahlell): p. 207, ll. 7 varia I4-24 (Vahlell): p. 207, ll. 7 Fabulae praetextae (Ribbeck, TRF)
Ambracia
DIOGENES SINOPENSlS
Tragoediae (TrGF) frag. 3: p. II3, ll. 29 frag. 3: p. 89, ll. 57
frag. 374-78: p. 234, ll. 97
Tragoediae Qocelyn) Hector Iytra frag. 155-6: p. 6; p. 48; p. 61, ll. I38 frag. I66: p. 9I, ll. 65
DIONYSIUS HALICARNASSUS
Ant. Rom. 1.4: p. 88, ll. 55 1. I6: p. 200, ll. 59 2.26.I-3: p. I73, ll. 30 2.27·I: p. 174, ll. 32 2.33-34: p. 339, ll. 62 5.8: p. 205, ll. 80 5.23: p. 200, ll. 60 6.2.3-22.3: p. I86, ll. I6 6.I3.I-3: p. I86, ll. I6 6.I3.4: p. 317, ll. 68; p. I87, ll. 23; p. 2I6, ll. 38 6.I3.4-5: p. I88, ll. 25; p. 234, ll. 32 8·77·9: p. I96, ll. 53 I4.I2: p. I92, ll. 42 I5.1.I-4: p. I92, ll. 42
Phoenix frag.254: p. 47 EPICURUS
Epistulae (Useller) Ad Herod. III (I34): p. 87, ll. 5I Ep. coni. 8 (II6): p. I2I, ll. 53 Ep. coni. 26 (I63): p. I2I, ll. 53 EURIPIDES
Autolycus frag. 282, II. 23-8: p. I33, ll. 88 frag. 557: p. II9, ll. 47
Cyc. 603--6: p. 87,ll. 49
Hec. 488-9I: p. 87, ll. 49
Phoen. 94: p. II9, ll. 47
444
INDEX LOCORUM
Troad.
GAIUS
Instit.
1009: p. 87, ll. 49 frag. 901: p. 87, ll. 49 frag. 20 (Naauk): p. 371, ll. 120
I.55: p. 173, ll. 30 I.189: p. 173, ll. 30 GELLIUS, AULUS
NA I.6·7: p. 285, ll. Il9 I.6.8: p. 287; p. 288; p. 289 2.26.7: p. lO6, ll. I 4.5.5: p. lO6, ll. I 4·8.1: p. Ill, ll. 23; p. 321, ll. 4 4.9.12: p. 53, ll. IlO 4.I2·2: p. 255, ll. 36 5·6.13: p. 351, ll. 93 6.1: p. 236, ll. 102 6.12.5: p. 262 6.14.Io-n: p. 261, ll. 55 6.22.1-4: p. 255, ll. 36 7.1I.1-2: p. 285, ll. Il9 9.4.15: p. 167, ll. 19 lO·I.7: p. 295, ll. 7 10.3.14: p. 287, ll. I26 lO.I5: p. 37, ll. 70 10.27·3: p. 144, ll. 70; p. 177, ll·43 lO.28: p. 177, ll. 43 Il.2.5: p. 261, ll. 53 12.6·4: p. 204, ll. 79 16.I.l: p. 55, ll. Il9 16.IO.9-15: p. 266, ll. 70 17.2 I. 17: p. 204, ll. 79 GRACCHUS, c. SEMPRONIUS (ORF) 48.44.1-5: p. 140; p. 141 48.123: p. 248, ll. 20
EUTROPIUS
2·7·3: p. 155, ll. 35 FESTUS, SEX. POMPEIUS (LINDSAY)
De Verborum significatu lOT p. 175, ll. 36 121: p. 2I8, ll. 44 134-5: p. 291, ll. 124 204: p. 201, ll. 64 206: p. 201, ll .. 64 235: p. 260, ll. 50 466-8: p. 275, ll. 99 FLORUS, L. ANNAEUS
I.I8: p. 50, ll. 103 I.33.Il-2: p. 238, ll. III I.34: p. 326, ll. 27 I.36.13: p. 266, ll. 70 2.4: p. 213, ll. 27 2.6.2: p. 152, ll. 21 2.I2: p. 2, ll. 5 2.13: p. 310, ll. 50 FRONTINUS, SEX. IULIUS
Strat. I.5.15: p. 50, ll. lO3 2·4.6: p. 148, ll. 15 2.5.23: p. 328, ll. 36 2.8.13: p. 3lO,ll. 50 3·6.4: p. 78, ll. 19; p. 213, ll.27 4.I.1: p. 196, ll. 52 4·I.30-1: p. 196, ll. 52 4.5.6: p. 322, ll. lO 4.5.T p. 32 2, ll. 7 4.5.10: p. 50, ll. lO7 4.7.5: p. 160, ll. 1 4.7.24: p. 160, ll. 3 FRONTO, M. CORNELIUS
HEGISIPPUS
Comoediae (PCG) frag.2: p. 121, ll. 52 HERODOTUS
I.26.8: p. 85, ll. 43 3.I06: p. 75, ll. 9 HESIOD
Ad Caesarem 4.3.2: p. 53, ll. IlO FULVIUS FLACCUS, M. (ORF) 40.1: p. 248, ll. 20
Op. 289-93: p. 86, ll. 47 HIRTIUS, Q.
De Bello Gallico VIII passim: p. 308, ll. 44 VIII 45.2: p. 54; p. 308,
FURIUS ANTIAS, A. (COURTNEY)
frag. 3: p. 45; p. 46; p. 60, ll.I35
ll·44
445
INDEX LOCORUM
HOMER
LACTANTIUS, L. CAELIUS
fl.
De mort. pers. 1.6:. P.99 2·5: p. 99
9.498: p. 85, ll. 44 20·4II: p. 294, ll. 3 23.276: p. 75, ll. 9
Div. inst.
Od.
1.3·3: P·99 2.17.2: P·99 4. 13. 16: P·99 6·5.2: p. 125, ll. 63 LAUDATIO TURIAE = CIL VI 1527 = 8393: p. 164; p. 165
18.251-2: p. 104 19.124: p. 104 HORATIUS FLACCUS, Q.
Ars. 55 fr.: p. 53, nn. IIO & II2
Carm.
LIVIUS ANDRONICUS
Tragoediae (Ribbeck, TRF) Aiax Mastigophorus fug. 16-17: p. 48, nn. 99 & 100
3.6.1-4: p. 218, ll. 44 3.24.21-24: p. 160; p. 388, ll. 16 4.8.15-20: p. 207, ll. 7 4.15.26-32: p. 51, ll. 105
LIVIUS, T.
AUC
Bpod. 15.II: p. 167
Serm. 2.3.60-61: p. 106,
ll.
4
lNEDITUM VATICANUM (FGRH
19-22: p. 186,
ll.
20
ll.
44
839,
F
ISIDORUS
Btym. 9.3.26: p. 177,
ILS
IS0CRATES
Orationes 1.5: p. 373, ll. 126 1.5-8: p. II4, ll. 313; p. 371, ll. II9 1.7-8: p. 331, ll. 43 4.48: p. 371, ll. II9 4·76: p. 371, ll. II9 4.91: p. 87, ll. 50 9.46: p. II3, ll. 31 11.10: p. 87, ll. 50; p. 331 II.23: p. II4, ll. 31 16.29: p. 331, ll. 43 JEROME
Bp. 772: p. 190, n. 35 JOSEPHUS, FLAVIUS
BI 3.487: p. 3II, ll. 51 5.3II-16: p. 3II, ll. 51
1.3)
1.7.12: p. 190, ll. 34 1. 10: p. 339, ll. 62 1.10.7: p. 200, ll. 6 1.12: p. 25, ll. 34 1.20.7: p. 96, ll. 88 1.21.4: p. 145, ll. II 1.24.4--9: p. 198, ll. 56 1.32.5-13: p. 198, ll. 56 2.3-5: p. 205, ll. 80 2.10: p. 200, ll. 60 2.12: p. 25, ll. 39 2.19.3-20.13: p. 186, ll. 16 2.21.3-4: p. 186, ll. 16 2.41.10-12: p. 196, ll. 53 2.42.5: p. 186, ll. 16; p. 187, 4.20: p. 206, ll. 66 4.20.6: p. 201, ll. 64 6.11.2-20.12: p. 196, ll. 53 6.16.4: p. 143, ll. 2 6.27.1: p. 14, ll. 77 6.42.12: p. 96, ll. 88 7.9.6-10-4: p. 192, ll. 42 7.26.1-10: p. 192, ll. 42 7.42.1-2: p. 202, ll. 70 8.7.1-22: p. 192, ll. 42 8.7.19: p. 204 8.9.4-12: p. 200, ll. 61 8.1O.II: p. 200, ll. 61 8.10.II-12: p. 200, ll. 61 8.10.13: p.200 8.11.13-14: p. 189, ll. 28 8.13.5--9: p. 155, ll. 35
ll.
22
INDEX LOCORUM
8.13·9: p. 155 8.13.lI: p. 96, n. 87 8.30.3-36: p. 204; p. 220, n. 51 8·31.1: p. 73, n. I 8·31.2: p. 94, n. 77 8.34.2-3: p. 205, n. 80 8.37.9: p. 143, n. 2 9.6.13: p. 73, n. I 9.IO-lI: p. 220, n. 51 9.16.10: p. 156, n. 37 9.18.I2: p. 92, n. 71 9·29·9f.: p. 190, n. 34 9.40: p. 200, n. 59 9·40.16: p. 380, n. 4 9.43.1-4: p. 156, n. 37 9.43.22: p. 156, n. 36 9-43.25: p. 220, n. 51 9.46.15: p. 188, n. 25; p. 216, n. 37 10.1.9: p. 220, n. 55 10.7.9: p. 182, n. 2 10.11.1: p. 193, n. 45 1O.19.IT p.21O 10.23.7-8: p. 161, n. 5 1O.23·I2: p. 187, n. 24 10.33.9: p. 220, n. 51 10.43.25: p. 220, n. 51 1O.46.T p. 220, n. 51 21.46.7-10: p. 236, n. 103 22.1: p.225 22.9.7-lI: p. 214, n. 32 22.9.10: p. 200, n. 59 22.10: p. 210, n. 16; p. 214, n. 32 22.25: p. 322, n. II 22.29.2: p. 92, n. 71 22.33.7-8: p. 222, n. 55 22.34.2-4: p. 322, n. 9 22·34·7: p. 322, n. 9 22.38.6: p. 322, n. 9 22.49. 16-17: p. 254, n. 35 22.58.3: p. 73, n. I; p. 94, n. 77 22.60.lI: p. 50, n. 103 22.61.14: p. 322, n. 10 23.9.3: p. 145, n. II 23.23.6: p. 183, n. 8 23.23.7---9.3: p. 145, n. lI; p. 183, n. 8 23.30.19: p. 229, n. 77 23·31.7: p. 229, n. 77 23.31.13: p. 229, n. 77 23.35.6-9: p. lIO, n. 3
447
23.46.u: p. 188, n. 27 23.46.12-47: p. 203, n. 34 23.47.1: p. 204, n. 78 24.3.1: p. 78, n. 19 24.8.lI: p. 223, n. 58; p. 224, n. 61 24.14.6-7: p. 169, n. 3 24.16.6: p. 160, n. 3 24.16.18: p. 144 24.16.19: p. 218, n. 44 24·21.9: p. 226, n. 53; p. 231, n. 85 24·]2·9: p. 144 24.33.9-39: p. 225, n. 62 24.38.2: p. 96, n. 87 25.5.10-7.4: p. 225, n. 62 25.5.10-7.5: p.224 25.7.lI: p. 78, n. 19 25.12.13: p. 214, n. 31 25.18.4-5: P·203 25.18.12: p. 204, n. 78 25.23.1: p. 224, n. 61 25.23-31: p. 225, n. 62 25.3I.lI: p. 230, n. 79; p. 239, n. lI6 25-40.1-3: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79 25-40.3: p. 230, n. 79 26.19.4-5: p. 207, n. 7 26.21.2: p. 225, n. 64 26.21.3-4: p. 225 26.21.6: p. 225, n. 63; p. 226; p. 317, n.69 26.22.2-14: p. 225, n. 67; p. 226 26.26.5-lI: p. 226, n. 65 26.29-32: p. 226, n. 65 26·31.9: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79 27.9.2: p. 77, n. 18 27.12.2: p. 226, n. 67 27.12.2-3: p. 226, n. 67 27.15.9-16.6: p. 226, n. 68 27.16.T p. 79, n. 23; p. 227, nn. 69 &7 0 27.16.8: p. 227, n. 71 27.22-4-10: p. 228, n. 73 27.25.7: p. 220, n. 49; p. 222 27.25.7-9: p. 220, nn. 48 & 49 27.25.7-10: p. 212, n. 25 27·25.9: p. 220, n. 49 27.33·9: p. 73, n. I 27.38.10: p. 78, n. 19 28.5.18: p. 78, n. 21 28.7.4: p. 78, n. 21
INDEX LOCORUM
LIVIUS, T.
(cont.)
28·9·7: p. 94, ll. 78 28.9.8: p. 96, ll. 88 28.1I.9: p. 78, ll. 19; p. 79, ll. 22 28.28.8: p. 207, ll. 5 28.28.14: p. 207, ll. 5 28·56.1-10: p. 207, ll. 4 29·1I.13: p. 2II, ll. 25; p. 220, ll. 49; p. 233, ll. 93 29.19·II-20.1: p. 207, ll. 6 29.27: p. 200, ll. 24 29.37. 8- 10 : p. 254, ll. 35; p. 255, ll. 37 29.II5-18: p. 239, ll. II5 30 . 12. 12 : p. 94, ll. 77 30.27.9: p. 322, ll. 7 30.45·3: p. 207, ll. 5 3I.8.2: p. 93, ll. 74 34· 15 ·4: p. 310, ll. 48 34.16.1T p. 230, ll. 82 34.52.4-5: p. 230, ll. 82 37.3.7: p. 156, ll. 40 37.5I.12-58.1: p. 221, ll. 51 38.9.13: p. 230, ll. 82 38.28.3: p. 187, ll. 24 38.38·T p. 94, ll. 77 38-43.5: p. 230, ll. 82 38.48.7: p. 73, ll. I; p. 93, ll. 74 39.5.15: p. 230, ll. 82 39.19.4: p. 255, ll. 37 39.22.10: p. 230, ll. 82 39.32·4: p. 73, ll. I 39-40.1-3: p. 324, ll. 20 39.40.1-5: p. 325, ll. 24 39.40-45.10: p. 323, ll. 12 39·40.6: p. 323, nn. 13 & 14 39.40 .9: p. 325 39.4I.1-2: p. 324, ll. 20 39.4I.2: p. 324, ll. 21 39·4I.3-4: p. 324, ll. 23 39.41-2: p. 324, ll. 22 39·44.T p. 324, ll. 22 4°.34.5-6: p. 156, ll. 40; p. 220, ll·51 40.40.4-II: p. 246, ll. II 4I.4. I: p. 61, ll. 137 41.6-7: p. 322, ll. 7 4I.28.8: p. 94, ll. 78 42 .47.5: p. 73, n. 3 44·9-4: p. 194, ll. 47
44.19.4: p. 322, ll. 8 44.2I.3: p. 322, ll. 8 44.22.16: p. 322, ll. 8 44.35.8: p. 322, ll. 8 44.35.13: p. 322, ll. 8 45.6.12: p. 322, ll. 8 45.23.1: p. 96, ll. 87 45.28.8: p. 322, ll. 8 45.29.3: p. 322, ll. 8 45.33.5-6: p. 230, ll. 82 Per. 20: p. 213, ll. 22 Per. 48: p. 203, ll. 24; p. 238, ll. 109 Per. 50: p. 239, ll. II3 Per. 51: p. 239, ll. II3 Per. 52: p. 230, ll. 82; p. 239, ll. 164 Per. 54: p. 325, ll. 17 Per. 55: p. 244, ll. 7 Per. 69: p. 271, ll. 87 Per. 73: p. 378, ll. 34 Per. 80: p. 276, ll. 89 Per. 97.3: p. 193, ll. 43 LUCANUS, M. ANNAEUS
BC I. 126--9: p. 384, ll. 152 I.580-3: p. 384, ll. 152 2.85-6: p. 27° 2.242-5: p. 384, ll. 152 LUCILIUS, C. (CHARPIN)
frag. I 12 & 14C: p. 264, ll. 61 frag. I 19: p. 264, ll. 61 frag. II 15C: p. 264, ll. 62; p. 333, ll·45 frgs. II 19C: p. 264, ll. 61 frag. V 27: p. 123, ll. 60 frag. XV 5: p. 188, ll. 27 frag. XVI I: P.74 frag. XXVII 30: p. 124, ll. 60; p. 127, ll·7° frag. XXX frag. XXX frag. XXX frag. H 23: frag. H 35:
12: p. 124, ll. 60 13: p. 124, ll. 60 89C: p. 264, ll. 61 pp. 124-8; p. 132, ll. 85 p. 140
LUCRETIUS CARUS, T.
RN I.830-3: p. 106, ll. 2 5.858-63: p. 72, ll. 2; p. 294, ll. 3 5 ·966: p. 294, ll. 3
INDEX LOCORUM
LYCURGUS
LeOc. 48: p. 87, ll. so; p. 91, Leoc. lIO: p. 137, ll. 99
MOSCHION ll.
Tragoediae (TrGF) frag. 9: p. 87, ll. SI
6S
LYSIAS
13.63: p. 100, n. 99
NAEVIUS, CN.
Bell. Pun. 1.10: p. 130, n. 70 Comoediae (Ribbeck, CRF) frag. 7S-9: p. II6, n. 40 frag. 83-84: p. lI6, n. 40 frag. 92-3: p. II6; p. 168 frag. lO8-IO: p. 30, n. SO Fabulae praetextae Clastidium frag. I (ROL 11, p. 136): p. 232, ll. 89
MACROBIUS, AMBROSIUS THEODOSIUS
Sat. L6.19-2S: p. 178, n. 46 1.16.36: p. 17S, n. 36 MARTIALIS, M. VALERIUS
Bp. 9.S.S: p. 162, n. 19 MENANDER COMICUS
Aspis 147-8: p. 87, n. SI 716: p. 89, n. 60 717: p. 89, n. 60 718: p. 89, n. 60 Dysk. 27Sff.: p. 89, n. 60 79T p. lOO, n. 98; p. IO!, n. lOI Geor. 1-6: p. lOO, n. 98 Kon. 13-4: p. 87, ll. SI jragmenta (PCG) frag.2s6: p. 87, n. SI frag. 301: p. II3, n. 29 frag. 372: p. 87, n. SI frag. 380: p. 87, ll. SI frag.4IT p. 87, n. SI frag.682: p. 87, ll. SI frag. 68T p. 89, n. 60 frag. 709: p. 89, n. 60 frag. 716: p. II3, n. 29 frag. 846: p. 89, n. 60 frag. 8S2: p. 87, n. SI frag. 8S3: p. 87, ll. SI frag. lO83 (CAF): p. 89, n. 60
NEPOS, CORNEUUS
Alc. 1.1: p. 294, n. 2 7·3: p. 294, n. 4 11.4: p. 294, nll. 2 & 4 Cato. 1.2: p. 323, n. 13 2·3: p. 324, n. 22; p. 32S, n. 24 2·4: p. 294, n. 4 3: p. 32 4, n. 19 3.1: p. 323, n. 14 Dat. 2.1: p. 294, n. 4 Dion. 6.2: p. 294, n. 2 Bpam. 1.2-4: p. 294, n. 2 Bum. 1.1: p. 88, ll. SI; p. 294, n. 2 Hann. 1.2: p. 294, n. 4 Lys. 1.1: p. 88, ll. SI; p. 94, n. 77 1.2: p. 294, n. 4 Milt. 2.2: p. 294, n. 4 Reg. 1·4: p. 294, ll. 4 2·3: p. 73, n. I; p. 294, n. 2
MENANDER RHETOR
Rltet. graec. 3.443.13: p. 98, n. 92 METELLUS, L. CAECILIUS (ORF) 6.2: p. 131; p. 168, n. 21 METELLUS, Q. CAECIUUS NUMIDICUS
(ORF)
18.4: p. 287; p. 288; p. 289
Til11. 1.1: p. 294, n. 4 Thras. 1.1: p. 294, n. 4
MlNUCIUS FELIX, M.
32 .4: p. 99
449
INDEX LOCORUM
frag. 125: p. 89, ll. 60 frag. 137: p. 89, ll. 60 frag. 178: p. IOO, ll. 98
NEW TESTAMENT
Matt. 7.22: p. 99, ll. 96 24.24: p. 99, ll. 96 I
2·9: p. 99, 2
PHILO JUDAEUS
Pet.
De spec. leg. 1.209: p. 99, ll. 95 1.308: p. 99, ll. 95 De vit. contemp. 26: p. 99, ll. 95
95
ll.
Pet. 1.3ff.: p. 99,
ll.
95
NI CO STRATUS
Comoediae (PCG) frag. 31: p. 87, ll. 51
PHILOSTRATOS
Vita soph. 1.25.II: p. 87,
OVIDIUS NASO, P.
Ars.
16: p. 7,
181-2: p. 318, ll. 72 III 451-2: p. 318, ll. 72
48
17
Nem.
ll.
3; p. 75,
ll.
12 12
ll.
ll.
PINDAR
Met. 14·357: p. 73, ll·96 15.205: p. 75, 15.20T p. 75,
ll.
PHOCYDIDES
ll.
1.32: p. IOl, ll. 101 3·74-75: p. 129, ll. 77 6.24: p. 85, ll. 43
12; p. 99,
O. 7.89: p. I09, ll. 13 12.1-2: p. 85, ll. 43
Fast. 1.706-8: p. 186, ll. 16 3.535: p. IOl, ll. 4 6.191-2: p. 187, ll. 24 6.219-22: p. 283, ll. II6
PLATO
Ap. 18A: p. 109, ll.18
Pant.
ll.
13; p. IIO,
Gor.
3.1.94: p. 165, ll. II J.3.LI5: p. 388, ll. I I
519A: p. 121, ll. 53 Leg. 631B-D: p. 86, ll. 46 690B-C: p. 338 708D: p. 338, ll. 61 709B-C: p. 87, ll. 50 772: p. 75, ll. 9
PACUVIUS, M.
Tragoediae (Rib beck, TRF) Armorum iudicium frag. 23-24: p. 48, ll. IOl Dulorestes frag. 146: p. 48, ll. IOl; p. 124,
Prot. 324B: p. 121, ll. 33 329E: p. 6, ll. 15 353B-C: p. 75, ll. 9
60 frag. 174: p. 60 ll.
Rep.
PANAETIUS (VAN STRAATEN)
frag. 68: p. 128,
ll.
348D: p. 7, ll. 17
73
Ti.
PAUSANIUS
6.3.12: p. 78, ll. 19 9.16.1: p. IOO, ll. 98
25E-26E: p. 87,
50
Amph.
PHILEMON
Comoediae (PCG) frag. 23 (CAF): p. 26, frag. 56: p. 89, ll. 60 frag. 74: p. II3, ll. 29 frag. II6: p. 89, ll. 60
ll.
PLAUTUS, T. MACCIUS
ll.
42: p. 19; p. 20 75: p. 17, ll. 13; p. 38, ll. 71; p. 63, ll. 145 75-6: p. 21, ll. 27; p. 139; p. 374,' ll. 127
41
45 0
INDEX LOCORUM
75-8: p. 138; p. 139 131: p. 6?, n. 135 191: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17; p. 63, n. 145 212: p. 16, n. 12; p. 18; p. 62; p. 73,
416: p. 60, n. 135 494-5: p. 1I7 673: p. I07 673-5: p. 1I0, n. 18 892: p. 20, n. 23 I072-3:P· 45, n·72 I076-77: p. 1I7 1084-85: p. 1I7; p. 131, n. 80; p. 168 Capt. 67-8: p. 20, n. 25 229-30: p. 29 287: p. 59, n. 132 324: P·95 410: p. 28; p. 29; p. 132, n. 80 680: p. 29; p. 306, n. 36 681: P.29 682: p. 1I0, n. 1I9 687-8: p. 29;P· 30 689-90: p. 130, n. 70 690: p. 29; p. 1I0, n. 19 691: P.30 691-4: p. 30 768: p. 23, n. 32 922: p. 96, n. 88 997: p. 30; p. 96, n. 88; p. 108, n. 12; p. 123, n. 57 998-IOOO: p. 31 1025: p. 31 Cas. 87-88: p.21 88: p. 17, n. 13; p. 38, n. 71; p. 63, n. 133; p. 135; p. 138 626: p. 59, n. 132
n. 4 214: p. 18 250: p. 60, n. 135 252: p. 17, n. 16 260: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17; p. 63, n. 145 367: p. 59, n. 132 534: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 13; p. 17, n. 16 624-53: p. 31; p. 32 648-9: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 16; p. 32; p. 63, n. 135 652-3: p. 17, n. 16; p. 131; p. 261, n. 19; p. 325 839: p. 161, n. 5 9 2 5: p. 73 925-9: p. 162
Asin. 14-15: p. 20 226,: p. 109, n. 16 226-9: p. 121, n. 52 276-7: p.26 285: p. 26 289: p. 60, n. 135 297-305: p.26 309-14: p. 26 316: p.26 318: p.26 323: p. 26; p. 253; p. 302, n. 5 545: p. 23, n. 31 547: p. 72, n. 2; p. 73, n. 5 554-9: p. 23; p. 24 556: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 13; p. 63, n. 135; p. 73, n. 4 556, : P·23 558: p. 23; p. 24; p. 135, n. 95; p. 13 8 72T p. 89, n. 60
Cist. 197: p. 38, n. 71 197-8: p. 135; p. 138 198: p. 17, n. 13; p. 20; p. 21; p. 63, n.I35 Cur. 179: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 13; p. 18, n. 18; p. 63, n. 133; p. 130, n. 70 292: p. 83, n. 38 Epid. I06: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 16; p. 63, n.I35 381: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 13; p. 18; p. 63, n. 107 442: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 16; p. 63, n. 135
Aul. 166: p. 22, n. 29; p. 95 167: p. 60, n. 135 760: p. 83, n. 36
Bacch. 66f.: p. I09, n. 16 426: p. 1I9, n. 77
45 1
INDEX LOCORUM
PLAUTUS, T. MACCIUS
(cont.)
144: p. 130, ll. 70; p. 131, ll. 80 150-5: p. Il9, ll. 47 151-2: p. Il9 In: p. 73, ll. 5; p. 104 186: p. 109, ll. 16; p. 121, ll. 52 188-89: p. 109, ll. 16; p. 121, ll. 52 194: p. 109, ll. 16; p. 121, ll. 52 409: p. 59, ll. 132 775-6: p. 296, ll. 60
445: p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, ll. 16 580: p. 96, ll. 88
Men. 3S: p. 60, ll. 135
Mer. 61-'79·: p. 1I3, ll. 33 303: p. 109, ll. 16 313: p. 59, ll. 132 383: p. 39, ll. 76
Per.
Mil. 6: p. 60, ll. 135 9-12: p. 85, ll. 4I;p. 9I;P· 96 II: p. 91, ll. 64 12: p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, llll. 13 & 16; p. 63, ll. 135 32: p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, ll. 13; p. 17, ll. 16; p. 63, ll. 135 5T p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, ll. 13; p. 63, ll. 135; p. 130, ll. 70 189: p. 59, ll. 132 464: p. 59, ll. 132 58T p. Il2, ll. 26 619: p. 30,ll. 5I;P. I07;P. I08,ll. 12; p. 129, ll. 57; p. 131, ll. 83; p. 168 649: p. 107; p. 131, ll. 83; p. 135; P·I3 8 650: p. 168 676 : P·95 728 : p. 73, ll. 5; p. 76 738: p. 107; p. 108; p. 109, ll. 14; p. 123, ll. 57 739: p. 168 743: p. 108, ll. Il 750: p. 108, ll. I I 1027: p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, ll. 16; p. 130, ll·70 1042: p. 17, ll. 13; p. 63, ll. 135; p. 73, ll. 5 12Il: p. 109, ll. 14 132T p. 39; p. 17, ll. 15
Most. 20-24: p. 120;p. 122;p. 260, ll. 522 33: p. 109, ll. 14; p. 120 63-5: p. 120 84-157: p. 120, ll. 50 91-156: p. Il9 139-44: p. 1I8
45 2
173: p. 109 251: p. 23, ll. 31 264: p. 27, ll. 44 268-9: p. 27;P. 302,ll. 25 323: p. 302, ll. 25; p. 306, ll. 36 390: p. 22, ll. 29; p. 95 549-60: p. Il2, ll. 27 753: p. 23, ll. 31
Poen. 306-'7: p. 39, ll. 25 800: p. 83, ll. 36 1321-28: p. 85, ll. 41; p. 91
Pseud. 44T p. 109, ll. 16; p. 121, ll. 52 532: p. 16, ll. 12; p. 17, ll. 13; p. 18, ll. 18; p. 63, ll. 133 581-2: p. 22; p. 54; p. 63, ll. 135; p. 130, ll. 70;P. 347, ll. 85 588-9: p.22 589-90: p. 23;P· 54 678: p. 89, ll. 60 680: p. 89, ll. 60 721-6: p. 107 724-6: p. 1I0, ll. 18 737-8: p. 1I2, ll. 26 742: p. 83, ll. 38
Rud. 13-30: p. 122, ll. 55 32: p. 122 43: p. 77, ll. 15 47-8: p. 122, ll. 55 82: p. 20, ll. 25 185-8T p. 100, ll. 99 318-19: p. 122 ]21: p. 121; p. 122; p. 131, ll. 83; p. 168, ll. 22 529: p. 83, ll. 38
INDEX LOCORUM
St.
7·I03: p. 251, n. 27 7.126: p. 318, n. 72 7. 130: p. 3, n. 9 7.139-40: p. 59, n. 130 7.213: p. 220, n. 51 8.II-12: p. 294, n. 3 8. 139-40: p. 131 8.155: p. 318, n. 73 IO.I6: p. 291, n. 134 16.12-13: p. 351, n. 93 15.19: p. 187, n. 23; p. 216, n. 37; p. 317, n. 68 21.7: p. 13; p. 14 22.6-8: p. 67, n. 157 22.12: p. 295, n. 9 33.148: p. 130, n. 82 33 ·53: p. 300, n. 23 34.20: p. 155, n. 35 34.23: p. 156, n. 36 34·30-1: p. 157, n. 41 34.43: p. 157, n. 42 34.64: p. 230, n. 82 34·7T p. 86, n. 47; p. 143, n. 3 35.6,: p. 182, n. 2 35·12-14: p. 386, n. 4 35.22: p. 230, n. 82 35.26: p. 233, n. 94; p. 316, n. 62; p. 318, n. 72 35.66: p. 232, n. 90 35.70: p. 86, n. 47 35.136: p. 318, n. 72 35·13T p. 86, n. 47 37.II: p. 316, n. 62
99-IOI: p. 161, n. 5 123-5: p. II2, n. 26 Trin. 18-19: p. II5, n. 34 223-31: p. II9, n. 46 283: p. 39, n. 75 336-7: p. 131, n. 83; p. 168 33T p. II5, n. 37 346 : p. 95 355: p. 95 361-64: p. 89, n. 60 418-9: p. 83, n. 36 642-51: p. 136; p. 137; p. 138 643: p. 130, n. 70; p. 136; p. 137 648-50: p. 136; p. 137; p. 138 650-51: p. 136; p. 137; p. 138 I03I: p. 83, n. 38
True. 74,5: p. 20, n. 25 78a: p. II2, n. 26 I06: p. 16, n. 12; p. 17, n. 13; p. 18, n. 18; p. 63, n. 135 482-6: p. 19, n. 21 483: p. 19 491-2: p. 19 493-6: p. 18; p. 130, n. 70; p. 135, n·95 494-5: p. 61, n. 139 603: p. 60, n. 135 734£.: p. I09, n. 16 734-8: p. 121, n. 52 735-8: p. I09 740-I: p. I09 741: p. I07; p. 168 PLINIUS SECUNDUS, c. CAECILIUS
PLUTARCH
Vitae Aem. 5.6: p. 173, n. 31; p. 323, n. I 21.1: p. 323, n. 177 22·3: p. 203, n. 74
(MINOR)
Epistulae 2.20.12: p. 386, n. 3 8.5.1: p. 165, n. II 8.14·5: p. 247 PLINIUS SECUNDUS,
c.
Arist. 1.5: p. IOI, n. IOI
Caes.
(MAIOR)
NH
5.1-2: p. 300, n. 22 5·5: p. 300, n. 23 6.1-2: p. 300, n. 22 18.2: p. 3IO, n. 50 20·5: p. 3IO, n. 49 41 ·4: p. 45, n. 93; p. 450, n. 93
3.12: p. 317, n. 66 6.31: p. 227, n. 69 7·IOO: p. 323, n. 14 7.112: p. 261, n. 55; p. 297, n.I5
453
INDEX LOCORUM
(cont.) 48.1: p. 316, n. 64 56.2: p. 3IO, n. 50 65.1: p. 316, n. 64 Cam. 36.5-6: p. 196, n. 53 Cat. mai. 1.1: p. 323, n. 15 1.2: p. 324, n. 19 1.5: p. 323, n. 13 1.6: p. 323, n. 13 2.1-2: p. 323, n. 15 3.1-4: p. 323, n. 16 3.7: p. 207, n. 6; p. 261, n·53 4.3: p. 56, n. I20; p. 203, n. 77; p. 261, n. 53 4.22.5: p. 55, n. II9 8.8ff.: p. 237, n. I07 9.6: p. 56, n. 120 IO·4: p. 52; p. 320, n. 20 11.1-2: p. 324, n. 20 16·3: p. 324 16.4: p. 324, n. 22 16·5: p. 324, n. 23 17-8: p. 324, n. 22 18.1: p. 255, n. 37 19.1: p. 324, n. 22 20.3: p. 323, n. 17 20.4-9: p. 179, n. 50 20.6: p. 181, n. I 20.12: p. 323, n. 17 21.5: p. 58, n. 129 21.8: p. 54, n. 13 22·3: p. 191, n. 37 22.4: p. 261, n. 55 23.1: p. 261, n. 55 23.5: p. 56, n. I20; p. 260, nn. 53 & 55 24.1-7: p. 173, n. 31 24.2: p. 323, n. 17 Comp. Arist. - Cat. 1.3: p. 325, n. 24 Cat. min. 3: p. 194, n. 46 8-II: p. 383, n. 148 26.2-28.6: p. 354, n. 95 51.1-5: p. 382, n. 147 67-72: p. 382,n. 148
Cic. 20-1: p. I, n. 3 24·3: p. 354, n. 95 Cor. 3: p. 186, n. 16 Gras. 1.1: p. 173, n. 31 2.IO: p. 268, n. 78 11.4: p. 328, n. 36
PLUTARCH
Fah. 18.3: p. 208; p. 226, n. 68; p. 227, nn. 69 & 71 19.3: p. 223, n. 59 22.5: p. 226, n. 68; p. 222, n. 70 22.8: p. 156, n. 39 23.1: p. 226, n. 67 Flam. 1.4: P·247 19.6: p. 324, n. 22
Gracch. C. 2.6: p. 248, n. 20 15.1: p. 182, n. 2
Gracch. Ti. 5.5: p. 326 , n. 27 14.2: p. 326, n. 29
Marc. 1.2-3: p. 229, n. 78; p. 231, n. 83 2: p. 223, n. 58; p. 229, n. 76 2.1: p. 223, n. 58 6: p. 213, n. 27 6.2: p. 229, n. 76 6-7: p. 217, n. 41 7: P·296 7-8: p. 208, n. 9 8.6: p. 221, n. 53; p. 231, n. 85 9.4: p. 223, n. 59 12.2-5: p. 224 19·3: p. 230, n. 79 22.1: p. 228, n. 63; p. 230, n. 79; p. 317, n. 69 21.3: p. 230, n. 80 21.3-4: p. 227, n. 71 21.3-5: p. 227, n. 70 21.5: p. 230, n. 80 22.2-5: p. 225, n. 63 23: p. 226, n. 65 23 ·7: p. 231, n. 86 24.2: p. 223, n. 60 24.2-4: p. 229, n. 77
454
INDEX LOCORUM
25.2: p. 226, n. 67 28: p. 220, n. 48 28.I: p. 2I2, n. 25; p. 220, nn. 49 & 53 28.2: p. 220, n. 49 28·3: p. 208, n. 9 30.4: p. 23I, n. 86 30.4-5: p. 23I, n. 85 30.5: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79
29.2-8: P.27I 29.3: p. 27I, n. 88 29.5: p. 285, n. II9 29.6: P·27I 29.8: p. 27I 38.5-6: p. 267, n. 75 40.6--'7: p. 287, n. 75 41.3: p. 297, n. I4 42.4: p. 297, n. I6 42.4-5: p. 297, n. IS 52.4: p. 297, n. I6 64.2: p. 297, n. I4
Camp. Pe/op. - Marc. 1.2: p. 208, n. 9; p. 217, n. 4I 1.6--'7: p. 223, n. 60; p. 229, n. 77 Mar. 2.I-2: p. 265, n. 63 2.2: p. 274, nn. 94 & 95 3·1: p. 265, n. 63 3.2: p. 24I, n. I; p. 265, nn. 64 & 65 3.4-5: p. 265, n. 67
Phi!. ID.8: p. 40, n. 79
Pomp. 2.I-2: p. 296, n. ID 2.2: p. 296, n. ID 7.I-2: P·296 I3.3-5: p. I88, n. 25 I9.2: p. 296, n. I3 35·2-3: p. 296, n. I3 41.3: p. 297, n. I4 42.4: p. 297, n. I6 42.4-5: p. 297, n. IS 46.I: p. 296, n. I3 52.4: p. 297, n. I6 64.2: p. 297, n. I4
4-5: p. 265, n. 67 6.I: p. 265, n. 67 6.2: p. 266, n. 68 7: p. 266, n. 68 7.I-2: p. 29I 8·4: p. 267, n. 75 9: p. 266, n. 69 9·I: p. 266, n. 70 9.2-4: p. 272 9·4: p. 284, n. II7 I3.I: p. 268, n. 78 I3.I-2: p. 29I, n. I34 I4.I-5: p 268, n. 78 I6.I-3: p. 268, n. 78 I7·3-6: p. 267, n. 75 20.4: p. I48, n. IS 20·5: p. 297, n. I4; p. 3IO, n. 49 20.6: p. 29I, n. I53 21.I: p. I48, n. IS 23.2: p. 24I, n. I 25.I: p. 29I, n. I34 25.2: p. 24I, n. I 26.2: P.269 26.3: P.269 26.9: p. 286, n. I23 27.IO: p. 286, n. I24 28.4: P.27I 28.5: P.27I 28.6: P.27I 28.8: P.27I 29.I: P.27I
Publ. 3.3: p. 205, n. 80
Pyrrh. I8.I: p. ]2I, n. 4
Rom. I6.4--'7: p. 339, n. 62 I6.7-8: p. 208, n. 9 SuI. 4· I : p. 243, n. 3 21.2: p. 3IO, n. 49 29.5: p. 3ID, n. 48 34·2: p. 295, n. 9 34.2-3: p. 295, n. 9
Moralia Rom. Apophth. Fab. (I95D): p. 223, n. 60; p. 229, n. 77 (I95F): p. 227, n. 7I Rom. Apophth. Fabr. (I94F):
Rom. Apophth. Sdp. min. (200B): p. 239, n. II7 (200C): p. 326, n. 28
455
INDEX LOCORUM
(cont.) De fort. Rom.
6.52.II: p. 64 6·53-4: p. 142 6.54: p. 205, n. 80 6·54·3: p.64 6.55.1-4: p. 64; p. 65; p. 200, n. 60 6.55. 2: p. 65 6.56: p. 218, n. 73 8.3: p. 225, n. 62 8.8.6: p. 229, n. 78 8.II.l: p. 88, n. 55 9.IO.l: p. 123, n. 57; p. 230, n. 79 9.10.13: p. 227, n. 70; p. 230, n. 79 9.39.2: p. 77, n. 18 10.2-IO.5: p. 236, n. 103 IO·4.1-5: p. 207, n. 4 IO·5·8: p. IOO, n. 99 10.11.7: p. 20, n. 24 IO.II.8: p. 69 IO.13·3-5: P·70 IO.13.10: p·70 IO·17·6-16: p. 77, n. 18 IO.19.9: p. 79, n. 22 IO.36.5: p. 372, n. 121 IO-40.6-9: p. 88, n. 55 11.4.8: p. 78, n. 21 15.14.5: P·70 15.21.3: p. 89, n. 60 18.18.5: p. 88, n. 55 21.17.1: p.66 21.30.9: p. 230, n. 82 23.12.3: p. 88, n. 55 26.9: p. 286, n. 123 27.8.8: p. 66 27.IO: p. 286, n. 124 29.21: p. 88, n. 51; p. roo, n·9 8 31.23.II-12: p. 137, n. 101 31.24.5: p. 137, n. IOl 31.25.2: p. 237, n. 108 31.25.3-7: p. 246, n. 16 31.24.5: p. 137, n. IOl 31.25.4-5: p. 260 31.25.5: p. 360, n. I04 31.25.6: p.260 31.25.9: p. 237, n. 108 31.25·IO: p. 88, n. 55 31.26.9: p. IOl 31.27.II: p. IOl, n. I02
PLUTARCH
5 (316B): p. 239, n. II7
De stoic. 15 (I040F): p. II4, n. 30
Ques. Rom. 13 (266F): p. 214, n. 31; p. 215, n. 35 33 (272C): p. 179, n. 50 40 (274B): p. 179, n. 51 I02 (288C): p. 175, n. 36 POLYAENUS
Strategica 8.IO.2: p. 148, n. 15 8.23.16: p. 310, n. 50 POLYBIUS
Historiae 1.6. 7: p. 78, n. 19 1.17·II-12: p. 65 1.24.1: p. 78, n. 21 1.24.II: p. 78, n. 21 1.34.15: p. 236, n. 103 1.37.4: p. 89, n. 60 1.39.13: p. 78, n. 21 1.63.9: p. 88, n. 51 2.7.1-3: p. 89, n. 60 2.24.1: p. 229, n. 76 2.34.8-9: p. 217, n. 41 3.20.3: p. 178, n. 46 3·64· II : p. 69 3.75.8: p.66 3·84·7-IO: p.65 3.I08.6-T p. 70, n. 162 3·I09·5: p. 70 3.IIO.3: p.322,n.9 6.19·4: p. 37, n. 69; p. 200 6.19·5: p. 243, n. 4 6.23.12: p. 148, n. 16 6.24·9: p. 65 6.34.12: p. 195, n. 51 6·37-38: p. 65; p. 195, n. 51 6.39.1: p. 68; p. 137, n. I02 6·39.1-II: p. 185, n. 14 6.39.8: p. 68 6.39·9: p. 137, n. I02 6.39.IO: p. 68; p. 183, n. 8 6.43-4-44.8: p. 88, n. 55 6-46·T p. 359, n. I03; p. 184, n. 12 6.52·T p. 66; p. 67
45 6
INDEX LOCORUM
31.28.II: p. 237, n. lO8 31.29.1: p. 237, n. 108 31.29.8: p. 247, n. 17 31.29.8-II: p. 246, n. 16 ]2.13.6: p. 260 32.13.6-8: p·377 35.4.2: p. 161, n. 4 35·4·3-6: p. 244, n. 7; p. 246, n.16 35.4.4-13: p. 237, n. 108 35.4.13: p. 238, nn. 109 & lOO 35·5: p. 205, n. 74 35·5·1-2: P·70 frag.6 (Buttner-Wobst): p.203, n. 74
SALLUSTIUS CRISPUS, C.
BC 1.2: p. 370, n. II8 1.2·9: p. 370, n. 18; p. 371 1.4: p. 371 1.5: p. 37 1 2.1-2: p. 371 2·3: p. 372 2.4: p. 372, n. 121 2·5: p. 374 2·7: p. 372 3.1: p. 372; p. 373, n. 123 3.2: p. 373 3.3: p. 60, n. 134; p. 374, n. 128 5.1: p. 381, n. 144 6.4-5: p. 375, n. 1]2 6·5: p. 60, n. 134; p. 359 6.5-6: p. 357 6·7: p. 37 7.2: p. 358; p. 360; p. 374, n. 128 7·4: P·3 60 7·5: p. 358; p. 359 7.6: p. 375, n. 132; p. 376 8·3: p. 359 9. 1: p. 359; p. 360; p. 375 9.1-3: p. 375, n. 130 9.2: p. 375 9. 2-3: p. 359 9·3: p. 60, n. 134; p. 359 10.2: p. 375 lOT p. 382 10·4: p. 362, n. lO6; p. 376, n. 133; p. 377 II: p. 379, n. 139 11.1-2: p. 374, n. 128 12: p. 379, n. 139 12.1: p. 376, n. 133; p. 374, n. 128 12.2: p. 376, n. 133; p. 377 12·5: p. 376 13·3: p. 376, n. 133 20.2: p. 61, n. 141; p. 361 20·3: P·361 20.9: p. 361 36.4: p. 376 36 .5: p. 376 37.1: p. 376, n. 133 38.3: p. 362, n. lO6 47: p. 268, n. 77
POMPONIUS, SEX.
Dig. 1.6.9: p. 179, n. 52 POSIDONIUS (EDELSTEIN, KIDD)
frag. 259: p. 223, n. 59 frag. 260: p. 223, n. 59 PROPERTIUS, SEX.
Elegiae 3. 17.20 : p. 97; p. 9 8 4.lO: p. 201, n. 64 4.II.29-32: p. 182, n. 2 QUADRIGARIUS, Q. CLAUDIUS
(HRR)
frag. T p. 48; p. 63, n. 133 frag. lOb: p. 49 frag. 10: p. 73, n. I; p. 191, n. 42 frag. 12: p. 192, n. 42 frag. 48--9: p. 73, n. 3 frag. 61: p. 60, n. 135 inc. frag. 12: p. 192, n. 42 QUINTILIANUS, M. FABIUS
Inst. 1.lO.2: p. 51, n. lO5 4·1.68: p. 354, n. 97 9·3·89: p. 354, n. 97 12·1.43: p·321,n·4 12.11.23: p. 323, n. II4 21.1.35: p. 261, n. 55 RUFUS, Q. CURTIUS
8.13.17: p. 294, n. 3 9-4.30-5.19: p. 3lO, n. 49 RUFUS, P. RUTILIUS (HRR) frag. 188: p. 271
457
INDEX LOCORUM
c. (cont.) 51: p. I, ll. 3 5I.3T p. 60, ll. 134 5I.42: p. 2, ll. 4; p. 61, ll. 37 52: p. 374, ll. 129 52.2-26: p. I, ll. 3 52.lI: p. 61, ll. 137; p. 362; p. 363; p. 380, ll. 142 52.19-21: P·378 52.21: p. 374, ll. 128; p. 382, ll. 147 52.22: p. 2, ll. 4; p. 374, ll. 128; p. 379 52.31: p. 61, ll. 137; p. 362, ll. I07 53.2: p. 3, ll. 8 53 ·3: p. 379 53·4: p. 379 53.4-5: p. 374, ll. 128 53.5: P·3 00 53.6: p. 52, ll. I06; p. 293; p. 380 54: p. 290, ll. 129 54.2: p. 380; p. 381, ll. 143 54.2-4: p. 381, ll. 144 54.3-4: p. 380 54.4: P·382 54·5-6: p. 374, ll. 128; p. 383 54.6: p. 52, ll. I06 58.1: P·36I 58.2: p. 60, ll. 134 58.12: p. 361; p. 362 58.15: p. 60, ll. 134 58.17: p. 60, ll. 134 58.19-21: p. 361 60.4: p. 130, ll. 70; p. 381, ll. 144 6I.I-2: p. 65, ll. 150 6I.T p. 130, ll. 70
SALLUSTIUS CRISPUS,
El I.I: P.373 I.3: p. 373 2.2: p. 370, ll. lI8 3.1: p. 374, ll. 128 3.2: p. 265, ll. 65; p. 374, ll. 128 4. 1- 2 : p. 374 4.5-6: p. 143, ll. 3; p. 360; p. 375, ll.I32 4.T p. 376, ll. 133 4.7-8: p. 374, ll. 128 4.8: p. 373, ll. 125 5. 1 : P·377 5.4: p. 369; p. 375, ll. 132 6.1: P.363
45 8
6.2: p. 363 7·2: P·363 7.7: p. 381, ll. 143 8.1: P.363 9. 2 -3: p. 363 IO.2: p. 363 10.8: p. 363 II.3: p. 363, ll. I08 15·1: P.363 15.2: p. 363 2I.2: p. 361, ll. 105 22.2: p. 363, ll. I08; p. 364 23.1: p. 360, ll. 105 26.1: p. 361, ll. 105 26.3: p. 364, ll. I09 29.1-3: p. 364, ll. I09 33.2-34.38.3: p. 364, ll. 109 36.2: p. 364, ll. 109 4I.2: p. 375, ll. 130; p. 376 4I.3: p. 376, ll. 133; p. 377 46-63: p. 266, ll. 68 49.2: p. 360, ll. I05 5I.5: p. 364 52.2: p. 360, ll. I05 52.6: p. 360, ll. 105 55. 1 : P·3 64 58.3: p. 360, ll. I05 62.1: p. 360, ll. I05 63: p. 378, ll. 137 63.1: p. 267, ll. 75 63.3: p. 215, ll. 64; p. 274, ll. 95 64.1: p. 267, ll. 75; p. 364; P·377 64.5: p. 266, ll. 69; p. 268, ll. 78 70.5: p. 365 73 ·5: p. 266, ll. 69; p. 365 73.7: P·27 2 74.1: p. 360, ll. I05 82.2: p. 378 83.1: p. 378, ll. 136 83.3: p. 378, ll. 136 85: p. 266, ll. 69; p. 330, ll. 42 85·1: P.365 85.4: p. 365; p. 367 85. 12- 13: p. 273; p. 274 85.13: P·273;P·366 85.15: p. 273; p. 366 85.17: P·366
INDEX LOCORUM
85.18: P·366 85.20: p. 366 85·21: p. 367 85.25: P·367 85.29-3 0: p. 367 85.31-2: p. 367 85 ·33: p. 367 85 ·37: p. 367 85·38: p. 367; p. 368 85-40: p. 368 85.48: p. 368 85.50: P.368 86.2: p. 266, n. 70 86·3: p. 378, n. 137 87.3: p. 360, n. I05 92.1-2: p. 365 92.2: p. 268, n. 78 95.3: p. 284, n. II8 95·4: p. 94, n. 77 96.1: p. 243, n. 3 97·5: p. 360, n. I05 98.1-3: p. 3IO, n. 48 103.5-6: p. 381, n. 143 106.3: p. 360, n. 105 IIO.5: p. 38r, n. 143 II4·2: p. 360, n. I05; p. 379
Hist. (Maurenbrecher) I II M: P.375 I 12 M: p. 362, n. 106; p. 375 I 54-61 M: p. 376, n. 134 II 98 M: p. 376, n. 134 III 88 M: p. 296, n. IO V IO M: p. 376, n. 134 inc. 22 M: p. 61, n. 137; p. 362,
Is. 42.8.I2: p. 99, n. 95 43.21 : p. 99, n. 95 63·7: p. 99, n. 95 SERVIUS GRAMMATICUS, MAURUS HONORATUS
Ad Aen. I.8: p. 232, n. 90 5.602: p. 194, n. 46 2.141: p. 220, n. 48 9.80: p. 13 G. I.2I: p. 209, n. II SEXTUS EMPIRICUS
Adv. phys. 152-177: p. 86, n. 46
Pyr. 3 .2II: p. 173, n. 30; p. 174, n·3 2 SIMONIDES (POETAE MELICI GRAECI)
frag. 37: p. 86, n. 47 (HRR) frag. I08: p. 49, n. I02 frag. II4: p. 59, n. 132 frag. I20: p. 43, n. 85; p. 49;
SISENNA, 1. CORNELIUS
p. 50 SOLON (WEST)
frag. 4.IO ff: p. 371, n. II9 SOPHOCLES
Aias 550: p. 92, n. 70
Ant. II58: p. 87, n. 49
OT 977-9T p. 87, n. 49 frag. 12: p. 91, n. 65
n. I07 SCIPIO AEMILIANUS, P. CORNELIUS
2I.I7: p. 262
(ORF)
SPEUSIPPUS
frag. 57 (Lang n. 50
SENECA, 1. ANNAEUS RHETOR
Contro. 7.I.I7: p. 106, n. I
STATIUS, P. PAPINIUS
Si/v.
SENECA, 1. ANNAEUS
Ep. 87·IO: p. 323, n. 14 89.14: p. 126, n. 86
I.I.84-6: p. 318, n. 73 I.2.I72: p. I06, n. 4
Theb.
Troad.
IO.6p-36: p. 2II, n. 19 I2.I7T p. 165, n. II
781: p. 194, n. 46 SEPTUAGINT
= 77 Taran):
STOBAEUS
Hh. 3·3: p. 99, n. 95
Flor. 6:66: p. II4, n. 30
459
p. 338,
INDEX LOCORUM
STOICORUM VETERUM FRAGMENTA
3.124-26: p. 126, n. 66 3.686: p. IOI, n. IOI STRABO
3.4.3: p. 237, n. I04 3 ·4· 13: p. 218, n. 44 6.31: p. 227, n. 69 II. I.6: p. 297, n. 15 14.2.15: p. 316, n. 64 17.I.17: p. 98, n. 92 SUETONIUS, C. TRANQUILLUS
Vitae Iul. IO.I-2: p. 300, n. 23 II: p. 300, n. 22 14: p. I, n. 3 19: p. 382, n. 148 24·3: p. 382, n. 147 39.1: p. 316, n. 63 39·3: p. 194, n. 47 42.1-2: p. 316, n. 64 44.2: p. 316, n. 62 45.2: p. 315, n. 61 48.1: p. 300, n. 33 61: p. 318, n. 73 79.I:P· 317, n. 67
Aug. 7.2: p. 385, n. I 29.2: p. 218, n. 44 29.8: p. 283, n. II6 38.3: p. 203, n. 77 40: p. 193, n. 43; p. 194, n. 46; p. 194, n. 47 43.2: p. 193, n. 43; p. 194, n. 47 Claud. 2I.I: p. 295, n. 7
Nero. 38.2: p. 182, n. 2 Galb. 13: p. I06, n. 4
De grammatiCis 2: p. 261, n. 55 9: p. 246, n. 13 25: p. 263, n. 25 TAClTUS, CORNELIUS
Agr. I.I: p. 386, n. 3
Ann. I.5I.7-8: p. 3II, n. 51 I.59·4: p. 143 2.20.6-21: p. 3II, n. 51 2.4I.4: p. 388, n. II 6·3I. 14: p. 167, n. 19 6.5I.3: p. 386, n. 3 16.2I.I: p. 386, n. 3
Germ. 13.1: p. 177, n. 44
Hist. I.52.2: p. 386, n. 3 I.54: p. 143, n. II 3.83: p. 388, n. 12 TERENTIUS AFER, P.
Adel. 6-II: p. 122, n. 56 80: p. II4, n. 33 104-5: p. 121, n. 51 155-96: p. 122 176: p. 30, n. 5; p. I2I; p. 168, n. 22 257: p. I07; p. I09, n. 14 345: p. 161, n. 5 438-42: p. 131, n. 80 535-6: p. 99; p. IOO 809f.: p. 121, n. 51 833f.: p. 121, n. 51 345: p. 161, n. 5 866£.: p. 121, n. 51 88If.: p. 121, n. 51 And. 217: p. 59, n. 132
Eun. 261-5: p. 121, n. 52 776-8: p. 17, n. 15; p. 63, n. 155 778: p. 17 994: p. 59, n. 132 I090: p. 17, n. 15
Heauton. 56: p. 168 20I-IO: p. II3, n. 33 207: p. II8, n. 43; p. 168 313: p. 59, n. 133 Hec. 56: p. 168 2°3: p. I09, n. II6; p. 121, n. 52
Phor. 33-34: p. 17, n. 15
INDEX LOCORUM
frag. 197-9: p. 7, ll. 135
55: p. 39, ll. 75 134: p. 59, ll. 133 182: p. 59, ll. 132 203: p. 91, ll. 65 324-5: p.60 841: p. 89, ll. 61
ll.
18; p. 46; p. 63,
TURPILIUS, SEX.
Comoediae (Ribb. CRF) frag. T p. 124, ll. 60 frag. 144: p. IO 8, p. II
TERTULLIANUS, Q. SEPTIMIUS FLORENS
Apolog.
VALERIUS MAXIMUS
Facta et dicta memorabilia 1.1.8: p. 212; p. 221, 1.3·4: p. 267, ll. 75
18.5. 16 : P·99
Adv. lud. 9·3: p. 99, n. 96
De praescr. haer.
THEOCRITUS ll.
46
THEOGNIS
frag. 147: p. 6 THEOPHRANES OF MITYLENE (FGRH
lIB)
ll·70
frag. 919: p. 296, n. 13 THUCYDIDES
1. 13 ff.: p. 37T 1. 144.4: p. 371, n. 120 2.42.2: p. 30, n. 51; p. I09, ll. 12; p. II4, ll. 31; p. 123, ll. 57 3·58: p. I09, ll. 13 3.84.4: p. 362 6.16.1: p. 137, ll. 99 TITINIUS
Comoediae (Ribb. CRF) frag. II: p. 139; p. 140; p. 374,
ll.
127
TRAGICORUM GRAECORUM FRAGMENTA INCERTA (TRGF)
frag. frag. frag. frag. frag. frag. frag. p.
53
1.5·5: p. 213, ll. 75; p. 220, ll. 48; p. 220, ll. 49 2·1.7: p. 179, ll. 51 2.1.IO: P.5I 2.2·3e: p. 274, ll. 95 2.2.9: p. 188, ll. 25; p. 216, ll. 33 2.3.1: p. 196, ll. 53; p. 266,
13 ·4: p. 99, n. 96 44·6: p. 99, n. 96 17·135[.: p. 86,
ll.
327: p. II3, n. 29 346: p. II3, n. 29 126 (CAF): p. II3, n. 29 163 (CAF): p. II3, ll. 29 190 (CAF): p. II3, n. 29 195 (CAF): p. II3, ll. 29 1286 (CAF): p. II3, ll. 29; II4, ll. 32
TRAGICORUM ROMANORUM FRAGMENTA INCERTA (RIBBECK, TRF)
frag. 30-31: p. 7, ll. 18; p. 46; p. 63, ll. 135 frag. 52-54 = Accius, frag. I06-8 (ROL): P.47 frag. II6: p. 48, ll. IOI
2.4.2: p. 167, ll. 19 2.5.1: p. 156, ll. 40; p. 221, ll. 51 2.5.6: p. 275, ll. 97 2.6.II: p. 200, ll. 59 2.7.3: p. 196, ll. 52; p. 204 2·7-4: p. 204, ll. 79 2.7.6: p. 204, ll. 7 2.7.8: p. 220, ll. 51 2·7·9: p. 196, ll. 32; p. 254, ll. 35 2·9·6: p. 255, ll. 37 2.IO.l: p. 285, ll. II9 3·1.1: p. 156, ll. 38 3.2.2: p. 165, ll. II 3.2·5: p. 213, ll. 27 3.2.21: p. 204, ll. 78 3.3 ·9: p. 220, ll. 51 3.6.1: p. 207, ll. 6; p. 281, ll. II3 4-4.8: p. 173, ll. 31; p. 275, ll. 97 5.8.1: p. 205, ll. 80 5.8·4: p. 246, ll. 13 6.2. ext. 3: p. 94, ll. 77 6.3.IC: p. 196, ll. 53; p. 281, ll. II3 6.9.14: p. 265, ll. 67 7.2.]: p. 53, ll. II 7.2.60: p. 254, ll. 35; p. 255, n. 37 8.2.1: p. 275, ll. 99 8.5.2: p. 327, ll. 31 8.14.5: p. 160 9.7.1-2: p. 285, ll. 121
INDEX LOCORUM
VARRO, M. TERENTIUS
De lingua Latina 5.73: 6.93: 7.70: 7.88:
p. p. p. p.
72 , ll. I 286, n. 122 191, ll. 38 214, n. 31
De re rustica 1.1.6: p. 209, ll. lI; p. 289 3.5.12: p. 281, ll. lI4 De rerum div. (Cardaulls) frag. 189: p. 90;P. 211; p. 289 De vita pop. Rom. (Riposati) frag. 84: p. 51, n. I05 frag. lIO: p. 191, n. 38 frag. 189: p. 90 VELLEIUS, c. PATERCULUS
Hist. R. 1.11.3-4: p. 230, n. 82 1.11.5: p. 279, llll. I05 & 106; p. 280, ll. I07 2.1.2: p. 280, n. 107 2.4.22: p. 323, ll. 17 2.8.1: p. 323, ll. 17 2.18.3: p.6I,ll.37 2.22.4: p. 386, ll. 3 2.26.2: p. 382, n. 148; p. 386, ll. 3 2.26.3: p. 165, ll. II 2.27·5: p. 295, ll. 9 2.35.2: p. 386, ll. 3 2.40.4: p. 315, n. 61 2.55,]: p. 3IO, ll. 150 2.61.3: p. 258, llll. 45, 46 & 47; p. 318, ll. 71 VERGILIUS MARO, P.
Aen. 2·390-1: p. 73, ll. 3 6.756-859: p. 152 ; p. 153 6.826-35: p. 293, n. I 6.857-8: p. 153 10. 641: p. 123, ll. 60 lI.2T P.44 VITRUVIUS POLLIO
De Arch. 1.2.1--9: p. 97, ll. 90 1.2·5: p. 97 3.2 .5: p. 275, ll. 97; p. 279, ll. I04 7 praef. IT p. 276, ll. IOI
XENOCRATES (HEINZE)
frag.7T p. 338, ll. 59 XENOPHON
An. 1.4·8: p. 109, ll. 13
Cyr. 3.3.19: 3.3.50: 8.1.21: 13 . 1-3:
p. p. p. p.
371, n. 120 19, n. 20 123, ll. 57 12 I, ll. 53
Hier. 7.9: p. 109, ll. 2
Mem. 2.2.20-34: p. lI3, ll. 31 2.1.22-34: p. 86, ll. 47; p. 137, ll. 99 3.9.1-5: p. lIO, ll. 18
Sym. 3.4: p. 6, ll. 15 ZENODOTUS
Tragoediae (TrGF) frag. I: p. lI3, ll. 29 ZONORAS
7.24: p. 192, ll. 42 7·25: p. 192, ll. 42 7.25.9: p. 202, ll. 70 7.26: p. 192, ll. 42 8.6: p. 78, ll. 19 8.14: p. 196, ll. 52 8.18: p. 221, n. 52 8.37: p. 78. ll. 19
11. INSCRIPTIONS CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM GRAECARUM
ClG 11 2786: p. 86, ll. 48 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM LATINARUM
ClL P 319: p. 215, ll. 36 ClLP6-7 = lLLRP309: P.33; p. 34; p. 35; p. 130, ll. 70
ClL P IO = lLLRP 3lI: p. 35; p. 36; p. 37;P· 38;P· 130, ll. 70
ClL P II = lLIRP 312: p. 35; p. 36; p. 37; p. 38
CILP15 = lLIRP 316: p. 38; p. 39 ClL Pp. 195, llO. 18: p. 269, ll. 81; p. 275, ll. 97
ClL P 324: p. 94; p. 245, ll. 7 ClL P 384 = lLLRP 357: p. 42 ClL P 589: p. 41, ll. 81
INDEX LOCORUM
elL P 626 = lLLRP 122: p. 94, ll. 38 elL p 709 = lLS 8888 = ILLRP 515: p. 43 elL P 725 = lLS 31 = ILLRP 174: p. 41 elL P 743 = lLLRP 372: P.40 elL 12 1531 = lLLRP 136: p. 96, ll. 8 elL III 7241 = lLLRP 343 = IDel. 2489: p. 41;p. 42,ll. 82 elL VI 18 = lLS 3851: p. ID2 elL VI 317II = lLS 8394 (Laudatio Muriae): p. 165, ll. II elL VI 474 = lLLRP 218: p.217, ll·42 elL VI 1303: p. 218, ll. 44 elL VI 1304: p. 218, ll. 44 elL VI 1527 = lLS 8393 (Laudatio Turiae): p. 164; p. 165 elL VI 29758 = JlEW 2 616 = eij I 72: p. ID2, ll. ID3 elL VI 30913 = lLLRP 15T p. 214, ll. ID3 elL VI 3ID61: p.214 elL VI 31593: p. 218, ll. 44 elL VIII 6951: p. 317, ll. 66 elL VIII 7041 = lLS 6857: p. 317, ll. 66 elL VIII 7095 = lLS 2933: P.317, ll.66 elL VIII, suppl. p. 1849: p. 317, ll.66 elL IX 58II = lLS 82: p. 385, ll. I elL X 8260 = lLS 5051: p. 212, ll. 24 elL XI 29II = lLS 3796: p. 212, ll. 24 elL XI 3205 = lLS 4948: p.212, ll. 24 elL XIV 4106: p. 212 elL XVI 5: p. 157, ll. 41 CORPUS OF JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS
I 72 = JlWE 2.616 = elL VI 29758: p. I02, ll. ID3 1206 = JlWE 2.21T p. ID3, ll. 107 1224 = JlWE 2.379: p. ID3, ll. I07 1229 = JlWE 2.204: p. 103, ll. 107 1373 = JIWE 2. 15T p. ID3, ll. I07 I 523 = JIWE 2.577: p. ID3, ll. I07
EPIGRAMMATA GRAECA EX LAPIDIBUS CONLECTA
489·4: p.89 INSCRIPTIONS DE DELOS
2489 = elL III 7241 = lLLRP 343: P·4 1 699E : P·42 INSCRIPTIONES GRAECAE
lG II 142b: p. 98, ll. 92 lG IV. 950: p. 102, ll. I04 lG IV. 954 = Syll. IIP II68: p. I02, ll. ID4
lG XI 4 1299: p. 98, ll. 93 lG XIV 966, ll. 5-6: p. ID2, ll. ID4 INSCRIPTIONES GRAECAE AD RES ROMANAS PERTINENTES
lGRRP I 38: p. ID2, ll. ID4 INSCRIPTIONES ITALICAE
13.2 = (fosti Antiates): p. 215, ll. 36 13.2: p. 215, ll. 36 INSCRIPTIONES LATINAE LIBERAE REI PUBLICAE
lLLRP 122 = elL P 626: p. 94, ll·78 lLLRP 136 = elL P 1531: P.96, ll. 88 lLLRP 157 = elL VI 30913: p.214 lLLRP 174 = elL P 725 = lLS 31: P·4 1 lLLRP 218 = elL VI 74T p.217, ll·42 lLLRP 245: p. 231, ll. 84 lLLRP 295: p. 219, ll. 45 lLLRP 309 = elL F 6--'7: P.33; p. 34; p. 35; p. 130 , ll. 70 lLLRP 319: p. 78, ll. 21 lLLRP 3II = elL F ID: p. 35; p. 36; p. 37; p. 38; p. 13 0 , ll. 70 lLLRP 312 = elL P II: p. 35; p. 36; p. 37;P· 38 lLLRP 316 = elL P 15: p. 38; p. 39 lLLRP 319: p. 78, ll. 21 lLLRP 343 = elL III 7241 = IDel. 2489: P·41 lLLRP 357 = elL P 384: p. 42 lLLRP 372 = elL P 743: P.40 lLLRP 515 = elL F 709 = lLS 8888: P.43
INDEX LOCORUM
INSCRIPTIONBS LATINAE SELECTAE
lLS 31 = ClL F725 = lLLRP 174: P·4 1 lLS 385 = ClL VI 18: p. ID2 lLS 2531: p. 386, ll. 4 lLS 2713: p. 386, ll. 4 lLS 2933 = ClL VIII 7095: p. 317, ll. 66 lLS 3796 = ClL XI 29II: p. 212, ll. 24 lLS 3851 = ClL VI 18: p. I; p. ID2 lLS3851 = ClL IX 58II: P·3 85, ll. I lLS 5051 = ClL X 8260: p. 212, ll.24 lLS 4948 = ClL XI 3205: p. 212, ll. 24 lLS 6857 = ClL VIII 7074: p. 317, ll. 66 lLS 8393 = ClL VI 1527 (Laudatio Turiae): p. 164; p. 165 lLS 8394 = ClL VI 317II (Laudatio Muriae): p. 165, ll. II lLS 8888 = ClL F 709 = lLLRP 515: P·43 JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE
= CIJI 373: p. ID3, ll. ID7 JlWE 2.204 = CIJ1229: p. ID3, ll. ID7 JlWE 2.217 = CIJ1206: p. ID3, ll. ID7 JlWE 2.379 = CIJ 1224: p. 103, ll. ID7 JIWE2·577 = CIJI 523: p. ID3, ll. ID7 JIWE 2.616 = CIJ I 172 = ClL VI 29758: p. ID2, ll. ID3 JlWE 2.157
SUPPLEMENTUM EPIGRAPHICUM GRAECUM
SEC XV 603-12: p.41, ll.81 SYLLOGE INSCRIPTIONUM GRAECARUM
= lC IV 954: p. ID2, ll. ID4 lIP II72: p. 98, ll. 92
lIP II68
Ill. COINS RRC 13: p. RRC 15: p. RRC 38/6: RRC 39/5:
194, ll. 49 194, ll. 49 p. 144, ll. 5 p. 157, ll. 43; p. 250,
ll. 24
RRC 60hA: p. 144 RRC 98A2: p. 157, ll. 43; p. 250, ll. 24
RRC 108h: p. 144 RRC 128: P.250 RRC 234: p. 249; p. 250, ll. 24 RRC 242: p. 157, ll. 41; p. 249 RRC 243: p. 157, ll. 41; p. 249 RRC 258: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 259h: p. 157; p. 250; p. 250, ll. 25; p. 251
RRC 261: p. 249, ll. 25 RRC 262: p. 157, ll. 41 RRC 263: p. 157, ll. 41; p. 252, ll. 28 RRC 263-4: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 264h: p. 251; p. 252 RRC 265: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 266: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 267: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 268: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 269: p. 250, ll. 25; p. 252, ll. 28 RRC 270: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 271: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 275: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 276: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 277: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 278: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 279: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 280: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 281: p. 250, ll. 25 RRC 282: p. 250, ll. 25; p. 252, ll. 28 RRC 285/6: p. 144 RRC 286: p. 253 RRC 291: P.252 RRC 286: p. 252; p. 253, ll. 30 RRC 292: p. 148, ll. 16 RRC 293h: p. 252; p. 252, ll. 29 RRC 295: p. 253, ll. 30; p. 256; p. 256, ll. 42
RRC 297: p. 157, ll. 43; p. 250, ll. 24
RRC 306: p. 144 RRC 308: p. 144, ll. 5
INDEX LOCORUM
RRC 309: p. 148, ll. 16 RRC 322: p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 323: p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 326: p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 321' p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 329: p. 147; p. 151; p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 333: p. 256, ll. 42 RRC 33712: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 3401r: p. 157, ll. 43; p. 250, ll.24 RRC 343: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 344/3 & 4: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 3451r & 2: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 346: p. 250, ll. 24 RRC 346/3: p. 157, ll. 41 RRC 348/6: p. 144; p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 350: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 352: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 357: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 358: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 359: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 360: p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 361: p. 257; p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 370: p. 257; p. 257, ll. 43 RRC 380: p. 148, ll. 16 RRC 381: p. 148, ll. 16; p. 257 RRC 391.3: p. 144 RRC 401: p. 144, ll. 5; p. 147; p. 147, ll. 144; p. 151; p. 154, ll. 30; p. 257;P· 257,ll. 47 RRC 403: p. 144, ll. 5; p. 146; p. 147, ll. 14; p. 152, ll. 26; p. 2II, ll. 21; p. 257;P' 257,ll. 47;P· 299, ll. 29 RRC 408: p. 157, ll. 43; p. 250, ll. 24 RRC 415: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 419: p. 258 RRC 422: p. 258, ll. 45 RRC 423: p. 258, ll. 45 RRC 425: p. 157, ll. 41; p. 252, ll. 29; p. 258 RRC 4271r: p. 258, ll. 45 RRC 426/3 & 4: p. 258, ll. 45 RRC 42812: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 429: p. 258 RRC 434: p. 148, ll. 16 RRC 435: p. 148, ll. 16 RRC 439: p. 154, ll. 30 RRC 440: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 448: p. 258, ll. 46
RRC 450: p. 258, ll. 46 RRC 452: p. 258, ll. 46 RRC 453: p. 258, ll. 46 RRC 454: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 4541r & 2: p. 258 RRC 454/4: p. 157, ll. 43 RRC 47312: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 473/3: p. 144, ll. 5 RRC 480/6: P·I45 RRC 480124: p. 145 RRC 4851r: p. 144, ll. 7 RRC 490/r: p. 258, ll. 48 RRC 494/rO: p. 145 RRC 494/41: p. 145 RRC 497/r: p. 258, ll. 48 RRC 51812: p. 258, ll. 48 RRC 545/5: p. 250, ll. 24 BMC Greek Coins-Italy: p. 365; p. 149, ll. 17 BMC I Augustus, 49: p. 152, n. 26 BMC I Augustus, 75-6: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Augustus, 82-6: p. 387, ll. 9 BMC I Augustus, 91' p. 144, n. 6 BMC I Augustus, 122-3: p. 387, ll. 9 BMC I Augustus, 321-1: p. 385, n. I BMC I Augustus, 336-7: p. 385, n. I BMC I Augustus, 498: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Augustus, 594: p. 258, n. 48; p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Augustus, 603: p. 144. ll. 6 BMC I Claudius, 91: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Claudius, 95-99: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Claudius, 164: p. 387, ll. 9 BMC I Claudius, 168-9: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Claudius, 171: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Claudius, 178: p. 387, n. 9 BMCI Claudius, 187--91: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Nero, 142-55: p. 151, n. 24; p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Nero, 3II-I8: p. 387, n. 9 BMC I Civil War, 64--9: p. 145, n. 10 BMC I Galba. 50: p. 145, n. 10 BMC I Galba, 120: p. 144, n. 7 BMC I Galba, 215: p. 150, n. 10 BMC I Vitellius, 2: p. 145, ll. 10 BMC I Vitellius, 86-7: p. 145, n. 10 BMC I Vitellius, 103-4: p. 145, n. la
INDEX LOCORUM
Ill. COINS (cont.) BMC I Vitellius, II3-I7: p. 145,
BMC II Vespasian, 369: p. 146, n. 13 BMC II Vespasian, 414-16: p. 146, n. 13
BMC II Vespasian, 603: p. 144, n. 7 BMC II Vespasian, 686: p. 151, n. 24 BMC II Domitian, 451: p. ISO, n. 23 BMC III Nerva, 4-6: p. 146, n. 12 BMC III Nerva, 7-8: p. 146, n. 12 BMC III Nerva, 86: p. 146, n. 12 BMC III Nerva, 95: p. 146, n. 12 BMC III Nerva, 99: p. 146, n. 12 BMC III Trajan, 245 ff. : p. 151, n.25
1495-7: p. 146, n. 12
BMC IV Commodus, 90: p. ISO, n. 20 BMC IV Commodus, 168: p. ISO, n. 20
BMC IV Commodus, 480: p. ISO, n. 20
BMC IV Commodus, 562: p. ISO, n. 20 BMC V Wars of Succession, 316: p. ISO, n. 23
BMC V Wars of Succession, 327: p. ISO, n. 23
BMCIIl Trajan, 833-41: p.I5I, n.25
BMC V Wars of Succession, 4II: p. ISO, n. 23
BMC III Hadrian, 5-8: p. 146, n. 13 BMC III Hadrian, 774: p. ISO, n. 20 BMC III Hadrian, 1259-62: p. 151, n.24
BMC V Septimius Severus, 65: p. 145,n. 10
BMC V Septimius Severus, 142: p. ISO, n. 20
BMC III Hadrian, 1312-14: p. 151, n.24
BMC V Septimius Severus, 340: p. ISO, n. 20
BMC IV Antoninus Pius, II90--9I: p. 145,n.
IQ
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius & Lucius Verus, 7--9: p. 146, n. 13
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius, 567: p. ISO, n. 23
BMC V Septimius Severus, 349: p. 145, n.
IQ
BMC V Septimius Severus, 374: p. ISO, n. 19
BMC V Septimius Severus, 523: p. ISO, n. 19
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius, IQ
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius, 1427: p. ISO, n. 23
1431: p. ISO, n. 23
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius,
n. 10
1395-7: p. 145, n.
BMC IV Marcus Aurelius,
BMC V Septimius, Caracalla, Geta, 176: p. 151, n. 25
BMC V Septimius, Caracalla, Geta, 858: p. 151, n. 25
GENERAL INDEX
abstract deities divine Virtus and, 2 II - 12 benefits and favors from, 209-II nature of, 209-II "specialty gods" and, 209 Roman temples to, 209 Varro on, 90, 2II, 289 M'. Acilius Glabrio (consul 19I), 156, 321-2 M. Aemilius Lepidus (moneyer 14-3), 252 M. Aemilius Lepidus (consul 187) equestrian statue of, 156, 252 reverse coin type of, 252 M. Aemilius Lepidus (moneyer 61 or 58), 258 M. Aemilius Lepidus (consul 46) equestrian statue of, 158, 258 Q. Aemilius Papus (dictator 32 I), 32 I L. Aemilius Paullus (consul219), speech of, 69--'70 L. Aemilius Paullus (consul 182), 322 L. Aemilius Paullus (consul 50), 218
Aeneid catalogue of heroes , 152-3 age cavalry service and, 203-4 high office and, 202 6:vSPE1c( as a canonical virtue, 129 inscriptions in, 40-I translated by virtus, 40-1 translated by fortitudo, 6I, 129, 334 amazon,
as personification of Roma, 149
as personification of Virtus, 146-9 animus usages of, 60 virtus v., 60 Antiphanes, (comic playwright), IOO financial generosity and, I 00-I L. Antonius (consul 4I) equestrian statue of, 158 M. Antonius (consul 99), in Cicero's De oratore, 92-3 M. Antonius (consul 44), 270 M'. Aquilius (consul IOI), 151 M'. Aquilius, (moneyer 65 or 7I), 147, 151 architecture Hellenized, 279-83 of temples, 275--9 6:pETI'l aretologies and, 98, lOO broad semantic range of, 74-5 canonical virtues and, 120-30 combined with TVXll, 85, 87-9 contrasted to EVYEVEIC(, 331-2 contrasted to i}Sov1'\, II4-22 contrasted to TVXll, 87 ethical meaning of, IIO-28 fertility ofland and, 74-5 financial generosity and, IOO-I innate human excellence and, 87 martial meaning of, II3 of gods, 85,98-9, IOI-2 aristocracy, Roman constraints on, 195-205 economic, social changes of, 193
GENERAL INDEX
aristocracy, Roman (cont.) esprit de corps among, 194,247 horsemanship and, 192-5 Aristotle influence on Cicero's De re publica, 337-8
army. See also military virtus of, 17-18,291-2, 302-4 art public, 230-1 as booty, 229-30 audacia usages of, 59-60 virtus v., 60 S. Aurelius Augustinus, on Marius, 270 Augustine - see S. Aurelius Augustinus Augustus, 203, 385-'7 clipeus virtutis for, 385-7 new public image of, 386 Badius (Campanian horseman), 203 banquet songs, 51, 182, 190-1 bilingualism code-mixing in, I02-3 Greek-speaking slaves and, 77-83 semantic calque and, 77-84 biography virtuslortuna relationship and, 92, 294 brothers, 169 brothers and sisters, 174-80 Caecilia Metella, 162-3 L. Caecilius Metellus L. (consul 251), 63 laudatio of, 131, 168 C. Caecilius Metellus Caprarius (consul II3), 285 Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus (consul 143) censorial speech by, 285 Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus (consul 109), 265, 271, 285-6 censorial speech de ducendis uxoribus by, 28 5-9 his exile, 271 his philhellenism, 284-5 reputation of, 271, 285, 337 treatment by Sallust, 364-5, 377-8 Q. Caedicius (tribunus militum), 50-I, 91
C. Caelius Rufus (praetor 48), 171 Caesar. See C. Iulius Caesar calque, see semantic calque Campanian cavalry, 188 canonical virtues, 128-34 carmina convivalia. See banquet songs Carneades, 261, 339 Sp. Carvilius Maximus (consul 293), 321 Sp. Cassius (consul 502), 196 Castor and Pollux 185, 187-9 Honos and, 152 on coins, 144, 157 temple of, 75, 80, 120, 152, 186-7 transvectio equitum and, 152 Catiline. See L. Sergius Catilina Cato. See M. Porcius Cato Catullus, See C. Valerius Catullus cavalry, Roman. See also citizen cavalry age and, 202-4 aristocracy and, 193-5, 247-8 Campania and, 188 early hoplite, 186 economic, social changes and, 193-5 esprit de corps, 188, 194,247 Formation of nobiles and, 194 Honos and, 216 introduction of, 186-95 monomachies and, 192-3 non-Roman auxiliaries in, 245-7 retirement from, 203 tax for, 187 training for, 193-4 Virtus and, 216-17 centurions Caesar's portrayal of, 65-6, 305 Polybius on, 65 virtus and, 65-6 Christian Latin virtus in, 98-9 citizen cavalry effectiveness of, 245-6 decline of, 245-7 citizenship manliness and, 178-80 slaves and, 159-60 virtus and, 160, 179-80, 388-9 Clastidium, 231 battle of, 208, 212-13, 216-17, 21 9
GENERAL INDEX
Clastidium - (fabula praetexta), 231-4 venue for, 232-3 M. Claudius Marcellus (consul 222), 147, 151-3,201, 207-9,216-17, 21 9-35,239,241,267,274,279, 296-7, 309, 315-18, 355 Caesar and, 309, 317-18 Clastidium and, 216-17, 231-3 criticism of, 227, 233-4 Fabius Maximus Verrucosus v. 219, 223-8 Greek culture and, 229-30, 263 Honos and Virtus and, 208, 217, 219 influence of, 233, 235-40, 296-7, 317-8, 355 as mounted monomachist, 153, 204, 208, 217,228,232 opposition to, 219, 222-6, 234-5 ovatio of, 225, 229 Polybius on, 208, 236 Pompey and, 296-7 public art and, 229, 233-4 self-assertive innovations of, 226-35 spolia opima and, 152,208,234,245 Syracuse sack of, 224-5 Syracuse, spoils of, 227, 229, 233 temple to Honos and Virtus vowed, 212-13,225 dedication delayed, 2 I 9-2 3 triumph on Alban Mount, 225 triumph denied, 225 victory dedications by, 231 Virtus, to relationship, 213 M. Claudius Marcellus (consul 166), discrediting of, 238 Honos and Virtus and, 236 Polybius on, 238 Ap. Claudius Pulcher (consul 54), 332 Q. Claudius Quadrigarius (historian), 48-9, 161 clipeus virtutis, 385-7 clothing as visual symbol, 142 code-Switching, lO2-3 C. Coelius Caldus (consul 94), 327 coins, 253 of deified Virtus, 147-9 deities on, 143--9, 249 Dioscuri on, 144, 157, 249-50
equestrian reverse type, 150-4, 250-3, 256-8 Honos and Virtus, 146-'7, 257 politics and, 249, 257-8 "private" types of, 143, 249 self-advertisement on, 249-52 symbolic images on, 143, 250 Virtus Augusti, 149-51 comedy. See New Comedy; Roman comedy
Commentarii Caesar in, 309-12 common soldiers and, 302-4 generalship in, 305 intent of, 312 Pompey in, 313-15 virtus in, 333
concordia, 145-6 on coins, 145 visual symbol of, 146 Cornelii Scipiones elogia of, 33--9 A. Cornelius Cossus (consul 428), 201, 208 P. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus (moneyer lOO), 8, 147, 151 Cornelius Nepos virtusjortuna collocation and, 92, 293-4 P. Cornelius Rufinus (consul 290), III L. Cornelius Scipio, elogium of, 35-8 P. Cornelius Scipio, elogium of, 35-8 P. Cornelius Scipio, Aemilianus, (consul 147),36,70,125,203, 2Il, 363 alter to Virtus, 239 Carthage and, 238-9 censorial speech of, 262 Greek culture and, 262-3 monomachyof,23 8 Polybius on, 259 spolia opima and, 238 P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (consul 205), 20,36,207-8,236, 3Il, 321, 336, 360, 375 Cicero's treatment of, 348 fe/idtas and, 94 Marcellus and, 236 Polybius' treatment of, 208, 236 speech at New Carthage, 69-'70 virtus and, 236
GENERAL INDEX
L. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus (consul 328), 33-4, 140 Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus (praetor 139), 38-9 L. Cornelius Sisenna (historian), 49-50 L. Cornelius Sulla (consul 83) equestrian reverse type of, 257 equestrian statue of, 257 his commentarii, 269-70, 288 his Hellenism, 284 corona civica, 208, 229, 351 Ti. Coruncanius (consul 280), 321 courage, 6. See also martial courage; physical courage aggressive v. defensive, 17-18, 62--'71 animus and, 60, 305 audacia and, 59 centurions and, 65-6, 305 death and, 29-31 defeat and, 67 discipline v., 65, 304 fortitudo as, 60-1, 128, 162-4,343, 362 knowledge of warfare v., 128-9, 162, 334 leadership and, 69-71, 304-6 "moral," 62 physical, 62-7 Roman standards and, 62 technology v., 307-8 women and, 164 P. Crepusius (moneyer 82), 257 Critognatus (Gallic leader), 301 cults, Greek abstract deities to, 209-IO, 214 6:PETll and, 85-6 TVXTl and, 87-9 culture, Greek, see Hellenism M'. Curius Dentatus (consul 290), 32I, 32 3
daughters, I63, I74-6, I79 P. Decius Mus (consul 340), 200 P. Decius Mus (consul 312), 200 deities. See also abstract deities Caesar and, 3I5 Honos as, 2I3-I5, 269 on coins, 143 manliness and, 84, 95, 97-IOO
Virtus as, I9-20, 90, 2II-I5, 234-40, 288-9 devotio, 199-205 T. Didius (consul 98), 327 Dio Cassius on Marius, 27I-2 Dioscuri. See Castor and Pollux Diphilus (comic playwright), I22-3 Diphilus (tragic actor), 299 drama, Roman war, gods in, 20-1 Earl,
ne.
virtus complex and, 4, 8, I29-30 virtus as political value and, I35-8 definition of virtus, 369 education, I8 I-4 non-elite, I82-3 martial equestrian, I85 Eisenhut, Werner on divine virtus, 20, I85, 21I-I2 emperor equestrian reserve types, I49-50, 258, 387-8
virtus and, 235, 387 Q. Ennius, 6, 85-1I0, I32, I6I, 207 Ambracia - (fabula praetexta), 234 Annales, 43-6, 85 military themes of, 43-5 tragedies of, 6, 47 virtusjortuna collocation and, 85 enslavement, 77-82 equestrian image. See also horses on coins, 52, I49, 250-3, 257-8 honorific public statues and, 155--'7, 257-8 senatorial aversion to, I57-8, 256 symbol of virtus as, I49-54 equites equo publico, I87, 203, 248, 253-6 ethical virtus in Cicero, 8-9, I68-72, 333-4 Greek influences on, 1I1-19, I23, 125 in Lucilius, I24-8 in Naevius, 1I4, 1I6 Sallustand, 356-7, 368-9, 374-4, 382-4 in Terence, II4, 122-3
Fabii Maximi cult of Honos and, 215-19 Roman cavalry and, 2I7, 2I9
47 0
GENERAL INDEX
transvectio equitum and, 216, 218--9 Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus (consul 322), 187-8, 204, 216, 219 Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus (consul 233),208-14, 213,216,223,225-7, 336 , 375 equestrian statue of, 156, 213, 227 Marcellus v., 208, 223-4, 226-8 opposition to temple of Honos and Virtus, 222-3 temple dedication by, 218 Tarentum, sack of, 225-7 temple of Ho nos, 120,213-19 transvectio equitum and, 215-6, 218--9 Q. Fabius Pictor (historian), 208, 228 C. Fabricius Luscinus (consul 282), I l l , 321 fabulae praetextae, 231-4 fomilia, 172-80 daughters in, 174-5, 178 fathers and, 174 manliness and, 174 nomenclature of, 174-77 patria potestas in, 172-4 res publica and, 179 of Romans v. Greeks, 178 sons in, 174-80 sons v. daughters in, 178-80 virtus and, 168-80 women's identity in, 175, 178 family. see familia farming military consideration of, 58 fatherhood virtus and, 168 felicitas, 93-5, 144 as divine, 94, 144, 295 on coins, 144 virtus and, 93-5
Cicero's use of, 334, 343 as canonical virtue, 128 as translation for av5pELa, 129-30, 162, 334 Sallust and, 362 women and, 162, 164 fortuna, 84-93 as deity, 89 combined with virtus, 84-5, 90-3 new men and, 329, n-4o in Plautus, 89-90 relationship to 'TlJXll, 50, 85, 87--90 Romano-Hellenic aesthetic of, 90, 281 temples to, 218, 280 Fortuna Huiusce Diei (temple of), 269, 280-3 Q. Fufius Calenus (consul 47), 147 Q. Fulvius Nobilior (consul 189), 161,234 L. Furius Camillus (consul 338), 155 funerals batde descriptions at, 190 public reputation and, 64, 183-4 purpose of, 64, 183 A. Furius Antias, 46
fides on coins, 145-6 filiafamilias, 138, 174-5 filius fomilias, 174-80 C. Flaminius (consul 223), 228, 322 C. Flavius Fimbria (consul 140), 327 P. Fonteius Capio (moneyer 55), 258 Foreigners virtus and, 93 fortitudo, 60-1
47 I
Gaius (jurist), 173 Gauls Caesar on, 302-4, 307-8 Sallust on, 379 gods. See deities Greek language borrowing from, 74-7, 84-5, 89--92, 97- 109 canonical virtues in, 128-34 ethical virtus in, uO-28 influence of, 108 virtute deum, influence on, 95-102 Hannibalic War, 78, 208, 219, 222-3, 229 Fabius v. Marcellus and, 229 Hellenism cultural change and, 259-65 deleterious effects of, 259-63 internalization of, 263-4 Hermodorus (Greek architect), 279 Hiero n, 126, 230-1 Hellenization, 259-65 Hercules Musarum (temple of), 283, n.u6
GENERAL INDEX
homo novus. See new man Honos cavalry and, 215-6 temple of, 213-17 transvectio equitum and, 215-6, 218-9 Varro on, 2 II honos virtus and, 46, 213 Honos and Virtus (temple of Marc ellus) , 212, 230
dedication of, 236-7 delay in dedication, 219-22, 230 opposition of Fabius to, 219, 222-3, 225, 227
opposition of senate to, 219, 222, 224, 227, 234-5
political significance of, 234-5 relationship to cavalry, 216-17 vowing of, 148,208-9,212-3,215,217, 219-20,222,225,227
Honos and Virtus (temple of Mar ius) , 42, 266
augural objection to, 275-9 dedication of, 241, 266-7 ideological significance of, 279-80 games associated with, 273-4 monumenta Mariana and, 275 plan of, 275-80 vowing of, 269-70 Horace - see Q. Horatius Flaccus Horatius Codes, 64, 200 Q. Horatius Flaccus uses of virtus, 164, 166 horses. See also cavalry, Roman; equestrian image Roman aristocracy and, 185-95 senate and, 253-5 virtus and, 164, 167 C. Hostilius Mancinus (consul 137), 67 immigrants, U.S., 81-2 bilingualism and, 8 1-2 code-switching and, 8I semantic borrowing of, 81 inscriptions, Latin, 33-43 bilingual, 40-2 virtus in, 33-43, 102-3 Isocrates on apnTj-EvYEVElO:, 331
C. Iulius Caesar (consul 59), I, 7 army and, 309-12 Cato v., 379-83 centurions and, 65-6, 305, 308 Claudius Marcellus and, 317-8 in combat, 309-II officers and, 304-6, 308 common soldiers and, 302-3 equestrian statue of, 318 Greek culture and, 300-1, 315-6 as Marius' political heir, 300-1 martial virtus of, 382 ovatio of, 317 Pompeyand, 300, 312-15 public image of, 300, 315-19 self-presentation in commentarii, 309-15 spolia opima and, 317-8 treatment by Sallust, 293, 380-3 Virtus and, 316-8 virtus-stratagem contrast and, 307-8 virtus, uses 4, 7-8, 301-14 C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus, See Augustus L. Iunius Brutus (consul 509).'204-5 M. Iunius Brutus (praetor 44), 158 Jugurtha, 266, 288, 361, 374 ambitio of, 377 Sallust on, 263-4, 377 virtus of, 363-4 Jugurthine War, 265--6, 287 Jupiter Stator temple of, 279 T. Labienus (legatus 58-49), 303, 305, 308 virtus of, 308 C. Laelius (consul 190), 321 C. Laelius (consul 140), 326 Latin Cicero's contributions to, 332-3 neologisms in, 52-3, 105-'7 semantic borrowing and, 72-4, 76-'7, 79-84, 105-7, II2-13 virtusjortuna collocation in, 51, 85, 90-3, II3, 184
laudatio junebris, 168 Laudatio Turiae, 164-5, 169 liberalia, 177 L. Licinius Murena (consul 62), 342 A. Licinius Nerva (moneyer 47),258
472
GENERAL INDEX
L. Licinius Crassus (consul 95), 1]2-4, 247 influence on Cicero, 335 speech against Brutus, 131-4 virtus qualities and, 132-3' M. Licinius Crassus (consul 70), 312 P. Licinius Crassus (legatus 57-7), 312 T. Livius, 61, n.137, 385, n.2 citizen cavalry on, 245-6 equestrian statues on, 155-7 Hannibalic War on, 219, 222 monomachies on, 189-92 spolia opima on, 20 Livius Andronicus, 46, 48 Livy - see T. Livius loan synonym. See semantic calque loan-shift. See semantic calque C. Lucilius, 74, 123-8, 140, 264 Greek influence on, 128 Panaetius and, 125-8 virtus qualities and, 123-8
lusus Troiae, 193
Q. Lutatius Catulus (consul 102), 166, 264, 269, 294 batde ofVercellae and, 269-70, 280, 286, 288 Hellenic influence, 281 Marius v., 264-5, 280, 284, 286, 288 philhellrnism of, 281-4 poetry of, 281, 283 temple to Fortuna Huiusce Diei, 154-7, 158, 269, 280-3 T. Maccius Plautus, 16, 82, 99-100, 103-10 ethical virtus in, IIO, II3-23 fortuna in, 89 Greek words in, 82-3 Greek literacy motifS in, II3-22 linguistic borrowing by, 82-3, 99-101, II2 martial virtus in, 16-28, 96 military imaging and slaves, 22-4 physical courage in, 24-31 prologues of, 19-22, 138-9 virtusJortuna in, 91 virtute deum in, 73, 95, 99-100 C. Maenius (consul·338), 155 manhood, see also masculinities, 10, 172 manliness, 10
changes in, 386 competing definitions of, 272-4, 287-9 demonstration of, 184-5, 189-90, 192-3, 199-201 family and, 172-8 Latin term for, 2 martial ideal of, 43,59-71, 179-85, 246-7, 255-6, 259-62 patriarchal family, 172-4 private aspects of, 168-73, 177-80 procreation and, 168-72 politics and, 206-9,234-41, 248-58, 270-92, 295-300, 312-19, 344-55 res publica and, 172, 178-80 sexuality and, 165-7 structural changes and, 388-9 teaching of, 181-5 L. Manlius Torquatus (moneyer II3), 252-3,256 T. Manlius Torquatus (consul 347), 49, 192, 204, 253, 256 T. Manlius Torquatus (consul 299), 193 T. Manlius Torquatus (praefectus, 341), 192, 204 M. Manlius Capitolinus (consul 392), 48, 196 manubial temples, 190, 218-19 manurnission, 79, 81, 159-68 monumenta Mariana, see Honos and Virtus Marcellus. See M. Claudius Marcellus (Consul 222) Marcellus - (fabula praetexta) -, 232 L. Marcius Philippus (consul 91), 252, 25 8 L. Marcius Philippus (moneyer 57 or 56), 25 8 Q. Marcius Philippus (moneyer 129), 250 Q. Marcius Tremulus (consul 306), 155-6, 252 C. Marius (consul 107), 41-2, 151, 2II, 265-80, 295 anti-Hellenic stance of, 241, 265, 267, 273-4, 28 3-4 battle ofVercellae, and, 268-70, 280, 286, 288 Caesar and, 292,300-1,310-12 career of, 265-6, 272, 273,274,286 deceit v. virtue of, 271-2
473
GENERAL INDEX
C. Marius (cont.) enemies' attacks on, 268-72, 278-9, 288-9 as "fellow-soldier," 241, 291 Honos and Virtus temple and, 275 ideological aspects of temple, 279-80 legacy of, 290-2 martial reputation of, 265-7, 271-2, 274 military shortages and, 287 as new man, 265-7, 320 political enemies of, 274, 284-8 public non-heroic image of, 241, 291-2 religious objections to temple, 275, 277-9 Roman nobility and, 272-3 Sallust on, 272-3, 365-6, 378 virtus and, 266-7, 270, 272-4, 289, 291- 2 Mars on coins, 194 temple of, 216 martial courage displays of, 204-5 in Ennius, 43---7 in inscriptions, 33-43 in middle republic, 59-71 in Plautus, 17-24 of new men, 329-30 martial virtus, 44 in Caesar, 301-12 Cicero and, 341-3, 348-54 emperor and, 258 under Principate, 387-8 Sallust and, 356-8, 375-82 Masculinities, 165-6, 172 civic, 178-80 hegemonic, 165-6, 168, 172 patriarchic, 172-4, 178-80 public v. private, 177-80 military. See also army monomachies commanders in, 69-71, 245---7, 304-7 common soldier and, 64-71, 242, 303-4, 307-9 education and, 68, 181-5, 247 extraordinary courage and, 68 honors of, 68, 184 manpower shortages in, 245, 266, 287 new man and, 329-30 under Principate, 387-8 setbacks, 243-4
stratagems v. virtus and, 307-8 transformation of, 242-3, 245-7,388-9 military tribune decline of, 242-3 Q. Minucius Thermus (consul 193), 53 monomachies age and, 203-4 controls over, 204-5 mounted, 192 on foot, 192 oral tradition of, 189-92 mos, 17 mounted combat difficulty of, 193, 202-4 training for, 193-4 mounted warrior, 149-54, 157,251,252, 253 M. Claudius Marcellus as, 153 Caesar as, 258, 318 coins, on, 149-54, 157, 250-3, 257-8 emperors as, 258, 387-8 equestrian statues as, 155---7 literature, in, 152-3 Pompey as, 258, 296-7 Scipio Aemilianus as, 23 senatorial aversion to, 157-8 virtus and, 149-54 C. Mucius (architect), 275, 280 Q. Mucius Scaevola (consul 95), 25, 147, 175, 264 Q. Mucius Scaevola (moneyer 71 or 65), 147 Cn. Naevius, II4
Clastidium - (fabula praetexta) -, 231-2 neniae, 191 Neptune, 19-20 New Comedy (Greek) common motifs in, 108-9, II3-4, n8-9 ethical meaning of apETT] in, II3 fathers and sons in, II4-5 moral corruption in, II5-2 I, 136-7 parodies in, I04, n.I09, 120-2 proper uses of wealth in, IOO, II6-7 TVXll in, 87, 89, 100 virtue v. pleasure dichotomy in, II4-8, II9, 136-7 young men's ethical development and, II4, II8-21
474
GENERAL INDEX
new man Cato as, 323-5, 337 characteristics of, 328-9 Cicero as, 328-32, 337, 344-5, 347--9, 354 fortuna and, 329, n.40 Gracchan crisis and, 272, 326, 329 ideal type of, 320-2 I marial virtus of, 265-7, 329 Marius as, 265-7, 365-8 military background of, 329, 345 nobility and, 321-28, 365-8 non-military virtus of, 330-2, 337, 344, 347-9 virtus of, 320-22 New Testament virtus in, 99 nobilitas v. virtus, 330-32 nobility Cato and, 323-5 Cicero and, 328-32, 347-8 Marius and, 265-7 new man and, 321-28, 365-8 nomenclature novitas - see new man Octavian - see Augustus Cn. Octavius (consul 165), 322 oral tradition, 189-92 ovatio, 225, 317 M. Pacuvius (Roman playwright), 46, 48, 60, 78 Panaetius influences on Lucilius, 125 L. Papirius Cursor (consul 326), 204, 321 paterfamilias, 172-4 masculinity, and, 172-80 power of, 172-3
patria potestas and virtus, 172-80 patrician-plebian nobility emergence of, 154, 190, 194-5 importance of cavalry to, 193-5 self-aggrandizement and, 190-1 patriarchy, 172-3 Philemon (Greek comic playwright), U4, u6, 120 plebiscitum equorum reddendorum, 157, 253-6
C. Plinius Secundus on Twelve Tables, 12-14 Plutarch Marcellus, on, 223, nn.39-60, 229, n·78 Marius, on, 267-9, 271-2 political virtus, 134-41, 344. See also virtus politics coinage and, 250-8 manliness and, 206--9, 234-5 military defeats and, 244 public art and, 227, 229-31, 233, 239 religion and, 215-7 virtus and, 138-41 Polybius, 64, 68--9, 184 aggressive v. defensive courage and, 65-6 centurions, on, 65-6 commander v. soldiers and, 69-70 funerals, Roman, on, 184 Hellenism, on, 259-60 ideal behavior on, 68 Marcellus (consul 222), on, 208 military discipline, on, 65 military service, on, 202 Roman parsimony on, 101, u6 Scipio Aemilianus, on, 203, 237-8, 246-7 Scipio Africanus, on, 69-70, 236 speeches in, 69 TVXT) in, 88 users of apETl], 75 young Romans, on, 137,259-60 Cn. Pompeius Magnus (consul 70), 2U, 257,293 Caesar on, 313 - 15 Cicero on, 298-301 Greek culture and, 297 martial prowess of, 293, 296 monomachist, as, 296-'7 mounted warrior, on, 296-'7 public image of, 296, 298, 299 Virtus and, 94, 295, 349 virtus of, 298-300 Cn. Pompeius Strabo (consul 89), 43, 60 Q. Pompeius (consul 141), enemies of, 326 military abilities of, 325 as new man, 325-'7
475
GENERAL INDEX
Pompey, see Cn. Pompeius Magnus C. Poplicius Bibulus, inscription of, 42 population (Rome), 79 porticus Catuli, 281 porticus Metelli, 279 M. Porcius Cato (consul 195), 50--9, 72, 179 agricultural treatise by, 56--9 banquet songs, on, 190-1 Carneades on, 261-2 cavalry reform and, 261 treatment by Cicero, 336-7 children, on, 179 cultural changes and, 260 ethical standards of, 381 ethical virtus and, 55 -6, II 0 Hellenism and, 260-2 luxury and, 246, 260 martial reputation of, 323, 329 military training and, 18 I as new man, 323-5, 337 nobility and, 323-5 opposition to Hellenism, 146-9 Origines, 50-1 profit and, 56-7 public art, politics and, 233-4 public horse and, 255 speeches of, 53-6 verbal innovations of, 52-3 virtus ofland, 74 virtusjortuna collocation and, 50, 85, 91-2 voluptas and, 55 M. Porcius Cato (the younger) (practor 54), I, 293 Caesar v., 379-84 treatment by Cicero, 342 treatment by Sallust, 362, 378-84 virtus of, 293, 342, 382-4 A. Posturnius Tubertus, 204 praeficae (wailing women), 191 praenomen, 174-6 boys and, 175-6 women and, 175 Principate ethical virtus in, 385-6 imperial women and, 388 manliness changed in, 388--9 martial virtus in, 385-7
military under, 388 private life virtus and, 168-72 public speaking martial training v., 259, 261-2, 328, 330, 335 pudicitia, 161, 388 Publilius Syrus, 64 virtusjortuna collocation and, 92 Punic Wars slaves and, 78 Pyrrhic War slaves and, 77-8 L. Quinctius (practor 68), 328 T. Quinctius Crispinus (Roman monomachist), 203 T. Quinctius Flarnininus (consul 198), 247
Raucillus and Egus (Gallic commanders), 7-8, 302, 308, n·43 Reinach, Salomon, 98 religion politics and, 217-9 powers of, 197-200 res publica, see also Roman Republic public sphere of, 172-80 service to, 17 8-8 0 social purpose of, 179-80 Roman comedy, 15-6 clever slaves and virtus in, 22-4 ethical virtus in, I I 0-2 3 Greek influences on, 83, 99-IOI martial virtus in, 17-24 prologues of, 19-22, 138, 139, n. I 06 virtus, private context of, 33, 168, 170-2 Roman Republic cultural change in, 259-65 governmental structure of, 196-8, 201-2 military changes in, 185-95,242-8 officeholding, age and, 201-2 patria potestas, virtus and, 172, 177-80 public speaking, law and, 259, 261-2, 321,323,328-36 religious power in, 197-200 Romans attitude toword defeat, 66--'7 batde formation of, 64-6
GENERAL INDEX
discipline v. courage and, 64-5 enslavement by, 77-9 family and, 168-72 father-son relationship of, 178-80 Hellenism and, 259-65 hierarchy and, 142 masculinities of, 165-80 military success of, 195, 244 military setbacks, 243-5 patriarchy and, 172-80 religiosity of, 127-8 sons and daughters and, 174-8 visual signs and, 142-3 Rome (city of) equestrian statues in, 155-8, 257-8 Greek slaves in, 72-82 Greek - speaking population in, 77, 79-84 honorific public statues in, 153-8 neighborhoods in, 84 population of, 79 Romulus, 201, 208, 232, n.89 Roma (divinity), 149 P. Rutilius Rufus (consul I05), 264, 268, 27 1, 28 4 treatment of Marius, 268-71 treatment of Metellus N umidicus, 271 Sallust. See C. Sallustius Crispus C. Sallustius Crispus, I, 293, 384 Caesar on, 293, 379-83 Catiline on, 361-3 Cato on, 293, 379-83 ethical virtus and, 356-'7, 368-75, 381-4 fortitudo, 362-3 Greek influences on, 365-8, 377-8, 382 Jugurtha, on, 363-4, 377 Marius, on, 365-8, 377-8, 382 martial virtus and, 356-68, 370, 376-8 intellectual virtus and, 37 1-3 Metellus, on, 364, 377-8 political slogans and, 381, 383 political virtus and, 374 prologues of, 357-60, 368-74 Republic's fall and, 356, 375-9, 383-4 virtus on, 374 Samnite Wars cavalry and, 38, 186-7
semantic borrowing popular theater and, I05-7 semantic calque, 73, 76-'7, II2 bilingualism and, 77, 79-84 code-switching and, I02-3 immigrants and, 81-2 mechanisms for, I06-'7 New world slaves and, 80-1 semantic shifts reasons for, 73-5 C. Sempronius Gracchus, (tribunus pleb is 123),248,254,263,284 speech on lex Aufelia, 140-1 Ji. Sempronius Gracchus (tribunus plebis 133), 248, 263 senate equestrian image and, 154-8 C. Gracchus and, 248, 254 Marcellus v., 224 Marius' challenge to, 241 public horses and, 253-56 transvectio equitum and, 255-6 L. Sergius Catilina (praetor 68), 349, 361 conspiracy of, 1-2, 349-54 followers of, 361-3 Sallust on, 361-3 M. Sergius Silus (praetor 197), 252 M. Sergius Silus (moneyer II6), 252 M. Servilius Pulex Geminus (consul 202), 25 1 C. Servilius (moneyer I28 or 127), 251 C. Servius (moneyer 82 or 80), 257 sexuality, 165-'7 masculinity and, 165-6 virtus and, 165-'7 virilitas and, 167 Sex. Propertius, 97-8 use of virtus, 133-4 single combat, see monomachies P. Sittius (equestrian friend of Cicero), 170 slaves citizenship and, 159 Greek-speaking, 77--9 language mixing and, 79-84 manumission of, 80-1, 159 military metaphors in comedy and, 22-4 non-Romans v., 161 sons v., 174 virtus and, 159-60 in war, 160
477
GENERAL INDEX
Socrates
6:PETT] as an ethical standard and, III soldiers, see also army, military in Polybius, 69-'71 speeches. See also orations titles of, 132 spolia opima, 148, 153, 208 qualifications for, 201-2 rareness of, 201 statues with bilingual inscriptions, 40-2 equestrian 155-8, 257-8 P. Sulpicius Galus, 262 Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (consul 51), 158, 170 Syracuse, 207, 219-20, 231 art of, 227, 229-30 sack of, 224-6 strategic importance of, 224-5 Tarentum sack of, 122, 125 slaves from, 77-8 temples, Roman to abstract deities, 210 architecture of, 275-83 dedications of, 218, 219, 222 delay of dedications, 220-2 descendents and, 218 Fortuna Huiusce Diei, 154-7, 158 Hercules Musarum, 283, n.1l6 Honos, 120, 121 Honos and Virtus, (Marcellus), ll9, 121, 122, 123 Honos and Virtus, (Marius), 152, 153, 154 Italic, 275-9 Jupiter Stator in Circo, 279-80 manubial temples, 218 round, 279-83 vows of, 210, 234 Terentia (daughter ofCicero), 163-4, 169 P. Terentius Mer, 60, 99, 122 ethical virtus and, ll4 virtuslortuna collocation and, 85 virtutes, usage by, 131 C. Terentius Varro (consul 216), 67, 322 M. Terentius Varro (author) on abstract deities, 90, 2ll, 289
theater semantic borrowing and, 105-7 tirocinium, 183-4 Titinius (playwright), 139 Q. Titurius Sabinus (legatus 58-54), 304 toga virilis, 175-8, 183-4 tragedy, (Roman) Greek influence on, 46, 47 military themes and, 43-6 virtus in, 46-8 transvectio equitum, 184, 187-8 importance of, 193-5 relationship to Castor and Pollux, 187-8, 215--9, 255 relationship to temple to Honos, 215-16, 218-19 relationship to Fabius Maximus Rullianus, 187-8, 216, 218-9 relationship to plebiscitum equorum reddendorum, 255-6 triumph ceremony of, 199 Marcellus, denial of, 225 Tullia (daughter of Cicero), 163 M. Tullius Cicero (consul 63), I, 13, 24, 59, 72, 74, 110, 133-5, 270, 290, 294, 320-1, 344-5, 355, 357, 372 abstract deities, on, 210 altar to Virtus, on, 298 brothers, on, 169 canonical virtues, 8, 129, 334-5, 342-3, 35 0 catilinarian orations, 350-4 critics of, 354-5 equestrian statues, on, 157-8,258 fathers and sons, on, 169-71 fortitudo, user of, 61, n.137, 163-4, 334, 343 Honos and Virtus, on, 213 Latin and, 332-3 Marius, on, 273, 353 New man, as, 328--9 New man and virtus, on, 344-5 nobiles v. new man on, 320 private life and family, on, 336-40, 343-4 Pompey, on, 298-9, 343, 350 redefining of virtus, 330-2, 336-'7, 346-54
GENERAL INDEX
Scipio Africanus, on, 94, 336, 348, 353 Verrine orations, 34I, 348---9 virtus, courageous, on, 24 virtus, ethical on, 8---9, 33I-4, 336--'7, 340-3, 347-8, 350-3 virtus and jelicitas, on, 94, 335 virtus and fortuna, on, 92-3, 33I, 335 virtus of gods, on, 97-8 virtus and industria, on, 336--'7, 343, 347 virtus martial, 330, 337, 339, 342-3, 345, 348-5 2 virtus v. nobilitas, 330-2, 347 virtus,of orator, I33-4, 335, 346-7 virtus, political, 335-40, 345-4 virtus, technical usages of, 75, 335 virtus, usages in speeches, 34I-2 virtus and women, I62-4 M. Tullius Cicero (son of Cicero) , 67, I69, 306, 308 Q. Tullius Cicero (brother of Cicero), I69, 306-8, 3I2 TVX1) combined with 6:PETT'j, 85, 87, 92 divinity as, 87-8 fickle, 87 influences on fortuna, 89---90 Twelve Tables virtus in, I2-I4
C. Valerius Catullus, I66--'7 M. Valerius Corvus (consul 348), I92 L. Valerius Flaccus (consul I95), 323 Venus Victrix, 94, 295 Vercellae battle of, 268--'70, 280,286, 288 Vercingetorix, 307 Vergil, I3 on Marcellus, I52-3 L. Veturius, 26I
vir male sexual activities and, I67 meanings of, 2, 10, 25 virilitas, I67 Virtus (divine) abstract deities and, 209-I2 altars to, 2II, 238-9, 298 as armed amazon, I46-9 Caesar and, 239, 3I6---9
M. Claudius Marcellus (consul 222), and, I48, 208-9, 2II-2, 2I7-23, 225, 227, 234-5, 240, 267, 3I8 M. Claudius Marcellus (consul I66), and, 2II, 236-8, 267 on coins, I47 emperor and, I49-5I, 27I, 3I9, 385-8 equestrian associations of, I49-54, 2I5---9 Honos and, I48, 2II-28, 236-7, 24I, 266,269,275,295, 3I7 image of mounted warrior and, I49-54 C. Marius and, 2II, 239, 24I, 266, 269,273,275,279-8I,286,288---9, 295 as martial deity, I9-20, I48, I5I, 2II, 235 political significance of, 10, 2I9, 234-4I, 274---9 Pompey and, 2II, 239, 295, 3I8-I9 Roma and, I49 shrine to, 295 Scipio Aemilianus and, 37---9, 267 virtus. See also ethical virtus; martial virtus; political virtus as all-embracing value, 4, 8, I28-34, 330 , 34I-3, 348, 370 ancestral, senatorial, 22, 35, 38---9, I47-8, I82-4,236-7, 250-6, 348, 365-8 Caesar's conception of, 7-8, 30I-I2 canonical "virtues" and, I28-34, 34I-3 in Christian Latin, 98---9, I 0 3 Cicero's influence on, 334-54 commanders and, I7-I8, 22, 34, 304--'7 as conventional compliment, 340 cultural change and, 259, 287---9 definitions of, 2, 24--'7, 72, 287---9, 369, 383 diligentia v., 69-70, 305, 307 disciplina and, 65, 304 divitiae and, 45, 6I early Latin inscriptions in, 33-43 equestrian image and, I49-58 equestrian monomachies and, I92-5 equestrian statues and, I55-8, 257-8 ethical meanings of, 4, 9, 29, 55-6, IIO, II4-28 , I40-I, 287---9, 293-5, 302, 330, 333, 340-3, 346-7, 356 , 374, 378---9, 38I-6
479
GENERAL INDEX
virtus (cont.) fatum and, 93 felidtas and, 93-5 as fertility ofland, 74-5 foreign enemies and, 3, 45,161,302 jortuna v., 84-93 "general excellence," as, 74-6, 105, I07-IO Greek influence and, 5, 9, 72-141, 288-9, 293, 345 honos and, 35-8, 42, 46, 136 as human excellence, I05, 107-10 ideological debate over, 233, 270-4 ignavia v., 6 I incentives for, 68, 184-5 innateness of, 84, 90-1 institutional constraints on, 71, 195-215, 234 intellectual nature of, 370-4, 376 in late Republic, 293-5 Marius and, 270, 273, 288-\)1, 353 martial, aggressive, 17,49,62,66,70-1 martial courage as, 16,24-31,62, II3, 140-1, 162-5, 169, 301-2, 344 martial, meanings, 5, 12, 17-24, 31-56, 62-3,160-1,298-9,3 02- II , 321 -8, 329-3 0 , 339, 341-4, 348, 357-68 , 375-7, 382, 384-5, 387-9 martial, defensive, 18, 62, 66, 68 military decorations and, 68 as "moral courage," 62
mounted warrior and, 149-54 new man and, 265-7, 320-32 nobilitas v., 320-1, 330-2 nobility and, 329, 347-8, 365-8 opposites of, 61, 70-1 oratory and, 19, 133-4, 344, 346-7 patria potestas and, 172-80 physical courage and, 31, 134-41, 312- 14, 331 political association of, 335-40, 343-4, 374 as political value, 335-40 Pompey and, 297-300, 313-4, 343, 349-50, 353-4 under Principate, 385-7 private life and, 168-72 profits and, 56-9
public celebration of, 183-4 public v. private context of, 168-80 res publica and, II, 159-61, 172, 177-80, 388-9 Roman ambivalence toward, 158, 195 scientia v., 70-1, 305-8 semantic borrowing and, 76-84, IOI-9, 128, 141 semantic extension of, 72-6, 84 semantic range of, 3-4, 12,76, I05, 141 sexuality and, 165-7 slaves and, 159-60 soldiers and, 44, 68-71, 302-4 stratagems v., 307-8 subdividing of, 128-34 vitium v., 55, 3D! voluptas v., 55, 336-7 women and, 161-5 virtus{ortuna collocation 84-93, 301 linguistic borrowing of, 90-4 relationship to 6:PETTj-TVXTj, 85-93 virtute deum, 95-I04 code-mixing and, 103 as colloquialism, IOI-3 Greek source of, 98-I03 wealth and, 95, IOO-1 virtute jormae, 103 virtutes, 129 as brave deeds, 39, 51 canonical virtues and, 51, 128-34 visual signs, 142-3 clasped hands as, 145-6 on coins, 143-6 identification of, 145-6 of virtus, 149-54 Vitruvius, 97, 279 De architectua, 279-80 on Q. Mucius, 275-80 on temple ofJupiter Stator, 275-9 on temple of Honos and Virtus uses of virtus 97 volones, 160 C. Volusenus (tribunus militum), 305, 30 8 war experience of, 242-7
GENERAL INDEX
horsemanship in, 185-95 institutional changes and, 186--'7, 193-5, 242-3,245-7 preparation for, 18 I -4, 247 wealth apET'll, proper use of, IOO-1 virtute deum and, 95, I01, 168 women 161-5, 175-6, 178
Cicero and, 162-3 courage and, 163-5 in family, 178 fortitudo and, 162-4 imperial, 388 nomenclature and, 175 political power of, II, 388 virtus and, 161-5
MYLES McDoNNELL
is Visiting Associate
Professor at Brooklyn College, The City University of New York. Director of the Classical Summer School of the American Academy in Rome (2003-2005), where he is also a Fellow, he has contributed to the Journal of Roman Archaeology and Journal of Hellenic Studies.
Jacket illustration: Capitoline Brutus. Musei Capitolini, Rome, Italy. Photo Credit: Scala / Art Resource, NY
Jacket design by Holly Johnson Printed in the United States ofAmerica