Parisian Scholars in the Early Fourteenth Century: A Social Portrait

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This study of the social, geographical, and disciplinary composition of the scholarly community at the University of Paris in the early fourteenth century is based on the reconstruction of a remarkable document: the ®nancial record of a tax levied on university members in the academic year 1329±30. Containing the names, ®nancial level, and often addresses of the majority of the masters and most prominent students, it is the single richest source for the social history of a medieval university before the late fourteenth century. After a thorough examination of the ®nancial account, the history of such collections, and the case (a rape by a student) that precipitated legal expenses and the need for a collection, the book explores residential patterns, the relationship of students, masters, and tutors, social class and levels of wealth, interaction with the royal court, and the geographical background of university scholars. w i l l i a m j . c o u r t e n a y is C. H. Haskins Professor of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison. His many publications include Adam Wodeham, An introduction to his life and writings (1978), Covenant and causality in medieval thought: Studies in philosophy, theology and economic practice (1984), Schools and scholars in fourteenth-century England (1987), Teaching careers at the university of Paris in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (1988), and Capacity and volition: A history of the distinction of absolute and ordained power (1990).

Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought

PARISIAN SCHOLARS IN THE EARLY FOURTEENTH CENTURY

Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought Fourth Series General Editor: d. e. luscombe Leverhulme Personal Research Professor of Medieval History, University of Shef®eld

Advisory Editors: r. b. dobson Professor of Medieval History, University of Cambridge, and Fellow of Christ's College

rosamond mckitterick Professor of Early Medieval European History, University of Cambridge, and Fellow of Newnham College

The series Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought was inaugurated by G. G. Coulton in 1921; Professor D. E. Luscombe now acts as General Editor of the Fourth Series, with Professor R. B. Dobson and Professor Rosamond McKitterick as Advisory Editors. The series brings together outstanding work by medieval scholars over a wide range of human endeavour extending from political economy to the history of ideas. For a list of titles in the series, see end of book.

PARISIAN SCHOLARS IN THE EARLY FOURTEENTH CENTURY A social portrait WILLIAM J. COURTENAY

          The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom    The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © William J. Courtenay 2004 First published in printed format 1999 ISBN 0-511-03646-9 eBook (Adobe Reader) ISBN 0-521-64212-4 hardback

CONTENTS

List of maps and ®gures Preface List of abbreviations

page ix xi xvi

i n t roduc t ion: pa r i s i n 132 9

Part I: The recovery and context of a document

1 t h e com pu t us of 132 9 ^ 1330

Dating the computus Relationship of computus to university population

2 col l e cta e a n d u n i v e r s i t y f i na nc e 3 p r e c i p i tat i ng e v e n t: t h e r a p e of symon e t t e

1 9 14 17 28 49

Part II: A window on a lost world

4 aca de m ic s pac e: t h e top og r a p h y of t h e u n i v e r si t y com mu n i t y 59 The parish of St-BenoõÃt 59 From Cordeliers to the Seine: the parishes of St-Cosme and St-Andre The parish of St-SeÂverin The parish of St-Hilaire

5 lodg i ng a n d r e s i de n t i a l pat t e r n s

Cui bono? Taxationes domorum and rent control The socii Tutors, family, and familia Residential choice

6 t h e soc iology of t h e u n i v e r s i t y com mu n i t y Rich and poor Student dignitaries The king's men: university clerks and royal service

vii

71 73 77 81 81 85 88 90 92 93 100 103

Contents 7 t h e g e og r a p h ica l or ig i n s of t h e u n i v e r s i t y com mu n i t y The thirteenth-century pattern The witness of the 1329±30 computus

conc lu s ion

124

Part III: Biographical register Appendix 1 Appendix 2

107 111 115

The computus of 1329±30 Analysis of the computus text

Select bibliography Index of persons and places Subject index

127 218 247 255 262 282

viii

MAPS AND FIGURES

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

The arrangement of the folios in the document page 12 Paris in 1329 60 The western area of the Latin Quarter 61 The central area of the Latin Quarter 62 The eastern area of the Latin Quarter 63 France in 1329 108 The dioceses and ecclesiastical provinces of France 109 The French, Norman, and Picard nations in the arts faculty 117

ix

PREFACE

For more than a century, the history of the university of Paris and of medieval universities in general has been reconstructed largely from statutory evidence and from the written products of their schools and convents. This type of documentation initially led historians to focus their attention on questions of origin, constitutional structure, curriculum, and secondarily on intellectual activities and the conjectured daily life of students. Once the early stages of development had taken place, the institutional structure of each university was thought to be set, and descriptions of those structures were presumably as applicable to the late fourteenth century as they were to the early thirteenth. Where changes in degree requirements or administrative authority were noted, these were viewed as slight variations that did not signi®cantly alter the continuity of basic structures. Change lay in the growth of colleges, the introduction and accommodation of the mendicant orders into universities, and the different intellectual currents and schools of thought that arose, waned, or reappeared as one moved from the thirteenth to the ®fteenth century. In recent years the interests of historians have shifted more to questions of social background, geographical recruitment, careers of students and masters, and the interaction of universities with the surrounding society. This shift is evident in the work of A. B. Cobban, Guy Lytle, JuÈrgen Miethke, Peter Moraw, Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, Rainer Schwinges, Jacques Verger, and numerous others. Yet the tendency to bring all the medieval evidence together into one picture has remained strong, as can be seen in the ®rst volume of A History of the University in Europe (1992). The broad, comparative approach covering several centuries ± whether it be of one or several universities ± allows one a synthetic overview of university structure and development. That approach has also been sustained in part by a belief among scholars that there is not xi

Preface suf®cient and balanced information from any single university at one point in time to be able effectively to address questions of social composition. This is why evidence derived from prosopographical research ± perhaps the single most important development in the history of universities in the previous generation ± has primarily been used to establish general trends within university populations over time. Such studies provide a means of arriving at a more quantitative, less impressionistic picture of social composition, geographical background, or career patterns of graduates than had previously been possible. And since biographical data is quantitatively richer for the ®fteenth century, the previous two centuries have been passed over as largely unknowable in terms of social composition. When the question of what preceded the university world of the ®fteenth century has been posed, the generalizations of earlier historians have been accepted as suf®ciently descriptive and accurate. There are two serious ¯aws with the broad, comparative approach built on a supposedly in-depth knowledge of ®fteenth-century universities. First, one cannot, on the basis of ®fteenth-century evidence, assume that earlier universities were substantially the same or substantially different. Second, if information drawn from one university at one point in time is too meager and unbalanced for substantive conclusions, how can the cumulative weight of such evidence have greater demonstrative validity? As A. B. Emden remarked on the eve of the computerization of the data in his biographical registers of Oxford and Cambridge, the resulting picture can be highly misleading. Raw statistics obscure and ignore the imbalances produced by different types of documentation and sources from which biographical registers are of necessity compiled. Moreover, a general, composite picture, even one concerned with trends over time, often ignores the fact that the amount and type of evidence from which such data bases are derived vary enormously from decade to decade and from university to university. The most troubling aspect of the composite picture of the social and regional structure of a university is the assumption that it was relatively uniform across time, with the exception, in the case of the university of Paris, of the supposed effects of the Hundred Years War, the Black Death, and the Papal Schism in the course of the fourteenth century. But if we do not know what the university of Paris was like before those events, how can we realistically discuss continuity and change? Until time-speci®c studies are done for universities, we simply have no base lines from which to determine in what areas and to what degree change took place in the social composition of a university between the thirteenth and ®fteenth century. xii

Preface The following work grows out of the ``recovery'' of a document that permits just such a base line to be established for the upper echelon of the university of Paris at one point in time in the early fourteenth century. The document has long been known but largely ignored because the form in which it survived hid its meaning, importance, and precise date. The document in question is a ®nancial record compiled during a general collection from members of the university of Paris in the 1329±30 academic year. When the document is restructured, reedited, and the persons listed are identi®ed and their biographies compiled through other evidence, there emerges the most detailed picture yet of an academic generation of scholars resident at Paris ± or indeed at any medieval university ± before the last years of the fourteenth century. Put simply, the computus of 1329±30 is the single richest source for the social composition and topography at one point in time of arguably the most important university in medieval Europe. Although many other documents have been used in this study to augment the information in the 1329±30 document, the uniqueness and richness of the document, as well as the dif®culties in interpreting its content, merit its being made the principal object of study. In its present archival state and as previously edited, the document is analogous to the torn pieces of an old photograph. Even when reassembled, the nature and purpose of the event as well as the identity of the persons in the picture are not immediately evident. The photograph contains some faces we recognize immediately, others who look distantly familiar, and others in the passing crowd whose names, almost as facial expressions, evoke striking images in the mind (``Johannes sense lettres,'' ``Prior Berdoniss cum suis rebellibus,'' and ``Henricus sine amors'') but might not otherwise be remembered or brought back to life. Some ®gures have their faces hidden or cropped off and are identi®able only by their clothing or livery. Some are obviously together as friends or associates, but the precise link is uncertain. The ®rst step in identifying the meaning of the document ± the subject of Chapter One ± is to reassemble the pieces in proper order, to determine when, where, and why the record was made, and to ascertain what proportion of the total university population, or at least its academic leadership, is covered by the persons listed in this document. The second step ± the subject of Chapter Two ± is to understand the ritual that was being recorded, namely university collections as they developed in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The third step ± the subject of Chapter Three ± is to uncover the circumstance that provoked a chain of events, one of which created the document in question. Chapter Four explores the topographical placement of the xiii

Preface ®gures in the photograph, which helps us to understand something of the disciplinary and social arrangement of the university community. From there the work builds in several directions: into the residential structures and relationships of Parisian scholars, into their social and economic background, and ®nally into their geographical and regional origins ± that wider world from which they came and to which most eventually returned. The resulting picture could be presented in terms of percentages and general trends, distilled from the individual histories from which such statistics are compiled. A conscious effort has be made, however, to retain a sense of place and time, and the human dimension that is often a more authentic and honest echo of the past. In the end we have not only a window in time, a micro-history of one year in the life of a medieval university ± which in this case included the rape of a young woman by a student and the consequent legal disputes between the university, the bishop, and the chapter of Notre Dame that led ultimately to the papal court at Avignon ± but, more importantly, an in-depth picture of the social, economic, and residential structure of the university community at Paris as it existed in the early fourteenth century. Because of the complexity and duration of the project, many individuals and groups have provided invaluable support and advice. The initial research was begun at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton and at the Institute for Research in the Humanities at Madison, and in those two institutes I would especially like to thank Giles Constable and David Lindberg. The work also pro®ted by a Forschungspreis from the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung and the collaboration and hospitality of Professor JuÈrgen Miethke at Heidelberg. The ®nal stages of research were completed in Rome, where I was a visiting scholar at the American Academy, and in Paris. In those two settings, I am especially grateful to Caroline Bruzelius, then Director of the American Academy in Rome; Leonard Boyle, then Prefect of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana; Sergio Pagano, Vice Prefect of the Archivio Segreto Vaticano; the administrative staff of the BibliotheÁque de la Sorbonne; M. Pierre Petitmengin, director of the BibliotheÁque de l'Ecole Normale SupeÂrieure; Jacques Verger, professor of medieval history at the Universite de Paris; and Madame Le Maresquier of the Centre de Topographie Historique de Paris for her advice on the map of Paris in 1329. I am also grateful to Astrik L. Gabriel, director emeritus of the Medieval Institute at Notre Dame; to John Van Engen, its past director; and to Louis Jordan, curator of the Ambrosiana Collection at Notre Dame, for the photographic reproductions from the micro®lm of the register of the English-German nation in which the 1329±30 xiv

Preface document was bound. And without the map work of Qingling Wang and the Cartographic Lab of the University of Wisconsin, with the support of its director, Onno Brouwer, the visualization of detailed information would be lacking. Finally, I am much indebted to present and former students who read through various chapters, to Thomas Sullivan for his help with the identi®cation of several monasteries, to Robin Gold for the initial copyediting, to my colleagues in the Department of History at Wisconsin for their continuing con®dence and support, and to the Research Committee of the Graduate School, which funded the initial prosopographical data base for the university of Paris in the fourteenth century, which in turn led to the reconstruction, dating, and study of the 1329±30 computus.

xv

ABBREVIATIONS

I. Words archbp. archdioc. BA BDecr BMed bp. BTh Comp. DCiv DDecr den. dioc. DMed DTh DUJ f. i.e.m. lib. MA n. O. Carm. O.F.M. O.P. O.S.B. prov. sol. univ.

archbishop archdiocese Bachelor of Arts Bachelor of Canon Law (Decrees) Bachelor of Medicine bishop Bachelor of Theology Computus of 1329±1330, as edited in Appendix 1 Doctor of Civil Law Doctor of Canon Law (Decrees) denarii diocese Doctor of Medicine Doctor of Theology Doctor utriusque juris folio in eodem modo libra Master of Arts note Carmelite Order Franciscans (Ordo Fratrum Minorum) Dominicans (Ordo Praedicatorum) Benedictine (Ordo Sancti Benedicti) province solidus, solidi university, universitas, universite xvi

List of abbreviations II. Manuscripts Livre des Grands-Augustins = Paris, Archives Nationales, S 3640: Livres des Contrats des Grands-Augustins Paris, Arch. Univ. = Paris, BibliotheÁque de la Sorbonne Reg. Aven. = Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Avenionensia Reg. ND = Paris, Archives Nationales, LL 105: Registre du chapitre de Notre Dame, Paris Reg. Suppl. = Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Supplicationum Reg. Vat. = Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Vaticana III. Printed sources and reference works AN Reg. Fils = Archives nationales, Registres du TreÂsor des Chartes, vol. II: ReÁgnes des ®ls de Philippe le Bel, pt. 1: ReÁgnes de Louis X le Hutin et de Philippe V le Long (Paris, 1966). AN Reg. Phil. IV = Archives nationales, Registres du TreÂsor des Chartes, vol. I: ReÁgne de Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1958). AN Reg. Phil. VI = Archives nationales, Registres du TreÂsor des Chartes, vol. III: ReÁgne de Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1978±84). AUP I = Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Deni¯e and E. Chatelain, vol. I (Paris, 1894). Baluze-Mollat = Etienne Baluze, Vitae paparum avenionensium, ed. G. Mollat, 4 vols. (Paris, 1914±22). Berty and Tisserand, Topographie = A. Berty, H. Legrand, L.-M. Tisserand, C. Platon, Topographie historique du vieux Paris (Histoire geÂneÂrale de Paris), 6 vols. (Paris, 1866±97). BRUO = A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957±59). Bulaeus, Historia Univ. Par. = C.-E. Du Boulay, Historia universitatis parisiensis, 6 vols. (Paris, 1665±73). CPL III = Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland. Papal Letters, ed. W. H. Bliss and C. Johnson, vol. III (London, 1897). CPP I = Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland. Petitions to the Pope, ed. W. H. Bliss, vol. I: A.D. 1342±1419 (London, 1896). CUP = Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Deni¯e and E. Chatelain, 4 vols. (Paris, 1889±94). xvii

List of abbreviations DBF = Dictionnaire de Biographie FrancËaise, ed. J. Balteau, M. Barroux, and M. PreÂvost, 17 vols. to date (Paris, 1933± ). Desportes, Amiens = P. Desportes and H. Millet, DioceÁse d'Amiens, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae, I (Paris, 1996). Eubel, Hierarchia I = C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi et Recentioris Aevi, vol. I (MuÈnster, 1913). Gall. Christ. = Gallia Christiana, 16 vols. (Paris, 1715±1865). Glorieux, Sorbonne = P. Glorieux, Aux origines de la Sorbonne, 2 vols. (Paris, 1966, 1965). Gorochov, Navarre = Nathalie Gorochov, La ColleÁge de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au deÂbut du XVe sieÁcle (1418). (Paris, 1997). Jacquart, Milieu = D. Jacquart, Le milieu meÂdical en France du XIIe au XVe sieÁcle. En annexe 2e suppleÂment au d'Ernest Wickersheimer (Geneva, 1981). Jacquart, SuppleÂment = D. Jacquart, SuppleÂment au d'Ernest Wickersheimer (Geneva, 1979). LC BenoõÃt XII = BenoõÃt XII (1334±1342), Lettres communes, ed. J.-M. Vidal, 3 vols. (Paris, 1902±6, 1911). LC CleÂm. VI, Belge = Lettres de CleÂment VI (1342±1352), vol. I: 1342±1346, ed. U. BerlieÁre and Ph. Van Isacker, Analecta VaticanoBelgica, vol. 6 (Rome±Bruxelles±Paris, 1924). LC GreÂg. XI = GreÂgoire XI (1370±1378), Lettres communes, ed. A.-M. Hayez (Rome, 1992± ). LC Jean XXII = Jean XXII (1316±1334), Lettres communes, ed. G. Mollat et al., 16 vols., incl. indices (Paris, 1904±1947). LC Urbain V = Urbain V (1362±1370), Lettres communes, ed. M.-H. Laurent et al., 13 vols. (Rome, 1954±1989). LS Innoc. VI = Innocent VI (1352±1362), Lettres secreÁtes et curiales, ed. P. Gasnault, M.-H. Laurent, and N. Gotteri (Paris, 1959± ). Millet, Laon = H. Millet, Les chanoines du chapitre catheÂdral de Laon, 1272±1412 (Rome, 1982). Picot, Documents = G. Picot, Documents relatifs aux Etats-GeÂneÂraux et assembleÂes reÂunis sous Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1901). Reg. Clem. V = Regestum Clementis Papae V, 8 vols. (Rome, 1885±87, 1957). Reg. Grandisson = The Register of John de Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, 1327±1369, 3 vols., ed. F. C. Hingeston-Randolph (London and Exeter, 1894±99). Rouse = R. H. Rouse and M. A. Rouse, ``The Book Trade at the University of Paris, ca. 1250±ca. 1350,'' in La Production du livre universitaire au Moyen Age: Exemplar et Pecia, ed. L. J. Bataillon, B. G. Guyot, and R. H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), pp. 41±114. xviii

List of abbreviations Snappe's Formulary = Snappe's Formulary and other Records, ed. H. E. Salter, Oxford Historical Society (Oxford, 1923). Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge = Suppliques de CleÂment VI (1342±1352), ed. U. BerlieÁre, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, vol. 1 (Rome±Bruges±Paris, 1906). Vat. Quel. = Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der paÈpstlichen Hof- und Finanzwaltung 1316±1378, edd. E. GoÈller et al. (Paderborn, 1910 ff.). Viard, Documents = J. Viard, Documents parisiens du reÁgne de Philippe VI de Valois (1328±1350), 2 vols. (Paris, 1899±1900). Watt = D. E. R. Watt, A Biographical Dictionary of Scottish Graduates to A.D. 1410 (Oxford, 1977). Wickersheimer = E. Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des meÂdecins en France au Moyen Age (Paris, 1936; repr. 1979).

xix

INTRODUCTION: PARIS IN 1329

The choice of the academic year 1329±30 as a point in time for examining the university community at Paris in the early fourteenth century was determined by the date of the document on which this study is based. Yet that date is fortunate inasmuch as that year and the academic generation to which it belongs coincided with several important transformations in the political, religious, and intellectual life of Paris. On the political level this was the beginning of a new era in France. Although the full implications were probably not yet apparent, the Capetian dynasty came to an end in 1328 with the death of Charles IV and the crown passing to Philip of Valois. The attitude of the monarch toward the university, collectively and individually, mattered considerably: the university was located on the doorstep of the royal court and Parlement, it depended on the king for protection of its privileges and persons, the royal court and episcopal households were potential sources of employment and career advancement, and some clerks in the royal household or administration were simultaneously students at the university. Moreover, although a number of royal clerks who had served under Philip V and Charles IV were retained in royal service, Philip VI brought into the court his own followers who had served him before his accession to the throne. Thus, the network of contacts that connected university and court had been recon®gured, and some personnel with whom university of®cers had to deal had changed as well. The newness of the royal dynasty and person of the king contrasted sharply with a seasoned, aging, and increasingly controversial pope, John XXII. Philip VI was the third king of France and Navarre with whom the pope had dealt. And, as had been the case in his dealings with the previous two monarchs, John continued a policy of cooperation in which royal supplications were almost invariably granted. 1

Introduction To build a closer working relationship, a few royal proteÂgeÂs received appointments at the papal curia, and some papal familiares were included in the court circle at Paris. Papal backing was needed at the beginning of Philip's reign to help with the political transition, especially because of the soon-to-emerge claims of Edward III to the throne of France. A few years after 1329 those issues would carry the French monarchy into a military con¯ict that would all but erase the presence of English students and masters at Paris and make travel dif®cult and dangerous, particularly in the area of Picardy, the Artois, and other parts of northern France. Although the numerical percentage of English students within the university community had been declining in the early decades of the fourteenth century, their presence effectively ceased in 1337, except for brief periods.1 Thus the computus of 1329±30, with its extensive evidence about members of the faculty of arts that predates the surviving records of any of the four nations in that faculty, provides us with a picture of the composition of the university community and the arts faculty before the outbreak of war and the consequent withdrawal of English students from Paris altered its ``traditional'' structure.2 Long before the controversy between France and England broke into armed con¯ict, Philip VI risked alienating the pope and the French episcopate by reopening the question of the temporal jurisdiction of the church and its control over income from ecclesiastical property. Although a confrontation on the level of that between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII had not occurred during the subsequent three reigns, the issues raised by John of Paris in his De Potestate regia et papali had reemerged with the publication of Defensor pacis in 1324 and the debate it provoked. At the time he wrote Defensor pacis, Marsilius of Padua was a prominent regent master in the faculty of arts at Paris, and the initial audience for that work was Parisian. Pope John's campaign against Marsilius and John of Jandun, although much of it was directed toward Germany and the court of Louis of Bavaria to which those two arts masters had ¯ed, was still concerned with Paris and the political climate that had led to the creation and favorable reception of Defensor Pacis in the French capital, especially at the royal court and in the university.3 1

2

3

W. J. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England (Princeton, 1987), pp. 147±163; ``Foreign Study in a Time of War. English Scholars at Paris, 1325±1345,'' History of Universities 14 (1995±96), 31±42. W. J. Courtenay, ``The Arts Faculty at Paris in 1329,'' in L'enseignement des disciplines aÁ la Faculte des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe±XVe sieÁcles), ed. O. Weijers and L. Holtz, Studia Artistarum 4 (Turnhout, 1997), pp. 55±69. On the reception and subsequent in¯uence of Defensor Pacis, see G. de Lagarde, ``Le Songe du Vergier et les origines du gallicanisme,'' Revue des Sciences religieuses, 14 (1934), 1±33, 219±237;

2

Paris in 1329 Philip VI reopened the issue of the relation of church and state in the second year of his reign, in a climate of weakened papal authority because of concern over the orthodoxy of John XXII's pronouncements condemning the doctrine of apostolic poverty. In the summer of 1329, the prelates of France were called to Paris for a council, ostensibly to allow the king to hear the differing views of lay lords and church prelates over the control of temporalities.4 Coming so early in the reign of Philip VI, this council marked a shift in royal policy and a return to a more aggressive approach that echoed elements of the ecclesiastical polity of Philip IV. Just as in 1303, the king portrayed himself as a neutral judge hearing the reciprocal grievances of the prelates and lay nobility, even though the position of the latter, just as in 1303, was nothing more than that of the king and his advisers. The issues debated at the Louvre and Vincennes in the winter of 1329±30 concerning temporal jurisdiction and ecclesiastical possession of temporalities were on a far higher plane than that on which most of the university community lived, but the issue of who controlled and distributed the income from church property was of fundamental importance to university scholars, regardless of their ®nancial conditions. Many masters in arts and in the higher faculties supported themselves partly from income derived from parish churches, canonries, prebends, bene®ces, chaplaincies, and other church livings. Not only did they favor a continuation of the present system that would protect their incomes, but they were also concerned over who would control provisions and appointments in the future. Consequently, in the autumn term of 1329, the forthcoming council at Paris had probably already produced a certain undercurrent of concern among secular clerks, who constituted the bulk of the university community. The year 1329 was also one of transformation for one of the most important religious orders and its house of study at Paris ± the

4

J.-P. Royer, L'Eglise et le Royaume de France au XIVe sieÁcle d'apreÁs le ``Songe du Vergier'' et la jurisprudence du Parlement (Paris, 1969); J. Quillet, La philosophie politique de Marsile de Padoue (Paris, 1970); Quillet, La philosophie politique du songe du Vergier (1378) (Paris, 1977); and J. Miethke, ``Marsilius von Padua, die politische Philosophie eines lateinischen Aristotelikers des 14. È bergang von Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, ed. H. Jahrhunderts,'' in Lebenslehren und WeltentwuÈrfe im U Boockmann, B. Moeller, K. Stackmann (GoÈttingen, 1989), pp. 52±76; Miethke, ``Politische Theorien im Mittelalter,'' in Politische Theorien von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, ed. H.-J. Lieber (Bonn, 1991), pp. 47±156, at 111±116; Miethke, ``Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert. Zur EinfuÈhrung,'' in Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert, ed. J. Miethke (MuÈnchen, 1992), pp. 1±23. Paul Fournier, ``Les con¯its de juridiction entre l'Eglise et le pouvoir seÂculier de 1180 aÁ 1328,'' Revue des questions historiques, 27 (1880), 432±464; O. Martin, L'AssembleÂe de Vincennes de 1329 et ses conseÂquences (Paris, 1909); G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes, Jean Gerson et l'AssembleÂe de Vincennes (Leiden, 1978).

3

Introduction Franciscans. After the ¯ight of the minister general Michael of Cesena, William of Ockham, and other Franciscans from the convent in Avignon to Italy and thence to the court of Louis of Bavaria in the summer of 1328 because of John XXII's position on the issue of apostolic poverty, the pope had appointed a new minister general, Giural Ot. Pope John also appointed cardinal Bertrard de la Tour as protector of the order and had him replace the schismatic provincial ministers with those who supported the papal position. This change was made of®cial at Paris in the summer of 1329 at the meeting of the general chapter. The new administrative appointments were approved, and the Michaelists anathematized and ejected from the order. Yet the bulk of students at the Franciscan convent in Paris had been sent there by provincial ministers who had served under Michael of Cesena, and all the bachelors of theology in residence, from the sententiarius in the autumn of 1329 to those who were awaiting their chance to be licensed and incept, had been chosen by Michael. This meant that regardless of the positions adopted and mandated by the new leadership of the order at Paris in June 1329, the Parisian convent ± one of the most vigorous intellectual subcommunities at Paris in the 1320s ± must have had within its midst a considerable number of friars with Michaelist sympathies. The cathedral chapter at Notre-Dame was also undergoing changes around 1329. Several canons died between June 1328 and December 1329 ± among them the cathedral chancellor Thomas de Bailly; Michel Malconduit; Jean de Cherchemont, who was also chancellor of France; Guy de Laon; Guillaume Piquet; and Pierre de CondeÂ.5 This produced a turnover in prebends and canonical houses that occupied the attention of the chapter through much of that time. Of more importance to the university, the brief chancellorship of Jean de Blois came to an end through his resignation, and a prominent regent master in theology, Guillaume Bernardi, was appointed to that of®ce shortly before the beginning of the academic year.6 Geoffroy du Plessis founded the ColleÁge de Marmoutier in 1329 for the Benedictine monks of that monastery and their af®liated houses. At the time of the computus, the designated property along the Grande rue St-Jacques already housed twenty-two monks, who replaced fellows of 5

6

Attendance of these canons at meetings of the chapter and their deaths are recorded in Reg. ND, pp. 53±136. Pierre de Conde had continued to sit in chapter and to hold his other bene®ces, including the great archdeaconry at Laon, despite the fact that he had joined the abbey of StVictor at Paris in 1324 as a canon regular; see H. Millet, Les chanoines du chapitre catheÂdral de Laon, 1272±1412 (Rome, 1982), pp. 432±433. The chancellorships of Jean de Blois and Guillaume Bernardi are discussed in Chapter One.

4

Paris in 1329 the ColleÁge du Plessis previously housed in that building. By itself, this foundation was not as important as the opening of the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1315. The ColleÁge de Marmoutier simply provided a permanent house of studies for a particular group of Benedictine scholars, alongside the colleges of Cluny and St-Denis and several priories. More broadly, however, the ColleÁge de Marmoutier was one of several foundations in this period that were undertaken in response to the university's need for material support. The opening decades of the fourteenth century were one of the most active periods in college foundations and building at Paris; the number of colleges more than doubled within three decades and topographically transformed the southern section of the Latin Quarter between the Franciscan convent and the abbey of Ste-GenevieÁve.7 On the academic side, the years around 1329 marked important shifts in the intellectual life of Paris. The sequence of prominent and productive mendicant masters, who had fuelled intellectual excitement in the theological faculty into the opening decades of the fourteenth century, declined in the late 1320s. Only the Franciscans and Augustinian Hermits seem to have maintained a discernable, though modest, level of intellectual activity into the 1330s.8 Similarly among the secular masters, the generation of Henry of Ghent and Godfrey of Fontaines was replaced by that of Thomas de Bailly and Thomas Wilton, whose successors in the decade of 1325±35 left even fewer signi®cant scholastic writings. Admittedly, a new academic generation with different concerns was emerging around 1329, but its direction and importance would not become visible for almost a decade. One of its leaders, Jean Buridan, began his teaching career in arts around 1327 and in 1328 was 7

8

Although one must be careful to distinguish the date of foundation from the date at which fellowships were awarded from endowment income and the dates of the erection or renovation of buildings, the years before and after 1329 were especially active: among the foundations in this period were the ColleÁge de Navarre (1305, 1315), ColleÁge de Bayeux (1309), ColleÁge de Laon (1314), ColleÁge de PreÃles (1314), ColleÁge des Aicelins (1314), ColleÁge de LinkoÈping (1317), ColleÁge de Quimper (1321), ColleÁge du Plessis (1322), ColleÁge de TreÂguier (1325), ColleÁge de Marmoutier (1329), ColleÁge d'Arras (1332), ColleÁge de Bourgogne (1332), ColleÁge de Tours (1334), ColleÁge des Lombards (1334), ColleÁge de Lisieux (1336), and the ColleÁge d'Autun (1339). Within the literature on these foundations, see H. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1936), I, pp. 497±539; A. L. Gabriel, ``The College System in the Fourteenth Century Universities,'' in The Forward Movement of the Fourteenth Century, ed. F. L. Utley (Columbus, 1961), pp. 79±124, ``Les ColleÁges Parisiens et le recrutement des Canonistes,'' L'AnneÂe Canonique, 15 (1971), 233±248, Skara House at the Mediaeval University of Paris (Notre Dame, 1960), Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris (Notre Dame, 1955); N. Gorochov, Le ColleÁge de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au deÂbut du XVe sieÁcle (1418) (Paris, 1997). Franciscan bachelors and masters at Paris in the 1330s who left writings are Pastor de Serrescuderio, Peter of Aquila, and Bernard of Arezzo, and for the Augustinian Hermits, Michael de Massa and Thomas of Strasbourg.

5

Introduction elected to his ®rst three-month term as rector. Nicholas of Autrecourt also began his teaching in arts in 1326±27, became a fellow of the Sorbonne in the early 1330s, and became a prominent and controversial voice in the university community by 1336.9 And in the decade between 1329 and 1339, the writings of William of Ockham, especially those that concerned logic and natural philosophy, attracted a following and led to the much-discussed crisis over Ockhamism in the arts faculty in 1339±41.10 From that perspective, the academic year 1329±30 is the approximate watershed between the last ®gures of ``high scholasticism'' at Paris and the beginnings of the via moderna. Although the computus of 1329±30 does not and cannot speak to the content of university instruction or to the currents of thought present at Paris at that time, it does provide us with a picture of the larger scholarly community that witnessed and participated in that academic and intellectual environment, which, in light of later developments, was among the most important moments of transition in medieval scholastic thought. The years surrounding 1329 were thus years of change for the university of Paris and for French society. That makes the witness of the computus all the more important. From the prosopographical standpoint, it is the most complete cross section we have of the Parisian university community at any point in the medieval period, and it is especially important because it includes the names of most of the regent masters in the faculties of arts, theology, law, and medicine at that time. Such a detailed view is by itself of great value. More signi®cant, however, since the changes occurring in and soon after 1328 had not yet affected the composition of the university community, the computus of 1329±30 shows us the university community before transition. In types of persons rather than by speci®c individuals, we have a window into the Parisian scholarly world at the opening of the fourteenth century, which was probably not substantially different during the generation of Henry of Ghent. The computus of 1329±30 is not simply our best picture of the social composition of the university of Paris; it is our last picture of that world before events began to alter its structure. 9 10

Z. Kaluza, ``Nicolas d'AutreÂcourt, ami de la veÂriteÂ,'' Histoire litteÂraire de la France, 42.1 (1995), 1±233. The secondary literature on the crisis over Ockhamism at the University of Paris, especially on the interpretation of the arts-faculty statutes from 1339 and 1340, is considerable. On the early stages of the introduction of Ockham's thought, especially just before and after 1329, see W. J. Courtenay, ``The Reception of Ockham's Thought at the University of Paris,'' in Preuve et raisons aÁ l'Universite de Paris: Logique, ontologie et theÂologie au XIVe sieÁcle, ed. Z. Kaluza and P. Vignaux (Paris, 1984), pp. 43±64; ``The Debate over Ockham's Physical Theories at Paris,'' in La Nouvelle Physique du XIVe sieÁcle, ed. S. Caroti and P. Souffrin (Firenze, 1997), pp. 45±63; and ``The Quaestiones in Sententias of Michael de Massa, OESA. A Redating,'' Augustiniana 45 (1995), 191±207.

6

PART I

The recovery and context of a document

Chapter 1

THE COMPUTUS OF 1329 ± 1330

In the last quire of the oldest surviving register of the proctors of the English-German nation at Paris is a record of monies collected from university members and associates to meet a special, unspeci®ed ®nancial need.1 Like the survival of the Plan of St Gall, which might eventually have been discarded had not its obverse been used to record a life of St Martin,2 this ®nancial record, or computus, would not have been retained for long had not a blank page at the end of the quire been used in May 1344 to record the annual ®nancial report of the receptor for the previous academic year ± a type of record that was usually included in the proctors' register in the early fourteenth century before separate registra receptorum were instituted. When the 1344 report was included for binding with the records of the nation for the 1331±47 period, the entire quire was retained intact, perhaps on the assumption that the list of payments was somehow related to the receptor's report.3 The type of source to which this text belongs is a ®nancial account 1

2

3

Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, Reg. 2.1, ff. 58r±65v. Earlier volumes of the proctor's register for the English-German nation, covering the early decades of the fourteenth century, have long since disappeared. In the present archival arrangement, the surviving proctor's registers of the various nations begin (Reg. 1) with the French nation, 1443±55, followed by those of the English nation, 1333±1492 (formerly Reg. 2±10, but now Reg. 2±8, because Regs. 2±5 are now Reg. 2.1, 2.2, 3.1, 3.2), the Picard nation, 1476±84 (Reg. 9), and the Norman nation, 1656±1767 (Regs. 10 and 11). The ``second'' register of the English nation (now marked 2.2 rather than 3) has missing quires and pages in the opening section of the volume, just as does Reg. 2.1. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Ms. 1092. The plan dates to the early ninth century, whereas the text of life and miracles of St-Martin of Tours was copied on the back of the plan in the twelfth century by a monk at St Gall. A beginning date of 1331 for this portion of the records of the nation is conjectural. Reg. 2.1 begins with proctors' reports for 1333, but there is a missing quire at the beginning of the volume. The receptor's report could not be placed in proper chronological sequence because it had not been recopied into the register in May 1344 at the appropriate place, so it was added at the end of the volume, after the quire containing the proctors' records from February 1344 to January 1347. In editing the proctors' register of the English Nation, Deni¯e and Chatelain restored the receptor's account to its proper chronological position; AUP I, cols. 73±74.

9

The recovery and context of a document (computus, compte) that resulted from a collectio or collecta of money from masters and students at the university of Paris, not just the EnglishGerman nation. The term collectae covered a variety of ®nancial assessments in medieval universities, from the personal ®nancial arrangement between a master and his pupils by which the latter paid for their instruction, to general assessments of the entire university community to meet some special ®nancial need, such as the expenses incurred through litigation or through diplomatic missions to Avignon. The present text, as we shall see, belongs to the category of a general university assessment. This document has long been known. It was edited by Deni¯e and Chatelain in an appendix in the second volume of the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis in 1891, where it was described as a ``Fragmentum Computi receptarum bursarum ab Universitate Parisiense.''4 In its present arrangement as found in the manuscript and as previously edited, it appears to be a fragment or fragments of more than one collection. Some individuals are named twice.5 Collections for the rue de la Harpe are mentioned twice, once near the beginning of the document and once near the end.6 And assuming the sequence of named streets represents the route of the collectors, the text jumps incongruously from one part of the Latin Quarter to another as if sections of the document were part of different collections, separated in time.7 These factors, in combination with the dating range of 1329±36 given by the editors of the Chartularium, have made the document appear as a compilation of various collections across several years, and 4 5

6 7

CUP II, pp. 661±671. It was also discussed by Powicke and Emden in a note in Rashdall, Universities, I, p. 499. This aspect was already noted by its editors, CUP II, p. 661: ``Aliqua nomina in hoc Computo bis ponuntur.'' More than ®fty names occur twice in the document. Not all necessarily identify the same person, but most probably do. Watt, pp. 152±153, in his discussion of the double listing of the sons of Douglas, concluded that the document derived from two assessments made at two different times within the period suggested by the editors. Other scholars have even assumed that those mentioned in the document were resident in Paris for the entire period of 1329±36; see, for example, A. B. Emden's entry for John Trillek in BRUO, p. 1906: ``Studied at the University of Paris from 15 Sept. 1329 to 7 Mar. 1336 . . .'' CUP II, pp. 663b, 670a. The text as previously edited begins near the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, in the center of the Latin Quarter, and proceeds south to rue St-Etienne-des-Grez, then down the hill to Clos Bruneau, the district of Place Maubert and the Seine, then back up the hill to St-Hilaire, the abbaye Ste-GenevieÁve, and the Porte Bordelle. From there (662b) it jumps to the far west side of the university district at the rue des Cordeliers, covers the district between there and the Seine (including the rue de la Harpe), and starts up the Grande rue St-Jacques. Then (664b) the text jumps to the Right Bank and the district around St-Germain-l'Auxerrois, jumps again (665b) to the far east side of the Left Bank near St-Victor, then jumps again (669a) to the southwest at the cloister of St-BenoõÃt-le-Bestourne and the district around the Sorbonne (and the rue de la Harpe a second time), then jumps back (670b) to the east at the ColleÁge de Navarre and rue de Judas.

10

The Computus of 1329±1330 fragmentary as well. As a result, historians have either ignored this document or used information from it to con®rm the presence at Paris between 1329 and 1336 of some known individual. The inconsistencies or anomalies in the present arrangement of the document, from which previous impressions were derived, disappear when one realizes that the sheets in their present arrangement, unsewn at the time of the collection, were incorrectly folded and assembled when they were bound with the rest of the manuscript volume. The ®rst clue that the bifolia sheets were incorrectly assembled before sewing is that the topographical discontinuities in the text as presently arranged coincide exactly with transitions from one folio to another.8 By carefully examining the binding of the quire, it was possible to ascertain which folios connect to form one bifolium. And by mentally refolding and reassembling those bifolia sheets (see ®gure 1), a new order emerges in which the topographical discontinuities no longer exist. The second clue that the order of binding was not the order of composition is that the document was copied by two scribes, with two different methods of listing names and payments. The folios of the manuscript on which names are recorded by street location are all in the hand of one scribe; the folios on which names are recorded in sequence without indication of street location are almost entirely in the hand of a second scribe. In the arrangement as bound in the manuscript, the scribal hands and their corresponding systems of recording names and payments shift back and forth. In the restructured arrangement, these paleographical incongruities also disappear.9 When the bifolia sheets are mentally refolded and reassembled, three signi®cant results occur. First, as has already been remarked, in the section of the document in which street location is consistently provided (the ®rst quire), the topographical record reads as a continuous 8

9

The jump from Porte Bordelle to rue des Cordeliers (662b) coincides with the break between f.58v and f.59r. The jump from rue St-Jacques to rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois (664b) coincides with the end of f.59v, followed by a blank folio, and continued on f.61r. The jump from there to the rue St-Victor (665a) coincides with the break between f.61v and f.62r. The jump from there to the rue St-Jacques near St-BenoõÃt (669a) coincides with the break between f.63v and f.64r. And the jump from the rue de la Harpe to the ColleÁge de Navarre (670b) coincides with the break between f.64v and f.65r. The present arrangement of sheets consists of three groupings sewn together as one quire: one bifolium (f.58r±59v, corresponding to 661a±664b, through Robertus Bocourt); two bifolia, one placed within the other (f.60r±63v, corresponding to 664b±669a, through Jacobus de Medunta); and one bifolium (f.64r±65v, the last page of which contains the proctor's report for May 1344). The original, presewn arrangement was in two quires. The ®rst can be reconstructed by folding the ®rst bifolium (f.58r±59v) inside out (f.59r±58v) and placing it inside the last bifolium (f.64r±65v). The second quire is reconstructed by folding the two middle bifolia (ff.60, 61, 62, and 63) inside out, thus forming the sequence: 62, 63, 60, 61. For a more detailed analysis of the interrelation of the quires of the document, see Appendix 2.

11

The recovery and context of a document A. Present order as bound: 58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

B. Original order as reconstructed: 64

59

58

65

62

63

60

61

1 The arrangement of the folios in the document

sequence from one contiguous district to another. The two mentions of the rue de la Harpe are moved closer together, and the reason for the double mention becomes clear: they represent different sections of the street during one assessment of that district.10 Second, in this reordering, the long list of names without street indication, located in the middle of the document as presently bound and previously edited, becomes coterminous with the second quire, probably the result of scholars appearing and paying at one designated place at the end of the period of collection. Third, scribal comments now occur where we would expect to ®nd them. The indication of the amount of the burse to be paid (``bursa dimidia'') now occurs at the beginning of the document instead of near the end (CUP II, p. 669a; Comp., p. 218).11 The remark about 10

11

In the new arrangement of bifolia, the ®rst accounting for rue de la Harpe (CUP II, 670a; Comp., pp. 221±222) concerns the upper part of the street, in the district of the colleges of Harcourt and TreÂsorier. The second accounting (CUP II, 663b; Comp., pp. 223±224) concerns the lower part between rue Serpente and rue St-SeÂverin. The burse was the amount agreed on between the university and each member (student or master) and represented approximately what he spent per week on food and other expenses, excluding lodging, servants, or fees connected with instruction or promotion (CUP II, pp. 487n, 674n; AUP I, p. xlv). The burse indicated the level of ®nancial resources, which differed widely from one individual to another, and served as the unit of measurement for all payments to the university or its constituent parts.

12

The Computus of 1329±1330 the amount collected on the ®rst day now occurs toward the end of the fourth column (CUP II, p. 663a; Comp., p. 222), earlier than in its previously edited form.12 And the remark about some names having been written earlier ``ante adventum meum die sabati'' (CUP II, p. 665a; Comp., p. 246) now becomes a ®nal and meaningful statement in the hand of the ®rst scribe, who recorded the names on the last folio of the second quire, not an otherwise pointless observation in the middle of the text. This document is not the only one of its kind, but it is by far the earliest. One other such ®nancial accounting has survived for the university of Paris in 1464.13 Both documents resulted from collections mandated to meet some extraordinary expense of the entire university community. And both resulted from a week-long activity, with names listed in order of appearance before the collectors. After that, the similarity ends. The computus of 1464 survives in two incomplete copies, each prepared by one person (George de Blangy, MA, and Pierre Boucher, the receptor generalis for the university) who either transferred names from a working list to an of®cial list, or, more likely, recorded names as university members came to pay at one ®xed location, in contrast with the 1329±30 practice in which collectors initially combed the university district street by street. Furthermore, the amount of payment in 1464 was ®xed at two solidi, regardless of a person's ®nancial condition, whereas the 1329±30 assessment, like other such assessments in the fourteenth century, was set at a portion of each member's weekly expenditure on food and incidentals (his burse), excluding the expenses of lodging and servants.14 The 1329±30 document, therefore, provides an indication of economic condition, whereas that of 1464 does not. Such collections in the fourteenth century varied with the amount to be raised. For example, in a similar collection in 12

13

14

The mention of the amount collected on the ®rst day of the assessment is of particular interest. It means that the purpose of the street-by-street survey of the academic community was not simply to note the names of university members who were expected to pay, but to collect payment from those who were able and willing to pay their obligation when approached. This point will be important when, in the next chapter, the history of such collectae and collection procedures is reviewed. But the amount mentioned as collected (8 lib., 6 sol., 8 den.) is only about two-®fths of the total of the paid entries in the previous columns, which means that on a subsequent day, when the money owed was actually received, some payments were marked next to the name where previously entered. This is con®rmed by script, placement, and ink color of many of the payments in the previous columns. M. Spirgatis, Personalverzeichniss der Pariser UniversitaÈt von 1464, Beihefte zum Centralblatt fuÈr Bibliothekswesen, 1.1 (Leipzig, 1888). The receptor's account for the English-German nation in September 1494, edited and discussed by Jourdain, ``Un compte de la nation d'allemagne,'' is a report of income and expenses for the nation, and was not the result of a collectio. Comp., p. 218: ``Magister Gaufridus de Treviris cum 5 sociis, eorum [cujuslibet] bursa dimidia 4 sol., et sunt 24 sol., solv.''

13

The recovery and context of a document 1339, the assessment was set at a quarter burse, whereas that of 1347 was set at half, as was that of the 1329±30 collection.15 The 1464 computus also does not record place of residence ± a feature of the ®rst quire of the 1329±30 document. Finally, whereas the 1464 computus records the name of every member or associate of the university (more than 2,300 names) except those listed in the portion of that computus that did not survive, the 1329±30 computus recorded only the names of the principal members of the university community and those responsible for groups of students. Although the latter system denies us access to the majority of names, it tells us much more about how the university was structured residentially, pedagogically, socially, and ®nancially. dating the computus Having established that all portions of the 1329±30 document belong to one collecta, the next task is to discuss how that date was determined. The document was dated by its original editors between 15 September 1329 and 7 March 1336 on the grounds that the Cancellarius Parisiensis appeared among those assessed for the Domus Nerbona (ColleÁge de Narbonne). The only chancellor of Notre-Dame connected with Narbonne in the early fourteenth century was William Bernardi, and the dates given are those of his chancellorship. The CUP editors did not intend to suggest that the document spanned the years 1329 to 1336 ± only that it was compiled at some point in that period. The editors initially favored a date of 1335 when the university needed to cover the expenses incurred in sending its rotuli to Benedict XII at the beginning of his ponti®cate, noting that Robert de Bardis, who was listed in the document, was not described as a canon of Notre-Dame in Paris, a position that he obtained on 6 September 1335.16 But they also noted that nothing would prevent the document having been prepared during the last years of John XXII, which was the position they inclined towards by 1894.17 In recording names for the rue de Sorbonne, however, there is an entry for ``Richardus ®lius Rodul® cum discipulo suo'' (Comp., p. 221).18 15 16

17 18

CUP II, #1025 and #1143, respectively. The collection of 1285, to be discussed in Chapter Two, was set at the full burse. The point of their observation is unclear, because no one who is listed in the document by name is further identi®ed by position(s) held. They perhaps meant that because canons of Notre-Dame were exempt from ®nancial assessment by the university, Bardis would not have been included if he were already a canon. AUP I, col. 104. The reference to ``15 s. solv.,'' a substantial amount in comparison with the payments of other scholars and connected with Fitzralph in the text as previously edited, belongs with the

14

The Computus of 1329±1330 Although not identi®ed by Deni¯e and Chatelain, the persons referred to are Richard Fitzralph, baccalaurius formatus in theology at Oxford, and John Northwode, nephew of John Grandisson, bishop of Exeter. Fitzralph had been engaged by bishop Grandisson to accompany his nephew to Paris as companion and tutor for the academic year 1329±30.19 Grandisson wrote a letter on their behalf on 4 October 1329 to an in¯uential prelate at Paris, most likely Pierre Roger, the future Pope Clement VI, whom he had known since their days together as theological students at Paris.20 The letter would probably have been carried by Fitzralph as a letter of introduction, which would place their arrival in Paris around mid-October 1329. By the summer of 1330 Fitzralph had returned to Oxford to incept in theology and was soon elected chancellor of the university. He was not resident in Paris after that date. Can the date of the collection be made even more precise? The fact that Guillaume Bernardi was still resident in the ColleÁge de Narbonne and had not yet moved into a house in the cathedral close, which he was required to do by reason of of®ce,21 suggests that the collection took place between mid-October 1329 (when Bernardi probably received the papal letter of appointment to the chancellorship and Fitzralph arrived in Paris) and Bernardi's move to Notre-Dame.22 Unfortunately for our purposes, the earliest surviving documents from

19

20

21

22

following entry. Although the amount occurs in the manuscript opposite Fitzralph's name, there is a line connecting that payment to Robertus Spiguluel. Reg. Grandisson, I, p. 233. K. Walsh, A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate: Richard FitzRalph in Oxford, Avignon and Armagh (Oxford, 1981), pp. 67±69, noted the entry in the appendix in CUP II, but misunderstood the nature of the document; pp. 68±69: ``We know that he [Fitzralph] formally registered in Paris and that he paid fees for himself and Northwode ± a fragment of the Bursar's rolls from these years records that payment was made by `Richardus ®lius Rodolphi cum discipulo suo' . . .'' See also W. J. Courtenay, Adam Wodeham (Leiden, 1978), p. 75. Reg. Grandisson, I, p. 233: ``Reverende Dominacioni vestre de innumeris et inmeritis bene®ciis et honoribus nobis exhibitis, corditer regraciamur . . . Et quia, Reverende Pater et Domine karissime, dilectus nepos noster, Johannes de Northewode, Canonicus Lincolniensis, ad studium Parisiense habet noviter se conferre, probatissime benivolencie vestre preces fundimus cordiales . . . Necnon cum Dominis et Scolaribus dicte Universitatis vobis notis et acceptis, et maxime vestris consanguineis, sibi amicicias copulare.'' Pierre Roger was at the time resident at Paris as archbishop of Sens, provisor of the Sorbonne, and advisor to Philip VI. It was perhaps through Roger that Fitzralph and Northwode secured accommodations near the Sorbonne, as the computus makes clear. The requirement of residence was set forth by Boniface VIII in December 1296, CUP #600, p. 74: ``Apostolica auctoritate statuimus et etiam ordinamus ut decanus, cantor et cancellarius ipsius Parisiensis ecclesie, qui pro tempore fuerint, residere continue in ecclesia ipsa personaliter teneantur, quodque in hoc de sue institutionis initio, nichilominus in capituli Parisiensis presentia, prestent corporaliter juramentum.'' The papal letter of appointment was issued on 15 September 1329; CUP II, #896, pp. 331±332.

15

The recovery and context of a document Bernardi's chancellorship that refer to actions taken ``in domo habitationis dicti cancellarii in claustro Parisiensi'' date to January 1331.23 Bernardi's acquisition of a house in the canonical enclosure adjacent to Notre-Dame did not immediately follow his appointment as chancellor. Just as there was no direct or necessary connection between appointment as cathedral canon and the acquisition of a prebend, so there was no immediate connection between appointment to a cathedral prebend or dignity and the acquisition of a canonical house. Bernardi had been made a canon at Notre Dame before December 1321, and by August 1323 he had been appointed to the of®ce of penitentiarius at the cathedral.24 He did not receive a prebend nor was he installed in chapter, however, until a week after the death of the chancellor Thomas de Bailly on 9 June 1328, when Bernardi was awarded the prebend (but not the of®ce or house) that Bailly had held.25 In the following month, on 18 July, the chancellorship passed to Jean de Blois, a young aristocratic pluralist without a degree in theology or canon law.26 The appointment as chancellor did not bring with it a ``domus cancellarii.'' The house that had been occupied by the former chancellor, Thomas de Bailly, was tied up with his estate, and after six months was acquired by canon Guy Coquetrice.27 The new chancellor, Jean de Blois, bought the house of another recently deceased canon, Michel Malconduit, in August 1328.28 For reasons that need not concern us here, Jean de Blois resigned the chancellorship in the summer of 1329 and six months later relinquished his house in the cathedral close.29 23 24 25

26

27 28 29

CUP II, #923, p. 359; CUP II, #927, p. 365. LC Jean XXII, #14854, 17945. From the records of the cathedral chapter of Notre Dame for 16 June 1328, Reg. ND, p. 54: ``Receptio canonici . . . Magister Germanus [Celati] procurator magistri G[uillelmi] de Narbonna canonici Parisiensis et penitentiarii acceptavit prebendam que vacavit per mortem defuncti magistri Thomae de Balliaco quondam cancellarii Parisiensis . . . et fuit per capitulum receptus, et dominus cantor jussit ad installandum ipsum in choro et postmodum in capitulo.'' Bailly had been chancellor for twelve years (1316±28) and was a noted theologian; see Thomas de Bailly, Quodlibets, ed. P. Glorieux (Paris, 1960). Reg. ND, p. 59. For the details of the life and chancellorship of Jean de Blois, see W. J. Courtenay, ``Jean de Blois, Chancellor of Paris (1328±1329),'' in Roma, magistra mundi. Itineraria culturae medievalis, hommage aÁ Leonard Boyle, 3 vols., ed. J. Hamesse (Turnhout, 1998). Reg. ND, p. 88. Ibid., p. 62: ``Dominus Raynaldus de Losana pro Johanne de Blesis obtulit communiter centum librum pro domo defuncti Michaelis Malconduit.'' On resigning the chancellorship: CUP II, #896, p. 331; on agreeing to sell his canonical house: Reg. ND, p. 99: ``Domus claustralis Johannis de Blesis fuit vendita dicto Oudardo [pro] pretio .c/iiii. lib. par., de quibus Johannes de Blesis habet medietatem, et ca[pitulum] habet medietatem. Et capitulum concedit dilationem eidem usque ad in[. . .] festum nativitatis domini.''

16

The Computus of 1329±1330 Although entitled by his canonical prebend to sit in chapter, Guillaume Bernardi's ®rst recorded appearance in chapter occurred on 20 December 1329 in his capacity as chancellor, eighteen months after he was installed as canon through his proctor.30 Bernardi's residential move to the cathedral close did not occur until after he ®nally acquired a house there on 3 March 1330.31 The terminus ante quem for the university collection with which we are concerned thus corresponds to the date at which Bernardi ceased to be a resident of the ColleÁge de Narbonne, namely March 1330. The records of the cathedral chapter of Notre Dame also provide us with a later terminus post quem than October 1329. In the computus, as Deni¯e noted, the of®cial of the cathedral chancellor is listed as ``Petrus'' (Comp., p. 231). From the documents related to the crisis over the licensing of Alfonsus Dionysii of Lisbon, we know this person to be Petrus Andreae of Narbonne.32 His of®cial entry into the cathedral chancery according to the records of the chapter occurred on 20 December 1329, the day on which Bernardi appears to have begun attending chapter meetings as chancellor.33 This means that the collection took place sometime between 20 December 1329 and March 1330. The collection had nothing to do with ®nancing the submission of rotuli of supplication to the pope, as Deni¯e supposed. The winter of 1329±30 corresponds with a speci®c legal dispute with the bishop of Paris that forms the subject of Chapter Three, and which by early 1330 had reached the stage of litigation and consequent increased expenditures. The details of that case were summarized in the university's appeal to the prelates of France, which has to date before 25 March 1330 (the change of year according to the Gallican calendar) because the appeal bears the date 1329. relationship of computus to university population The ®nal task is to ascertain how much of the record of the 1329±30 collecta has survived in our document. It is clearly not the fragment its 30

31 32 33

Reg. ND, pp. 54±129. Jean de Blois, even though he was chancellor from July 1328 until the summer of 1329, acquired his of®ce and canonical house through proctors and attended only ®ve meetings of the chapter during that entire year (ibid., p. 59 when he received the chancellorship; p. 62 for the canonical house; p. 73 as a witness on 5 October 1328; pp. 74 and 87 for the meetings of the chapter). Arrangements for Jean's relinquishing the chancellorship were also handled through his proctor (CUP II, #896, p. 331). Ibid., p. 136. CUP II, #930, 930a, 931, pp. 370±376. Reg. ND, p. 129: ``Anno xxix die mercurii in vigilia thome apostoli, magister P. de Narbonna fuit admissus ad cancellariam parisiensem.''

17

The recovery and context of a document ®rst editors thought it to be. The ®rst quire moves in a consistent fashion from one section of the Latin Quarter to another, covering more than two-thirds of that region. Unaccounted for in this street-bystreet survey are the section along the Seine between Hirondelle and the Augustinian convent, the area around St-Julien-le-Pauvre, and most of the district between St-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet and St-Victor, including St-Bernard (the Cistercian convent and house of studies) (see maps, pp. 60, 62±63). In addition, there is not a street-by-street accounting of the Ile, where students are known to have lived, or of the Right Bank except for the mention of the rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois.34 Thus, if the street-by-street survey had been extended to these other areas of Paris, there might be one quire missing between the portions of the record that have survived. University collections, however, were rarely that thorough, as will become evident in the next chapter, and while the assessment of 1329±30 began with a street-by-street collection, it eventually changed to a simple listing of names and payments as individuals reported to one location. The second quire includes mostly names that do not appear in the earlier street-by-street assessment (although some names were recorded in the ®rst quire without indication of payment). Presumably, some of those named in the second quire lived in districts not accounted for in the ®rst quire.35 It is possible, therefore, that this document is not a fragment but the complete record of that ®nancial collection ± as distinct from a complete record of members of the university community. The question that needs to be answered is not whether portions of the record are missing, which may be none at all, but to what extent the record as preserved adequately re¯ects the composition of the university community at that time. And the answer to that question depends in part on ascertaining what portion of the total university

34

35

The assessments of rent levels on university-authorized housing (the taxationes domorum) occasionally list houses or apartments on the Ile: near the cloister of Notre-Dame, StChristophe, St-Symphorien, and in rue Neuve; see CUP I, #511, p. 600; CUP II, #556, pp. 29,30. Similarly, the early Paris colleges of St-Thomas-du-Louvre (later St-Nicolas-du-Louvre) and Bons-Enfants-de-St-Honore were located on the Right Bank near the Louvre. It should be noted, however, that of the university-related housing listed in the taxationes, less than ®ve percent lay outside the Left Bank. For example, the ``contributions'' of curates of parish churches on the Ile and Right Bank are all in the second quire. Moreover, although the second quire appears, on occasion, to list by name the socii who lived with a master (as indicated by group payments in which there was only one magister), none of those master±socii groups in the second quire are found in the ®rst quire. They therefore represent additional names, not duplicates. To what extent, however, the second quire accounts for districts not mentioned in the ®rst quire is uncertain because the method of recording names (and probably the method of collecting funds) differs.

18

The Computus of 1329±1330 membership is represented by the approximately 2,000 individuals whose presence is recorded in the 1329±30 document. Estimating the size of the scholarly population at Paris or, indeed, of any medieval university before the end of the fourteenth century is admittedly conjectural but nevertheless important for establishing a quantitative base line from which growth or decline as well as shifts in social or geographical composition can be measured. Hastings Rashdall a century ago rightly discounted the in¯ated enrollment ®gures that medieval scholars attributed to their universities, particularly when re¯ecting back on a supposedly golden former age.36 He placed the university population of ®fteenth-century Paris at or below 3,500, although he allowed that it might have been larger in earlier centuries ± perhaps as much as 6,000 or 7,000 ± when there was less competition from other universities.37 As Powicke and Emden noted, however, in their revised edition of Rashdall, this latter ®gure was based on statements ``in documents written in the heat of some crisis or occasioned by some special event.''38 The latter two scholars thus concluded that ``5,000 is a more likely maximum, even at the most crowded period.''39 Subsequent discussions of the size of the university community at Paris have simply reshuf¯ed these estimates without any fresh examination. Josiah Cox Russell believed that the combined numbers of clergy and university members in Paris in 1292 were 6,000, roughly 10 percent of his population estimate of 59,200.40 By assuming that 3,000±5,000 was an acceptable range for the scholarly community at Paris even a century earlier, and that the population of the city of Paris in the reign of Philip Augustus was between 25,000 and 50,000, John Baldwin arrived at the notion that ``the academic community comprised at least ten percent of Paris' total population.''41 While admitting that ``medieval population ®gures are notoriously speculative and the size of educational groupings largely conjectural,'' A. B. Cobban seemed 36 37 38

39 40 41

Rashdall, Universities, III, pp. 325±336. Rashdall, Universities, III, p. 331. Rashdall, Universities, III, p. 336. Rashdall based his higher estimate of 6,000 on a letter from the arts faculty to the papacy in 1289 claiming that some 400 students were licensed at SteGenevieÁve alone in that year, which even they recognized as exceptional (CUP II, #515, p. 616). Rashdall, Universities, III, p. 337. J. C. Russell, Late Ancient and Medieval Population, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 48.3 (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 106±107. J. W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants. The social views of Peter the Chanter and his circle, I, p. 72; II, p. 51, n.2. Baldwin's estimate of a Paris population c.1200 of between 25,000 and 50,000 was based on Russell, p. 106, and M. Roblin, ``CiteÂs ou citadelles?'' Revue des eÂtudes anciennes, 3 (1951), 302, 310.

19

The recovery and context of a document inclined to accept the view that ``c.1200 the nascent University of Paris had a population of between 2,500 and 5,000.''42 Estimates of the Parisian population c.1300 have been steadily moving upwards in recent years. The most conservative estimates now place the urban population at that time at 80,000, while ``the highest ± and, according to the best modern research, the most accurate ± is slightly over 200,000.''43 If one were to maintain the mythical ten percent ratio, that would result in a university population at Paris of 20,000. It should be obvious, however, that neither the estimates of the Parisian university population c.1200 nor the ratio of that community to the urban population have any statistical merit. We have no way to gauge the size of the scholarly population in Paris c.1200 or to ascertain its growth in the course of the thirteenth century as European and urban populations grew and university education presumably became a more visible and accepted means of acquiring skills and professional training. Nor should the estimate of a Parisian university population in 1464 of approximately 3,000 be thought necessarily well below the levels of the thirteenth or fourteenth centuries on the grounds that there were more universities to choose from by the middle of the ®fteenth century.44 The majority of students at Paris were always from northern France, as will be discussed in Chapter Seven, and, with the possible exception of those in the Picard nation who may have been siphoned off by the university of Louvain, few French students were attracted to universities in Germany, Italy, or eastern Europe in the ®fteenth century. Moreover, by the late thirteenth century Paris was already in a competitive environment. There were by then many universities in which one could study arts, which was always the academic discipline that accounted for the majority of Parisian students. Theology, canon law, and medicine were also available elsewhere. The argument for a decline in university population through aca42 43

44

A. B. Cobban, The Medieval Universities: their development and organization (London, 1975), p. 79. William Chester Jordan, The Great Famine (Princeton, 1996), p. 131, relying for the higher ®gure on the work of D. Herlihy, ``Demography,'' in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, IV (New York, 1984), p. 141; K. Reyerson, ``Urbanism, Western European,'' in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, XII (New York, 1989), p. 316; P. Contamine, L'Economie meÂdieÂvale (Paris, 1993), pp. 214, 272; and the ``London project'' of Derek Keene. See also Ph. Dolinger, ``Le chiffre de la population aÁ Paris au XIVe sieÁcle: 210,000 ou 80,000 habitants?'' Revue historique, 216 (1956), 35±45; G. Fourquin, ``La population de la reÂgion parisienne aux environs de 1328,'' Le Moyen Age, 62 (1956), 63±91. Such was Rashdall's reasoning on becoming aware of the 1464 computus edited by M. Spirgatis, Personalverzeichniss der Pariser UniversitaÈt von 1464, Beihefte zum Centralblatt fuÈr Bibliothekswesen, 1.1 (Leipzig, 1888). The number of names in the computus of 1464, allowing for duplications, is slightly over 2,300. Although incomplete, the 1464 computus is recognized as containing the names of most of the students and masters at Paris, which would place the total university population at that time at or slightly under 3,000.

20

The Computus of 1329±1330 demic competition is based largely on a supposed decline in the numbers of ``foreign'' students at Paris. But the size of that group within the total university population at Paris in the early fourteenth century was far smaller than is usually thought. The numbers of English students had already dropped before the outbreak of the Hundred Years War.45 The size of the other ``national'' groups does not appear to have declined signi®cantly between 1350 and 1450, except during the Papal Schism. Italians, a relatively small group, returned in the second quarter of the ®fteeth century. The same holds true for students from Germany and eastern Europe.46 The number of Germans receiving degrees in the arts faculty at Paris by the middle of the ®fteenth century is only slightly below what it had been in the mid-fourteenth, before the founding of universities in Germany.47 And if the growth in the numbers of students attracted to universities in ®fteenth-century Germany was a ``real'' growth independent of shifts within a numerically constant pool, which seems to be the case, one might expect that the older European universities experienced growth as well, or at least remained numerically stable.48 If, therefore, the university community at Paris in 1464 was around 3,000, why would it have been signi®cantly larger in 1329? In an attempt at more reliable estimates, historians have recently begun to work topographically, using residential space in colleges, halls, and rental lodgings to determine the approximate capacity, and thus the potential size of a scholarly community. So far this has only been applied to Oxford and Cambridge, where those universities in the 45

46

47

48

W. J. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England (Princeton, 1987), pp. 147±163; Courtenay, ``Foreign Study in a Time of War: English Scholars at Paris, 1325±1345,'' History of Universities, 14 (1995±96), 31±42. It is likely that English scholars in Paris in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries comprised a signi®cant portion of that academic community, but the emergence of Oxford and Cambridge had already reduced that ratio by the second half of the thirteenth century. A. L. Gabriel, ``Les eÂtudiants eÂtrangers aÁ l'Universite de Paris au XVe sieÁcle,'' Annales de l'Universite de Paris, 29 (1959), 377±400; Gabriel, ``'Via Antiqua' and `Via Moderna' and the Migration of Paris Students and Masters to the German Universities in the Fifteenth Century,'' Antiqui und Moderni, ed. A. Zimmermann, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 9 (1974), pp. 439±483; Gabriel, ``Intellectual Relations between the University of Louvain and the University of Paris in the 15th Century,'' in Universities in the Late Middle Ages, ed. J. Ijsewijn and J. Paquet (Louvain, 1978), pp. 82±132; Gabriel, ``Intellectual Relations between the University of Paris and the University of Cracow in the 15th Century,'' Studia ZroÂdloznawcze. Commentationes, 25 (1980), 37±63; Gabriel, The University of Paris and its Hungarian Students and Masters during the reign of Louis XII and FrancËois Ier (Notre Dame, 1986); Gabriel, The Paris Studium (Notre Dame, 1992). M. Tanaka, La nation anglo-allemande de l'Universite de Paris aÁ la ®n du Moyen Age (Paris, 1990), p. 261. In any event, German students at Paris never made up more than ®ve percent of the university population; see W. J. Courtenay, ``German students at Bologna, Paris, and Oxford in the fourteenth century,'' forthcoming in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society. R. C. Schwinges, Deutsche UniversitaÈtsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1986).

21

The recovery and context of a document fourteenth century, including the mendicant houses of studies, are estimated to run between 1,500 and 1,700, and between 400 and 700, respectively.49 Whether reliable or not, this same method cannot easily be applied to Paris. Oxford and Cambridge were primarily university towns with a small, de®ned urban space in the fourteenth century. Paris was a large city, the largest in Europe at that time, and student housing was spread out across the Latin Quarter and could be found on the Ilede-la-Cite and even on the Right Bank, as the computus reveals. Thus two problems emerge in estimating the size of the Parisian university population topographically: identifying the districts and streets where most scholars lived, and estimating the density of habitation. The computus would help to solve the second of these issues if there were a way to determine the degree of its topographical thoroughness. In the late nineteenth century Charles Jourdain called attention to a series of documents relating to student housing that he edited and studied and that were reedited in the Chartularium.50 These documents known as taxationes domorum or taxationes hospiciorum recorded the results of assessors, composed of representatives from the university and town, who set the rent level on apartments or houses that could be rented to university members. The practice at Paris dates to the early thirteenth century and was also used at Bologna, Oxford, and probably at most other universities.51 No complete list of rental prices for lodgings survives comparable to the taxationes librorum for the university of Paris from roughly the same period as the Paris taxationes domorum, namely the late thirteenth century.52 What has survived in the latter category are ®ve rental assessments for Paris within one decade: 1282, 1283, 49

50

51

52

T. H. Aston, ``Oxford's Medieval Alumni,'' Past and Present 74 (1977), 3±40; T. H. Aston, G.D. Duncan, and T. A. R. Evans, ``The Medieval Alumni of the University of Cambridge,'' Past and Present 86 (1980), 9±86 at 13; W. J. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars, p. 28. Whatever the effect of the plague of 1347±49 on European society, it did not necessarily reduce the size of universities except for a brief period. Universities could replenish their student population from among those who survived, especially since the high mortality rate brought immediate inheritance to many of those in the social classes from which university members were drawn; see W. J. Courtenay, ``The Effect of the Black Death on English Higher Education,'' Speculum 55 (1980), 696±714. On the effect of plague at Paris, see M. Mollat, ``Notes sur la mortalite aÁ Paris au temps de la Peste Noire d'apreÁs les comptes de l'Oeuvre de Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois,'' Le Moyen Age, vol. jubiliaire (Bruxelles, 1963), 505±527. C. Jourdain, ``La taxe des logements dans l'Universite de Paris,'' MeÂmoires de la socieÂte de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Isle-de-France, 4 (1877), 140±154, reprinted separately under the same title (Paris, 1878), and included in his posthumous Excursion historiques et philosophiques aÁ travers le moyen aÃge (Paris, 1888), pp. 249±263; CUP I, #511, pp. 597±600; CUP II, #556, pp. 28±31. The original manuscript documents are found in Paris, Arch. Univ., carton IV.A.18.e. For the Parisian legislation, see CUP I, #20, p. 79; #79, pp. 137±138; #123; #136; #138; #478. For Oxford, Munimenta Academica, Documents illustrative of Academical life and studies of Oxford, ed. H. Anstey (London, 1868), I, p. 56. CUP I, #530; II, #642. See Rouse, ``The Book Trade at the University of Paris.''

22

The Computus of 1329±1330 1287, 1288, and 1289. These set rental prices on properties that were being reassessed, added to the university list, or where remodelling or changes in the terms of usage had occurred. Each entry lists the type of property (house, apartment, or school), the owner of the property, the location of the property, and the annual rent. Particulars, such as the number of rooms, use of kitchen, garden, stables, or cellar, and any exclusions in use or access were also mentioned. When these taxationes domorum are studied alongside the computus of 1329±30, the combined information allows some conclusions that would not otherwise emerge. Both types of documentation are arranged according to vici, not viae; that is, both consider streets as living space rather than as thoroughfares. The taxationes domorum identify each property by its owner; the computus is concerned with the occupant, whether he be a renter or an owner. The taxationes domorum show us what the owner was allowed to charge per year for a lodging; the computus shows us only what a renter paid per week (and by multiplication, per year) for food and other incidentals, but not for rent. At least one property appears in both types of document: the ``new'' house owned by the Sorbonne in the cloõÃtre de St-BenoõÃt, which in 1281 and 1282 rented for 20 lbs. and in 1320±29 was occupied by Jean de Marmoutier (de Maiori Monasterio), who was paying 27 lbs.53 The ®ve assessments between the years 1282 and 1289 identify 137 lodgings, almost all of which are located by street. That many properties being added or reassessed gives a good indication of the residential location of the majority of the university community in the late thirteenth century.54 The ®rst thing that emerges is the topographical similarity of the two types of document. Most of the streets listed for the 1282±89 period are found in the computus, and the majority of those in the computus are found in the taxationes. These streets are almost entirely on the Left Bank in a region bounded on the north by the Seine, on the south by the wall of Philip Augustus, on the west by Porte St-Germain, rue Hautefeuille, and Hirondelle, and on the east by rue Ste-GenevieÁve and rue de BieÁvre. Only two streets on the Left Bank mentioned in the taxationes domorum and not in the computus fall outside that area: rue PaveÂe on the northwest and rue Alexandre l'Anglais on the east. Streets within this district having university rental property in the taxationes that are not mentioned by name in the computus are vicus potatorii or rue 53 54

CUP I, #511, p. 597; Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 542; Comp., p. 218. The location of Parisian colleges in the early fourteenth century also helps establish the general boundaries of the university community, even though they housed less than ten percent of the student population.

23

The recovery and context of a document MaÃcon, rue PoupeÂe, rue Erembourg de Brie, rue du Fouarre, rue des LavandieÁres. These streets represent a small section between St-AndreÂdes-Ars and St-SeÂverin, some additional streets in the section between rue de Garlande and the Seine, and the streets along the rue St-Victor in the region of the ColleÁge St-Bernard. Streets in the computus for which property was not reassessed in the 1282±89 period are rue des Cordiers, rue des MacËons, rue de l'Escureul, rue Sachalie, rue des Parcheminiers, rue du Foin, rue de l'HoÃpital, rue au Duc de Bourgogne, and rue de Judas. Although it might not have been necessary for the collectors in 1329±30 to list every street in the districts they covered, it appears that the sections nearest the Seine east and west of the Grande rue at PetitPont, especially eastward toward St-Victor, were inadequately reported in the topographical section of the computus as it survives. What is more remarkable is that the taxationes do not attest to any university residency in the region to the west of St-AndreÂ-des-Ars, north or south of rue St-Germain. For the region between rue StGermain and the Seine this can be explained by the density of aristocratic and episcopal palaces that may have left little room for other types of housing.55 The almost total absence of the region between Porte St-Germain and St-AndreÂ-des-Ars in both types of document, with the exception of rue de l'Escureul and rue St-Germain, suggests that few scholars resided there. Similarly, no properties on the Right Bank were assessed in the 1282±89 documents, and only nine properties on the Ile-de-la-Cite were assessed, no two of them in the same street. This suggests that the absence of the Ile and Right Bank in the topographical section of the computus does not represent a large missing portion of the university community. The second quire of the computus does include a few individuals who resided in these two areas. One master lived in the rue Neuve-de-Notre-Dame; the curates of three churches (St-BartheÂlemy, St-Martial, and St-Landry) and the prior of one monastic community (St-Eloi) on the Ile-de-la-Cite also appear there. Similarly, the mention of the rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois and the curate of St-Eustache alerts us that some members of the university community resided on the Right Bank near the Louvre. The combination of university rental assessments and the computus of 1329±30 gives us a topographical map of university-approved rental property and thus the approximate residential boundaries of the majority of the university community. Well over 90 percent of the urban space 55

See the map on p. 60 and J. Semmler, ``Die Residenzen der FuÈrsten und PraÈlaten im mittelalterlichen Paris (12.-14. Jahrhundert),'' in MeÂlanges offerts aÁ Rene Crozet a l'occasion de son 70 anniversaire, ed. P. Gallais and Y.-J. Rion, vol. II (Poitiers, 1966), pp. 1217±1236.

24

The Computus of 1329±1330 where the taxationes attest to university-related housing is covered in the computus as it survives. This suggests that, with the possible exception of the Ile-de-la-CiteÂ, we may not be missing a portion of the record of the collection of 1329±30. In assessing the completeness of the topographical and numerical coverage of the computus, the problem is not one of urban districts covered or not covered, but of the thoroughness with which the collectors combed the university district or were able to enforce the required payment ± factors not easily determined because the names in the second quire are listed without street location. Where it can be tested, for example at the level of masters, the percentage of reporting is high. Eight of the ten secular regent masters in theology in 1329±30 appear by name in the computus.56 Sixty percent of all regent and non-regent masters in the faculty of medicine at Paris in January 1331 appear by name in the computus.57 And the more than 100 masters in the arts faculty reported by name in the computus constitute the majority of masters in that faculty as well.58 The computus has the same degree of coverage for the colleges and convents that were af®liated with the university. At least two-thirds of the secular colleges founded before 1329 are listed in the document, including all the important foundations.59 Similarly, almost all the taxable religious convents that functioned as houses of study appear in the document.60 56

57

58 59

60

Secular regent masters listed in the computus are Bertoldus Sorelli (p. 236), Germanus Celati (p. 222), Guillelmus Bernardi [as Cancellarius Parisiensis] (p. 222), Guillelmus de Herches (p. 221), Johannes de Blangiaco (p. 222), Oliverius Salhadini (p. 226), Robertus de Bardis (p. 221), and Simon Meneriis (p. 226). Missing are Petrus de Abbatisvilla and, possibly, Matheus de Archis. In addition to the secular regents there would have been six to eight regent masters from the religious orders. In the law suit between the faculty of medicine and the chancellor of Notre-Dame that lasted from 1330 to 1332, the names of the regent and non-regent masters in that faculty were mentioned in the records of the dispute. See W. J. Courtenay, ``The Arts Faculty at Paris in 1329,'' in L'enseignement des disciplines aÁ la Faculte des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe±XVe sieÁcles), ed. O. Weijers and L. Holtz (Turnhout, 1997), pp. 55±69. The colleges that are reported in the document are: Bayeux (mentioned as ``Domus Guillelmi Boneti'' [p. 222] and later as ``Scolares Baiosences'' [p. 245]), Chollets or Beauvais (``De domo cardinalis Soleti'' [p. 231]), Petits Chollets (``Les Petits Choles'' [p. 220]), Du Plessis (``Domus Galfridi de Plesiaco'' [p. 219]), Harcourt (``Theologi et artiste de Haricuria'' [p.221]), Narbonne (``Domus de Nerbona'' [p. 222]), Navarre (``de Navarra'' [p. 245]), Sorbonne (``Domus Sarbone'' [p. 221]), probably TreÂguier (Everardus Brito cum 8 bursariis [p. 225]), TreÂsorier (``Domus tesaurarii de Rotomagio'' [p. 221]), Dace (``in domo magistri Johannis Dachus'') [p. 236] and Uppsala (``Domus de Suescia'' [p. 223]). The percentage of reporting may be higher than two-thirds, since some of the colleges for grammarians could be hidden under listings for large groups of grammarians, and not all colleges with founding dates before 1329 were necessarily active in 1329. Excluding the exempt convents of the mendicant orders, which could not be taxed, the religious ``colleges'' included in the computus were: Cluny (p. 220), St-Denis (p. 222), Marmoutier (p. 219: ``de Maiori Monasterio''), Premontre (p. 222), Hospitallers of St. John of

25

The recovery and context of a document As for the university community as whole, many of whom were listed anonymously as socii, one would expect the percentage of reporting to parallel roughly that of the masters, colleges, and convents. Viewed another way, if there is no compelling reason to assume that the non-Mendicant population of the university of Paris in the early fourteenth century was signi®cantly larger than the ®gure of approximately 3,000 derived from the 1464 computus, then the approximately 2,000 persons (those named, along with their socii) whose presence is recorded in the computus of 1329±30 accounts for two-thirds or more of the secular and monastic scholars connected with the university at that time. It missed some individual members.61 Such collections, as we shall see in the next chapter, were never entirely successful. And in addition to those who were ``taxable,'' there would have been 300±400 scholars resident in the tax-exempt convents of the four mendicant orders, producing a total university community in the early fourteenth century between 3,000 and 3,500.62 The computus is therefore not, as was once thought, a miscellaneous list of names of persons connected with the university of Paris between 1329 and 1336. It is a list created during one week in the winter term of the academic year 1329±30. Although incomplete in the sense that it does not record the presence of all students and masters, it is not a fragment. It records the presence of over two-thirds of the non-exempt members of the university community. Moreover, as we shall see, it lists by name over three-quarters of those who ``mattered'' in that community, namely the masters in the four faculties and those who rented housing for themselves or for a group of scholars. The document has captured for us, almost as if they were posing for a group picture, most of the important members of the university community at their place of residence, among their associates, with many of their names and

61

62

Jerusalem (p. 226), and even Notre-Dame-des-Champs (p. 220). Only the Cistercians, who may also have been exempt, and Val-des-Escoliers at the far east end of the Right Bank are missing. A search through the other documents in CUP for this period reveals fewer than ®fty names of university persons likely to have been in Paris in 1329±30 who do not show up by name in the computus. On the tax-exempt status of the mendicants and the canons of Notre-Dame, see AUP I, col.30, summarized in CUP II, p. 487, #1025; CUP I, p. 482, #427; II, p. 4, #533; II, pp. 339±340, #906; II, p. 487, #1026. No masters or students from the mendicant convents are recorded in the computus, although members in the other religious houses were assessed, with the exception of the Cistercians. The computus of 1464 lists many ``fratres,'' but none are identi®ed as mendicants, as distinct from monks and canons. The Dominican and Franciscan convents housed about 150 scholars each, while the Augustinian and Carmelite convents ranged between 50 and 100 in this period. For the documentation that lies behind these ®gures, see W. J. Courtenay, ``Between Pope and King. The Parisian Letters of Adhesion of 1303,'' Speculum 71 (1996), 577±605; Courtenay, ``The Parisian Franciscan Community in 1303,'' Franciscan Studies, 53 (1993), 155±173.

26

The Computus of 1329±1330 ®nancial resources indicated. And the reconstruction of the original sequence of the document, as reedited, has placed a number of names, mislocated and occasionally mistranscribed in the version edited in the Chartularium, back in the district and street where they were encountered. The fact that those in the four mendicant orders and the Cistercians are missing quantitatively and individually in the computus does not damage or limit the usefulness of the document. The mendicant orders are reasonably well re¯ected in other documentation and have long been the better-known part of the university of Paris. On the contrary, this document provides us precisely with information about the leastknown group of university members at Paris: the secular majority on whom the social pro®le of the university largely depends. Viewed from that standpoint, the computus of 1329±30 is the single richest source we have for the social composition of the university of Paris ± or of any university ± in the thirteenth or fourteenth century.63 63

Other documents from universities in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries sometimes contain a large number of names attesting to the presence of individual scholars at speci®c dates, for example the proctors' registers of the English-German nation at Paris (AUP I), or the matriculation list for the German nation at Bologna (E. Friedlaender and C. Malagola, Acta Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis [Berlin, 1887]). Such documentation relates to one faculty or one group and does not provide a representative picture of an entire university community.

27

Chapter 2

COLLECTAE AND UNIVERSITY FINANCE

The computus of 1329±30 employs, as we have seen, two different systems for recording payments. One system was a street-by-street, house-by-house survey that noted the names of masters or scholars living alone or with other scholars whom they represented for purposes of ®nancial assessment. The other system was a straight listing of names, usually with payment, without regard for residential location. These two systems coincide, for the most part, with the two quires as reconstructed. To make sense of that division as well as to understand the nature of the collection, those responsible for initiating it, the authority under which it was conducted, the composition of the committee that surveyed the university community and collected the payments, the timeframe for the collection, and what ®nally happened to the money, it is necessary to understand the procedures governing this event as they were developed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Contrary to what has sometimes been stated, there is no evidence that the university of Paris as a corporate institution assessed its members annually to cover regular anticipated expenses.1 The cost of instruction was paid for in private collectae between a master and his students. The costs of rents and repairs of the schools were paid for by the masters and the nations from student fees. The expenses of the nations and of the faculties, including the payment of its of®cers and beadles as well as convivialities, were covered largely by funds derived from examinations 1

The university of Paris in the early fourteenth century had no matriculation fee as such, apart from a student's need to enroll with a master and pay a fee to that master for instruction. Aleksander Gieysztor's de®ning of collectae as ``sums levied on the students once or twice a year, to pay some of®cials of the university (beadles and proctors) and the teachers, and some common expenses of the university'' is not applicable to Paris in this period; see Gieysztor's chapter on ``Management and Resources'' in A History of the University in Europe, vol. I, ed. H. de RidderSymoens (Cambridge, 1992), p. 133. As will be seen, university-level collectae at Paris were special assessments, not regular ones.

28

Collectae and university ®nance and promotions.2 The expenses of the university-as-university dealt almost exclusively with two external matters: legal costs incurred in defending its privileges or occasionally its members, and the costs of sending nuntii on diplomatic missions, usually to the Roman curia. Because these expenses ± the only ones that concerned the entire university community ± occurred irregularly, the university responded to those ®nancial obligations as they occurred by authorizing a special collection that would generate the amount of money needed. These collections, known generally as contributiones pro debitis universitatis, were an obligation of everyone who belonged to the university community directly or indirectly, with the exception of those masters and students who also belonged to a group that had received and successfully defended an exemption from such taxation.3 The right of the university to collect money to meet its needs was well established by the middle of the thirteenth century, but precisely whom the university could tax, its collection procedures, and the mechanism for enforcing payment remained disputed issues.4 The need for such collections was accepted in principle by almost everyone; individual compliance, however, was another matter. In response to an appeal from university leaders between 1266 and 2 3

4

On the income and expenses of the English-German nation at Paris, see AUP I, pp. xliv±liii. Those groups who were exempt were the canons of Notre-Dame and the four major mendicant orders. The mendicant exemption is mentioned in 1339 (AUP I, col. 30; CUP II, p. 487, #1025), but it probably grew out of the dispute between the university and the Dominicans in 1254 in which Alexander IV supported the mendicants on several issues, probably including their resistence against contributing to the legal expenses of their opponents. The exemption for the canons of Notre-Dame, even those who were also regent masters in theology, is speci®cally mentioned in 1269 and is discussed later, but it was probably included in the exemptions from university regulations already enjoyed by 1253 and reaf®rmed during the con¯ict over the Dominicans; see the university statute of 1253 (CUP I, #219, p. 243): ``salva in omnibus libertate ac jure canonicorum Parisiensium quantum ad omnia, in quibus et per que a nostris ordinationibus et statutis auctoritate apostolica seu quacunque alia sunt exempti.'' Identical language was used in Alexander IV's letter to the university of Paris in April 1255 (CUP I, #247, p. 281). The earliest reference to the practice is in May 1219 (CUP I, #31, p. 89); see also a statute of the arts faculty concerning a collection of one full burse to fund the university's case against the Dominicans in February 1254 (CUP I, #231, pp. 258±259): ``quod cum pro bono communi et necessitate studii Parisiensis fuerit a tota Universitate Parisiensi ordinatum, quod singuli magistri et scolares cujuscunque facultatis expensas unius septimane, quod vulgariter bursa nuncupatur, pro debitis Universitatis nostre, pro privilegiis impetratis et aliis negociis dicte Universitatis nostre multis et multipliciter procuratis hactenus contractis, et pro vocatione seu citatione, qua summus pontifex Universitatem nostram ad sedem apostolicam ad instanciam fratrum Predicatorum vocavit, contribuerent, magistrique omnium facultatum et scolares nostri dictam contributionem persolverint, paucis admodum exceptis . . .'' For further references to the collection at this time, see CUP I, #238, p. 265; #239, p. 266; #263, pp. 301±302; #264, p. 302; #267, p. 304; #301, pp. 348±349; #305, pp. 350±351; #352, pp. 400±401. For the controversy with the Dominicans that precipitated the collection of 1254, see G. Leff, Paris and Oxford Universities in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New York, 1968), pp. 39±47.

29

The recovery and context of a document 1268, Clement IV placed the matter in the hands of Jean de Courtenay, archbishop of Reims, and Guy de Mello, bishop of Auxerre, who were to consult with university leaders and others to improve procedures and compliance.5 As a result of those deliberations, the bishops mandated that, under apostolic authority (and implied sanctions), payment was to be made by all masters and scholars of the university (``magistri et scolares Parisienses''), which, as they later clari®ed, presumably on appeal from the canons of Notre-Dame, did not apply to the Paris cathedral clergy.6 The issue of that exemption and the need for a more de®ned and enforceable procedure for such collections led to another appeal to the papacy during the ponti®cate of Martin IV. In response, Martin's letters of 7 March 1284 designated agents, close to but outside the university, to administer the collection, namely the abbot and chancellor of SteGenevieÁve, giving them apostolic authority over procedures and the power to invoke ecclesiastical sanctions against those who did not pay. The actual collection was to be done by the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve, or more likely by those acting under their authority, presumably at the abbey itself. The collected funds were then to be turned over to the rector, deans of the higher faculties, and proctors of the four nations for placement in the chest of the university, which was kept at Ste-GenevieÁve, from which the university's debts were to be paid. Martin's letter also de®ned the ®nancial level of those subject to this occasional, ad hoc taxation (``®eri contingit interdum'') as those who had a weekly burse of at least two solidi.7 5

6

7

The dates of the papal appeal and the response are approximate. Surviving copies of the papal letter, ``Quasi ¯umen Dei,'' are undated and do not bear the name of the issuing pope. In his edition of the letter (CUP I, pp. 479±481, #425) Deni¯e dated it between 1261 and 1268, but the date and language of the episcopal mandates requiring masters and scholars to contribute suggest a date between 1266 and 1268. Unfortunately, the text of the initial mandate from the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Auxerre, presumably issued in 1268, has not survived. The text of the exemption for the canons and clergy of Notre-Dame (CUP I, p. 482, #427) does, however, refer to it: ``Cum nuper a nobis auctoritate sedis apostolice nobis in hac parte commissa emanaverit mandatum, ut magistri et scolares Parisienses pro debitis Universitatis solvendis contribuant, noverint universi quod intentionis nostre non fuit nec est, quod canonici bene®cati et clerici ecclesie Parisiensis virtute mandati hujusmodi ad contributionem predictam teneantur . . .'' Without the original episcopal mandate we do not know what speci®c collection procedures, if any, were established or were in use at this time. CUP I, pp. 600±601, #512, to the university; pp. 601±602, #513, to the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve. The enabling language in these letters, closely parallel, is taken from the letter to the masters and scholars: ``in expensis necessariis quas pro Universitate vestre commodis ex justa et rationabili causa ®eri contingit interdum . . . Quia igitur in expensis hujusmodi singuli vestrum contribuere justitia exigente tenentur . . . rogamus et hortamur attente per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatinus singuli vestrum, qui duos solidos parisiens. in communi bursa cum sociis in ebdomada ponitis, super contributione hujusmodi facienda sic prompte ac liberaliter . . . Ceterum

30

Collectae and university ®nance The unit of measuring the ability to pay set forth in the papal letters of 1284 was the ``burse,'' namely the amount each person spent weekly on food and other expenditures (apart from the costs of lodging and servants) if he lived alone or with his familia, or the amount contributed weekly towards the common expenses of a living group if he lived with others.8 This unit of measurement was traditional for the university at the time, and the papal choice of the burse to establish a level below which one was exempt only followed university practice. But the burse also established the level of ®nancial obligation for those who were not exempt. Thus the amount of payment was based on the ability to pay (a form of graduated taxation) as calculated by expenditure and sworn to by each individual, not on assets or income. A declared low expenditure from a person of known substantial resources would not be accepted by university of®cials, although it was probably not strictly required that one's declared level of expenditure matched one's income. The burse was used not only to determine the amount each individual was expected to contribute to a general university collection, should the need arise, but also to calculate the amount to be paid at the time of determination, licensing, inception, or any promotion to a higher level within the university. It is interesting in this respect that this ``progressive'' form of taxation, based on the ability to pay, is absent in the collectio of 1464, which reverted to a ``¯at tax'' of two solidi for each university member regardless of level of income or expenditure.9 Yet nowhere in the late thirteenth or in the fourteenth centuries was the ``graduated system'' of university taxation opposed directly, although some individuals refused or failed to pay and were denied the privileges of the university. The computus of 1329±30 shows this system in operation, with some amazingly high individual payments, at forty or sixty times the lowest rate. The only objections known to have been raised were to the brevity of the required period of payment in cases

8

9

illud quod ex hujusmodi contributione proveniet, per abbatem et cancellarium supradictos colligi volumus et collectum . . . rectori Universitatis, decanis facultatum et procuratoribus quatuor nationum integre restitui per eosdem in ipsius Universitatis arca, per rectorem, decanos et procuratores predictos ®deliter deponendum et convertendum per ipsos in solutionem hujusmodi expensarum.'' The choice of the abbey of Ste-GenevieÁve to administer the collection was based not only on its ties to the university ± it was the location for the most important examinations in the arts faculty as well as for the chest of the university containing the seal of the rector (Rashdall, Universities, I, p. 408) ± but also on Martin's personal connection to the abbey. As Deni¯e noted (CUP I, p. 601n), the pope had made annual contributions to support its penitential mission, and he was speci®cally remembered in their necrology. CUP II, p. 673: ``Item, dicetis quantitatem burse vestre ®deliter, sine dolo, computando omnia ordinarie consumpta ac exposita in bursa, duntaxat locagio hospicii et sallario famuli exclusis.'' For a discussion of the burse, see AUP I, pp. xliv±l, esp. xlv. For a discussion of procedures in the collectio of 1464, see Chapter One, pp. 13±14.

31

The recovery and context of a document where the amount of assessment was thought to exceed the ability of students of modest means to generate the necessary money immediately.10 Two other features of the language of the papal letters need to be noted. One is that students with a declared burse or weekly expenditure below the level of two solidi were exempt from such collections and thus would not be recorded in the collection process. How large this group might have been at any one time is dif®cult to ascertain, and it is important to keep in mind in using the computus of 1329±30 that, because of this legislative exemption, the poorest students are unreported among the names and numbers that appear in that document. They were not, however, a numerically large part of the university community, for reasons that will be discussed in Chapter Six. The second feature is the language of ``contributing individually to common weekly expenditures.'' It was probably on these grounds as well as their claim of individual poverty that the mendicant orders were exempt from university taxation. They did not receive funds individually nor contribute individually to the weekly expenses of the convent, which were covered by the religious order. The houses of study run by monastic congregations or orders of canons, on the other hand, were not exempt from such taxation, perhaps on the grounds that individuals sent there for study were awarded a stipend equivalent to what a fellow of a college would receive and contribute to the expenses of the college. The most contested area of the university's right to tax concerned the canons of Notre-Dame, many of whom were university graduates. Their university connection seemed beyond dispute, especially for those who continued to exercise their positions as regent masters in the faculties of theology or canon law. Their incomes and weekly expenditures, often substantial, paralleled those of many masters in the university who held positions as canons in cathedrals other than Paris and were therefore required to contribute to the common collection. Yet the episcopal privilege of 1269, semi-apostolic inasmuch as the archbishop and bishop were acting under papal mandate, had given the canons of Notre-Dame an exemption from such taxation, although their frequent declarations and requests for papal con®rmation of that exemption are testimony to the continued attempt by the university to ignore or overturn it. The language of Martin's letter of 1284 gave the university another opportunity to contest the legality of that exemption. When the next collection was authorized in January 1285, university leaders interpreted 10

One such case occurred in 1313 and is discussed later in this chapter, pp. 39±41.

32

Collectae and university ®nance Martin's letter to mean that every master and scholar at or above the two-solidi level was taxable, without exception, and that this papal pronouncement took precedence over the 1269 letter as controlling legislation.11 In response to the university's attempt to require ``contributions'' from them, the canons issued a statement of non-compliance, arguing that the language of the papal letter did not apply to them because they lived in separate houses and did not contribute to a common weekly burse; that, although they were masters and scholars, their principal appellation was as canonici Parisienses; that their primary duties were to the church, not to the studium; and that, if forced to contribute, they would then be contributing to the legal expenses of potential opponents, since such collections were often for the university's expenses in legal actions against the bishop, chancellor, canons, or others connected with Notre-Dame.12 This last argument was much to the point. During the 1283±84 academic year, the university initiated a process against the chancellor of 11

12

This was apparently also the interpretation of the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve, since the declaration of reasons for their immunity issued at this time by the cathedral canons was undoubtedly in response to an attempt to collect from them. CUP I, pp. 629±631, #520: ``Hec sunt rationes ad ostendendum quod canonici ecclesie Parisiensis, etiam magistri et scolares, non tenentur contribuere in expensis, quas pro Universitatis Parisiensis negociis interdum ®eri contingit virtute rescripti apostolici super contribucione hujusmodi ad religiosos viros abbatem et cancellarium Sancte Genovefe Paris. a domino papa directi et obtenti. Et colligitur prima ratio ex ejusdem rescripti serie et tenore. Nam tenor et series ejusdem evidenter indicat et declarat illos solummodo magistros et scolares teneri ad contribuendum in expensis predictis, qui duos solidos paris. in bursa communi cum sociis ponunt in septimana; sed canonici Parisienses non sunt hujusmodi, quia non ponunt in bursa communi cum sociis, nec in societate sunt, nec etiam esse possunt secundum consuetudines Parisiensis ecclesie et statuta, immo divisim morantur et degunt quilibet in domo sua cum familia propria ad ipsius solius canonici expensas . . . Item dicit lex, quod non ex opinionibus singulorum sed ex communi usu nomina exaudiri oportet. Cum igitur ex communi usu loquendi illi solummodo appellentur magistri et scolares Parisienses, qui Parisius circa studium principaliter versantur, et principaliter commorantur, manifeste apparet quod canonici Parisienses, quamvis sint magistri vel scolares, sub simplici appellacione magistrorum vel scolarium Parisiensium nullatenus includuntur, cum ipsi non versentur principaliter circa studium, nec Parisius principaliter causa studii commorentur, immo pocius ut sue ecclesie deserviant ut tenentur . . . Item si diceretur, quod canonici Parisienses seu etiam alii de gremio Parisiensis ecclesie ad contribucionem predictam tenerentur, ex hoc sequeretur inconveniens valde magnum. Nam certum est quod sepe evenit et evenire potest exigentibus casibus qui emergunt et emergere possunt, quod Universitas Parisiensis habet et habere potest causas et negocia contra Parisiensem ecclesiam et contra dominum Paris. episcopum ac personas ejusdem ecclesie, utpote archidiaconum, cancellarium et alios quos non oportet per singula numerare, contra quem eciam cancellarium pro defensione jurium et libertatum ecclesie Parisiensis et of®cii sui habet dicta Universitas causam in presenti in curia Romana, occasione cujus cause eadem Universitas multas fecit expensas, et in causis consimilibus si haberet eas facere oporteret: in quibus omnibus dicti canonici et alii de ecclesia Parisiensi predicta tenerentur contribuere . . . et sic tenerentur contribuere in expensis ab ea factis et faciendis contra se et ecclesiam suam ac jura et libertates ejusdem, quod esset contras jus et contra omnimodam racionem.'' The text abounds in fascinating legal arguments.

33

The recovery and context of a document Notre-Dame and sent its procurator, Jean de Malines, to Rome to argue its case at the papal curia.13 To cover the expenses of the procurator and others who were sent with him to support their cause, the university probably authorized a general collection at the time of the appeal. It may well have been the dif®culties the university encountered in assessing its members that led them also to ask Martin IV for a revision or clari®cation on who was taxable by the university, the procedures for collecting the money, and the means of enforcing payment.14 Following the procedures outlined in the papal letter, the university authorized a second collection at mid-year in 1284±85 to cover its continuing legal expenses. During this second effort they apparently attempted to collect funds from some of the cathedral canons, thus provoking a second law suit at Rome (the cathedral canons against the rector and university), which simply increased their legal expenses and need to collect more money. Whatever Pope Martin may have intended by his statement that each individual belonging to the university of masters and scholars with a burse at or above two solidi should contribute became irrelevant with his death on 28 March, and the issue was adjudicated during the ®rst year of a new ponti®cate. The canons' protest and appeal to Rome, which alongside the previous arguments portrayed their 1269 exemption as papal in origin, was successful.15 Their exempt status was reaf®rmed by Honorius IV in April 1286.16 But the reaf®rmations of the immune status of the canons and clergy of Notre-Dame, including one issued several months after the collection of 1329±30, attest to continued attempts by the university to broaden its tax base in that direction.17 In defending its right of immunity from university contributiones in 1330, the chapter sought a ruling from those papally appointed to oversee such collectae, namely the abbot and chancellor of SteGenevieÁve. Instead of composing a new statement, the latter borrowed the language of the original legatine document of 1269, which they no doubt still had in their possession, but reshaped it to ®t the present circumstance. The substantive changes in the second document have been highlighted in italics.

13

14 15 17

The background and details of this confrontation between the university and chancellor are extensively examined by Jacques Verger, Les universiteÂs francËaises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), pp. 68±102. Pope Martin's letter of 7 March 1284 (CUP II, #512, p. 601) speci®cally mentions ``nonnulli ex vobis contribuere pro sua voluntate recusant.'' 16 CUP II, p. 4, #533. Ibid., p. 631. CUP II, p. 4, #533 (for 1286); II, pp. 339±340, #906 (for 1330); II, p. 487, #1026 (for 1339).

34

Collectae and university ®nance February 1269 (CUP I, p. 482, #427): ``Cum nuper a nobis [ Jean, archbishop of Reims, and Guy, bishop of Auxerre] auctoritate sedis apostolice nobis in hac parte commissa emanaverit mandatum, ut magistri et scolares Parisienses pro debitis Universitatis solvendis contribuant, noverint universi quod intentionis nostre non fuit nec est, quod canonici bene®ciati et clerici ecclesie Parisiensis virtute mandati hujusmodi ad contributionem predictam teneantur, nec sententia aliqua propter hoc ligentur sive astringantur, nec pro ligatis habeantur.'' 31 August 1330 (CUP II, p. 339, #906): ``Cum nuper a nobis [now implying Jean, abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve, and its chancellor] auctoritate sedis apostolice nobis in hac parte commissa emanaverit mandatum ut magistri et scolares Parisienses in collecta quam nunc facit pro certis causis Universitas contribuant : noverint universi quod intentionis nostre non fuit nec est quod canonici bene®ciati et clerici ecclesie Parisiensis virtute mandati hujusmodi ad contributionem teneantur, nec summa18 aliqua propter hoc ligentur seu astringantur, nec pro ligatis habeantur, cum super hiis et quod non teneantur ad contributionem nobis constat ipsos privilegio apostolico esse munitos.''

The collection of 1285, although it did not succeed in overturning the exemption for those canons of Notre-Dame who were simultaneously masters and scholars at the university, is important for what it reveals about the procedures of such general collections in the late thirteenth century. The 1285 collection illustrates the relationship between an approach in which collectors go out to and through the residential quarters of the university community recording the names and occasionally payments of those encountered there, and an approach in which scholars make payment at one designated place within a certain period of time. In this instance, the problems of collecting the money in a timely manner ± surely not an unusual problem ± led the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve, newly empowered to this task by Martin IV, to use a variety of means to force all masters and scholars to pay their share. The general collection was authorized and initiated in January 1285, and the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve promulgated the requirement and sanctions in sermons and classrooms throughout the university, setting a date by which payment was to be made at the monastery of Ste-GenevieÁve.19 Because the number of those responding 18

19

The reading of ``summa'' where the earlier document had ``sententia'' may simply be a mistranscription of an abbreviation; ``sententia'' makes better sense. I am grateful to David Luscombe for pointing this out. CUP I, p. 628, #519: ``Et super hoc omnes magistros et scolares de Universitate generaliter et canonice monuimus primo, secundo et tertio, et moniciones nostras in sermonibus et in scolis rite fecimus publicari, ut infra certos terminos jam elapsos dictas bursas suas ad monasterium nostrum deferrent nobis integre persolvendas . . .''

35

The recovery and context of a document was low, the deadline was extended to early March and a commission composed of representatives of the three higher faculties and the four nations of the arts faculty was empowered to go to every residence where masters and students lodged and to record the names of all individuals living there, marking those who had or had not paid, and giving the list to the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve.20 Those who had not yet paid (or had paid too little) and who failed to make full payment at the monastery by the new deadline would, after a grace period for appeals, be denounced publicly and excommunicated. Whether compiling a list of university members based on place of residence was an innovation of the of®cials at Ste-GenevieÁve in a moment of desperation in 1285 or whether it had been used earlier, this statement is important to understand the computus of 1329±30. In the face of the dif®culty of getting individuals to report and pay at one ®xed location, compounded by the fact that the of®cials at Ste-GenevieÁve did not personally know the thousands of individuals who were expected to pay, a topographical and hierarchical method of identi®cation and payment was instituted that worked alongside the ®rst method. Representatives of the faculties and nations would personally know the masters who belonged to those groups, who in turn would know the names of the students who were ``enrolled'' with them or resided with them. The representatives would also know the places of university residence, the houses of masters, the colleges and convents, and the hostels or rented lodgings. If the commissioners in 1285 were conscientious enough to have recorded the name and place of residence of every master and student, as the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve requested, the list would have been monumental in size, even for the university community in the late thirteenth century, and its historical importance, had it survived, immeasurable. Unfortunately, all we have is the mandate for such a survey, but it does provide a precedent and context for the 1329±30 document. A residential survey of masters and scholars according to lodging unit 20

Ibid.: ``precipimus quatinus ad singulorum hospicia personaliter accedentes nomina omnium cohabitancium in quolibet hospicio in scriptis redigatis et nobis infra decem dies post receptionem hujus nostri mandati nobis assignare curetis, monentes nichilominus singulos nominatim, qui non solverunt vel non integre sine fraude secundum formam predictam bursas solverunt, ut infra diem dominicam qua cantatur Letare Jherusalem bursas suas cum omni integritate nobis solvant, alioquin ipsos, quos ex tunc in hiis scriptis, dilaciones suspensionis respectus omnes quos concessimus penitus et expresse revocantes, excommunicamus, excommunicatos publice nuncietis et ubicunque expedire videritis nominatim eos excommunicatos denunciari publice faciatis, nisi causam legittimam allegaverit, quare ad hoc minime teneantur, ad quam probandam assignetis eis coram nobis apud Sanctam Genovefam certos dies . . .'' The representatives of the four nations and three faculties serving the university in this on-site survey are named at the beginning of the document.

36

Collectae and university ®nance was not part of normal procedures at the time of a general collection, at least not before 1285. As the letter of the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve makes clear, it was instituted as a means of pressure, a way of identifying those who were expected to pay and possibly used only when the response to the initial call for payment at one ®xed location was insuf®cient. All other descriptions of procedures governing general collections ± such as Pope Martin's letters in 1284, the university appeal in 1313, the discussion of procedures in the English-German nation in 1339 (the last two to be discussed later) ± envisage payment at one ®xed location, which results in a list of names, for example those in 1464, in order of payment, not by place of residence. Nor does the residential survey appear to have been an alternative or substitute means of assessing the university community in place of a ®xed collection point. In 1285 (and probably in 1329±30) it was part of the same process. The primary purpose of the survey was identi®cation, and its secondary purpose to facilitate the recording of payments. It helped to determine who owed, how much was owed, and whether payment had been made. Payments could be marked on the sheets by those administering the survey, if such had already been made or were then being made, and it provided an opportunity to admonish personally those who had not yet paid to do so within the week. This list was then turned over to the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve for the entering of sums paid at the ®nal accounting and the noting of the names of those in default. The on-site survey was far more strenuous and timeconsuming for university of®cials or their representatives and was perhaps only used as a last resort. When it was used, as in 1329±30, it was apparently the ®rst or second step in a process that would ultimately feed into a collection at one ®xed point. A topographical approach to mapping and collecting from a taxable community was not unusual in this period. This method was employed by the royal commissioners who collected the annual taille on commercial income of Parisian citizens during the reign of Philip IV and the occasional feudal assessment, such as the same king levied in 1313 to cover the expenses of knighting his son, Louis, who succeeded him in the following year.21 The royal collectors went through Paris street by 21

Records for six annual royal tailles during the reign of Philip IV have survived (1292, 1296, 1297, 1298, 1299, and 1300), of which the ®rst three have been published. In addition, the extraordinary taille of 1313 for the knighting of the king's son has been published twice. For the regular taille see Paris sous Philippe-le-Bel . . . le roÃle de la taille . . . 1292, ed. Hercule GeÂraud (Paris, 1837); Le livre de la taille de Paris . . . 1296, ed. Karl MichaeÈlsson, GoÈteborgs Universitets AÊrsskrift 64, no. 4 (GoÈteborg, 1958); Le livre de la taille de Paris . . . 1297, ed. K. MichaeÈlsson, GoÈteborgs Ê rsskrift 67, no.3 (GoÈteborg, 1962). For the taille of 1313, see Livre de la taille de Paris, en Univ. A l'an mil trois cent treize, ed. J.-A. Buchon in Collection des chroniques nationales francËaises 9.2

37

The recovery and context of a document street, house by house, noting name, occupation, and payment based on income from trade or craft, no matter how modest. The clergy, university scholars, royal of®cials, and nobility were exempt from this tax, which applied only to townspeople. The city (for purposes of both collection and recording) was divided into parishes, which were subdivided into quests, and those units into streets. Whether the records prepared on site by those doing the assessment and the ®nal of®cial record that has survived were equally thorough and similarly arranged cannot be known. In any event, the residential survey conducted by the university in 1285 precedes by several years the earliest surviving livre de la taille of Philippe le Bel. If the computus of 1329±30 includes the type of residential survey the university undertook on occasion as part of a collectio, the procedures used in that survey differed from that of the royal collectors, at least in record keeping. The university document from 1329±30 is far less detailed or thorough than the royal livres de la taille, the former listing only streets and moving from one parish to another before all the streets in one district were covered. The exact location of a person in a street was also not of concern to the collectors, and they may have recorded only those whom they found in a particular street or who were known to live there. The route of the university assessors in 1329±30, in the quire that is topographical, was, as will be seen in Chapter Four, a zigzag pattern, moving in sweeps from north to south to north, and gradually moving from west to east, taking time to do some districts more thoroughly than others, with a number of streets uncovered, or at least unmentioned. The imprecision in detail in the computus of 1329±30 in comparison with the records of the royal taille might be a difference between a record compiled on site and a ®nal of®cial document. There are several other reasons, however, for the differences between the thoroughness of the royal documents and the rough and casual appearance of the university document. First, the constituencies of the two records differed. The royal taille was concerned with citizens, many of them property owners, and all of them with an annual income from commercial activity that was the basis of the tax. The university assessors were concerned with scholars, most of whom were renters, and the basis of the tax was weekly expenditure, not income. Second, the royal (Paris, 1827); Le livre de la taille de Paris . . . 1313, ed. K. MichaeÈlsson, GoÈteborgs Univ. AÊrsskrift 57, no.3 (GoÈteborg, 1951). The livres de la taille for 1298, 1299, and 1300 survive (unedited) in Paris, Arch. Nat., KK 283. For a discussion of the circumstances of the taille of 1313, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France (Cambridge, MA, 1992), pp. 188±207.

38

Collectae and university ®nance assessors were for the most part concerned with a stable community in which the same persons at the same location would be encountered and taxed year after year. Thus there was a reason to keep precise and detailed records of where individuals were living and how much they had paid in the previous year. The university assessors faced, for the most part, a mobile community in which there was a large turnover in students, where individuals might drop out and reappear several years later and where those who remained from year to year might change lodgings. Thus the record university assessors kept, to the extent it was topographical, was useful only for one collection and would not necessarily be a meaningful record of where they might expect to ®nd speci®c individuals in subsequent years. The method of the royal taille alongside the speci®c instructions to the representatives of the faculties and nations in 1285 means that what we are observing in the computus of 1329±30 is in almost all cases the place of residence, not simply the place of encounter between university members and the collectors. Some phrases in the computus, such as ``before the gate'' (``coram portam'') as well as the rare mention of the same name in two different locations, for example Aldebrandinus, suggests that some persons were listed where they were met and may not have lived in that street. Beyond a few exceptions, however, the place of residence seems to have been the controlling factor, and the listing of the number of socii only makes sense if one is thinking of living units. Moreover, the accurate location of colleges as well as the listing of certain persons, such as the son of the count of Hainaut, as living ``in domo . . .'' makes sense only with respect to place of residence. The 1284 letter of Martin IV stated that the contributions of members of the university should be made ``prompte et liberaliter.'' The meaning of ``promptly'' was not, however, left to the discretion of the individual scholar but was determined by the abbot of SteGenevieÁve and was understood to mean a week. The swiftness of the collection process was sometimes thought to work a hardship on the poorer members of the university community, especially if the level of payment was set at an entire week's burse, as was the case in May 1313, rather than a portion of that amount. The collection in 1313 and the appeal to the Holy See that issued from it merit discussion, both because they reveal how the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve was interpreting the mandate of Martin IV, and because of certain parallels with the computus of 1329±30.22 On 1 May 1313, a 22

For a more detailed analysis and discussion of this event, see W. J. Courtenay, ``Foreign Scholars at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: the Crisis of 1313,'' forthcoming in History of Universities.

39

The recovery and context of a document university-wide collection was authorized, and because payment was slow in coming to the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve, the latter issued an admonition reminding scholars of their obligation under the terms of the privilege of Martin IV that payment be made within seven days.23 On 6 May some prominent members of the university community, led by Ademarus de Croso, gathered at the Dominican convent of St-Jacques and initiated an appeal to Clement V for an extension of the period of payment. On the following day at StJacques, with only one day left in which to make payment, they encouraged others to join in the appeal.24 The signing of this appeal, which lasted from the sixth to the eleventh of May, bears comparison with the computus of 1329±30 inasmuch as it provides the names of more than three hundred members or associates of the university at that one point in time, albeit recorded as asking for an extension on the time of payment, not as making payment.25 Nothing in the letters of Martin IV speci®ed a one-week period for the collection, only that the unit of payment be based on one week's burse. This suggests that the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve interpreted Martin's ``prompte'' as meaning one week, which may not have posed a problem when the level of assessment was set at a portion of the burse. There are two curious features to the 1313 appeal. The ®rst is that the rector, on whose behalf the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve was collecting the funds, was among those present at the meeting on 6 May. Although he did not sign the petition, there is no indication he opposed the action. Second, and more remarkable, among those asking for an extention on the time to pay the collection was Jean de Mons, canon of Notre-Dame and cantor of the cathedral.26 Because he was exempt from payment and surely knew so, we can only assume he was adding the prestige of his name and of®ce on behalf of the poor scholars of Paris. Other than the fact that the collection was to be administered under 23 24

25

26

CUP II, pp. 161±166, #703. Ibid., p. 161: ``aliqui de dominis nostris, heri, in dicto capitulo [ecclesie fratrum Predicatorum Parisius], appellaverunt super quadam monitione emanata a religioso viro abbate Sancte Genovefe Parisius . . . et a cancellario dicti monasterii, executoribus deputatis, ut dicitur, super quoddam privilegium a sanctissimo patre domino Martino . . . ad contribuendum et taxandum scolares dicte Universitatis in necessitatibus eminentibus Universitatis memorate. Et super hoc moniti fuimus, virtute illius privilegii, ut scitis, quod infra diem septimam solvamus quilibet bursam suam unius ebdomade, et nos non habeamus nisi crastinam diem pro septima die; et ipsa monitione sic ardua . . .'' Additional similarities between the documents of 1313 and 1329±30, such as the use and meaning of the terms socius and scolares, the presence and prominence of members of the aristocracy within the university community, and the tendency to ``report'' by regional groupings, will be discussed in subsequent chapters. CUP II, p. 164: ``Johannes de Montibus, cantor Parisiensis.''

40

Collectae and university ®nance the authority of the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve, the actual procedure was not laid out in the papal documents and may have been at the discretion of the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve and the of®cers of the university at the time of each assessment. The collection of 1285 began and ended with the collection being handled at one ®xed place, SteGenevieÁve, with a residential survey undertaken in the middle to encourage compliance and facilitate checking on payments. The appeal of 1313 also indicates that payment was to be made at Ste-GenevieÁve. University masters, however, apparently had (or by the 1330s had acquired) the right to change the place of payment and to involve the rector, deans, and proctors directly in the collection of money.27 The ability of the university to meet its debts did not improve, and in November of 1316 the four faculties attempted to create a ®nancial reserve on which the university might draw.28 Members of the arts faculty were to contribute according to customary assessment based on one's burse, and the accumulated funds presumably placed in the hands of the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve. The three higher faculties instituted set payments at the time of promotion to a new academic level. In the faculty of medicine payment would be based on the burse: a full burse when one began to lecture as a bachelor of medicine and one full burse when one was licensed. The faculties of canon law and theology chose set amounts. In canon law the rates were set at 5 sol. when one became a bachelor of decrees, 8 sol. when one was licensed, and 10 sol. when one incepted as master. In theology candidates were to pay 1 sol. for each of their two years as biblical cursor, 3 sol. when they began their lectures on the Sentences, and 10 sol. when they incepted as a master of theology. The deans of the three higher faculties were to keep these funds until they were needed. This procedure, at least in the higher faculties, had the advantage of forcing payment from anyone who sought promotion to a more 27

28

Placing the collection in the hands of university of®cials was not an innovation. The collection of 1254 was administered by masters William of St Amour and Robert de Duaco (CUP I, #238, 239). CUP II, #731, pp. 186±188. Beyond the normal dif®culty in raising suf®cient sums through ad hoc collections, Parisian scholars as a group were experiencing ®nancial hardship in the second decade of the fourteenth century. Several royal and papal decrees were issued between March 1313 and July 1315 to protect the goods of scholars in transit to and from Paris (CUP II, #701, pp. 159±160; #702, pp. 160±161; #705, p. 167; #707, p. 168; #718, pp.174±175; #719, p. 175; #720, pp. 175±176). Poor harvests in 1315 led to increased food prices, which placed a further burden on student resources (see W. C. Jordan, The Great Famine [Princeton, 1996]). As a partial remedy, the university initiated an appeal in 1316 for increased bene®ce support from the church, which received papal backing (CUP II, #728, pp. 182±183; #728a, pp. 183±184; #729, pp. 184±186; #738, pp. 198±199; #739, pp. 199±200, #742, pp. 201±202; #746, p. 205; #747, p. 206; #749, p. 207; #750, p. 208; #753, p. 210). Pope John XXII in July 1318 also renewed the papal mandate supporting general university collections (CUP II, #766, p. 222).

41

The recovery and context of a document advanced level. How successful this new system was, either in place of or alongside general collections authorized in time of need, is unknown. The collection of 1329±30 followed the older practice of general collections. In April 1339 the university, sitting in general congregation, authorized a collecta to cover the expenses of the university nuntii to Avignon, which the theological masters initially refused to endorse but were forced to accept through the threat of a substantial ®ne.29 The level of assessment was set at a quarter burse (half that of the amount raised in the 1329±30 collecta). The purpose of the mission was twofold. The initial purpose was to argue the university's side in a case pending at the papal court in which several citizens of Valence involved in a property dispute with two arts students from the Norman nation were appealing the initial decision of the of®cial of the bishop of Senlis that favored the arts students.30 The university was pursuing the case on behalf of two of its members but doing so probably because an issue of university privilege was involved. The other purpose of the delegation to Avignon was to submit rolls (rotuli) of university members worthy of consideration for bene®ces. It is dif®cult to tell from the only surviving description of this collecta, recorded in the proctor's register of the English-German nation, which elements represented standard working procedure, which represented a choice among alternative means, and which were innovations or attempts to reintroduce policies that had failed earlier. The language concerning those liable for the collection appears standard. Everyone enjoying the privileges of the university, namely regent and nonregent masters, secular and regular students, both those in colleges and others, with the exception only of the mendicant brothers, should pay a quarter part of one week's burse under penalty of privation of rights for those who were bound by oath [to the university], or a penalty of expulsion for those not yet bound by oath, or a penalty of removal from of®ce for those in the category of booksellers, parchment sellers, illuminators, and scribes, all of whom were required to contribute just as the masters and students.31 29 30

31

AUP I, cols.29±30; CUP II, p. 487, #1025. The surviving documents concerning the case are found in CUP II, pp. 476±477, 482±483, 487±488, 488±489, 521±522. The case was important enough to be noted in the proctor's register of the English-German nation; AUP I, cols.26, 28±32. AUP I, col.30: ``quilibet gaudens privilegiis Universitatis, scilicet magistri regentes et non regentes, scolares seculares et regulares tam de domibus collegiatis quam alii, exceptis tantum fratribus mendicantibus, quartam partem burse unius septimane persolveret sub pena privacionis si juratus, sub pena resecacionis si scolaris non juratus, et sub pena amissionis of®cii si librarius, pergamenarius, illuminator sive scriptor, qui omnes ad contribuendum astringebantur, sicut magistri vel scolares.''

42

Collectae and university ®nance When those constituencies are compared with the computus of 1329±30, we ®nd a close correlation. Students and masters in colleges and convents were assessed just as were those living in other accommodations, whereas the convents of the mendicant orders were bypassed by the assessors. Some of the university supporting staff, such as the beadles, were not assessed, whereas those in trades for which the university was a major client and who were often licensed by the university were required to pay, even though it is dif®cult to know how the principle of the burse would apply to them. Several scribes, one pergamenarius, and possibly one bookseller show up among those assessed in 1329±30, but whether they were simultaneously students or alumni is unknown.32 If those in the supporting trades were systematically and successfully assessed in 1329±30, one would have expected more names in that category. The assessment of non-regents in the 1339 statement may help to explain some curious features of the 1329±30 computus. Almost all the curates of the parish churches on the Left Bank as well as several on the Ile and Right Bank were assessed, but whether this was because those individuals were simultaneously students, masters, or alumni, or because their churches fell within the university's jurisdiction or right to tax, is unclear.33 Inasmuch as the churches on the Ile and the Right Bank were outside any university territorial jurisdiction, it is more likely that the curates listed in the computus were active members or former members of the university. All scholars who became masters of arts, and all those promoted to the magisterium in a higher faculty who had not reigned in arts, were obliged to swear an oath to observe the regulations and defend the privileges of the university no matter to what state they 32

33

The level of payment (burse) of non-scholars in trades dependent on and licensed by the university was presumably a negotiated amount based on income, not weekly expenditure. The scribes listed in the computus were Guillelmus Marpaudi (Comp., p. 227: Marpaudus) and Ivo de Curia (Comp., p. 240); the parchment dealer was Franciscus pergamenarius (Comp., p. 238); and at the upper end of Grande rue St-Jacques, near the Dominican convent and thus near the location of the bookseller's shop that belonged to the Sens family, the computus lists two Johannes de Senonis (Comp., pp. 219, 220). But it appears that in 1329±30 Thomas de Sens was still in charge of the family business; see R. H. and M. A. Rouse, ``The Book Trade at the University of Paris, ca. 1250±ca. 1350,'' in La Production du livre universitaire au moyen aÃge: Exemplar et pecia, ed. L. J. Bataillon, B. G. Guyot, and R. H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), pp. 41±114, at 56±64, 102. Jean de Sens might well be a relative and a student. Those included in the computus of 1329±30 are the curates of St-AndreÂ-des-Ars (Sanctus Andreas de Arcubus, Comp., p. 223), St-SeÂverin (Sanctus Ceverinus, Comp., p. 225), St-Cosme (Sanctus Cosmus et Damianus, Comp., p. 222), St-BenoõÃt-le-Bestourne (Sanctus Benedictus, Comp., p. 226), St-Hilaire (Sanctus Illarius, Comp., p. 227), and St-Nicholas-du-Chardonnet (Sanctus Nicholas, Comp., p. 234) on the Left Bank; St-BartheÂlemy (Sanctus Bartolomeus, Comp., p. 238), St-Landry (Sanctus Landrici, Comp., p. 244), and St-Martial (Sanctus Martialis, Comp., p. 240) on the Ile; and St-Eustache (Sanctus Eustacius, Comp., p. 240) on the Right Bank. The prior of St-Eloi on the Ile (Sanctus Eligius Parisiensis, Comp., p. 242) was also assessed.

43

The recovery and context of a document might eventually be promoted.34 That obligation was intended to continue the authority of the rector over those who went on to a higher faculty or subsequent career and to prevent actions that would harm the university, but it also entailed the ®nancial defense of university privileges, which was the most frequent reason for a general collection. It is likely that the curates listed in the computus were bound by such an oath. Papal letters of provision for university masters in the fourteenth century reveal a dense pattern of their occupancy of positions in parish and collegiate churches in Paris and the surrounding area.35 Moreover, if non-regents and other alumni were normally included in university collections and not simply in those that, as in 1339, funded the costs of submitting a rotulus to Avignon, that would also help to explain the presence in the computus of those who, by reason of age and occupation, were probably no longer active in study or teaching.36 But the 1339 language de®ning liability did attempt to modify policy in one respect. Only the immunity of the mendicant orders was mentioned, not that of the cathedral canons, and we know from a letter of Benedict XII six months later that the university again tried to apply the collecta to masters and students holding cathedral appointments, or at least to those who wanted their names included among those recommended for additional bene®ces.37 If, in the eyes of university masters, the pool of those assessable for purposes of the collecta was standard and not subject to debate, except for the on-going dispute with the cathedral canons, the procedure for handling the actual collection of funds, and perhaps the of®cers delegated with this responsibility, were matters of choice. In 1339, as later in 1464 and in other years, the general congregation decided on setting up a reception center at Mathurins, centrally located, and required all members of the university community to go there to pay the determined portion of their burse within the prescribed time. 34

35

36 37

Whereas the oath taken at the time of determination or licensing in arts was simply to obey the rector and proctor (CUP II, pp. 674, 675), those incepting in arts swore before the rector to defend the privileges of the university (CUP II, p. 680): ``jurabitis quod libertates facultatis et consuetudines facultatis honestas, et totius Universitatis privilegia defendetis, ad quemcunque gradum deveneritis.'' A similar oath was sworn by masters in theology, decrees, and medicine if they had not incepted in arts (CUP II, p. 685): ``jurabitis quod vos observabitis privilegia, statuta, jura, libertates et consuetudines laudabiles Universitatis Parisiensis, ad quemcunque statum deveneritis.'' Some of this becomes evident in scanning the biographical register in Part III. It will be even more evident with the publication of the results of the university rotuli of supplication during the ®rst half of the fourteenth century, presently underway. For example, Jean de Mandevillain and Jean de Hubant. CUP II, p. 487, #1026.

44

Collectae and university ®nance The mode of receiving the contribution was debated by the university assembly, [which decided] that those deputed from each faculty with the rector and the proctors [of the four nations] were to sit at St-Mathurin and there receive [the funds] from all masters, students, and others who were summoned there [by announcements] both in the schools and in sermons.38

The collecta of 1339 was not done through a street-by-street assessment but at one central location to which all members of the university community were required to come, or lose their privileges. Moreover, the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve were not involved in the actual collection, which was done by a committee of eight to receive the money and record the names themselves or have them recorded through a scribe. In the event that the collection took longer than the week or two left of the proctor's term of of®ce in the English nation (and presumably the other nations as well), they were to continue in of®ce until the collection was completed.39 The collecta of 1329±30 seems to have been administered in a different way, if we are to judge by the computus. It began as a street-by-street assessment, although it ended by collecting monies at one place.40 Moreover, it does not appear that the rector was one of the receptors because he was assessed at his place of residence in the rue de Sorbonne.41 On the other hand, since no one in the list is identi®ed as a proctor of a nation, it may be that they belonged to the group of receptors, which must also have included representatives of the three higher faculties. The collection of 1339, then, was conducted by the rector, the deans or representatives from the higher faculties, and the proctors of the university who together received the ``contributions'' of members and 38

39

40 41

AUP I, col.30: ``Modus vero recipiendi contribucionem deliberatus per Universitatem fuit talis, quod deputati de qualibet facultate una cum rectore et procuratoribus sederent ad Sanctum Maturinum, et ibi reciperent ab omnibus magistris et scolaribus, etc., qui ibi tam per scolas quam in sermonibus publicis vocabantur.'' Ibid.: ``Item deliberatum fuit, quod qui jam in principio deputarentur ad levandum predictam contribucionem, remanerent in suis of®ciis quantum ad hoc, quousque contribucio esset facta. Item deputatus fuit magister Mathias Laurencii de Swecia [then proctor of the English nation] ex parte nacionis Anglicane ad levandum contribucionem predictam.'' A new proctor, Nicolaus de Schiltbergh, was elected proctor on the ®rst of May, which means that the collection was completed by the end of April while Mathias was still in of®ce. For the sequential relationship of the two portions of the document and their respective methods of collecting, see Appendix Two, pp. 247±254. Unfortunately, the rector, like the chancellor, is identi®ed in the computus only by title of of®ce (Comp., p. 221). Deni¯e ascertained the identity of the chancellor because he was listed with the members of the ColleÁge de Narbonne (Comp., p. 222). In the case of the rector, we know only that the holder of that of®ce at the time of the collecta lived next to Robert de Bardis on the rue de Sorbonne, near its intersection with the rue des Thermes where the ColleÁge de Sorbonne also owned property.

45

The recovery and context of a document associates of the university community at one central collection point (in that instance, Mathurins), just as was the 1464 procedure discussed in Chapter One. The 1329±30 document, however, like the letter of the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve in 1285, reveals two procedures: the collection at one place in the last days of the assessment period to which those who had not yet paid reported; and a street-by-street survey initially followed in the assessment of 1329±30, which was not only a method of recording the names of those who should pay, but a means of collecting payments. Because the 1329±30 document is found among the records of the English-German nation and was prepared in part by persons from that nation, that collection was probably conducted by university of®cials and resembled the collection of 1339 rather than that of 1313. Whether that change was a permanent shift in procedure or only a temporary experimentation is not known. The composition of the collection team, if we are to judge by the way the university conducted its assessment of rental property or the composition of the ``survey'' team in 1285, would have been composed of one person from each of the higher faculties and one person from each nation. In 1285 it is unclear whether these were the deans and proctors, although in 1339 these of®cers, in addition to the rector, constituted the committee. Everything else we know about the university suggests that they would never have trusted one person to collect money; it had to be done by a team. Whether or not all seven members of the committee had to be present each and every day of the week in which the collection took place, it is evident in the 1329±30 computus that more than one scribe was used to record names. And rather than several teams of collectors simultaneously surveying different parts of the city in which scholars lived, each creating their own documentation, one written record was prepared, just as was suggested in 1285, with one team moving through the university community across several days. The 1329±30 document, with statements about what was collected on the ®rst day and with most names on the last quire recorded before the original scribe came back ``on duty,'' suggests that one working document was generated and passed from team to team or scribe to scribe, as individuals or groups took their turn. As the document grew in length, especially as scholars who had not yet paid appeared on the last two days at Ste-GenevieÁve or Mathurins, it would be dif®cult quickly to ®nd the names of each individual in the unbound quires of the topographical record in which the collectors were to note payments next to names. Neither the streets nor the names were alphabetically arranged, or always clearly readable. It was more ef®cient simply to note name and payment of those paying toward the 46

Collectae and university ®nance end of the assessment process. Someone could later compare the names and payments of those listed in the street-by-street assessment with those who had reported and paid at the end. In some cases, it was probably possible to go back and ®ll in the amount paid next to the name entered earlier, which explains the discrepancy between the sum of the recorded amounts listed for the ®rst day and the total amount of money stated as collected by the end of the ®rst day. Later practice was probably to write the name a second time, with payment if such were being made, or no payment if the person claimed he had paid already. Because of this, several names of persons not belonging to the university community were included in the street-by-street portion of the document and were marked with the designation ``non scolaris.'' Those who refused to pay were marked with a cross, usually with the additional phrase ``non gaudebit privilegiis.'' In one case a person so marked in the ®rst quire did make payment on the last day and was listed in the ®nal quire with payment.42 This brief account of the collectae universitatis sheds light on our document in three respects. First, because this document assessed masters and scholars from all faculties, it was a full university collecta, which in turn means that it was instituted to meet some special ®nancial emergency and was not, as has sometimes been supposed, a regular assessment equivalent to an annual ``registration'' fee. Second, although university members probably felt that all masters and scholars should be required to contribute, on the principle that if one enjoys university privileges one should pay for their defense, the traditional exemptions were mostly adhered to in this collection. Names of masters or students from the mendicant orders as well as cathedral canons, with one exception, do not appear in the document as it survives, although the university receptors did nibble at the edges of the cathedral immunity.43 They attempted to assess the chancellor, Guillaume Bernardi (Comp., p. 222), probably on the grounds that he had not yet moved into the domus cancellarii in the cathedral close.44 They successfully assessed 42 43

44

For a more detailed discussion of the relation of the two quires of the 1329±30 computus, see Appendix 2. The ``exception'' was the chancellor, who was also a canon. In the index to CUP II, p. 783, the editors raised the possibility that the Petrus Casellis mentioned in the computus (Comp., p. 240) might be Petrus Casalis, master and canon of Notre-Dame at that time. This is unlikely because the amount paid by Petrus Casellis, 2 sol., represents the burse level of an average student, not a cathedral canon. The university receptors might have thought that Bernardi's residence at the ColleÁge de Narbonne made him subject to the technical language of tax liability (``in communi bursa cum sociis in ebdomada ponitis'') that the cathedral canons had used to argue their exemption. Bernardi was already a prebendiary canon of Notre Dame by the summer of 1328, even if his installation in chapter and choir had been done by his proctor.

47

The recovery and context of a document Bernardi's of®cial, Pierre Andre (Comp., p. 231). They also assessed the of®cial scribe of the cathedral chapter, Ivo de Curia (Comp., p. 240), either because he perhaps acted as scribe for occasional university matters or because he might simultaneously have been a student.45 Third, the reaf®rmation of the cathedral exemption in August 1330 (CUP II, pp. 339±40, #906) was undoubtedly provoked by the university's infringement of that immunity by this collecta to cover the costs of litigation against the bishop of Paris.46 On the basis of the evidence presented, the computus resulted from a collection that took place between December 1329 (the date of Pierre AndreÂ's becoming the of®cial of the chancellor) and March 1330 (the date at which Bernardi moved into the cathedral close and the approximate time when the chapter of Notre-Dame appealed to the abbot and chancellor of Ste-GenevieÁve against the attempt by the university to force one or more canons of the cathedral to contribute to the collection of the university). To uncover the reason for that collection, we now turn to the sequence of events in the summer and autumn of 1329 that led to a legal confrontation between the university and the bishop of Paris, which in turn produced the ®nancial need that resulted in the collection in the ®rst place. From a legal and social standpoint, the case by itself, apart from the light it sheds on the computus, is among the more interesting chapters in the history of the medieval university of Paris. 45

46

He is listed as ``Ivo de Curia, notarius capituli, viii solid.,'' which was a substantial ``contribution.'' Yve was one of the notaries who prepared the documents for the cathedral chapter in its case against the university in January 1327; CUP II, pp. 296±298, #860. In the eyes of the chapter, his position as cathedral notary should have made him exempt, since the chapter argued that cathedral immunity extended to those who were within the bosom of Notre-Dame (``seu etiam alii de gremio Parisiensis ecclesie''); CUP II, p. 630, #520. None of the papal, legatine, or abbatial declarations of this immunity, however, speaks of its extending to anyone beyond the canons and cathedral clergy. This latter case concerned a substantial ®nancial penalty imposed by the bishop on a student accused of rape, in contravention of the university's privilege of immunity from such episcopal ®nes. This case will be discussed in the following chapter.

48

Chapter 3

PRECIPITATING EVENT: THE RAPE OF SYMONETTE

Late in the summer of 1329 a student in the arts faculty at the university of Paris, Jean le Fourbeur ( John the rascal or knave, a sobriquet he acquired or inherited), was arrested and imprisoned by the bishop of Paris on charges of raping a woman named Symonette. The alleged act had taken place somewhere in the diocese of Meaux immediately to the east of Paris, probably during the summer vacation when Jean was back in his home territory. Jean came from the village of Rozay-en-Brie, south of Meaux, and Symonette was a native of Bar-sur-Aube, to the east of Troyes on the southern edge of Champagne. Unfortunately, nothing more is known about the circumstances of the event except its aftermath: Jean returned to his studies at Paris and Symonette or her family followed him to seek justice, or perhaps to force him into marriage.1 Jean le Fourbeur claimed to be innocent of the rape of Symonette and was released into the custody of his master, Milo de Jorello, in accordance with university privileges. At the time master Milo, who came from the diocese of Troyes, was living in the area of the rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras with ®ve socii, one of whom may have been Jean le Fourbeur.2 Jean was soon seized and reimprisoned, presumably because he had by then been judged guilty, until he paid the substantial ®nancial penalty that had been imposed by the bishop or his of®cial: 400 1

2

The register of the chapter of Notre Dame records that on 2 August 1329 the chapter lifted a sentence of excommunication on a certain Johanninus, son of Jean le Fourbeur, after he took an oath in the presence of the notaries of the chapter, Evenus Bohic and Ivo de Curia. The crime of which he was accused is lost in the fragmented margin of the manuscript, but assuming the son, in a university context, was known by the name of his father, this entry in the chapter register provides the earliest evidence of the legal case. Reg. ND, p. 111: ``Item Johanninus ®lius Johannis le Fourbeur fuit absolutus ab excommunicationis . . . et interdicti sententia pro . . . quia iuravit in curia Parisiense ubi erat detentus in presione eorum magistro Eveno Bohic et Ivone de Curia notariis nostris ad hoc a nobis deputati . . .'' Comp., p. 224.

49

The recovery and context of a document pounds parisian. In establishing the level of penalty, we do not know whether the bishop was motivated by avarice, as the university later claimed, or by a desire to punish a student who had committed a serious crime, both for the sake of justice and as an example to the university community. Unless the bishop intended simply to keep Jean in prison, he must have assumed that the student had the means of paying the ®ne. The money, in coin and pledges, was eventually paid by or on behalf of the student, who had apparently suffered physical punishment while imprisoned, and he was returned to the bosom of his alma mater.3 On the surface there appear to be few if any irregularities in this procedure. Rape was a serious crime in medieval society, especially if the victim was of good family. Although the type and level of punishment often varied with the social position of the victim, a substantial monetary ®ne was not unusual, particularly because it encouraged marriage as a potentially less expensive alternative.4 Depending on circumstances, the crime of rape could bring death or the con®scation of as much as half one's assets. Because the accused, as a student, had clerical status, he was arrested and tried in an ecclesiastical court, which was the appropriate judicial forum. The bishop of Paris, or more likely his of®cial, was acting on charges that arose from an alleged act in a neighboring diocese, but his jurisdiction in this matter was again appropriate, since canon law prescribed that trials normally should be held at the place of residence of the accused.5 Moreover, at the early stages of the proceedings, Jean was remanded to the custody of his master, which was a long-standing scholarly privilege. There was, however, one irregularity without which we would probably never have known about the case. The corporation to which the student belonged, namely the university of Paris, had papal immunity from monetary ®nes.6 The bishop and his advisors should 3

4 5

6

This information is taken from a letter of the university to the prelates of France, which was composed a few months later, between 12 February 1330 and 25 March 1330, and which recounts the early stages of a legal dispute between the university and the bishop of Paris. The letter survives in only one manuscript: Paris, Arch. Univ., carton V.B.1.h, which was edited in CUP II, #899, pp. 333±336. No episcopal records on this matter are extant, and we have no testimony from Symonette or from Jean. The only other documents are two responses of Jean XXII (letters of 1 May 1330 and 5 April 1331), which are edited in CUP II, #903, pp. 338±339; CUP II, #910, pp. 341±343, and documents relating to the ®nal settlement of the case, which fortunately were preserved in C. Du Boulay, Historia Univ. Par., IV, p. 229±230 and republished in Glorieux, Sorbonne, II, pp. 553±556. James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society (Chicago, 1987), pp. 107, 149±150, 209±210, 396±398. Gratian, Decretum, C. 11, q. 1, c. 15±16: ``actor forum rei sequitur.'' I am indebted to James Brundage for this reference. The right of university scholars to have their cases litigated at Paris was also a university privilege. On this privilegium fori, see CUP I, pp. 181, 235, 400, 426. CUP I, #79, p. 138.

50

Precipitating event: the rape of Symonette have been aware of this, or so the university masters argued. Hugh of BesancËon, before his appointment as bishop, had been professor of canon law at Paris and had taken an oath to observe and defend the immunities and privileges of the university, including exemption from monetary ®nes imposed by any judge, especially by the bishop, his of®cial, or the chancellor of Notre-Dame.7 No sooner had the money been paid than Jean le Fourbeur, perhaps having worked out his plan in prison before paying, raised this very question with his master and with other masters.8 In view of the growing discussion within the university, the bishop, whether summoned by the rector or acting on his own initiative, appeared at a meeting of the general congregation of the university on Saturday, 11 November, to explain his actions. After several disingenuous maneuvers (``excusationes frivolas''), as they were viewed by the university,9 the bishop swore on oath that he was ignorant of all the facts and circumstances in the matter, and that his of®cial, who had handled the case, should be called to answer the university in his place with regard to the details of the case. If any irregularities had occurred, the bishop would guarantee the restoration of the money. The university, having investigated to its own satisfaction that Jean le Fourbeur was in fact a student in good standing, called the bishop's of®cial to appear before the university at the convent of St-Mathurin and to return the money to the student unless he could give reasonable cause why he should not.10 The of®cial appeared as requested. Confronting the university and the student, he insisted on the guilt of the student and, on the grounds that the act had taken place in a different diocese, he refused to return the money. The student, still denying the charges and asserting his scholarly status, offered to submit himself to punishment for the crime, but not through a monetary settlement. Further meetings were held, leading to another meeting of the general congregation of the university on 12 February 1330. The rector of the university read a statement and petition prepared by the student in which he claimed to be a student in good standing, now studying 7 8

9

10

CUP II, p. 333: ``alicui judici, maxime tamen et expresse . . . episcopo . . . of®ciali seu . . . cancellario Parisiensi . . .'' It appears that in addition to the of®cial master under whom Jean was enrolled, he studied with several private masters as well; CUP II, p. 334: ``dictus scolaris suo magistro et aliis suis privatis magistris detulit questionem.'' Hugh claimed (CUP II, #899, p. 334) that the judicial procedure and the imposed payment, once completed, were as binding as marriage and cited scripture (Matthew 19:6 or Mark 10:9): ``Deus conjunxit, homo non separet.'' The date of this meeting is not given in the university's letter nor in any other document. Presumably it occurred later in November 1329.

51

The recovery and context of a document under master Jean de Rovilla from his own diocese of Meaux and also claiming that the bishop, his of®cial, and his receptor, together and individually, extorted the money from him by force and threat. The university congregation agreed that the bishop, who as a doctor of canon law at Paris had sworn to uphold and defend the liberties and privileges of the university and had recently promised to see that the money was returned, was guilty of perjury, disobedience, and rebellion. Acting on the consensus of the meeting, the university drafted an open letter to all church prelates, detailing the facts of the case as they understood them, and condemning the bishop for his actions and his failure to restore the money.11 Hugh of BesancËon did not sit idle and let the university mobilize ecclesiastical opinion against him. As a former professor of canon law, he knew well the legal options open to him. He submitted to the papal court the question of whether he, who as bishop was responsible for punishing wrong-doers in his diocese, could or should be handicapped in the pursuit of that duty by an oath sworn to the university before he became bishop. If the charge of perjury was to be raised every time he tried to administer justice in a case involving a student, there was no way he could curb or punish immoral behavior within an important segment of his Parisian ¯ock.12 John XXII found the argument persuasive. On 1 May 1330 he released Hugh of BesancËon from his oath to the university.13 The university did not let the matter rest there. Beyond Jean le Fourbeur's claim of innocence and the recovery of the money, neither of which was a pressing matter for the university community at large, a privileged exemption from episcopal authority that the university had received from Gregory IX in 1231 was being undercut, creating in the university's view a dangerous precedent.14 Whereas the bishop had presented his case to the papal court as a perplexing con¯ict of obligation that endangered his ability properly to care for souls and the welfare of the church ± the question of the higher good ± the university presented its case in terms of papal authority. Bishop Hugh was not simply disobeying his oath to the university; he was acting directly against a papal privilege, thus contravening the expressed will of Pope Gregory IX. If Hugh's action were allowed to stand, an important papal 11 12 13 14

The result was the document edited in CUP II, #899, pp. 333±336. We do not have the statement of Hugh of BesancËon on this matter, but his argument was contained in the papal response. CUP II, #903, pp. 338±339. The privilege is listed among others in a letter of Gregory IX dated 13 April 1231 (CUP I, #79, p. 138).

52

Precipitating event: the rape of Symonette privilege could legally be ignored, thus undermining the legal force of other papal exemptions.15 It took more than a year before the force of that argument swayed the matter in favor of the university, probably because Hugh was able to continue a strong and expensive legal defense. From his side as well there was also more at stake than the 400 pounds. In the end, however, the papal-authority argument won out over the higher-good argument. Reaf®rming the validity of the university's exemption from monetary ®nes by reason of papal privilege, John XXII on 5 April 1331 required the bishop to restore the 400 pounds.16 The implementation of the papal decision was left in the hands of the archbishop of Reims, the abbot of St-Germain-des-PreÂs, and the abbot of St-Victor in Paris.17 The money was returned. Half the amount (200 pounds) was received by the community of St-Victor on behalf of the ColleÁge des Bons Enfants de St-Victor on 17 July 1331, and the other half (200 pounds) was received by the proctors of the Sorbonne on 23 July 1331.18 As far as we know no further action was taken against Jean le Fourbeur. Before one condemns the university ± an all-male institution before the modern era ± for using its in¯uence and position to seek and obtain what amounted to an acquittal of a convicted rapist, it must be remembered that from the university's standpoint the issue was not the nature or seriousness of the crime, nor whether Jean was guilty or innocent. The university was not directly protecting Jean from prosecution or judicial punishment in some form. The issue for the university was one of papal privilege. The university was protecting a scholarly exemption and making sure no adverse precedents were established. Jean got protection in the bargain and may even have shrewdly manipulated the system to his own advantage. It is interesting in this regard that to prove his membership in the university, Jean had to have the support of the arts master under whom he was studying. That master, Milo de Jorello, was not attesting to the character of Jean, although the phrase ``vitae ac morum honestate'' was part of the language used to express his being a student ``in good standing.'' Master Milo was only attesting to whether Jean le Fourbeur was a bona-®de student, whether he had scholaritas. It is also interesting that a few months later Jean was studying under a different master, Jean de Rovilla from his own diocese of Meaux, perhaps because his former 15 16 18

The university's argument is inferred from a subsequent papal letter that responded to their appeal. 17 Ibid., p. 343n. CUP II, #910, pp. 341±343. Ibid.; from Du Boulay, Historia Univ. Par., IV, p. 229±230; Glorieux, Sorbonne, II, pp. 553±556.

53

The recovery and context of a document master no longer wished him in his classroom or house.19 One might well wonder why any master would accept him after he had been rejected by or had removed himself from the previous master±pupil relationship. The student had caused considerable trouble to the university in addition to his crime against Symonette. It is easier to understand why the university did not take the opportunity of Jean le Fourbeur's change of masters to drop him from university status, although it would have saved them considerable sums in legal expenses. At the time of the alleged crime and at the time of the imprisonment and ®ne, Jean was clearly a student in the arts faculty. To allow the bishop's action to stand would have set a precedent that undermined a university privilege, no matter how unimportant or disreputable the student in question might be. Before turning to the importance of this sequence of events for the timing of the collection that produced the computus, two puzzles in the case itself merit attention. First, where did Jean get the money and promissory notes to buy his release from prison? We do not know the ®nancial resources of Jean le Fourbeur, but his nickname suggests that they were not extensive. Yet the ®ne imposed on him, a ®ne of 400 pounds, vastly exceeded the ®nancial assets of most Parisian students. None of the documents suggests that the university put up the money. The university did not become involved in the matter until after Jean had paid the ®ne, was released from prison, and had raised the question of university exemption. It is possible that Jean was far wealthier than his nickname implies. It is more likely that he received pledges from others or from moneylenders backed by pledges from him and his fellow students.20 Apart from whatever good will Jean might have been able to generate among his friends and associates, the argument he probably used to leverage that amount of capital was the strong chance it could be recovered, since the ®ne was in violation of university privilege. Whatever the plan, the recovery did not work in Jean's favor. When the 400 pounds was ®nally returned by the bishop almost two years later, it was divided equally between the ColleÁge des Bons Enfants de St-Victor and the ColleÁge de Sorbonne. In all of this it is interesting that, as far as we know, neither Symonette nor her family saw any of this money. Apparently, they only had the satisfaction, for a time at 19

20

Since the change in masters took place during the academic year, we may assume that Jorello was still teaching. The practice of students lodging with their masters will be examined in Chapter Five. Some such arrangement is suggested by the phrase ``in pecunia et pignoribus argenteis'' (CUP II, p. 334).

54

Precipitating event: the rape of Symonette least, that her rape had been avenged. A second puzzle is even more interesting. Given the layman's view of fourteenth-century justice, we would assume that the woman in question came from a family of some standing for her case even to have been prosecuted, let alone to have produced such a substantial ®ne. But Symonette, who came from Bar-sur-Aube and was the daughter of Guerin de St-Dizier, was not a young maiden carried off from the bosom of a wealthy, established family. She was a jongleuse, a profession often considered disreputable and one that did not usually attract those of high social station.21 Jongleuses were often assumed to be of easy virtue and associated with prostitution. Given that, it is amazing that charges were ever brought against Jean and equally amazing that so substantial a ®ne was exacted by the bishop. Either Symonette was forceful enough or well connected enough to gain a hearing at the episcopal court in Paris and secure a conviction, or the fourteenth-century judicial system was more evenhanded in prosecuting sexual assault than one might have expected. But in the end Jean went free. There is no evidence to suggest that Jean progressed much further in his academic career, and he may never have ®nished the arts degree. It was in the university's best interest to retain him somehow within the university community until the money had been recovered and the validity of the university's immunity from ®nancial payments in episcopal court reasserted. That might have been why master Jean de Rovilla accepted Jean le Fourbeur as a student during the course of the litigation, after Jean had left the tuitio of his ®rst master. Once the money was recovered, the university no longer needed Jean. But that is only conjecture. We rarely know anything about the later academic and post-university careers of most Paris students. There is little question that the rape of Symonette in the summer of 1329 that led to the imprisonment and substantial ®nancial penalty on Jean le Fourbeur were the events that brought about the legal confrontation between the bishop of Paris, Hugh of BesancËon, and the university. In the course of the collection to pay the legal expenses to pursue its case, which probably occurred shortly before or after the university presented its case to the prelates of France in February 1330, the university attempted to collect a payment from a member of the ColleÁge de Narbonne who also happened to be a canon and chancellor at Notre-Dame, Guillaume Bernardi. That led to a second, simultaneous law suit, this time between the university and the chapter of 21

The status of this ``profession,'' however, had risen in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; see John Baldwin, ``The Image of the Jongleur in Northern France around 1200,'' Speculum, 72 (1997), 635±663.

55

The recovery and context of a document Notre-Dame, that required additional funds. The latter case was resolved ®rst, in August 1330. The dispute with the bishop dragged on almost a year longer, until July 1331. All three parties ± bishop, university, and chapter ± had little hesitation in spending large sums of money on the defense of their rights and privileges. The case of Symonette reveals some interesting features of the ecclesiastical judicial system in fourteenth-century France, the treatment of rape cases, and the relationship of bishop and university. One aspect is a tendency in high-pro®le cases, even in modern society, for a shift or drift in judicial focus to occur. The case started as a crime of passion or violence of one individual against another. Within a matter of months, however, as the parties and their legal advisers argued it, the focus shifted to become a case about episcopal judicial authority on the one side and the preservation of a papal exemption on the other side. The two parties lost sight of the original issue and shifted it to a ``higher plane'' of institutional con¯ict. Symonette was forgotten in the process. Jean le Fourbeur, the defendant, skillfully manipulated the system and pitted two institutions ± the episcopal court and the university ± against each other in such a way that it removed attention from his alleged crime and got the ®nancial penalty nulli®ed, although not returned to him. The other aspect of the case is that a woman of modest, perhaps extremely modest, social standing was able successfully, at least for a time, to obtain redress for an act against her person and body. And she was able to do this against someone who was a member of one of the most powerful institutions in northern France. However much one may regret that her judicial success was overturned for reasons that had nothing to do with the initial case, it is important in understanding late medieval society that she was successful at all, considering that the crime in question, when in¯icted on the poor and powerless in modern society, does not often result in conviction. We will never know what led the bishop and his of®cial to prosecute the case, whether it was the nature of the crime Jean committed, an attempt at setting an example for unruly arts students, a means of attacking university privileges that limited episcopal power, or simple greed. As for Jean, he went free in the end not because he was judged innocent but because he knew how to take advantage of the laws of the privileged institution to which he belonged.

56

PART II

A window on a lost world

Chapter 4

ACADEMIC SPACE: THE TOPOGRAPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY COMMUNITY

Having restored the original sequence of the ®rst quire of the computus of 1329±30, and drawing upon the information collected in the biographical register in Part III, we are now in a position to follow the progress of the collectors through the university community and to gain some sense of the relationship between the residential location and the academic and social status of the persons they encountered. The route is easy to trace, but it is not clear to what extent the collection was based on parish units, as was the record of the royal taille, or on some other pattern of assessment and recording.1 Beyond that, particularly in comparison to the university taxatio domorum and the royal taille, the computus places university members in the context of the larger community in which they lived. Related details, such as the choice and patterns of residence, levels of disposable income, the topography of wealth in Paris, and the relationship between the university community, the aristocracy, and the royal court will be examined in subsequent chapters. t h e pa r i s h of st-be noiª t The ®rst section of the university community to be assessed was the section that made up the greater part of the parish of St-BenoõÃt. This was a rectangular unit formed by the Grande rue St-Jacques on the east, the city wall between the Porte St-Jacques and the Porte d'Enfer on the 1

Although parishes roughly correspond with districts, they were not self-contained units with contiguous boundaries. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of one parish might extend into a neighboring district, and isolated pockets belonging to the jurisdiction of a distant parish or religious institution (for example, the cathedral chapter) dotted the map of Paris. Consequently, the parish divisions in the records of the royal taille designate districts rather than strict ecclesiastical units. And although the computus does not mention parishes, it follows a topographical route that roughly conforms to a parish structure. See A. Friedmann, Paris, ses rues, ses paroisses du moyen aÃge aÁ la reÂvolution (Paris, 1959).

59

A window on a lost world

2

Paris in 1329

60

Academic space

3

The western area of the Latin Quarter

KEY TO MAPS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

St-Eustache Ste-Opportune Louvre Palace HoÃtel du Duc de Bourbon St-Germain-l'Auxerrois ChaÃtelet Place de GreÁve St-Gervais St-BartheÂlemy St-Eloi St-Martial St-Landry St-Christophe HoÃtel Dieu (Hospital) Augustinian Hermits ColleÁge de St-Denis Bp. Autun Bp. Chartres Bp. Noyon HoÃtel de St-Denis HoÃtel de Navarre St-AndreÂ-des-ars Archbp. Rouen Archbp. Reims Bp. St-Brieuc ColleÁge de Suesse

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

St-SeÂverin St-Julien-le-Pauvre Schools of arts Schools of medicine ColleÁge des PreÂmontreÂs Franciscans (Cordeliers) Bp. Laon Thermes (Roman Baths) Bp. Bayeux (later Cluny) Les Mathurins St-Cosme Bp. Clermont ColleÁge de Narbonne ColleÁge d'Harcourt ColleÁge de Bayeux St-BenoõÃt-le-Bestourne Bp. Auxerre; Bp. Avranches ColleÁge de TreÂsorier ColleÁge de Sorbonne ColleÁge de Cluny ColleÁge de TreÂguier Hospitallers Schools of canon law (deÂcret) Carmelites (les Carmes)

61

51 ColleÁge de Dace 52 St-Nicolas-duChardonnet 53 ColleÁge St-Bernard (Cisterc.) 54 ColleÁge de Cardinal LeMoine 55 ColleÁge des Bons Enfants de St-Victor 56 ColleÁge du Plessis 57 ColleÁge de Marmoutier 58 Bp. Langres 59 Les Petits Chollets 60 Dominicans (St-Jacques) 61 St-Etienne-des-Grez 62 ColleÁge des Chollets 63 Bp. Arras 64 HoÃtel du Duc de Bourgogne 65 St-Hilaire 66 HoÃtel du Comte de Blois 67 ColleÁge de Navarre 68 Ste-GenevieÁve 69 Bp. OrleÂans 70 St-Victor

A window on a lost world

4

The central area of the Latin Quarter

62

Academic space

5

The eastern area of the Latin Quarter

south, the rue de la Harpe on the west, and rue des Mathurins on the north. Since the assessment began with the area just south of Mathurins known as the cloister of St-BenoõÃt, the meeting that authorized the assessment may possibly have been held at Mathurins itself. What was known as the cloister of St-BenoõÃt (in claustro sancti Benedicti) describes an enclosed street, rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt, that lay behind the parish church of St-BenoõÃt and ran parallel to the Grande rue from rue des Mathurins up to the church (see ®gure 4). It was a densely populated street, as our computus reveals, and almost exclusively residential.2 Fifty individuals are mentioned who, for purposes of this assessment, were associated with the university, along with three others 2

In the royal taille of 1313, the only commercial incomes taxed were for Henri l'Alemant and Colin l'Alement, tavernier; Livre de la taille de Paris en l'an mil trois cent treize, ed. J.-A. Buchon, Collection des chroniques nationales francËaises 9.2 (Paris, 1827), p. 178.

63

A window on a lost world listed as ``non scolares.'' Of those ®fty, twenty-®ve are listed by name, ®ve of whom are designated magistri here or elsewhere. The other twenty-®ve university members are listed as socii or pueri of one of those named. Here one ®nds the houses of chaplains connected with St-BenoõÃt, two of whom, Nicolas and Jean, were considered by the collectors to be members of the university, at least for purposes of assessment. The street also contained many university persons unconnected with St-BenoõÃt. Two of those named came from Malines, while others came from the Ile-de-France, Brittany, the Bourbonnais, Marmoutier, OrleÂans, Aurillac, Langres, Trier, and Vienne. Although some of those who paid at the level of four or six solidi each may have belonged to a higher faculty, the only ones known to have been so af®liated were Adam de Francoville, a master of arts and already or soon to be a bachelor of medicine; Pierre du CheÃne (Quercu), master of arts and soon to be bachelor of canon law; Pierre d'OrgeÁres (de Orgeriis), a student in theology and a fellow of the ColleÁge de Navarre; Jean d'OrleÂans (Aurilianis), possibly the same as the regent master in the medical faculty, who later paid his half burse in the amount of ten solidi; and Robert de MontleÂon (Monte Leone), doctor of both civil and canon law and regent in the faculty of canon law. Most of those living in the CloõÃtre de StBenoõÃt were probably connected with the arts faculty. Two of those in this street were persons of substantial means. One of them, Amanevus de Ramafort, was cantor of Langres (Lingonensis) and probably a student in canon law, paying ten solidi. He was already connected with the university by 1313 and had obtained dispensations from his duties at Langres in order to study at Paris and elsewhere. Another was Hugh Vissac, a young nobleman from Le Puy, who paid twelve solidi. A third was Jean de Marmoutier (de Maiori Monasterio), a doctor of theology and possibly a Benedictine monk from Marmoutier, who held a life-lease from the ColleÁge de Sorbonne for a large house that ran from the rue du CloõÃtre westward to the rue de Sorbonne, who in 1329 was living there with one socius, and who also paid approximately ten solidi.3 Having reached the church of St-BenoõÃt, the next street assessed was the adjacent section of the Grande rue, from St-BenoõÃt (in magno vico 3

Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 542: ``domus religiosi viri et discreti magistri Johannis de Maiori Monasterio doctoris in theologia, videlicet cuiusdam magne domus in qua dictus magister moratur site in claustro Sancti Benedicti Parisius prout se extendit ante et retro a dicto claustro usque ad vicum de Serbona inferius et superius cum suis pertinentiis universis; quam siquidem domum ut predicitur situatam predictus magister habet et tenet ad vitam ipsius magistri . . .'' Glorieux conjectured that the house might have formerly belonged to the bishop of Angers. This may be identical with the ``domum novam Sorbonistarum in claustro Sancti Benedicti'' which in 1282 had its rent set at 20 lbs. annually, as in the previous year; CUP I, #511, p. 597.

64

Academic space supra Sanctum Benedictum) to the Porte St-Jacques and beyond. Since the colleges and churches mentioned are in proper sequential order, moving up the hill from north to south, the names of individuals and residential location are probably also in sequential order, starting at StBenoõÃt.4 In this segment, more than twice the walking distance of the previous one, there are over 150 persons accounted for: twenty-six listed by name, forty-three coresidents listed only as socii, one listed as a relative (the brother of Jean de Crasmenil), and the members of several colleges or religious communities: Du Plessis (Domus Galfridi de Plesiaco; number not indicated), Marmoutier (De maiori monasterio; twenty-two monks plus others), Les Petits Chollets (Les Petis Choles; twenty socii), and the prior and monks of Notre-Dame-des-Champs beyond the Porte St-Jacques. The Parisian residences of the bishops of Coutances and Langres were also located in this section of the Grande rue, near the ColleÁge de Marmoutier.5 The ColleÁge du Plessis, established in 1323 with forty burses for students in arts, theology, and canon law, had been reduced to twenty ®ve in 1329 in order to provide for Du Plessis' new foundation next door for the monks of Marmoutier.6 Only one of the socii of the ColleÁge du Plessis is shown to have paid initially, although others may have been included later in the computus. The ColleÁge de Marmoutier, occupied earlier in 1329, already had twenty-two monks in residence by the time of the computus, along with others who were boarding at the college.7 Les Petits Chollets was a house of scholars further up the 4

5

6

7

This section of rue St-Jacques contained many commercial businesses, most of them inns and taverns, several tailors, one cobbler, and the bookseller, Thomas de Sens; Buchon, Livre de la taille de Paris en 1313, p. 179. J. Semmler, ``Die Residenzen der FuÈrsten und PraÈlaten im mittelalterlichen Paris (12.-14. Jahrhundert),'' in MeÂlanges offerts aÁ Rene Crozet aÁ l'occasion de son 70 anniversaire, ed. P. Gallais and Y.-J. Rion, vol. II (Poitiers, 1966), p. 1224. Another, private residence of the bishop of Langres was located off the rue des Sept-Voies; ibid., pp. 1225±1226; A. L. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris (Notre Dame, 1955), pp. 270±274. Semmler's conjecture, p. 1228, that the house known as ``domus Lugduni'' may have been a house of study for students from that diocese is not supported by the computus, which would probably have noted their presence. The letters of foundation for the ColleÁge du Plessis date to 2 January 1323 (1322 Gallican calendar), although there is evidence that the college existed earlier in some form; see J.-B. Jaillot, Recherches critiques, historiques et topographiques sur la ville de Paris, vol. IV (Paris, 1782), pp. 113±114; A. Franklin, Anciennes bibliotheÁques de Paris, vol. III (Paris, 1873), p. 335; Berty and Tisserand, Topographie, vol. VI: ReÂgion Centrale de l'UniversiteÂ, pp. 265±266, 269. The of®cial name for the college was Maison de St-Martin-au-Mont (domus scolarium beati Martini in monte), but the computus proves that as early as 1329 it was also known as the ColleÁge du Plessis (domus Galfridi de Plesiaco). Geoffroy du Plessis deeded the amortized property formerly attached to the ColleÁge du Plessis to the abbey of Marmoutier on 9 August 1328; M. FeÂlibien, Histoire de la ville de Paris, vol. I (Paris, 1725), p. 391. The monk scholars, however, were of®cially received there on 28 January 1329 (1328 Gallican calendar); J. A. Piganiol de la Force, Description historique de Paris, vol. V (Paris,

65

A window on a lost world Grande rue, near St-Etienne-des-Grez.8 It was a dependent foundation of the nearby ColleÁge des Chollets to the east, but it was assessed separately from the main college. As the name suggests, it was a residence for students in arts and grammar, while Chollets itself provided burses for students in arts and theology. Both gave preference to scholars from the dioceses of Beauvais and Amiens. Although no students at Les Petits Chollets are identi®ed by name, seven residents of the ColleÁge des Chollets are listed at the beginning of the second quire of the computus, with a payment of 3 sol. each. Two of them were masters of arts, Pierre d'Encre and Florence de Hangest, while the others were probably students in arts: Robert de Coucy, Inguerram de Freneys, Pierre d'Erdet, Pierre de Wasquemoulin, and Mathieu de tribus Sororibus. Among those individuals listed on this section of the Grande rue, those living in the upper section of the street, between the ColleÁge de Marmoutier and the Porte St-Jacques, merit special attention. Two persons by the name of Jean de Sens ( Johannes de Senonis) are mentioned, perhaps indicating someone connected with the Sens family of stationarii who ran an important bookshop near the Dominican convent of St-Jacques. In 1329 the bookshop appears to have been still under the control of Thomas de Sens.9 We also ®nd several Spanish students of somewhat higher means living adjacent to one another: Bernard de Catellonia, Gerard Hispannus, and Alfonsus de Hispannia, the last of whom provoked a major crisis for the university in the following year by attempting to be licensed in medicine without having been examined by the required number of regent masters.10 We also ®nd one person of considerable wealth: Droco de Caritate (probably ChariteÂ-sur-Loire) who was a royal clerk and held ecclesiastical income from Soissons, Laon, Noyon, and Nevers. At the top end of the street we ®nd the keeper of furnishings (capicerius) for the church of StEtienne-des-Grez and two others (Guido and Simon of Sweden) who lived near the gate. The convent of St-Jacques is passed over in silence, since its members were exempt from university taxation.

8 9

10

1765), p. 405; given as the date of foundation by A. Franklin, Anciennes bibliotheÁques de Paris, vol. III (Paris, 1873), p. 335. One need not assume that these monks came directly from Tours. Some of them may have been housed elsewhere in Paris, perhaps in the leased lodgings of Jean de Marmoutier, doctor of theology, who lived in the rue du CloõÃtre-de-StBenoõÃt from before September 1320 until after the date of the computus. Also known as le Puits des Chollets; Berty and Tisserand, Topographie, vol. VI, p. 73. R. H. and M. A. Rouse, ``The Book Trade at the University of Paris, ca. 1250±ca. 1350,'' in La Production du livre universitaire au moyen age. Exemplar et pecia, ed. L. J. Bataillon, B. G. Guyot, and R. H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), pp. 41±114, at 56±64, 102. CUP II, #918±943.

66

Academic space Returning down the Grande rue, the assessors turned westward into the rue des Cordiers (in vico Cordigerorum). This street ran from the Grande rue at the ``image de St-Jean'' to the rue de Sorbonne at the house of Jacques le Breton. Surprisingly, only one scholar with an unspeci®ed number of socii is mentioned. The adjacent street, rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-Jacques (in claustro Sancti Jacobi), which abutted St-Jacques and ran from the Grande rue to rue St-Cosme, or rue de la Harpe, produced more results. Towards its eastern end two persons are listed: one of substantial means (Guido de Rua), and a master of grammar students, Nicolas GeÂrard. Towards its western end leading to Porte d'Enfer, or Porte St-Michel (prope Portam Inferni) there was a group of ®ve socii headed by a religious, Frater Richerius, who may have been a mendicant, since only the ®ve socii are assessed at 3 solidi each. Next to them was living Nicholas de Hamel (also known as Nicholas de Hamello), a person of higher means (8 sol. paid) and regent master in canon law by 1340, and further along a wealthy young clerk from Spain, Johannes de Luna, who resided with his tutor, although the latter was not mentioned. Luna was beginning his studies in arts at Paris and would later (Comp., p. 238) pay 24 sol. for himself and his tutor. Finally, the prior and thirteen monks of the ColleÁge de Cluny, situated on the corner of rue de la Harpe, are listed.11 From there the collectors turned back eastward into the university district, along rue des PoireÂes (in vico Poretarum). Here thirteen university members are listed, six by name and seven as socii. The presence of one non-scholar was noted, the treasurer of Rouen, occupying a residence adjacent to the college (TreÂsorier) founded by a previous holder of that of®ce.12 Two of those named are worthy of further mention. Alain Brito de Villacollis, listed here with six socii, was a master in the French nation in the arts faculty and was later rector in December 1340 when the statute supposedly against Ockhamist errors was passed by the arts masters. He later paid a half-burse of 3 solidi (Comp., p. 245). The other resident was the treasurer of Seville, another Spaniard of considerable means, who later, under the title ``thesaurarius Ispalensis,'' paid a halfburse of 20 solidi (Comp., p. 240). No mention is made of the ColleÁge de Rethel, which was supposedly founded in the ®rst half of the fourteenth century on the southern side of rue des PoireÂes near the 11

12

It is remarkable that the ColleÁge de Cluny had fewer student monks in residence (thirteen) than did the ColleÁge de Marmoutier (twenty-two), since the Cluniac house of studies had been in existence for seventy years and could draw students from a larger congregation. It appears that at the time the treasurer of Rouen was a person by the name of Bernard; Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 557.

67

A window on a lost world Grande rue. The silence suggests that this may not yet have occurred by 1329. After completing the rue des PoireÂes, the assessors turned northward along the rue de Sorbonne. In addition to those resident at the ColleÁge de Sorbonne (nineteen with fellowship and nineteen without), this street contained a number of university members of present and future distinction, many of whom enjoyed lifetime leases of property that belonged to the ColleÁge de Sorbonne. South of the college on the opposite side of rue de Sorbonne we ®nd Mahi Chacard, who appears in documents of the Sorbonne as magister Matheus Chocardi.13 Below the Sorbonne, in the direction of the rue des Mathurins, we ®nd two English scholars: Richard Fitzralph, a bachalarius formatus in theology at Oxford who would, in two years, become regent master and chancellor of that university; and John Northwode, nephew of the bishop of Exeter, who was under Fitzralph's academic and spiritual supervision and was either completing work in arts or, more likely, beginning his theological training for which residence next to the Sorbonne was an advantage. A little further down we encounter two Scottish members of the arts faculty: Patricius Brown, who was probably already a regent master in arts, residing with two young noblemen; and William de Angos, who was a student in arts and would later (Comp., p. 246) pay 3 sol. Next to Brown and Angos we ®nd the Italian, Robert de Bardis, a member of the Florentine Bardi banking family and either completing his doctorate in theology or already regent master in that faculty. He would become chancellor at Paris in 1336. His ®nancial resources placed him at the same level with the treasurer of Seville, with a payment of 20 sol. Finally, near the corner of rue des Mathurins, lived the arts master who at that time was serving as rector of the university, with three socii. Unfortunately, he is not listed by name, and we can only remove from possibility those senior members of the arts faculty who are cited by name in the ®rst quire and who are known to be living elsewhere in Paris. Many of those named in the rue de Sorbonne were living in houses leased from the college. This was true for Robert de Bardis, for Jean de Marmoutier (whose house backed on rue de Sorbonne), and probably for Fitzralph, for whom a letter of introduction had been sent to a former fellow student who in 1329 was a prelate living in Paris, probably Pierre Roger, archbishop of Sens and provisor of the Sorbonne. This may also have been the case with the house in which the rector lived. 13

The location of his residence is identi®ed in the documents of the Sorbonne; Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 561: ``ex alia parte domui quam ad presens tenet ad vitam suam vir discretus magister Matheus Chocardi.''

68

Academic space Without listing any residents of the rue des Mathurins, which was not being grouped with this district for purposes of this collection, the assessors passed the Paris residence of the bishop of Bayeux and continued back up the parallel street to the west, rue des MacËons (in vico Latomorum). Some twenty-six persons are noted there, one of them so familiar to the assessors that he is listed simply as ``Bartholomeus.'' Among those listed is another Spaniard, Dominicus de Ispannia with one young nobleman and another person, and a German, Johannes Almannus of Constance. Coming back to the rue de la Harpe (in vico Harpe) at the ColleÁge de Cluny, the assessors completed this district by listing the scholars and college members on either side of the street from there down to the ruins of the Roman baths (Thermes) at the western end of the rue des Mathurins. The list for this street begins with an unspeci®ed number of members of the ColleÁge du TreÂsorier (Domus tesaurarii de Rotomagio) and a woman by the name of Marote la Goge (``cujus bursa valde larga''), possibly a bookseller, illuminator, or someone in one of the other businesses that served the university and was expected to contribute to general collections.14 This upper section of the rue de la Harpe, opposite the ColleÁge de Cluny, was the location of the Paris residences of the bishops of Auxerre and Avranches.15 The remainder of this section of the rue de la Harpe, equal in length to the rue de Sorbonne or the rue des MacËons, was densely packed with scholars, many of them masters and persons of means. Among them we ®nd Michael de Area, who paid 18 solidi; the theologians and arts scholars of the ColleÁge d'Harcourt (de Haricuria); Guillelmus de Herches, regent master in theology and possibly connected with the ColleÁge d'Harcourt; Simon Hulardi, whom the assessors thought should have paid more than the 2 solidi he gave for himself and his colleague or socius, Johannes (``solvit 2 s. solum''); magister Otto and his pupil, Andreas of Sweden; a very wealthy Cluniac prior, Gailardus de Popia, who later with Laurence Cailarco, paid 30 solidi (Comp., p. 245); Nicolas d'Amboise, doctor of civil law; and the archdeacon of Utrecht. Further along, on the eastern side of the street opposite the residence of 14

15

The presence of a woman in what is otherwise an entirely male list has gone unnoticed because the entry was transcribed in CUP II, p. 670a, as ``Marcus la Goge.'' The sobriquet ``la goge'' suggests a young woman or serving girl, but that may have been a nickname retained from earlier years. It is improbable that she was a student in any formal sense. Inasmuch as her name was circled and lined out, as was the information regarding her ``burse,'' it is possible she was a prostitute, well known in the university community, and included in the list as an attempt at humor. Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1222, 1224.

69

A window on a lost world the bishop of Clermont,16 the collectors listed eight fellows and three non-fellows of the ColleÁge de Bayeux (in domo Guillelmi Boneti) and the members of the ColleÁge de Narbonne (Domus de Nerbona), including the newly elected chancellor, Guillaume Bernardi, and Germanus Celati along with twelve fellows and two externs. Finally, between the ColleÁge de Narbonne and the parish church of St-Cosme, were the residence of Louis, son of the Viscount of Melun and brother of a future archbishop of Sens, and that of the curate of St-Cosme. Although the number of ®gures listed for some streets seems low, every important street in this district was covered by the assessors. Excluding those listed as non-scholars, the total of university-related persons in this district, both named and unnamed, numbered considerably more than 350.17 Late in the ®rst day the assessors began to canvas the region further to the west. Beginning at the church of St-Cosme, they proceeded along the rue des Cordeliers (in vico Minorum) toward the Porte St-Germain. As with the Dominicans at St-Jacques, the Franciscans at Cordeliers were exempt from university taxation and are not mentioned in the survey. Only four persons are named in this street, among them Jean de Blangy, regent master in theology and future bishop of Auxerre, at the eastern end of the street near Cordeliers and St-Cosme, and the grammarian master, Rodulfus, toward the western end, with his twelve pupils in grammar.18 And at the Porte St-Germain (prope portam Sancti Germani), near the residences of the archbishops of Rouen and Reims, we ®nd another grammar master, Robert Wakemolin, with thirty-two pupils.19 The collection for the ®rst day ended at the house of study for the Benedictine abbey of St-Denis (prope domum Sancti Deonisii), with the listing of a master Johannes Gerini, possibly a secular master living near the convent, and the members of the house of studies itself, whose number was not indicated. Assuming, as is generally done, that the students from St-Denis were housed in or adjacent to the town residence of the abbot of St-Denis, this represents a topographical distance of several streets from the last mentioned location. It is 16 17

18 19

Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' p. 1227. Most of the streets covered in this district in the computus do not appear in the royal taille of 1313, presumably because they were residential and connected with the university. Those streets with commercial properties had inns, taverns, clothing merchants, and the occasional barber, cobbler, candle maker, and locksmith. This might be the same school ``inter duas portas juxta Fratres Minores'' that was owned by Jahanna la Frisonne in 1289; CUP II, #556, p. 31. On the palaces of the archbishops of Rouen and Reims, see Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1220, 1221.

70

Academic space surprising that no other streets or scholars are mentioned in the computus for this far western section of the Left Bank. Perhaps the house of studies for the abbey of St-Denis in 1329 was located near the Porte St-Germain, at what is now OdeÂon. It is more likely, however, that apart from the students of St-Denis, the northwestern section of the Left Bank was not a district of signi®cant university residence. No properties in this district appear in the taxationes domorum of the 1280s.20 f rom cor de l i e r s to t h e s e i n e: t h e pa r i s h e s of st- cosm e a n d st-a n dr e¨ The second day of collection appears to have begun near Cordeliers (see ®gure 3). Like the last part of the collection for the previous day, which proceeded in roughly a straight line from Cordeliers to the ColleÁge de St-Denis, the collectors on the second day proceeded from the district of Cordeliers to the Seine. If the initial plan was to do one district thoroughly before moving to the next, it seems to have been abandoned at this point. Several streets are passed over in silence, and the number of scholars identi®ed in those streets that are assessed seems surprisingly small. The collection on this day began with rue Pierre Sarrazin (in vico Petri Saraceni), which numbered thirteen individuals, four of them mentioned by name. Those whose burses are indicated were paying at a higherthan-average rate, between 3 and 6 sol. each. One of the four was Matheus ad Latus, a secular clerk from Picardy whose later career was in papal service, in part through his association with Pierre Roger. Another resident of this street, Marciardus, was so familiar to the collectors that no last name was entered in the computus. This street was also the location of the residence of the bishops of Laon.21 From there the collectors turned into the vicus Antiqui Plasterii. On most maps, this seems to correspond only with a street that continues rue Serpente westwards, beyond and perpendicular to rue Hautefeuille.22 That is not, however, the street into which the collectors turned after having assessed rue Pierre Sarrazin. In the thirteenth and 20

21 22

The sum collected for the ®rst day is stated to have been 8 lib., 6 sol., 8 den., whereas the total of the payments listed as collected to that point is more than twice that amount: 19 lib., 1 sol. and 8 den. This discrepancy can be explained by noting that some of the amounts listed previously in the document are in the same ink as the entry, while others appear to have been entered later. Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1223±1224. Adolphe Berty identi®ed the continuation of rue Serpente as ``rue de la Vieil [sic] PlastrieÁre,'' which on the map assembled by the Commission de Topographie de Paris it is identi®ed as ``rue de la vieille Plastriere'' or ``rue de Haulte''. See Berty and Tisserand, Topographie, vol. V: ReÂgion occidentale de l'UniversiteÂ, pp. 565±567.

71

A window on a lost world early fourteenth centuries, the upper (southern) end of rue Hautefeuille, as Adrien Friedmann noted in his reconstruction of the district according to the royal taille of 1292, was known as ``rue des Viez Plastriers.''23 The mention of the ColleÁge des PreÂmontreÂs (Domus Presmonstratensium) at the beginning of this street con®rms the location. This street, which in the distance from rue Pierre Sarrazin to rue Serpente should have been the residence of many scholars, produced only thirty-nine persons, twenty-one of them residents of the ColleÁge des PreÂmontreÂs at the southern end, and ten resident at the ColleÁge de Suesse (Sweden) at the northern end near the corner of what came to be the rue Hautefeuille and rue Serpente, close to the residence of the bishop of St-Brieuc.24 Beyond this college several other scholars are mentioned, including one Spaniard named Poncius. Whether because of the time of day or for other reasons, this section did not produce pro®table results. Three of the eight persons listed by name either refused payment or were found to be living in prohibited accommodations, and were recorded as ``non gaudebit privilegiis.'' The precise location of the next street, the vicus Sturell, poses something of a mystery. The most likely possibility is that the collectors returned halfway up the street just assessed, and then moved westward into a street that was later closed off at that point, the rue de l'Escureul or l'Escureuil.25 Three scholars are indicated as living there, one of them wealthy enough to be assessed with his socius at 12 sol. From there the collectors moved several streets to the rue St-Germain (in vico Sancti Germani), where they recorded ®fteen individuals, including two Italians and the curate of St-AndreÂ-des-Ars. Most of those listed as encountered here have no payment indicated, although two of them, Johannes Galensis and Guillelmus de Becizi, are noted later in the document as having paid (Comp., pp. 242, 245). Assuming the intent of the collectors was to assess the district west of rue Hautefeuille and north of rue de l'Escureul, several streets in the area between the ColleÁge des 23 24

25

Friedmann, Paris, plan #2: ``les paroisses de Paris d'apreÁs les roÃles de la taille vers 1292.'' On the ColleÁge des PreÂmontreÂs see Friedmann, Paris, pp. 264±265; J. John, The College of PreÂmontre in Mediaeval Paris, Texts and Studies in the History of Medieval Education, 1 (Notre Dame, 1953). The college for Swedish scholars (Domus de Suescia) was probably identical with the ColleÁge d'Upsal (Uppsala). For the residence of the bishop of St-Brieuc, see Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1227±1228. The hand clearly wrote ``Sturell.'' or ``Scurell.,'' although Deni¯e and Chatelain suggested (CUP II, 671) that it might also be read as ``Aurell.'' But instead of hypothesizing a ``rue d'OrleÂans,'' they conjectured that the scribe intended ``Murelli,'' presumably identical with the clos des Mureaux in the quartier de St-BenoõÃt. In light of the route taken by the collectors, however, that seems highly unlikely. The intended street must lie between rue des Viez Plastriers (nue Hautefeuille) and rue St-Germain-des-PreÂs. Given the spelling, the most likely candidate is rue de l'Escureul.

72

Academic space PreÂmontreÂs and rue St-Germain were not included, speci®cally rue des Petits Champs, rue de la vieille PlastrieÁre (also called rue de Jehan de Fontenay), rue des Poitevins, rue de l'Esperon, rue du CimetieÁre (or rue des Sachettes). But these streets also do not appear in the taxationes domorum, which suggests that they might not have had many university residents. The collectors continued in the direction of the Seine, moving next to rue de l'Hirondelle. Three names only are recorded of the twelve said to be living in Hirondelle (Hirundale), including a prominent royal clerk, Martin le Neveu. None apparently paid initially, and one, Gerinus Burgaut, apparently refused payment and was listed as ``non gaudebit.'' Again, no mention was made of rue Gilles le Queux between rue St-Germain and rue de l'Hirondelle, unless it was included in the label ``Hirundale.'' This may not, however, have been an area of signi®cant university housing. The taxationes domorum list few rental residencies in this district, and much of the urban space from there to the Porte de Buci was occupied by episcopal and princely mansions, those of the bishops of Chartres, Autun, Noyon, and the HoÃtel de Navarre.26 t h e pa r i s h of st- s e¨ v e r i n The next section of the collecta turns in an easterly direction, parallel to the Seine, and concentrating primarily on the parish of St-SeÂverin. After canvassing the district of Hirondelle along the Seine, the assessors moved back up the hill and began again with rue Serpente at the corner of rue des Viez Plastriers (Hautefeuille). Among the ten persons listed in rue Serpente were two belonging to the English-German nation: John of Sweden and master Berthold of Bohemia with his familia of dependants, who paid at a later time (Comp., p. 234). This street also contained the house of Henricus de Ast, doctor of both laws (from OrleÂans and Paris) who was (or would soon be) connected with the royal court. Another royal clerk, Robert le Gay, was also resident here. Most of the properties in this street listed for rent in the taxationes domorum carried a substantial price.27

26 27

Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1222, 1223, 1225, 1228, 1231. CUP I, #511, p. 597: ``Domum Guillermi de Seint Cuir in vico Serpentis, ante domum magistri Henrici de Verdeliaco, cum pratello, cum cellario, sine stabulis: decem et octo libras parisiens.'' CUP I, #511, p. 598: ``Domum Guillermi de Seint Cuyr, in vico Serpentis, per terram: novem libr. parisiens.'' CUP II, #556, p. 30: ``Domum Andree prepositi de Suessia, in vico Serpentis; x et iiii libr. de Paris.''

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A window on a lost world From rue Serpente the collectors turned into rue de la Harpe. On the ®rst day they had assessed the upper part of this street, from the ColleÁge de Cluny down to the church of St-Cosme. Since the assessors soon worked back in the direction of the Seine, it is unclear whether they now assessed the entire remaining section of rue de la Harpe or only the section between rue Serpente and the north end of that street. Twenty-one individuals were noted, ten of them by name. Sunno (or Simon) Hulardi was encountered for a second time, now with two socii but with no additional payment noted. The Anselm Pipe mentioned was in the medical faculty and may have been a relative of Johannes Pipe, dean of the faculty of medicine. Here we encounter a famous master of arts, Petrus Apostoli, who had been rector of the university at the end of 1316. And because this district was only a few streets away from the lecture halls of the faculty of medicine, we begin to encounter a higher percentage of masters of medicine, and all Italian: Petrus of Florence, Maninus of Milan, and possibly Belonus of Cremona.28 Peter of Florence was already a regent master in medicine by 1325 and may have been advanced in years, since he died before 1335.29 Maninus (Maurinus) of Milan was master of medicine by 1331 and was married.30 Again, if the intent was to cover the western part of the parish of St-SeÂverin, several streets are missing: rue des deux Portes, rue PerceÂe, rue PoupeÂe, rue MaÃcon, and rue de la vieille Bouclerie. These were streets with townhouses (including the residence of the count of MaÃcon in rue MaÃcon), shops, and homes of tradesmen, and only PoupeÂe and MaÃcon appear among the streets with rental property in the taxationes domorum.31 The same predominance of medical doctors is evident in the next few streets. In the rue Sacalie (Sachalie) we ®nd Gratianus (Gracinus) de Brescia (Bricia), another Italian master of medicine by 1331, alongside Richard Pilmor (Polmor), a Scottish master of arts living with nine socii. And in the rue de la Huchette (vicus Huchette) we ®nd Johannes Sirurgicus and Manfredus Lombardus (Manfred of Milan), the latter a 28

29 31

In light of the residential location of Belonus of Cremona and his proximity to Maninus of Milan and Petrus of Florence, it is possible that he is identical with the regent master of medicine referred to in documents of 1325 and 1326 as ``magister Belinus'' (CUP II, 282, #839; 291, #852). Deni¯e and Chatelain, however, have identi®ed the person in those documents as Belinus de Chamlico (Champlico), who was made rector of the parish church of St-Antoine in Autun in 1328, mentioned in a papal letter of 1338 as master of arts and medicine, and eventually became personal physician to Cardinal Pierre Bertrand (1343) and to Clement VI (1346). 30 CUP II, #909, 924, and 925. CUP II, #845 and 996. On the location of the residence of the count of MaÃcon, see Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' p. 1231.

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Academic space master in the faculty of medicine by 1331.32 In the same street appears one of the many Jean de Dijon ( Johannes de Divione), perhaps here identical with the arts master by that name. At the end of Huchette the collectors crossed to the rue de la Buscherie (in vico lignorum). There the assessors noted thirty-seven individuals, fourteen of them by name. Three of them were masters of medicine: Johannes Pipe, regent master by 1328 and dean of the faculty in 1330; Philippe de la Court, master of medicine by 1331; and Ivo Guirer Brito, regent master in medicine by 1330, with two socii.33 Among the others were two members of the English nation in the arts faculty: Philippus Scotus and Thomas de Wedale, also from Scotland. Philip was master in the arts faculty by September 1337, when some of his fellow masters attempted to elect him proctor of the nation, in absentia.34 Thomas de Wedale, if he is identical with the person so named in the proctor's register of the English-German nation, was either very young in 1329 or had interrupted his studies. In the company of his brother, Alan, Thomas de Wedale determined and was licensed in 1343.35 He was still regent in 1347±48. From rue de la Buscherie, the collectors moved to the district around the rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras (vicus Garlandie et Attrebati). Thirtyeight individuals are indicated, ®ve of them grammar students under the supervision of Jacques d'Auxerre (Auteteodoro). Of the ten individuals who appear by name, one of them an Italian, only two or three are known outside this document. One was a French regent master of arts, Milo de Jorello, who was discussed in the previous chapter. It is possible that his student, Jean le Fourbeur, whose case provoked the legal confrontation that necessitated the collection, was among the ®ve socii living with master Milo.36 Franciscus de Castello is better known. He was a noted regent master in medicine and dean of that faculty in 1328.37 It is possible that the Jean de Dijon, whose entry is left incomplete, might, for that reason, be the Jean de Dijon recorded earlier. It is hard to understand the signi®cance of grouping rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras together, whether it indicates a line of direction or, more likely, serves as a label for the district in which they are found. The total number of persons seems far too low for a district that should have had a high density of students. On the other hand, it is strange that 32 33

34 36

CUP II, p. 360, #924. On Johannes Pipe, see CUP II, #881, #919, #924, #925; on Philippus de la Court, see CUP II, #924; and on Ivo Brito, see CUP II, #919, #924. Pipe's tenure as dean of the faculty of medicine encountered dif®culties inasmuch as it coincided with the attempted promotion of his student, Alfonsus of Portugal. 35 AUP I, cols. 60, 64, 78, 81, 100, 109, 114, 116. AUP I, col. 19. 37 CUP II, #889. CUP II, #899.

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A window on a lost world there is no speci®c mention of the rue St-Julien-le-Pauvre and the rue du Fouarre. Even if one takes into consideration that much of the physical space of the rue du Fouarre consisted in lecture halls for the schools of arts, there should have been some dwellings in those streets as well. Moreover, it is important to note that rue du Fouarre and rue d'Arras fell within the censive of Ste-GenevieÁve, and if those streets were included in the assessment at this point, the boundaries of a parish was not a determining factor in each stage of the collection. From the district of the schools of arts and medicine, the collectors moved back across the Grande rue St-Jacques to rue St-SeÂverin, and back into the heart of that parish. Of the eleven individuals noted in the rue St-SeÂverin, six are listed by name. In a pattern discussed in Chapter Two, the curate of St-SeÂverin paid an assessment, along with two of his priests.38 Most of the residents are French, with the exception of John of Smal[h]am, who was either English or Scottish, and an Italian, Henricus of Padua, who might be identical with Henricus de Lio of Padua, who had been a master of arts and of medicine at Paris before becoming praepositus of arts and medicine at Padua in 1351. The next parallel street to the south is rue des Parcheminiers (vicus Pergemenorum), sometimes referred to as rue aux Escrivains. Of the eighteen individuals noted, seven are named. Two are French: Pierre de Chaumont (Calvomonte) with four socii, and Pierre d'Auvergne, regent in medicine by 1328. In light of numerous subsequent appointments to bene®ces in the Paris area, the latter had a long career in Paris. Pierre de Chaumont may already have been MA and would later be a regent in the faculty of medicine. Peter Strangonis of Denmark was probably already a regent of arts in the English nation. This street contained two scholars from England, Thomas and Lawrence, which, though few, is a higher density than recorded elsewhere. The assessors next moved to the adjacent parallel street to the south, rue du Foin (vicus Feni). There they listed twenty individuals, seven of them by name. Two of these, the Scottish student Donald de Mar and the Norman Raoul Marie, were probably beginning their studies in arts, although they are listed as living with socii. They were studying in a higher faculty at Paris in the mid to late 1340s. Having reached their beginning point at Mathurins, the collectors next assessed the lower, or northern end of the Grande rue St-Jacques down to the Petit-Pont, where twenty-three individuals are listed, ten by name. Since the collectors began their survey of this section just 38

See pp. 43±44.

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Academic space below St-BenoõÃt, the mention of ``Everardus Brito cum 8 bursariis'' may coincide with the property of the Sorbonne located near the intersection of the Grande rue and the rue des Thermes.39 As would be expected in approaching the Petit-Pont and the rue de la Buscherie, several medical masters or members of that faculty were recorded: Simon (Simundus) Godezardi, Jean d'Aurillac, Bartholomew of Brescia, and Robert Boncourt. Also found there was Balduinus de Ast, a lawyer who had been connected with the university before 1313 and in this collection either refused payment or for some other reason was denied the privileges of the university. t h e pa r i s h of st-h i la i r e The assessment of the rue de l'HoÃpital begins the next section, moving eastward and southward up the Mont-Ste-GenevieÁve (see ®gure 5). More than twenty-eight individuals are listed in the rue de l'HoÃpital (six of them by name, two by of®ce, and twenty as socii), including the curate of St-BenoõÃt who resided at the presbytery of the church, the arts master and student in medicine Jean de Villeneuve, a regent master in canon law Gaufridus de Auxiaco, and a member of the order of Hospitallers, Jean de Hadin, who may be identical with Jean de Hesdin, the later master of theology and renowned exegete at that Paris convent, who would have been a student in the faculty of theology in 1329.40 At the end of the rue de l'HoÃpital, the assessors turned into the rue de la CharretieÁre (vicus Cadrigarie), where among the thirteen or more persons listed was the Englishman Thomas de Keudale (Ceudale), living with four young noblemen. The assessors next entered rue au Duc-deBourgogne (a street that contained the mansions of the duke of Burgundy and the bishop of Rodez),41 where they noted nine persons, including Guy Baudet, who was either the lawyer of that name who was consiliarius to the queen and succeeded Jean de Cherchemont as chancellor of France, or his nephew and namesake. Then, in the rue des Sept Voies (vicus 7 viarum), the collectors registered eight more university members, including Simon de Meneriis, regent master in theology. This section of rue des Sept Voies up to the corner of rue St-Etienne-des-Grez also contained the residences of the bishops of Arras and Le Mans.42 39 40 41 42

CUP I, #511, p. 600. B. Smalley, ``Jean de Hesdin O. Hosp. S. Ioh., `` Recherches de TheÂologie ancienne et meÂdieÂvale, 28 (1961), 285±330. Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1227, 1230. Semmler, ``Residenzen,'' pp. 1223, 1225, 1226.

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A window on a lost world From there the collectors turned westward into the rue St-Etiennedes-Grez that ran along the top of the hill, inside the wall. Here they listed sixteen persons, some of them among the wealthiest members of the university community: Olivier Salhadini, regent master in theology, and his brother; the four sons of the royal maõÃtre des comptes, Martin des Essarts; Jean Mandevillain, probably the same as the person soon to be named bishop of Nevers; the Italian Aldebrandinus; the sons of Douglas, regent of Scotland; and Guillaume, son of the count of Hainaut, occupying with his familia a house known as ``the Dauphin with St-Louis.''43 It is interesting that in the royal taille of 1313 this street contained no commercial property whatsoever, and the only rental property on this street listed in the taxationes domorum is the house of master Gautier de Chandelis, which rented for the substantial sum of 14 lib., 5 sol.44 Having returned to the upper end of the Grand rue, which was covered on the ®rst day of the assessment, the collectors turned back down the hill to the rue du Four (vicus Furni) listing one person from Brittany with six socii, and thence into the rue du Clos Bruneau (vicus Burnelli) which led to the schools of canon law. Here they recorded sixty-seven persons, including the rector of St-Hilaire, the royal clerk Pierre de Charite (Caritate), the university scribe Guerin de Provins (Pruvino), and the master of arts and future theologian Jean Bloundel. The assessors skipped over the rue des Noyers for the moment and went to the rue des PlaÃtriers (vicus Plaustri) noting twenty scholars, including the Sorbonnist Elias de Courson and the son of the count of Oettingen (Heutingen). In the nearby rue des Anglais they listed thirteen scholars, among them the university scribe Guillaume Marpaudi. Then they came back to the rue des Noyers (vicus Nucum), which contained thirtythree scholars ± including Francesco of Lombardy, a student in the faculty of medicine ± and moved from there to the district of Place Maubert with twenty-®ve scholars, including Nicolaus ad Latus, a regent master in canon law; master Christianus in the arts faculty; and Gaufridus de Marhec, a student in arts who would become a doctor of theology and eventually bishop of Quimper. In the nearby rue de BieÁvre the assessors listed thirty-nine scholars, many of them masters or students in the faculty of arts whose later careers are known, such as Pierre de MontreÂal (Monte Regali), Jean le Garde (Custos), John Trillec, Guillaume Cheremale, and Hugues de Duno. At this point the record moves back up the hill along rue St-Hilaire. 43 44

Comp., p. 226: ``Filius comitis de Hanonia cum familia in domo ad Del®num cum Sancto Leudovico.'' Buchon, La livre de la taille, p. 179; CUP I, #511, p. 600.

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Academic space Thirty-nine scholars are listed ± including two masters of arts (Andreas de Runiaco and Hugo de Montibus) and a bachelor in canon law ( Johannes de Valle). Given the proximity of this street to the schools of canon law, many of the others mentioned, especially foreign scholars such as the Englishman Thomas de Setone, or the German Gerardus de Lubecca, or the Swede Guido de Suecia, were probably students in canon law. Passing the mansion of the count of Blois and going through the rue des Amandiers (vicus Amigdalariorum) with seven scholars, the assessors reached the rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve leading up the hill to the cloister of Ste-GenevieÁve and the nearby Porte Bordelle. Here they were in a neighborhood of almost comparable wealth to the rue StEtienne-des-Grez. In the rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve they listed eleven scholars, all named and living alone, three of them connected with the royal court ( Jean de Hubant, Richard de Champs, and Jean Helechin) and the prior of St-BeÂnigne in Dijon, along with his nephew. Jean de Hubant appears to be living in the house in that street that became the College of Ave Maria, founded by him a few years later.45 Beyond Ste-GenevieÁve near the Porte Bordelle the assessors listed the prior of Amiens (Ambianensis), who paid a half-burse of 60 sol., and twenty-three other scholars, ten of whom (Moreto with his bursarii and non-bursarii) were connected with the ColleÁge de Navarre. That college is itself listed next, with its full complement of grammarians, artists, theologians, and chaplains, along with eight other scholars living in the neighborhood, including Simon de Lantagiis, regent master in arts. The street-by-street assessment appears to cease soon after mention of the rue de Judas, where Quintinus de Cursiaco, a Picard master in the arts faculty, lived with his socii. If the top of the ®rst column of f.62r (Comp., p. 231) represents a district and not just a list of names, then it would probably be lower down the hill near the Seine because of the number of doctors of medicine. But this might also be the lower section of Ste-GenevieÁve, below rue de Judas down to Croix Hemon. Only three names can with certainty be connected with rue St-Victor. And apart from individual names connected with colleges in the remainder of the document (ColleÁge des Chollets [Comp., p. 231], Bayeux [scolares Baiosences; Comp., p. 245], Navarre [Comp., pp. 245, 246], Narbonne [Comp., p. 246], Sorbonne [Comp., p. 245], or the mention of the rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois), the second quire, as discussed earlier, is a straight listing of names and payments. 45

A. L. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris (Notre Dame, 1955).

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A window on a lost world Subsequent chapters will examine speci®c aspects of what the computus can tell us about the university community in 1329±30 and what it cannot. Most of the individuals recorded in the document are mentioned anonymously as socii, scolares, artistae, grammarii, or pueri. Other than knowing where and with whom these students lived and perhaps studied, and what that might suggest about their geographical origin and faculty of study, we have little speci®c information on the student majority. By contrast, the computus of 1329±30, as expanded through prosopographical research, provides considerable information regarding the upper eschelon, the more prominent part of the university community: masters in the four faculties of arts, theology, law, and medicine; heads of groups of scholars; and the wealthy, well-endowed and well-known members. We have considerable information on their ®nancial level and ecclesiastical bene®ces. We are able to assess the importance of disciplinary and regional af®liation in their choice of place of residence and how the range of wealth relates to districts of residence. For some we can be informed about their personal contacts and family ties. And it gives us considerable information on the geographical origins of the university community at that time. Most importantly, it cuts through the generalizations about medieval universities by adding a human dimension, giving faces to members of the Paris academic community in the early fourteenth century.

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Chapter 5

LODGING AND RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS

On the basis of the foregoing survey of those whom the collectors met as they moved street by street through the university quarter, and in light of the information from the taxationes domorum and the biographical register in Part Three, we can now investigate the residential structure of the Parisian academic community in the early fourteenth century. The ®rst questions to be asked concern the residential location of individual students and masters. Did persons from the same region or language background seek each other out, establishing subcommunities on the basis of regional or linguistic ties? What was the correlation, if any, between residential location and faculty of study? Did some streets and districts have a higher proportion of arts masters, canon lawyers, doctors of theology or medicine, and, if so, what was the relation of district to the location of the schools of that faculty or discipline? Were the wealthier students and masters spread out evenly within the university community, or were there particular streets or districts that had a higher proportion, a greater density of the magni? And what, if anything, determined the difference between those who appear to have been living alone and those who lived in the company of socii? Before dealing with these questions, some attention needs to be given to the rental structure in which most students and masters found and maintained their accommodations.

cui bono? taxationes domorum and rent control As the taxationes and computus make clear, the term domus had more meanings than are usually found in medieval Latin dictionaries.1 It might designate a secular college or a religious convent, as it did in the 1

For example, C. Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et in®mae Latinitatis (Paris, 1842), III, pp. 921±923; J. F. Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus (Leiden, 1984), pp. 354±355.

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A window on a lost world computus.2 In the taxationes domorum, domus referred to an entire house or to an apartment within a house to which certain additional space or rights might be attached: use of a kitchen, pantry, cellar, garden, small meadow, or stables. Some of these rental properties were entire houses, which might be occupied by a rich scholar with servants, tutor, and perhaps other family members, or by a master seeking accommodations for himself and his students. Most of these lodgings were only a portion of a house, usually one ¯oor or a group of rooms. These smaller lodgings might be occupied by a group of scholars, although an established doctor of medicine, law, or theology might choose to live alone in a three- to ®ve-room apartment. Nowhere in the taxationes is there any mention of a single room. Despite the fact that in most cases the accommodation being evaluated was probably for multiple occupancy, the price of the rent was the full amount (not an individual portion) for the entire year and for the entire unit and its accompanying rights of usage. If a property were rented by a group of students who divided the rent among themselves or arranged to pay in monthly or weekly installments, such internal arrangements were probably separate from the lease itself. The way in which the rental property is described suggests that the rental contract was with one person who, on his own behalf or as the representative of a group, would sign the contract with the landlord or his procurator and provide the required ®nancial guarantees. In turn, he could, if need be, reduce or recover his costs by subrenting to students or associates, possibly with two or more persons per room. A typical rental situation is revealed in a dispute in 1336 between a landlord and two students. The landlord was Henricus de Ast, a wealthy lawyer who owned at least two properties in Paris: a residence in rue de la Serpente, where we ®nd him living in 1329±30, and an apartment on the corner of rue de la Buscherie and a short street leading to the Seine, near the entrance to the Petit-Pont.3 The lease of the apartment had been handled by Henry's procurator, Georgius de Ast, who contracted with master Petrus de Arenciaco, who in turn made a sublease arrangement with three students, two brothers from the diocese of Soissons, Petrus and Johannes de Chesy, and Johannes de Mostomo. The two brothers had changed lodgings during the autumn term of 2

3

For example, ``domus Galfridi de Plesiaco et socii'' for the ColleÁge du Plessis (Comp., p. 219); ``de domo Sarbone'' (Comp., p. 221); ``domus tesaurarii de Rotomagio'' for the ColleÁge de TreÂsorier (Comp., p. 221); ``in domo Guillelmi Boneti'' for the ColleÁge de Bayeux (Comp., p. 222); ``domus de Nerbona'' for the ColleÁge de Narbonne (Comp., p. 222); or ``domus Presmonstratensium'' for the Premonstratensian convent (Comp., p. 222). For Henry's residence in 1329±30, see Comp., p. 223. The dispute and its resolution are described in CUP II, #1007, pp. 471±472.

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Lodging and residential patterns 1336±37, moving into a house owned by Johanna dicta la Pucelle, taking their goods with them, and leaving master Petrus with only one paying student renter. Unable or unwilling to ®nd other students to make up the loss, master Petrus paid only the portion of the rent owed by himself and the remaining student. To recover the lost income, Georgius de Ast had the brothers' goods seized and held in lieu of payment. The procurator claimed that the students were part of the lease arrangement for the property and should be liable. The students claimed that they had made their arrangement with master Petrus according to the normal rental procedures of the university, and that they were in no way bound contractually to Georgius de Ast.4 If the master had failed to obtain a pledge or security deposit from a student, the liability for the rent lay with the master and students who actually occupied the property. The rector, Lambertus de Summavera, found in favor of the students and had their goods returned to them. The typical university rental arrangement to which the students referred, ``secundum usus et consuetudines inter magistros et scolares Parisius,'' was one in which there were three parties: the property owner (landlord) and his procurator or agent; the master who leased the house or apartment and acted as its principal; and the students who rented from the master. Among the owners of rental property listed in the taxationes domorum we ®nd citizens, churches, many women (presumably widows), and many masters. The latter, as in the case of Henricus de Ast, were either masters in the remunerative disciplines of law or medicine, or those who had acquired property through a long and successful career or by inheritance. The most common lessee in rental contracts between landlords and university members, as the students' argument reveals, was also a master, presumably a master of arts, who made subcontracts with students who would share the dwelling with him. Two things follow from this case that are important for interpreting the computus. First, the principal lease was between the landlord and the master who contracted for the entire property as described in the taxatio at the rental price set for the year, although payment was probably made in installments. The average student coming to Paris did not have the 4

CUP II, p. 471: ``responderentque [dicti] fratres ad sui deffensionem, quod dicto Georgio nullatenus in aliquo tenerentur, sed magister Petrus de Arenciaco dictam domum locaverat seu conduxerat a Georgio supra dicto tanquam principalis dicte domus, apud quem dicti fratres debitum suum fecerant, ut debebant, maxime cum secundum usus et consuetudines inter magistros et scolares Parisius hactenus approbatas illi qui conducunt domos aliquibus scolaribus, capiant de dictarum domorum locagiis seu pensionibus ®dejussorem seu ydoneam cautionem; quod si non fecerint, hoc debet scolaribus cum principalibus hujusmodi domorum inhabitantibus imputari.''

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A window on a lost world ®nancial resources independently to rent units as large as those described in the taxationes domorum, nor could most offer the necessary ®nancial guarantees. Students found housing only in the company of others and usually from a master or wealthy student who acted as the principal for the residential group. Those who are named in the ®rst quire of the computus, the topographical section, are those who either owned property or were the principal lessees responsible for the rental of the property. This explains why so many of them are masters or bene®ced clerks, or come from wealthy families. The named individual is presumably the renter-ofrecord who contracted the lease with the landlord; the anonymous socii are those who were sharing that dwelling and no doubt paying their portion of the total rent, perhaps slightly more than their fair share. Second, the practice by which universities established rental prices was not, as has generally been supposed, a means of assuring poor students safe and affordable housing by protecting them against rich students who had the means to pay more and who might escalate prices beyond the reach of their poorer colleagues. While the price levels set by the taxationes domorum bene®ted the university as a whole, they primarily bene®ted those scholars wealthy enough to engage in longterm leases of multi-room lodgings and provide the required ®nancial guarantees. The ®nancial arrangement between the principal lessee and the landlord did not necessarily determine the amount of rent the principal could charge the students, which might vary with market conditions and personal circumstances. Nothing in the language regarding university-approved rental housing speaks of controls or guidelines for subleasing. To the extent, therefore, that the system of the taxatio domorum held rental prices in check and protected members of the university community, it was a protection for the person who contracted with the property owner, not for the persons to whom the lessee subsequently rented space. If, as the computus of 1329±30 reveals, the individual responsible for the living group was in most cases a master of arts, the protection on rental prices was for that group and only indirectly, if at all, for the students themselves. In a few cases it appears that the head of the residential group was himself a student, usually an advanced student but occasionally at the beginning of his studies in arts. We can safely assume, having seen how the rental system worked, that such persons had signi®cant ecclesiastical income or came from families of substantial means who could provide the resources that would guarantee payment. This is certainly the case with the Scottish student William More/Mor, who received income 84

Lodging and residential patterns from a parish church in the diocese of Aberdeen and a canonical prebend at Moray, and who in 1329 lived with two socii but was not yet a master of arts (Comp., p. 238). It is also true for Gaufridus de Marec, a well-connected Breton who in 1329 was living with ®ve socii and who only attained his MA in 1334 (Comp., pp. 228, 246); for the English student, John Trillek, nephew of Adam Orleton, bishop of Worcester, who in 1329 lived with four socii and received his MA around 1332 (Comp., p. 228); and for the Scottish student, Philip Wilde, who lived with four socii in 1329 and received his MA in 1333 (Comp., p. 224).5 the socii Some attention also needs to be given to the meaning of the term socius as it is used in the computus. In university usage socius meant simply ``colleague'' or ``associate,'' but it could refer to several different types of relationship. In one context it referred to a colleague who stood at the same academic level. The most frequent example of this meaning is the way in which a bachelor of theology would refer to a fellow bachelor. This did not necessarily mean, as has sometimes been argued, that the two individuals were chronologically at precisely the same stage and engaged in the same task, such as lecturing on the Bible or reading the Sentences in the same year. The term was used for a fellow bachelor who belonged to that academic rank regardless of whether he was academically a year or two senior or junior. The term socius could also be applied to a junior colleague who stood at a lower academic level and might be many years younger. Within the schools of the religious orders, masters and bachelors were traditionally assigned a younger friar, usually a student in theology, to help them in the preparation of lectures, in ®nding or checking citations in texts, and in copying and editing works for eventual ``publication.'' In this way Anfredus Gonteri, a student in theology from Brittany, assisted the Franciscan regent master Alain at Paris in 1303.6 Similarly, Adam Wodeham, a student in theology at London and Oxford, assisted 5

6

Although the time span between 1329 and the date of these inceptions as masters of arts is only three to ®ve years, other examples (assuming the same individual is concerned) have a longer time span: Nicholaus de Dacia with four socii and MA in 1341 (Comp., p. 227; AUP I, 38, 44±46); Johannes Audacis with two pueri and BA by 1342 (Comp., p. 224); Thomas Wedale with six socii and MA in 1343 (Comp., p. 224); Donaldus de Mar/Mor with three socii and MA in 1343 (Comp., p. 225). W. J. Courtenay, ``The Parisian Franciscan Community in 1303,'' in Franciscan Studies, 53 (1993), 155±173.

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A window on a lost world William of Ockham, who at the time was a formed bachelor.7 In this context the term described a master±apprentice relationship, with the emphasis not so much on the training aspect but on the assistance that the junior colleague provided to the bachelor or master. A third use of the term socius is for one who held a fellowship or burse in a college, whether it be a college for seculars or for religious. Those connected with the Sorbonne or with Navarre were called socii, just as were those who held positions at the colleges of Marmoutier or Cluny. And in the same collegiate community, the term applied equally to students in grammar as young as ten or twelve, to those in arts, and to masters of theology in their thirties, forties, or ®fties, some of whom exercised academic authority over younger members of the college. In the computus of 1329±30 the term socius refers to a person or persons who are ``associated'' with the named individual and constitute a residential unit. The named person appears to be the head of the group, the principal, who represents the group for purposes of assessment. In some cases the named person was a wealthy student who presumably arranged accommodation for himself and several of his fellow students who lived with him. In most cases, however, the named individual was a master of arts, and it is far more likely, especially when his name is linked with a number of socii, that he was living with students who were studying with him rather than with other masters of arts. Admittedly this interpretation is open to debate, since nowhere in the document is the term de®ned. In a few cases, however, socii appears to identify arts students as distinct from grammar students, and in one case it speci®cally refers to the grammar students of the named master.8 Unless we are prepared to believe that most masters of arts lived only with a large number of fellow masters of arts, it is more likely that the master of arts was the person responsible for the lodging unit and that the socii mentioned were fellow boarders, most or all of whom were students in arts. In most cases the unnamed socii in the computus of 1329±30 were living with a master, in accommodations either rented by the master or owned by him. What we do not know is the extent or nature of the tie between the master and the socii or students who roomed with him. Some or all may have been his own students, that is, those who were studying under him and for whom he was their master-of-record for purposes of university membership and eventual promotion. Where we 7 8

G. GaÂl, ``Introductio,'' in Guillelmi de Ockham Summa logicae (St Bonaventure, N.Y., 1974), pp. 47*±56*; W. J. Courtenay, Adam Wodeham (Leiden, 1978), pp. 160±164. Comp., p. 224: ``Jacobus de Auteteodoro cum 2 sociis et 5 grammaticis''; p. 225: ``Rodulphus Marie cum 2 sociis et 3 grammaticis''; p. 230: ``Petrus de Mano Opere cum 3 sociis et 7 grammaticis''; p. 246: ``Sunno Hulardi cum 7 sociis grammaticis, 12 s., 3 d.''

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Lodging and residential patterns know about such ties, they were almost invariably based on a regional connection. This becomes immediately apparent in looking at the promotion records in the English-German nation, where, with few exceptions, Scottish students were promoted under a Scottish master, Swedish students under a Swedish master, or German students under a German master. The same probably held true for the other nations. We know, for example, that Jean le Fourbeur, who came from Rozay-enBrie in the diocese of Meaux, initially studied with master Milo of Jorello, who came from the nearby diocese of Troyes. Jean later changed to study under Jean de Rovilla, who came from his own diocese of Meaux.9 We also know from the computus that Andreas of Sweden was one of three or four students living with master Otto of Lund, also from Sweden (Comp., p. 221).10 Living with socii was, for the most part, an economic expediency for both arts masters and students. We ®nd almost no masters in the higher faculties living with socii, presumably because their bene®ce income obviated the need to do so. Similarly, the wealthiest students in the university community are found living alone, or with a tutor or family member, or with household servants ± never with socii. This suggests that the practice of living with socii as one residential grouping was a way in which many masters of arts supplemented their own income or at least extended the buying power of their income by sharing the expense of housing. It also allowed them to oversee the studies and behavior of some or all of the students in their immediate charge. Thus the practice of students living in the lodgings of masters, which Hastings Rashdall saw as a gradual development that became ``nearly universal at Paris before the close of the medieval period,'' was probably the normal condition at Paris in the early fourteenth century and might have been the practice much earlier.11 How many of these master± student households were composed of students studying with that particular master is unknown. Where such was the case, it provided an opportunity for an extended learning environment and possible tutorial instruction outside the classroom that improved the academic performance of the student. On the other hand, there was a certain 9 10

11

See Chapter Three. Andreas Freouati of Sweden represents an interesting case. He was recorded in the computus as living with master Otto of Lund and three additional socii as one residential unit. Despite the fact that Otto was a master, presumably in the faculty of arts, he is identi®ed in the computus by his association with Andreas. The latter, therefore, either came from a prominent family or was well known to the scribe or to one of the collectors. Since Andreas did not incept in arts until January 1339, he would have been at the beginning of his studies in arts. H. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden (Oxford, 1936), I, p. 498.

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A window on a lost world psychological price to be paid by both master and student. For the master, the role of teacher and mentor might continue into what otherwise would have been leisure time, and, depending on the living arrangements, his privacy and time for study and re¯ection might be limited. Moreover, it could make him overseer, in loco parentis, of the non-academic side of his students' lives, which might not be a role he enjoyed. The student, for his part, might feel continually under academic and social scrutiny. How intrusive that seemed was another matter. In a society where close and continual association with one or more persons was considered normal, the arrangement of students in the household of masters might not have been experienced as an unusual burden. tutors, family, and familia Some of the wealthier students who could afford to do so (or whose parents wished to ensure that their life in Paris would be academically and spiritually monitored) resided with a private master who, in addition to tutorial instruction, would be expected to oversee the welfare of his young pupil. Examples of this arrangement appear often in the computus. Guido Caprarii, age ten, son of a wealthy nobleman from MaÃcon, was living with a young companion, Guillaume de Albaco, and their master, Guillaume de Vertre (Comp., p. 240). Guido de Ventadoro, from a prominent noble family in the Auvergne, was living with his master Geraldus de Manso (Comp., p. 236). Johannes de Luna, a wealthy Spanish student, again age ten, who already held numerous bene®ces in the area of Castile, was living in Paris with a private master (Comp., pp. 220, 238). Johannes de Melloto, whom we also ®nd living with a private master, was a young scholar of noble birth from the diocese of Beauvais who already held a canonical prebend at Limoges, to which numerous bene®ces were added in the years immediately after 1329 (Comp., p. 238). Finally, somewhat older in years at the time, John Northwode of England, of noble family and nephew of John Grandisson, bishop of Exeter, was living at Paris with his curator, Richard Fitzralph in 1329±30 and was either completing his studies in arts or beginning studies in theology (Comp., p. 221). These examples are not simply linked by wealth and privilege, and in most cases of noble families; all came from regions distant from Paris. Rather than allowing these young students to journey to Paris and make their own way in the academic community, their parents, uncles, or guardians gave them the protection of an older person who could see to their personal needs and spiritual welfare. Inevitably, the mentor was 88

Lodging and residential patterns also a master who would serve as tutor and ensure that the student would perform well in his studies.12 If living with a private master was a way of providing for the spiritual as well as the academic welfare of a wealthy young student, living with an uncle or older brother often served the same purpose. Although the example of the sons of Martin des Essarts living together in the rue de St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226) might not apply because their dwelling was perhaps their parental home in Paris, brothers from other regions in France or elsewhere formed precisely such living units. The sons of the regent of Scotland, John Douglas and his brother, lived with a private master in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., pp. 226, 231). Similarly, Olivier Salhadini from Brittany, regent master in theology, and his younger brother, Guidomarus, also lived on rue St-Etienne-desGrez (Comp., p. 226). Other examples of brothers living together are two brothers from FeÂneÂtrange in the Moselle valley (Comp., p. 220); the archdeacon of Scotland and his brother (Comp., p. 221); the royal clerk, Pierre de Charite and his younger brother, Nicolas (Comp., pp. 227, 242); the pueri from Vauscolour, probably Vaucouleurs near Toul (Comp., p. 230); Colardus de Loyers and his brother (Comp., p. 231); the Scottish master of arts Robert Pilmore and his younger brother William (Comp., p. 232); Guillaume and Yve Salomonis (Comp., p. 232); a certain Jacobus and his brother (Comp., p. 234); and an otherwise unknown Hugo and his brother Bermord with their master Hugo (Comp., p. 234). Most of these brothers living together as scholars in Paris came from areas outside the Ile-de-France and also belonged to prominent families. They parallel the cases of young noblemen with private masters inasmuch as the older brother, sometimes already a master (Olivier Salhadini and Robert Pilmore), could act as academic and spiritual mentor for his younger sibling. Residential units composed of an uncle and his nephew also appear in the computus, although not as frequently as brothers living together. In this category we ®nd the prior of St-BeÂnigne of Dijon living with his nephew Jacques (Comp., p. 229); and dominus Rodulphus Simonis(?) living with his nephews (Comp., p. 236). A few scholars of great wealth are found living with their familia, which included retainers, personal dependents, and table companions. In this category we ®nd the Scottish student Thomas de Keudale with four young noblemen (Comp., pp. 226, 246); another Scot, Patrick Brown, with two young nobles and a friend, William Angos (Comp., 12

On the role of the spiritual tutor at Oxford and Cambridge, see A. B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), pp. 174±181.

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A window on a lost world p. 221); Domenic de Ispania with one young nobleman and a friend (Comp., p. 221); Bertold of Bohemia with his familia (Comp., pp. 223, 234); and, most prominently, the only son of the count of Hainaut with his servants and familia, and perhaps his mother and other family members as well (Comp., p. 226). The implications of these students of wealthy or noble families for the social pro®le of the university of Paris in the early fourteenth century will be considered in the next chapter. As regards residential patterns, they represent the only group of students ± as distinct from masters in the higher faculties and certain prominent alumni ± who were renting ``private'' accommodations just for themselves and those dependent on them. Socially but not necessarily academically, they formed the top layer of the student community, below which were those who were wealthy or established enough to contract for an entire apartment but who needed to rent out space to fellow students. And beneath that layer were the majority of students who rented from masters or, occasionally, from a student in that middle category. Because of the recording procedures of the ®rst quire of the computus, only the ®rst two categories of students are listed by name in that section of the document. Students in the last category make up the anonymous socii. residential choice Turning ®nally to the issue of the choice of residential location within Paris, the following observations can be made. If, as was argued, the socii living with a regent master in arts were most likely students from the same region, then the choice of residence for the student (as distinct from the master) was based principally on academic af®liation which in many if not most cases coincided with regional af®liation. Where the choice of accommodation did not depend on the person with whom one studied, regional and academic considerations played a smaller part. With the exception of a few ``national'' groupings, such as the cluster of Spanish scholars living adjacent to each other in the upper part of the Grande rue St-Jacques, or the English scholars living in the rue des Parcheminiers, linguistic and regional ties seem not to have been an important consideration in the choice of street or district. What does appear to have been a factor for the masters who rented accommodations for themselves and their students was proximity to the schools of one's discipline or the practice of one's metier. Thus we ®nd most of the masters of theology living within a short distance of the Sorbonne in a district bounded on either side by the Franciscan and Dominican convents. We ®nd most of the masters of medicine living 90

Lodging and residential patterns near the Seine within a few streets of the schools of medicine in the rue de la Buscherie, in a district bounded on either side by the Petit-Pont and Place Maubert. Unfortunately, too few regent masters in canon law can be identi®ed in the topographical section of the document to permit any correlation between their place of residence and the schools of canon law in or near the Clos Bruneau. And although there appears to be a density of arts masters living near the rue du Fouarre, as one would expect, they are found living in most other areas of the university quarter as well. Thus, while there seems to be some correlation between residence and discipline for the higher faculties (at least for theology and medicine), no such pattern emerges with regard to the faculty of arts. Proximity to one's social class may also have played a role in the choice of residence. With very few exceptions, the wealthiest members of the university community are found living either near the Seine and the centers of political and commercial power on the Ile-de-la-CiteÂ, or at the top of the Mont-Ste-GenevieÁve just inside the wall, in a line running along the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez from Ste-GenevieÁve to StJacques, and including the upper part of the Grand rue St-Jacques and the upper part of rue Ste-GenevieÁve. The rental properties in this latter district are some of the most expensive in the taxationes domorum of the 1280s. One suspects, therefore, that this district had been a preferred place of residence for persons of great wealth and power since at least the late thirteenth century. And although those of wealth who lived near the Seine seem to have resided in townhouses that were interspersed among humbler dwellings, those who lived at the top of the hill, with views looking north across Paris, occupied a district in which the hoÃtels of wealth apparently ¯anked one another in a denser pattern. It is to that very issue of social class and its impact on the university community that we turn next.

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Chapter 6

THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE UNIVERSITY COMMUNITY

Earlier generations of historians often described medieval universities as avenues of social opportunity where the sons of townspeople and those from rural villages could receive a higher education and, with it, the possibility of upward mobility through church and court. The case of Robert of Sorbon provides a successful example, a person of rural and humble background who rose through the university and royal service to a position of wealth and power.1 Presumably, those from the middle level of medieval society took advantage of universities, which the truly poor could not afford without a patron, and which those of wealth and nobility did not need. In recent decades, however, as more prosopographical work has been done on medieval universities, the appearance within university communities of sons of noble and powerful families has been increasingly observed.2 The ``aristocratization'' of medieval universities, as this phenomenon is sometimes labeled, is thought to have been a element that entered university life in the late fourteenth century and did not become a major factor until the ®fteenth century.3 The computus of 1329±30 provides a chance to test the extent to which wealth and social power were already factors in university life, at least at Paris, in the early fourteenth century.

1 2

3

On the origins and career of Robert of Sorbon, see P. Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 11±67; A. L. Gabriel, The Paris Studium: Robert of Sorbonne and his Legacy (Notre Dame, 1992), pp. 63±79. J. Verger, ``Noblesse et savoir: eÂtudiants nobles aux universiteÂs d'Avignon, Cahors, Montpellier et Toulouse (®n XIVe),'' in La noblesse au Moyen Age, XIe±XVe sieÁcles. Essais aÁ la meÂmoire de Robert Boutruche, ed. Ph. Contamine (Paris, 1976), pp. 289±314; C. Renardy, Le monde des maõÃtres universitaires du dioceÁse de LieÁge, 1140±1350 (Paris, 1979), pp. 156±170; R. C. Schwinges' chapter on ``Student Education, Student Life,'' in A History of the University in Europe, vol. I: Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. H. de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 195±211. A. B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), pp. 16, 313, 316±317.

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The sociology of the university community r ic h a n d p oor To address that issue, we must ®rst determine how representative a cross section of the university is contained in the computus. As discussed in Chapter One, the computus numerically accounts for about two-thirds of the secular university community at Paris in 1329±30. The method of recording names in the ®rst quire, however, as well as the means by which the background and career of individuals throughout the document have been uncovered favors the reporting of those in the upper academic and social levels of the community. As to the computus itself, those named in the ®rst quire (that is, the one topographically structured) were for the most part those who lived alone or were heads of residential units. Many of them were masters of arts or masters in one of the higher faculties. Some of them were so well known to the collectors that they were listed only by ®rst name. Many of them, as heads of residential units, had the economic resources to rent property in their own name. Others owned their own dwellings and sometimes other property as well, as did Henricus de Ast. A few, as we have seen, were even living with a tutor or with their familia of servants and dependants. By contrast, those who were listed but not named ± the anonymous socii ± were generally students, presumably younger in age and less prominent in achievement. This does not in itself bias the document in the direction of wealth and power except in the sense that those who occupied the higher ranks of the university community presumably had higher incomes than most of their students. But, at least for the masters, that is a different issue ± presumably an issue of earned income and status ± that relates to the question of social background only to the extent that academic advancement required many years of ®nancial commitment, and those with the deepest pockets (whether from family or patron) were the only ones likely to be able to stay the course for ten or twenty years. In addition to these biases of the ®rst quire, the means of identi®cation of those named throughout the document skews the biographical register in the direction of those from families of wealth and privilege. Apart from the university rotuli, which presumably gave equal opportunity to masters and graduates of the various faculties regardless of wealth and social background, those who belonged to noble families or to the retinue of a prelate, prince, or king had a far greater chance of success in acquiring bene®ces through papal provision. Thus, because the papal records are the single richest source for prosopographical information on university graduates, they are far more likely to give information 93

A window on a lost world about the wealthy and well connected and, correspondingly, no information whatsoever on those students who never achieved signi®cant careers in the church. The same holds true for royal records and even, to some extent, to college records because appointments to fellowships often depended on a patronage network. Two other features of the computus, however, offset these biases. First, the system of reporting in the second quire of the document is by individual students and masters in the order in which they appeared before the collectors rather than just those who were heads of residential units as in the ®rst quire. Thus those named in the second portion of the document represent a true cross section of the university without regard for academic, social, or ®nancial status except for absence of the very poorest students whose burse was below the level of 2 solidi and who were exempt from the collection. Second, the listing of the burse, which gives us ®nancial information about many named individuals who cannot otherwise be identi®ed as well as about some of the anonymous socii, provides an additional control.4 Statistical analysis is complicated by the fact that in the majority of entries that list payment, the entry consists of a named individual (usually a master) and his socii, and it is unclear whether the amount indicated is for the master alone, for some of the socii as well, or for the entire group, and if so, whether all paid the same amount or the master paid more. Sometimes a detailed breakdown is provided by the scribe, but one cannot assume in the absence of such detail that the amount listed is for the entire group.5 In at least one case it would result in payments below the taxable minimum. Nevertheless, the listed payments bring a sense of numerical reality into the picture and allow us to establish a mean level of 4

5

While only half of the names listed in the computus bear an indication of payment (and thus of their burse), some of those whose names are listed without a corresponding amount are known to be persons of considerable wealth. Moreover, the ®nancial range of those who can be identi®ed parallels the ®nancial range of the unidenti®ed group, with the exception of the anonymous socii. Consequently, the scale of wealth and social background does not appear to be seriously distorted by the papal, royal, and university records on which the biographical register is based. One must keep in mind, however, that this numerical information is only an indicator and cannot be used to construct a complete picture of ®nancial resources. For example, scribe `a' noted that Richard Pilmore, a master living with nine socii, paid 3 solidi for himself, while four of the socii paid 2 solidi each, and the others presumably nothing at that time (Comp., p. 224). Milo of Jorello, a master living with ®ve socii, did not at that time pay for himself, although his ®ve socii each paid 2 solidi (Comp., p. 224). Peter of Mainz (Maguncia) living with six socii paid 2 solidi each for ®ve of his socii, and for himself and the remaining socius he paid a joint sum of 6 solidi (Comp., p. 227). A certain Emmericus with two socii paid for two (perhaps himself and one socius) a total of 7 solidi (Comp., p. 227). In place of such details, scribe `b' used lines to indicate the total payment of several individuals together, but no indication of whether each paid an equal amount. In one case ( Johannes de Morero, Comp., p. 226), the total amount paid, if divided among the group, would result in a payment below 1 solidus each.

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The sociology of the university community expenditure for those identi®ed by name. Occasionally an entry differentiates the payment of the master or head of the group from the payment of one or more of the socii. When the entries in the computus are arranged according to level of payment, some interesting ®ndings emerge. The ®rst quire, whose system of reporting targets the upper level of the university community, records only six persons paying below 2 solidi, and only one person paying at the 1 solidus level (the minimal taxable category, since the collection was set at half the burse). The second quire, on the other hand, undoubtedly because it recorded payments from individuals regardless of rank, including some who might have been among the anonymous socii in the ®rst quire, records almost one hundred persons paying a half-burse below the level of 2 solidi, but only twenty-three of whom paid at the 1 solidus level. The most frequent payment is at the level of 2 to 3 solidi in both quires. In all probability, therefore, those with a burse less than 2 solidi ± the ``poor'' of the university community ± were not a signi®cantly large group, at least not in 1329±30. If such were the case, we would expect to see an increase in the number of entries when they are rearranged in descending amount of payment from 3 solidi to 2 solidi, to 1 solidus (halfburse of the minimum taxable level). But that is not the case. The second quire records many scholars with a payment of 2 solidi, an equal number with payments between 1.5 and 2 solidi, and less than a third that number at the 1 solidus level. This suggests that the papally legislated taxable minimum was set at the lower end of the ®nancial range of the university community. There were undoubtedly students with a burse less than 2 solidi, but that would begin to approach a level below which a scholar could not have afforded the other university expenses (lodging, food, instruction fees, books, contributions to his nation, and examination fees) except by the charity of others. This means, in turn, that the computus of 1329±30, especially the second quire, is a more representative cross section of the Parisian university community ± and more comprehensive ± than any other document we have from before the middle of the ®fteenth century.6 If we cannot gain a precise picture of the size of the group with a half-burse of between 1 and 2 solidi, some of the individuals who fall within that group can help to characterize it. Most of them, as we would expect, were students in the faculty of arts, identi®ed in the computus as a student of a master or known to be such from other 6

The only other document for the university of Paris that includes the names of a large number of students from across the entire social and ®nancial range is the computus of 1464, discussed earlier on pp. 13±14.

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A window on a lost world sources. Some of them are only names in this document, but others, such as William Grenlaw (Comp., p. 238), would later have impressive ecclesiastical careers. There were, surprisingly, a few masters of arts paying at this level. One, Jean Bloundel (Comp., pp. 227 242), was regent master in the Picard nation at the time; another, Jean de Paris (Comp., p. 232), was a master in the French nation. And we even ®nd a student in the faculty of medicine, Theobald de Laniis (Comp., p. 232), paying at the bottom level of 1 solidus. Either these individuals lived very simple lives with regard to weekly expenditure, or they were less generous in paying their fair share of the university obligation. At the other end of the scale, the computus reveals a remarkable and unexpectedly high level of wealth and social position among some members of the university community at Paris in the third decade of the fourteenth century. To get a sense of the range and mean level of payment, we begin with a rectangular section bounded by the remains of the Roman baths (Thermes) and the convent of Mathurins on the north, Grande rue St-Jacques on the east, the city wall between porte de St-Jacques and porte d'Enfer on the south, and rue de la Harpe (now Boulevard St-Michel) on the west. This was an area that included the colleges of the Sorbonne, TreÂsorier, Harcourt, Bayeux, and Narbonne, the convent of the Dominicans, and the ColleÁge de Cluny. It was also an area in which the assessors were thorough, covering almost every street in the district. For the rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt (Comp., p. 218), which included three non-scholars who were not assessed, there were thirteen persons for whom we have no ®nancial information, and thirty-seven for whom we have a payment listed there or later in the document. Of those thirty-seven scholars, most paid at the level of 2 to 4 solidi, while one paid 5, one or two paid 10, and one paid 12 solidi. Two of those paying at this higher level, Amanevus de Ramafort and Hugh Vissac, were holding major ecclesiastical bene®ces, cantor of Langres and archdeacon of Troyes respectively, and, in the case of the latter, came from a wealthy noble family. Jean de Marmoutier, who lived with a socius in a large house rented from the Sorbonne at 27 pounds per year, paid 12 solidi, presumably 10 sol. for himself and 2 sol. for his socius. In the upper part of the Grande rue St-Jacques (Comp., pp. 218±220) we have a higher percentage of persons (probably more than 100) for whom we do not have any indication of payment, some of whom ( Jean de Crasmenil, the archdeacon of Le Mans, and the capicerius of StEtienne-des-Grez) would have made higher-than-average payments had those contributions been recorded. Again, those for whom we do have an indication of payment (probably more than thirty individuals) 96

The sociology of the university community paid between 2 and 4 solidi, with the exception of a royal clerk who already held many bene®ces, Dreux de ChariteÂ, who paid 20 solidi. A similar pattern is evident in the streets running westward to porte d'Enfer (Comp., p. 220): rue des Cordiers, rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-Jacques, porte d'Enfer, and rue des PoireÂes. Here we have payments listed here or later in the document for almost all those named: some twenty persons paying between 2 and 4 solidi; one master of theology paying 8 solidi; one otherwise unknown individual, Guido de Rua, paying 10 solidi; a young Spaniard, Juan de Luna, well endowed in bene®ces and paying over 20 solidi for himself and his master; and another Spaniard, the treasurer of Seville, paying 20 solidi just for himself. The rue de Sorbonne (Comp., p. 221), already the center of the faculty of theology, has fewer persons with payments indicated, but as a group it would have been well above average. In addition to the prior of Auberriaco, who paid 8 solidi, and Robert Spiguluel, who paid 15 solidi, the street contained the ColleÁge de Sorbonne, whose fellows and associates probably paid in the range of 2.5 to 3 solidi; John Northwode, who came from a noble English family and may also have received support from his uncle, the bishop of Exeter; the rector of the university; and Robert de Bardis of the Italian banking family, who paid 20 solidi. The neighboring rue des MacËons, for which we have less information on persons and payments, included an archdeacon from Scotland, who would have been expected to make a substantial contribution. This section concludes with the upper end of rue de la Harpe (Comp., pp. 221±222). None of the colleges listed there have corresponding payments, but they probably would have ranged between 2 and 3 solidi per fellow. Others found there with higher burses were the woman, Marote la Goge (``cuius bursa valde larga'');7 Guillaume de Herches, regent master in theology; master Ivo de Morelas; the Benedictine prior Gailhard de Popia, who later, with another colleague, paid 30 solidi; the archdeacon of Utrecht; the chancellor of Notre-Dame (who probably did not contribute for reasons discussed in Chapter Two); and Louis de Melun, brother of the viscount of Melun, whose ®nancial resources would have been substantial. This was also a district that included the Parisian residences of the bishops of Clermont, Auxerre, and Avranches. An even greater density of wealth appears for the adjacent section along the inside of wall from porte d'Enfer and St-Jacques to SteGenevieÁve and porte Bordelle. The west and east sections of this district were assessed on different days (Comp. pp. 222, 226, 229), and some of 7

On Marote, see discussion in Chapter Four, p. 69.

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A window on a lost world its occupants have already been discussed. This district included on its western edge some persons already noted in the previous unit: the wealthy Spaniard Juan de Luna, the archdeacon of Utrecht, the treasurer of the cathedral of Seville, and the archdeacon of Le Mans ± all between porte d'Enfer and St-Jacques. Moving eastward across rue St-Jacques, we ®nd the son of the count of Hainaut, the sons of the regent of Scotland, a wealthy Italian (Aldebrandinus), probably the soon-to-beappointed bishop of Nevers ( Jean Mandevillain), the four sons of the royal maõÃtre de comptes (Martin des Essarts), and a well-connected regent master in theology (Olivier Salhadini) ± all in the rue St-Etienne-desGrez. Further along, not far from the mansions of the bishops of Arras and Le Mans, we ®nd the prior of St-BeÂnigne and three of the more senior and well-endowed royal clerks (Hubant, des Champs, and Helechin) in the rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve. Finally, in the nearby rue de la Porte Bordelle are found a group of scholars making substantial contributions: Bernard de Cardiliaco, 30 sol.; Jean de Mont Ste-Marie, 10 sol.; Michael Sergant, 10 sol.; Aldebrandinus again, 20 sol.; the dean of Avila (Velasco Eximini); and the prior of Amiens, who made the single largest contribution to the university collection: 60 solidi. Where payment is indicated for this group, it is invariably large. In the absence of such information, we cannot assume that payment was not made but only that we do not possess any con®rmation of payment or an indication of the amount. Because the ®rst quire records names and occasional payments of principal renters, rarely providing information on what the subrenters (the socii) paid, only the second quire allows us to gain a sense of what proportion of the university community its wealthier members comprised. Although not all names in the second quire indicate payment, a suf®cient number do. Approximately seventy-six percent of the payments marked in the second quire of the computus fall in the range of 1 to 3 solidi, with the highest number falling between 1.5 and 3 solidi. Those who held fellowships in colleges, including the Sorbonne and Navarre, paid in the 2 to 3 solidi range, which suggests that the majority of students were paying at or slightly below that level. Correspondingly, almost a quarter of the university community were more af¯uent. Sixteen percent fell in the range of 4 to 6 solidi, which was the level of many masters in the higher faculties and students with bene®ce income. Finally, eight percent fell in the range of 8 to 20 solidi, with three individuals paying substantially more. These were persons from wealthy families, those holding several ecclesiastical dignities, including those from the nobility. That their percentage within the university community was as large as it was is in itself remarkable. 98

The sociology of the university community As we have seen, several of those named in the computus, especially in the district along the top of the Mont-Ste-GenevieÁve, belonged to the nobility and at the time either were studying at the university or were in some way connected with it. Those of known noble status are John Douglas and Gilbert Fleming from Scotland; John Northwode and John Trillek from England; Geoffroy de Marhec from Brittany; Guillaume de Mesnilo and Johannes de Melloto from Picardy; Guy Caprarii from MaÃcon; Hugh Vissac, Itier de Puy Aymer, and probably Guy de Ventadoro and Astorgius de Turre from the Auvergne. At the comital level, we also ®nd the son of the count of Oettingen (Heutingen) in Germany, and a member of one of the most important comital families in the Ile-de-France, Louis de Melun. And if one looks at family rather than legitimacy, then Alfonsus of Portugal would have to be placed in this category, since the evidence suggests he was related to the royal family of Portugal. The most spectacular of this group was William, son and heir apparent of the count of Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland, nephew of the king of France, brother-in-law of Emperor Louis of Bavaria, and brother-in-law of Edward III of England. At the time of the collection he was about thirteen and thus at the transition point between grammar and arts. He was living with his family in a private mansion on the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez. His af®liation with the university would have been in the Picard nation, but most of his instruction would undoubtedly have come through private tutors. Since he was expected to marry and succeed his father in the possession and administration of one of the most important principalities in Europe, he was not studying towards a degree in arts or in one of the higher faculties. He belonged, however, to a family that prized learning and that permitted him to take advantage of residence in Paris that was probably arranged for political and social reasons, not simply for education.8 One might well wonder why persons of such high social standing bothered to associate themselves at all with the university. Birth and family connections guaranteed them an important position in church and society without seeking educational training beyond what had been obtained from tutors. Perception, and perhaps reality, was another matter. In the competition for ecclesiastical bene®ces, dignities, and higher of®ce within the church, where most noble families sought to provide for numerous children, university training, even without a degree, distinguished those persons from their social peers and presum8

His father, William the Good, was known as a poet in addition to his political, social, and military position as count of Hainaut.

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A window on a lost world ably made them more worthy of high of®ce, all other things being roughly equal. We should also not discount a sincere interest in study, a love of learning, on the part of some of those from the nobility. The presence of those of high birth among scholars at Paris in the twelfth century was not negligible, and despite the prevailing view that Paris was a university for students from the middle range of society in the thirteenth century, that socially prominent level of scholar was probably a constant in the schools of Paris as far back as the days of Peter Abelard. It has been argued, largely on the basis of evidence from the ®fteenth century, that scholars whose families belonged to the potentes and magni of medieval society were exempt from fees and rarely if ever contributed to the costs of the university.9 Their usefulness to the university lay in their ``wealth of connections'' and in their ability to provide for the university and some of its graduates in the future. The computus of 1329±30, however, does show contributions from those who resided at the top of the social and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Two-thirds of the nobility who appear in the computus are marked as having contributed to the university collection, and their contributions are some of the highest in the list. Nor is it the case that the others did not contribute, since the computus is itself incomplete in that regard. Whether we understand those payments as a true re¯ection of their burse or as a form of largess, high social status was not being used as a means of avoiding payment.10 st u de n t dig n i ta r i e s A surprising number of persons holding cathedral dignities and other high ecclesiastical of®ces are found within the university community at this time. These include the deans of the cathedrals of Auxerre ( Jean de Melun) and Avila (Velasco Eximini), the prior of the cathedral of Amiens (paying 60 solidi), the cantors of the cathedrals of Langres (Amanevus de Ramafort) and Narbonne (BeÂrenger FreÂdol, paying 30 solidi), the archdeacons of Dunkeld (William Pilmore), Utrecht, Le Mans (Guillaume Bibare), Troyes (Hugo Vissac), and Chalon-sur-SaoÃne (Guillaume de Albaco), the treasurer of Seville, and the scholasticus of OsnabruÈck. There were also several priors of monastic communities, such as the priors of St-BeÂnigne at Dijon, of La Daurade at Toulouse, and of St-Rambert-en-Forez (Gailardus de Popia). 9 10

Schwinges, ``Student Education, Student Life,'' pp. 195±243, at 198±199 and 208. The contribution of William of Hainaut was 20 solidi, which would represent a burse of 40 solidi. That is not an inappropriate amount, since the burse was calculated on the weekly expenditure for food and incidentals (in this case for a boy of thirteen years), not on assets, lodging, servants, or other household expenses.

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The sociology of the university community Among the scholars who held cathedral dignities, we ®nd several who were young in years, well below the canonical age required for the bene®ces they held. Those belonging to this group of ``student dignitaries'' had been provided with numerous bene®ces through the papacy at the request of their parents. For them the university was not a route toward the acquisition of bene®ces and an ecclesiastical career, which in their case was well underway by the age of ten or fourteen. Instead, for them, bene®ces preceded education. The income from canonical prebends, cathedral dignities, and other sources of ecclesiastical income allowed them to live and study in Paris in a style in keeping with their social background. No doubt the learning they acquired at the university of Paris helped to prepare them for higher of®ce. More important, perhaps, it provided them with an opportunity to establish a network of contacts and associates among those who would pursue careers in royal service or in papal administration, which in turn was important both for them personally and for their families. A few examples illustrate the practice by which certain powerful families endowed one or more sons with bene®ces before sending them to Paris for study. Guido Caprarii was the son of a nobleman from MaÃcon and nephew of a canon at the cathedral of Auxerre. When he was eight years old, Guido received a canonical prebend at the cathedral of Dol, and in the following year he was granted another canonical prebend at the cathedral of Coutances. In June 1329, then aged ten, he received a dispensation to use the fruits of these bene®ces for study at a university, in this case the university of Paris. Considering that Guillaume de Albaco, archdeacon of Chalon-sur-SaoÃne, shared residence and a tutor at Paris with Guido, he might be another instance of this pattern. Juan de Luna's parents received papal provisions for their son indirectly through the of®ces of the archbishop of Tarragona and the king of Aragon. In June 1317 young Juan was appointed canon at Cuenca, and in June 1326, when granted an expectation of a prebend at Cuenca, he was still under age. By June 1327, when he received a dispensation for study at a university, he held income from churches in the dioceses of Cuenca and Tarragona, along with a perpetual chaplaincy in the cathedral at Toledo ± an income that helped support him and his tutor at Paris in 1329. Louis de Melun, son of the viscount of Melun and younger brother of Guillaume, archbishop of Sens (d.1329), was nineteen in 1316 when he received an indult for seven years (the maximum allowed under Boniface VIII's Cum ex eo decree) to use the fruits of numerous bene®ces, including canonical prebends at Sens and Meaux, to study at 101

A window on a lost world Paris. By 1317 he held canonical prebends at Sens, Chartres, and ChaÃlons-sur-Marne, and in 1323 he received an additional dispensation for seven more years of university study. Although there is no evidence of a dispensation for reasons of age, Hugo Vissac may well be another example of the same pattern. Son of Hugo de Vissac chevalier and seigneur d'Arlempdas near Puy, the younger Hugh received an expectation of a canonical prebend in 1316 and by 1326 was archdeacon of Troyes and awaiting a canonical prebend in the cathedral at Laon. In April 1329 he received a dispensation to use the fruits of his bene®ces for study at the university of Paris. In every case these were families that could easily have afforded to support one or more sons at Paris. The fact that their sons were not only provided with bene®ces at an early age but received dispensations to use the income from those bene®ces for university study (thus leaving the family holdings largely untouched) was part of a strategy to extend the economic resources of the family as well as its social and ecclesiastical in¯uence. Given the ages of Guido Caprarii, Juan de Luna, Louis de Melun, and Guillaume de Hainaut when they began their studies at Paris, some sons of the nobility went to Paris to begin or complete their studies in arts, not simply for study in law after years of private tutoring at home. Their parents presumably believed that living in a major educational and political center had advantages even at such an early age. This presents us with a different picture of the uses of university study for the nobility than is often presented. While some of these young elite may have subsequently pursued studies in civil or canon law, their study in a university setting began earlier, in the arts faculty. They did not live with socii. They lived in comfortable lodgings commensurate with their social station, assisted by a tutor, household servants, and occasionally a larger familia. Although some might have taken a degree, we do not ®nd them among the regents, nor are they in later years referred to as magistri. They were temporarily students whose presence in Paris probably had as much to do with proximity to the royal court as with proximity to the schools. These ®ndings accord with the picture that emerges from a study of those university members who initiated an appeal on behalf of ``poor scholars'' for an extension of the time of payment in a general collection in 1313.11 None of those who drafted the appeal and led their fellow scholars to join the effort was a master. The common denominator of 11

CUP II, #703, pp. 161±166; W. J. Courtenay, ``Foreign Scholars at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313,'' forthcoming in History of Universities.

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The sociology of the university community that group was that they all held major ecclesiastical bene®ces or dignities, and most if not all were from the nobility. Their position of leadership within the university community had no foundation in academic rank and was out of all proportion to their numbers. It was simply a status to which they were born ± one that served the needs of the university in its internal ®nances and in its association with external powers. The academic leadership of the university recognized the advantage of having within the scholarly community the sons of the great and powerful, who in time would themselves go on to positions of wealth and privilege, and who would be able to remember and reward some of their less fortunate fellow alumni whom they had known during their student days. t h e k i ng's m e n: u n i v e r si t y c l e r k s a n d roya l s e rv ic e If the presence among Parisian students (not masters!) of sons of the higher nobility and so many holders of ecclesiastical dignities changes our understanding of the social pro®le of that university community in the early fourteenth century, the interrelation of royal (and princely) service and university study also deserves a closer examination. This connection covers two different groups. First there are those regent masters of medicine and canon law who simultaneously served as royal physicians or consiliarii to the king or queen and whose connection with the royal court probably resulted from their professional status. In some cases, such as with Henricus de Ast and Robert de MontleÂon, this may have been little more than one element of a private practice that supplemented (or more likely exceeded) academic income.12 For others, there seems to have been a long-term af®liation. Jean Helechin (or Halequin), while regent in the faculty of medicine, was physician and familiaris to Charles IV even before the latter became king. Guy Baudet was regent master of canon law at Paris when he served as clerk and consiliarius to Jeanne, queen of France.13 His service to Philip VI by 1333 probably precluded his continued regency, which had certainly ended by the time he became chancellor of France in 1335. We do not know precisely when any of these men entered royal service, but it likely came after they had attained regency and reputation at the university. Other examples of this pattern (from university to court) appear to be 12 13

Both Henry and Robert were separately sponsored by the king and queen in 1332 for papal provisions, but their precise connection with the royal court is not known. Although it is uncertain whether the Guy Baudet who is listed in the computus of 1329±30 is this master or his nephew, it remains true that the older of the two was simultaneously a university master and in royal service.

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A window on a lost world Guillaume de Goolini of Dijon, who had attained the level of licentiate in civil law and bachelor of canon law by the time he is ®rst referred to as a clerk of Philip VI; Guillaume de Herches, who was regent master of theology at Paris when he received royal support and helped to facilitate provisions for royal nominees; Guillaume Marpaudi, who was the of®cial notary for the university before he was referred to as a ``dilectus'' of Philip VI; Martin le Neveu, for whom the ®rst evidence of royal support comes after almost two decades of university study; Pierre Apostoli, who had studied at the university for a quarter century and was regent master in theology at Paris when we have the ®rst evidence of his receiving royal support; and Pierre Alorici de Charite who was licentiate in civil and canon law before becoming a familiaris of the count of AlencËon and later magister requestarum for the king. A second group are those who were already in royal service at the time they began or continued their studies at the university of Paris. Dreux de Charite was already clerk to Philip V when he received several dispensations to use bene®ce income for university study, probably for the study of civil and canon law. He was one of a handful of clerks who remained in royal service from Philip V and Charles IV to the reign of Philip VI. Similarly, Jean de Hubant, who rose to the of®ce of president of the Chambre des EnqueÃtes under Philip VI, was already reportator in the Chambre des EnqueÃtes in 1321 under Philip V and still a student in the law faculty a decade later. For many university clerks who were also in royal service, however, we are uncertain when their court connection began or when they ®rst began their studies at Paris. Consequently it is impossible to determine whether university study was a way of improving their skills while in royal service, or whether academic achievement, possibly with the help of family connections, was an avenue into royal service. Guillaume de ChaÃteauvillain was already magister and royal clerk by 1335 and continued some type of university connection as late as 1347. Jean Mandevillain was doctor of civil law and a royal clerk by 1320 and, like Dreux de Charite and Jean de Hubant, made the transition to the administration of Philip VI, as did Jean de St-Juste (magister and royal clerk by 1326) and Pierre de Prouville (magister and royal clerk by 1325). Michael de Vera was a familiaris of Charles IV while a student at the university. Nicolas de FreÂauville, possibly connected to the family of the Dominican cardinal of that name, was also a royal clerk under Charles IV while a member of the university. The same is true for Robert le Gay, magister and royal clerk of Philip VI by 1329. In addition to the circle connected with the royal court, we ®nd scholars listed in the computus who were clients of princes. The only one 104

The sociology of the university community of these circles that is apparent in the computus ± there were probably many of them ± is that of Louis, duke of Bourbon and count of Clermont. At an early stage of his academic career at Paris, Robert de Bardis was a familiaris of the Duc de Bourbon, whose palace in the early fourteenth century lay on the Right Bank, close to the Louvre. Guidomarus de Mezle also belonged to this group by 1316 and was still identi®ed as a clerk of Louis in the computus of 1329±30. All cases of ``academic'' royal clerks or familiares under Philip V and Charles IV who appear in the computus and for whom we know the faculty of study (®ve out of seven) were lawyers. This may well have been the case with the other two, Michael de Vera and Nicolas de FreÂauville, and it may also be a continuation of the policy of Philip IV in which those among his advisors who had academic training were trained in law. The same pattern was continued by Philip VI. Of the sixteen royal clerks or familiares who appear in the computus, eleven were trained in law. Law may also have been the course of study for two others, Martin le Neveu and Robert le Gay, whereas Guillaume Marpaudi in the period in which we know him seems to have been connected only with the arts faculty. The new factor within this group of scholars who were af®liated in some way with the royal court under Philip VI is the presence of two masters of theology, Guillaume de Herches and Pierre Apostoli. Their inclusion might have been part of a move to establish closer ties with the faculty of theology and with theological issues in the 1330s. One example of this interest is Philip's administrative and diplomatic reliance on the Benedictine prelate Pierre Roger, who in addition to his ecclesiastical of®ces was a prominent master of theology and provisor of the Sorbonne. Other examples are Philip's defense of the Dominican theologian Thomas Waleys, who had attacked John XXII's views on the Beati®c Vision, and the council at Vincennes in 1333, acting under the mandate of the king, that issued an authoritative statement on the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision. As we have seen, some of those who were connected with the university and royal court lived in close proximity to one another in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Martin des Essarts and Jean Mandevillain) and the rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve. The last street, in particular, is important in this respect, housing Jean Helechin, Jean de Hubant, and Richard des Champs, the last of whom was either a royal clerk or at least facilitated provisions for a number of royal clerks. From a topographical perspective, it is interesting that their place of residence was not along the river, near Notre-Dame or the royal palace, but in an equally privileged area along the top of the Mont-Ste-GenevieÁve. 105

A window on a lost world In this process of uncovering the social, residential, and disciplinary identity of many of those named in the computus, and ®tting them into previous and subsequent careers, we must not forget that the collectors initially went about their task through a residential survey that privileged those who were masters at the university, those who owned property, and those who were responsible for residential groups. Those featured in the ®rst quire were by and large an elite group because the system through which their names were recorded centered on them. In that regard, the second quire is a more representative cross section of the social background and ®nancial resources of students and masters. The elitist bias of the ®rst quire, however, is as revealing as it is distorting. It means that the collectors of 1329±30, when they actively canvassed the university community, understood that university as a two-level structure in which the important individuals were the masters and magni. In the assessors' view, that upper layer to which they themselves, as masters, belonged formed the core, the pars valentior, of the university of Paris.

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Chapter 7

THE GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS OF THE UNIVERSITY COMMUNITY

Paris in the thirteenth century has long been considered an international university, which by the end of the fourteenth century had become largely a northern French university. This shift from internationalism to regionalism follows a pattern that is considered typical for late medieval universities.1 The difference with Paris, of course, is that it was far more renowned and presumably more international than other centers of learning in the early thirteenth century, and though it never lost its ability to attract non-French students in the medieval period, the contraction of its alumni boundaries would have been far more dramatic and internationally signi®cant than with most other universities. The evidence from which that picture is constructed, however, is less extensive and more complex than is normally realized. The international character of thirteenth-century Paris is not based on a large body of evidence that can be subjected to statistical analysis, but is rather an impression derived from the fact that many of the leading theologians of the university, such as Stephen Langton, Robert Kilwardby, Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Giles of Rome, Henry of Ghent, and John Duns Scotus were from areas outside France, principally from England, Germany, and Italy. Presumably, if so much of the visible intellectual leadership was non-French, then a signi®cant portion of the invisible majority must also have been from outside France. The evidence for the sharp reduction in its international character is less impressionistic. It is derived from the university rotuli of supplication extant from the middle of the fourteenth century on, and which by the end of that century are extensive enough to permit signi®cant statistical 1

See, for example, H. de Ridder-Symoens's chapter on mobility in A History of the University in Europe, vol. I: Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. H. de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 280±291.

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A window on a lost world

6

France in 1329

analysis.2 Although the international character of the university of Paris was severely altered by the departure of most Germans, Italians, and Scandinavians as a result of the Great Schism ± a reshaping event from which it may never have fully recovered in terms of international appeal ± the evidence of the rotuli between 1349 and 1379 reveals a university whose students and masters came from a northern Europe whose 2

J. Verger, ``Le recrutement geÂographique des universiteÂs francËaises au deÂbut du XVe sieÁcle d'apreÁs les suppliques de 1403,'' MeÂlanges d'archeÂologie et d'histoire, Ecole francËaise de Rome, 82 (1970), 855±902; reprinted in J. Verger, Les universiteÂs francËaises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), pp. 122±173.

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The geographical origins of the university community

7

The dioceses and ecclesiastical provinces of France

southern boundary, as far as the drawing power of Paris was concerned, was the Loire and the Alps. The reasons for this shift, apart from the dramatic impact of the Schism, have been attributed to the founding of universities in other parts of Europe, the creation of new faculties of theology, changing political conditions, a decline in college fellowships for poor students, and a decline in the ®nancial resources of the average student.3 3

Ridder-Symoens, Universities in the Middle Ages, pp. 209±211, 235±241, 285±286.

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A window on a lost world The question of the regional background of a university community has been expressed by various terms, some more successful than others. It is sometimes posed as an issue of recruitment. That label, however, is misleading because it implies an initiative by university leaders that was absent in the late Middle Ages in any conscious or effective way. Apart from attempts to encourage college foundations, attract donations of books, and maintain regional ties that already existed, the university never actively sought students; it took what came. Students attended a particular university because of a number of factors among which proximity, reputation in the desired discipline, family and regional ties, and type of contacts and career sought were the most important. The term ``catchment'' has also been used, expressing the passive role of a university collecting whatever ¯owed to it. The problem with that term, however, is that it assumes one self-contained intellectual and social watershed leading to one university center, and even if we allow for overlapping spheres of in¯uence among various universities, the familial, cultural, disciplinary, professional, and personal factors behind the choice of a university are so complex and voluntary that the term ``catchment'' makes the process seem too passive and inevitable. The issue being addressed is the geographical range of a university's ability to attract students for many different intellectual, social, familial, and professional reasons, and the resulting regional distribution of a medieval university community. Where did students and masters come from, in what numbers, and in what proportions? Is that distribution the same across time? Is it the same among the various faculties or disciplines, or does it differ between arts and the higher faculties, and differ between the disciplines of theology, law, and medicine?4 The computus of 1329±30 gives us an opportunity to examine the geographical range of the Parisian university community in the second quarter of the fourteenth century, before the outbreak of war between England and France, before the founding of the university of Prague, before the establishment of a theological faculty or consortium at Bologna or an effective one at Toulouse, and before the Papal Schism. Because it permits a sounding before these reshaping events took place, it should presumably resemble more closely the geographical structure or distribution of the Parisian university community of the second half 4

Although it falls outside the subject of this chapter, the demographic or habitation background of Parisian scholars also needs to be examined. At ®rst glance, it would appear that most Parisian scholars, whether from northern France or from more distant regions, came from large towns and cities, while a minority came from small towns and villages, and very few from the rural countryside. That impression ± crucial in understanding social background and outlook ± needs to be tested through further study.

110

The geographical origins of the university community of the thirteenth century.5 At the very least, it gives us an opportunity to see where the Paris studium of the early fourteenth century might be located along this supposed continuum from international to regional.6 But before that is done, it is important to determine in what manner and to what extent Paris was an international university in the thirteenth century so as to set off in sharper relief any changes in the geographical composition of the university community that may have occurred subsequently. t h e t h i rt e e n t h - c e n t u ry pat t e r n In attempting to gain a picture of the ``initial'' geographical appeal or range from which the university community was drawn, it is important to keep in mind the difference between students who chose to go to Paris (the secular students and perhaps some of the monks and regular canons) and those who were sent to Paris by their religious superiors (namely the mendicant orders and perhaps the Cistercians). The latter were not sent against their will; in fact, the opportunity of Parisian study among young members of the mendicant orders was highly sought after, but the choice of individuals sent or allowed to go ± and the geographical spread thus produced ± was limited in number and resulted from decisions made by the leadership of the orders. Moreover, the geographical distribution within the mendicant orders differed considerably with the level of theological study. Those orders conducted two distinct theological programs at their Paris convents: a numerically large program that prepared lectors for the convents and provincial studia of the order, and a small program, integrated with the university, that presented candidates for the baccalaureate and doctorate. For the lectorate program, each province was required to send two or three students to Paris, and the choice of candidates was determined by the head of each province. For the Dominicans and Franciscans, this meant that in addition to a core of students from the region of Paris and from the province of France, there was an even distribution of students in residence at Paris at the same time from almost all the other 5

6

The fact that the computus reports on the upper level of university society (masters, wealthier students, and possibly a few recent graduates) does not affect its usefulness as a witness to geographical origin ± unless one is prepared to entertain the unlikely hypothesis that the geographical range of students differed substantially from that of masters. If the international character of the thirteenth-century university is impressionistic and not critically differentiated by faculty and between secular and mendicant masters, and if the late fourteenth-century picture is not characteristic, it can be questioned whether we have, in fact, a gradual shift from international to northern French. To date we have no precise studies of geographical range in what might be termed a ``normal'' period.

111

A window on a lost world provinces. Evidence from the Franciscan convent at Paris in 1303 reveals the wide geographical range of that system, which brought students to Paris from as far away as Ireland, Poland, Bohemia, Spain, southern Italy, Sicily, and Greece.7 It was also an equitable distribution, so that provinces distant from Paris had the same quota as those in the kingdom of France outside the boundaries of the Franciscan province of France. The same ``international'' distribution held true for the lectorate programs of the other mendicant orders as well. This system remained legislatively unchanged throughout the fourteenth and ®fteenth centuries, although the consistency of its implementation is unclear. Some realignment during the Schism or dislocations caused by warfare can be assumed, but whether and precisely how provinces otherwise ®lled their quotas in the late Middle Ages has yet to be studied. The selection of students sent to Paris for the baccalaureate and doctorate in theology, on the other hand, was not representative of every region. The selection of candidates for the Franciscan order was made by the minister general of the order, often with the advice of the general chapter. In the thirteenth century this arrangement produced an even mixture of French and ``foreign'' regent masters in which those from the British Isles and Italy were almost as numerous as those from the kingdom of France. Moreover, when it is recognized that the kingdom of France was divided into several provinces of the Franciscan order (France, Touraine, Aquitaine, Provence, and Bourgogne), there was about one candidate from the province of France for every three or four candidates from elsewhere. The Dominicans also conducted a ``lector'' program of theological training at Paris that brought students to Paris from all the provinces of the order and which, like that of the Franciscans, worked on a basis of equal quotas among the various provinces. The choice of candidates was made at the provincial level. Selection for the ``higher'' or university program of the baccalaureate and doctorate lay with the master general and the general chapter of the order, but the structure of the selection process in the Dominican order gave a far greater advantage to French Dominicans than was the case with any other mendicant order. The Dominicans had two chairs of theology, one of which came to be reserved for candidates from the province of France and the other for candidates from the other provinces. To satisfy the faculty of theology 7

On the distribution of students at Cordeliers in Paris, see W. J. Courtenay, ``Between Pope and King: The Parisian Letters of Adhesion of 1303,'' Speculum, 71 (1996), 577±605; Courtenay, ``The Parisian Franciscan Community in 1303,'' in Franciscan Studies, 53 (1993), 155±173.

112

The geographical origins of the university community and to make the Dominican program conform to that of the other mendicant orders, only one candidate was put forward for promotion each year, and nominations alternated between the province of France and the other provinces on a two-year cycle. In the thirteenth century, Italian and southern French candidates dominated the non-French slot, but by the beginning of the fourteenth century southern French candidates edged out most other competitors, including Italian Dominicans. As came to be true for the Franciscans as well, candidates from England, Germany, Scandinavia, eastern Europe, or Spain were almost never chosen to proceed for the doctorate at Paris in the fourteenth century. The Augustinian Hermits, on the other hand, whose participation in the university came only in the last decades of the thirteenth century, gave preference to Italian and, to a lesser degree, German candidates.8 The result of the different selection and distribution policies for the two levels of the theological program at the Paris mendicant convents was that although the lector program retained a broad geographical range of friars from across Europe, the doctoral program favored French candidates (mostly northern, but many from the Midi) almost to the exclusion of everyone else. This was most marked in the Dominican order and least marked in the Augustinian order. Thus, regardless of how diverse and international the students at the mendicant convents might be, those responsible for teaching, namely the regent master and bachelors at the convents who were the high pro®le members of the community and were the ones who interacted with the university leadership, were predominantly from northern France by the beginning of the fourteenth century. Unfortunately, we do not have much prosopographical evidence for secular students at Paris in the thirteenth century, and what we have has not yet been assembled into a picture except for the opening years of the century.9 Many prominent regent masters in the mendicant orders came from outside France, but the same was not true for secular masters of theology. Except for the opening years of the thirteenth century, where we still ®nd masters of theology from England, Denmark, Italy, 8

9

The Dominican policy of appointing only one candidate to read the Sentences each year can be seen in the relevant decisions of the general chapters as edited in CUP. Lists of bachelors for the other mendicant orders have been compiled for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and although there are gaps in the record, the shifting pattern of regional distribution in appointments is evident. J. Baldwin, ``Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215: A Social Perspective,'' in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. R. L. Benson and G. Constable (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), pp. 138±172.

113

A window on a lost world and Provence,10 after the strike of 1229±31 the geographical boundaries of secular masters of theology range from Ghent and Dinant in the north to Limoges and the Auvergne in the south, from Brittany in the west to Bar-le-Duc and Dijon in the east.11 Less is known for masters in the faculty of arts, who were all seculars.12 To the extent that the nation structure of that faculty is an indication of ``national'' constituencies in the early thirteenth century, those were French, Norman, Picard, and English ± the last re¯ecting a continuation of English students and masters at Paris that dates back to the early twelfth century.13 As students from other regions came to Paris in the course of the thirteenth century, they allied themselves with one of the existing ``national'' units: the Picard nation absorbing students from Brabant, Flanders, and southwest Holland; the English nation absorbing students from German-speaking lands, the rest of the Low Countries, Scandinavia, and eastern Europe; the French nation absorbing students from Brittany, eastern France and the French Alps, and any students from the south of France, Spain, or Italy. Only the Norman nation retained its initial geographical constituency. Had there been large numbers of students from the Midi, Italy, and Spain in the early thirteenth century, some equivalent nation would probably have developed for students from southern Europe. The fact that no such structure emerged can be taken as evidence that their numbers were small, and they were consequently grouped in with students from the Bourges province of the French nation. As Jacques Verger has already suggested, secular students from 10

11

12

13

For example, Anders Sunesen from Denmark; Humbert of Pirovano, Peter of Capua, Prepositinus, Ardengus, and Bartholomew of Lombardy from Italy; and Richard le Poer, Robert of Courson, Stephen Langton, Thomas of Chobham, William de Montibus, William of Durham, Matthew of Scotland, and John Blount from the British Isles; see Baldwin, ``Masters at Paris,'' pp. 167±170; P. Glorieux, ReÂpertoire des maõÃtres en theÂologie de Paris au XIIIe sieÁcle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1933) I, pp. 229ff. The only exceptions were Laurence the Englishman, who was master of theology (perhaps of Paris) at the time of the struggle with the mendicants in 1253, and Adenulph of Anagni, who was apparently a master of theology by the time he was consulted on related issues in 1282. No matriculation lists exist for the medieval university of Paris, and the rotuli of supplication for bene®ces, a practice that began in 1316, survive only from 1349 and later, as copied in Vatican registers of supplication. Although the rotuli between 1316 and 1349 have been reconstructed and will be the subject of a separate study, the prosopography of the thirteenth century university of Paris depends on a relatively small amount of documentation and the information on arts masters presently being assembled by Dr Olga Weijers. See R. W. Hunt, ``English Learning in the Late Twelfth Century,'' in Essays in Medieval History, ed. R. W. Southern (London, 1968), pp. 106±128; R. W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (New York, 1970), pp. 135±180; Southern, Scholastic Humanism and the Uni®cation of Europe (Oxford, 1995), pp. 198±233; Baldwin, ``Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215.''

114

The geographical origins of the university community southern France and the Mediterranean region were probably few in number at any time in the thirteenth century.14 Thus, if one puts to the side the mendicant orders, which at the level of their lectorate programs at Paris had a conscious pan-European educational policy, the ``international'' character of thirteenth-century Paris was northern European in focus, attracting students in arts from England, the Low Countries, Scandinavia, Germany, and a few from eastern Europe. But because the evidential base for secular students at Paris is so slight before the middle of the fourteenth century and the appearance of the rotuli, the regional distribution of non-mendicants within the university community before 1349 remains largely conjectural. It is here that the computus of 1329±30 contains important information on this as on so many other facets of university life. It allows us an insight into the geographical structure of the university that no other document before 1349 permits.15 In doing so, the computus establishes the ®rst ``benchmark'' by which to judge university geographical distribution at one point in time, and thus a way of judging change in the course of the fourteenth century. In particular, it provides an opportunity to test the extent to which Paris attracted students from southern Europe, from the Midi, Spain, and Italy in the early fourteenth century, or whether the university of Paris was already primarily a northern European university. t h e w i t n e ss of t h e 132 9 ^ 30 com putus Several factors prevent our obtaining an exact quantitative picture of geographical distribution from the computus. First, the portion of the computus that survives is not a complete survey of the university community, which numbered over three thousand members.16 Further, the majority of the more than two thousand members whose presence is recorded are unnamed socii, so only a quarter of the total university

14 15

16

J. Verger, ``Les eÂtudiants meÂridionaux aÁ Paris au Moyen Age,'' Annales du Midi, 102 (1990), 359±366. The university appeal of 1313 discussed in Chapter Two contains the names of over three hundred persons, most of them from outside northern France, who were students, masters, or alumni of the university. Because participation in that appeal was voluntary and restricted to those in ®nancial need or to those supporting them, it cannot be used as a guide to the geographical distribution of the entire university community. See Courtenay, ``Foreign Scholars at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313,'' forthcoming in History of Universities. For a longer discussion of the total size and distribution of the university community, see Chapter One, pp. 17±26.

115

A window on a lost world community is listed by name.17 Moreover, many of those named in the document bear a family name or patronymic which, in the absence of other biographical information, tells us nothing about town or region of origin. Some are simply cited by ®rst name because their identities were familiar to the collectors, but they are unknown to us unless, as in a few cases, we have suf®cient information from other documents to identify them. Even where we have a place name, it does not always provide an unambiguous designation. Some place names correspond to several towns in different parts of France or Europe. And where we are certain of the town in question, it does not help us distinguish between someone who recently came to Paris for education in arts, theology, law, or medicine, and someone who might have been living in Paris for a decade or more and whose principal reason for being in Paris was royal or ecclesiastical service, or a professional career, or whose family had moved to Paris a generation or two earlier.18 Slightly more than half of the more than eight hundred individuals named in the document can be located regionally. Although signi®cant, this makes any attempt at precise statistical comparisons misleading. But since the collectors had no reason to identify by place name colleagues from some regions as opposed to others, there is no reason to believe that the regional background of the half that can be geographically located would differ radically from the unknown half. Moreover, because, as was argued in Chapter Five, the unnamed socii probably came from the same region as the named individual with whom they lived, the geographical pattern of the known portion takes on greater signi®cance. Thus, while a statistical comparison would be irresponsible, the general pattern or distribution is meaningful. It gives us precisely the kind of evidence we lack for the thirteenth century: extensive information on secular masters and students, the majority of whom belonged to the faculty of arts. First, let us look at the university community as a whole, without considering the faculty of study, where known. And for regional boundaries, the following analysis adopts the structure of the arts faculty with some subgroupings (see ®gure 8). The French nation was divided into ®ve provinces: Paris, Sens, Reims, Tours, and Bourges. For greater re®nement in detail, I have treated northern Burgundy (Chaumont, Langres, Dijon, Chalon-sur-SaoÃne), which was included in the province 17

18

Unlike the entries in the rotuli, the computus does not list diocese of origin. Some two hundred of the named individuals, however, have left a documentary trail in royal and papal records, and the latter often reveals diocese of origin. For example, Henricus de Ast (or Hast) may have originally come from Italy (Asti?). But at the time we encounter him in the document he had established his law career in northern France. An example of a family that reestablished itself in Paris is the des Essarts, which was originally from Rouen and maintained ties with the Rouen branch of the family.

116

The geographical origins of the university community

8

The French, Norman, and Picard nations in the arts faculty

of Sens, as a separate region. Similarly, I have given separate treatment to Brittany (part of the province of Tours), Lorraine/Moselle (Verdun, Toul, Metz, and portions of the diocese of Trier, which were part of the province of Reims), and have treated as separate regions Poitou, Aquitaine/Saintonge, Limousin, the Auvergne, southern Burgundy, Savoy, and Provence ± all of which were included, whenever applicable, in the province of Bourges. The designation of Normandy did not seem to require further re®nement, but I treated the area of Dinant, Namur, and LieÁge as a separate region, although most of this area was 117

A window on a lost world included in the Picard nation. The English-German nation was divided into its traditional ``national'' groupings. Italy and the Iberian peninsula were also given separate treatment. As one would expect, many of those named in the computus were from the region of Paris and the Ile-de-France (®fty-six). That group is as large as any other single region. What is surprising, perhaps, is that it is not signi®cantly larger. By contrast, the province of Reims shows up infrequently (®ve), but had the fellows of the ColleÁge de Navarre, which had many students and masters from Champagne, been mentioned individually by name instead of as an unnamed group, the numerical portion of scholars and masters from Champagne would have been larger. The surprising discoveries are that masters and scholars from Picardy (®fty-four) are as numerous as those from the Ile-de-France and far more numerous than those from Normandy (twenty-four).19 Other regions that seem to have had a disproportionally large number of masters are northern Burgundy (twenty-six), Brittany (twenty-four), and the Auvergne (twenty-three) (Aurillac, St-Flour, Puy, Clermont). The distribution of regions within the English-German nation is less surprising, since those ratios correspond roughly to what we ®nd from the proctors' registers of that nation an academic generation later, with the largest number from Scotland (twenty-nine), followed by Germany (seventeen) and then Sweden and Denmark (eleven).20 The only signi®cant difference there between the witness of the computus and that of the proctors' registers a decade later is that in 1329±30 the number of English masters (fourteen) almost equalled those from Germany but would disappear from Paris within the following decade. The only region of the kingdom of France from which we ®nd few scholars in the computus is the south, especially the southwest.21 Similarly, there are very few place names from the RhoÃne valley south of Lyons and almost nothing from Provence. Presumably this region was academically served by Toulouse, Montpellier, and Avignon. Students from the south of France who went to Paris for study ± almost invariably in the faculty of theology ± belonged to religious orders and by reason of exemption were not included in the computus. The only 19 20 21

These numbers do not include the residents of the colleges of Bayeux, TreÂsorier, or Harcourt for Normandy, nor the residents of the college of Chollets for Picardy. On the regional distribution of scholars in the English-German nation, see M. Tanaka, La nation anglo-allemande de l'Universite de Paris aÁ la ®n du Moyen Age (Paris, 1992). Among those few in the computus who came from the southwestern region were Amanevus de Ramafort from Bordeaux, BeÂrenger FreÂdol from the PeÂrigord, Gailard de Popia from the region of Moissac, the prior of La Daurade at Toulouse, and Pierre du CheÃne (Petrus de Quercu) from Limoges. The appeal of 1313 shows a slightly higher percentage of scholars from this part of France; see Courtenay, ``Foreign Scholars at Paris.''

118

The geographical origins of the university community area of southern France that is represented with named masters in the computus is Narbonne. This ``anomaly'' stemmed in part from the fact that in the early fourteenth century the archbishops of Narbonne maintained a close connection with Paris and the royal court.22 But it is probably due more to the existence of the ColleÁge de Narbonne, founded in 1317, which had numerous well-paying fellowships for students from that archdiocese.23 How many students and masters from the Narbonnais there were at Paris who were not connected with the college, which in 1329±30 had fourteen fellows, is impossible to determine. All those listed in the computus seem to be or have been connected with the college. This pattern of regional representation or distribution parallels the regional and diocesan orientation of most of the secular colleges founded at Paris before 1350. With the exception of the Sorbonne, which elected fellows even from outside France, other colleges were regionally speci®c: TreÂsorier, Harcourt, Bayeux, and Lisieux for Normandy; Chollets, Laon, Arras, Cambrai, and Tournai for Picardy; Cornouaille (Quimper) and TreÂguier for Brittany; Bourgogne and Autun for Burgundy; and Tours for that archdiocese. The distribution of burses at the ColleÁge de Navarre, with the sole exception of Picardy, re¯ects this same distribution: ®fteen fellowships for Champagne; twelve fellowships for the rest of the province of Sens; ten fellowships for the rest of the province of Reims; ten fellowships for the province of Rouen; ten fellowships for the province of Tours; six fellowships for the province of Bourges; four fellowships for the province of Lyons; and two fellowships for the province of Narbonne. Apart from the preferential treatment of Champagne, the distribution of fellowships at Navarre, con®rmed in the statutes of 1315, approximated the regional distribution of the university community at that time, except for the exclusion of Picardy. In almost all cases, the foundations of colleges and the distribution of fellowships corresponded to the needs of regional 22

23

The archbishop of Narbonne was one of only ®ve archbishops or bishops in France to support Philip IV's initial call for a council against Boniface VIII, the others being Sens, Meaux, Nevers, and Auxerre. In Philip's second attempt, which drew a larger response, the archbishop of Narbonne was the only prelate south of the dioceses of Limoges, Clermont, Le Puy, and MaÃcon to support the king; see Courtenay, ``Between Pope and King,'' pp. 577±579. In May 1311, in an unusual double translation, the archbishop of Narbonne, Giles Aycelin, a strong supporter of Philip IV in the crisis of 1303, was made archbishop of Rouen, while the archbishop of Rouen, Bernard de Farges, nephew of Clement V, was made archbishop of Narbonne. Farges' ecclesiastical career had been divided between northern and southern France, and he continued an attachment to Paris despite the fact that both Toulouse and Montpellier lay within the archdiocese of Narbonne. He founded the ColleÁge de Narbonne at Paris in 1317 and continued to support it until his death in 1341. Scholars from Narbonne in the computus include Germanus Celati and Guillelmus Bernardi.

119

A window on a lost world constituencies that already existed at Paris by 1300. Only in the case of Narbonne do we have a possible example of a college creating a new constituency, attracting students who otherwise might not have gone to Paris. Apart from those students and masters normally embraced by the nation structure of the faculty of arts, two other regions have a signi®cant number of named individuals: Italy and Spain. These would normally have been placed within (or associated with) the French nation, and within that group, with the Bourges province. The number of masters and students from Italy (twenty-®ve) who were named in the computus was quite large, roughly equivalent to the size of the groups from Brittany or Normandy. With few exceptions they came from northern Italy, from Brescia, Milan, Parma, Cremona, Padua, Genoa, Florence, Siena, and Aquila ± a regional af®liation con®rmed by the foundation of the ColleÁge des Lombards a few years later.24 The number of masters or, more frequently, students from Spain and Portugal was smaller (ten) but still signi®cant. Thus, with the exception of the south and southwest of France, the university of Paris in the early fourteenth century appears to have been international in its constituency and appeal. That picture, however, requires some re®nement. When we approach the issue of geographical distribution from the standpoint of faculty, almost none of the Italian and Spanish students and masters were members of the faculty of arts. Their faculty of study was medicine or, in a few cases, canon law. The regent masters in the faculty of medicine in the third and fourth decades of the fourteenth century were disproportionally staffed with masters from Italy, speci®cally from Lombardy, and several of the students from Spain were studying in the faculty of medicine. We do not have as extensive a body of information for the faculty of canon law, but it may well be that the proportion of non-French students and masters was far higher there than in arts or theology.25 In addition, several of the masters from northern Burgundy (in or around Dijon) belonged to the faculty of medicine. Thus, if we remove from our total those known to have been students or masters in the higher faculties of medicine and canon law, we ®nd that secular masters in arts and theology came primarily from a region bounded on the south by the Loire, that included Hainaut and LieÁge (but rarely 24 25

This contrasts with the distribution of Italian students in the mendicant orders, which were drawn evenly from the various Italian provinces. On the opposite end, the faculty of theology had an equally unusually high proportion of regent masters (and students) from Picardy, and even Jean de Blangy came from a town in Normandy on the border of Picardy.

120

The geographical origins of the university community Flanders) in the north, Lorraine in the east, and northern Burgundy in the southeast. The only other geographical regions that would have been represented in the faculty of arts were the Auvergne and the Narbonnais. When the geographical distribution of masters and students at Paris in 1329±30 is compared with the ®ndings of Jacques Verger, derived from the extensive rotuli of 1403, the distribution within the kingdom of France, with two exceptions, is amazingly similar.26 The largest numbers of Parisian masters in 1403 came from northern France, from the Paris basin, from Normandy, Brittany, and Picardy, with almost no students from the south and southwest of France. Even the pocket of the Auvergne (Clermont, Le Puy, St-Flour, Rodez), which provided a signi®cant number of scholars in 1329±30 was still sending students to Paris at the end of the fourteenth century. The two differences are a far higher number of scholars from the dioceses of Limoges and Bourges in 1403 than appear (or can be identi®ed) in the computus, and the lower proportion in 1329±30 of scholars from Normandy than from Picardy, which is reversed in the ®ndings from 1403. The Limousin proportion may have grown in the course of the fourteenth century by reason of the ponti®cates of Clement VI, Innocent VI, and Gregory XI whose family origins and patronage networks remained connected with that region as well as with the university of Paris. The relative reduction in the number of scholars from Picardy seeking support from a nonUrbanist pope was probably a result of the effects of the Papal Schism on the northern part of that nation's constituency. In light of the ongoing Schism, it is to be expected that the rotuli of 1403 would not contain the names of scholars from Italy, although the surprisingly small number of scholars from Spain cannot be explained in that way.27 As we have seen, however, the assumption that Paris never drew many students from south of the Alps is incorrect. Despite the 26

27

Verger, UniversiteÂs FrancËaises, pp. 122±173. Despite the fact that the rotuli of 1403 give a distorted picture of the international character of the university of Paris because of the effect of the Schism, they are a reliable guide to the pre-Schism regional distribution of scholars from the kingdom of France. Medieval universities did not have a designated quota of places, a numerus clausus, so a decline in the number of students from some regions in Europe could be ®lled by an increase in students from other parts. Thus, while the rotuli of 1403 for Paris do not re¯ect a pre1380 distribution for masters and students from Germany, Italy, or Spain, they do re¯ect the late fourteenth-century regional distribution within France itself. One has to be cautious in using the rotuli from Paris as an adequate re¯ection of geographical distribution, especially for areas outside France. The construction of the rotuli was done by the nations of the arts faculty and by the regents in the higher faculties. Consequently constituencies without suf®cient size and political voice, such as those from the south, may have lacked the opportunity of having their names included on the lists of supplication. A pattern of underreporting of non-French masters can be seen in the rotuli from the second half of the fourteenth century.

121

A window on a lost world presence of reputable universities with faculties of medicine in Italy and at Montpellier, Italians did travel north to Paris for their training (or the completion of their training) and for what was probably a remunerative practice in one of the largest and richest cities in Europe. That same attraction led Spanish scholars north to Paris in far greater numbers than anything re¯ected in the rotuli of 1403. Many of these southerners (judging by their burse or by additional information) came from families of great wealth and power: Aldebrandinus, Robert de Bardis, Juan de Luna, and Alfonsus of Lisbon. Many of them remained at Paris for the rest of their careers; others returned to their home territories, for equally prominent careers. Consequently, we do ®nd scholars from southern Europe in the computus of 1329±30, but only a few from the Midi of France, with the single exception of the diocese of Narbonne whose fellowships at Paris were suf®cient to break the normal pattern. For the kingdom of France, the boundary of Parisian attraction or catchment was roughly the same in 1329 and 1403. It was a line that ran from Nantes, south of Poitiers, through Limoges, then dipped down to include the dioceses of Rodez, St-Flour, and Le Puy, crossed the Rhone at Vienne, and then swung northeast to Geneva, Lausanne, BesancËon, and Lorraine. Although the absence of Alsace in the rotuli of 1403 can be explained by the Schism, it is almost totally absent in the computus of 1329±30, although Constance and other towns in southern Germany were represented. It is probably true that this line, as Verger has argued, represents a cultural boundary that was not changed by the absorption of southern France into the kingdom. The culture south of that boundary prized grammar, rhetoric, law, and medicine more highly than arts and theology. Yet to the extent that appointment to bishoprics in the south of France was through the patronage of the monarchy and papacy, that successive kings and popes took learning (including theology) into consideration alongside other quali®cations for of®ce, and that a connection with the royal court through Parisian residence increased one's chances of appointment, a two-culture theory combined with the existence of alternative universities for law and medicine in southern France cannot be the entire answer.28 I suspect that longstanding familial and ecclesiastical networks that linked universities with speci®c regions played just as important a role. What is most remarkable here is that more than a century after the political assimilation of 28

The educational background and court connection of bishops in the Midi between 1250 and 1400 needs to be investigated. Their academic disciplinary af®liation, if they had one, cannot have been theology because almost none went to Paris. And if so many budding ecclesiastics in northern France saw Paris and theology as an important asset in the quest for high of®ce, why did no one in the Midi look at the matter in this way?

122

The geographical origins of the university community southern France into the kingdom, that line of division was still apparent, and it had still not been erased by the time of the Schism and the rotuli of 1403. It may well be that the thirteenth-century university of Paris, especially the secular masters and the faculty of arts, was far less international than is normally imagined and that apart from such major dislocations as the Hundred Years War and the Great Schism, the geographical range of Parisian university appeal or attraction (whether as institution or disciplines of study) remained roughly constant from the late thirteenth century to the ®fteenth century.

123

CONCLUSION

The preceding chapters, along with the edition of the computus of 1329±30 and the biographical register, contribute to the understanding of the university of Paris in the early fourteenth century on several different levels. Foremost is the textual contribution. The computus, as reconstructed and reedited (Appendix 1), places at the service of future scholars one of the most remarkable and useful documents for the history of Paris and its university to survive from the high and late Middle Ages. The computus provides a more precise sense of the topographical relationship between the university community and the rest of Paris than almost any other document. And because of its potential for economic, geographical, and biographical analysis, it is also an important document for the history of medieval universities in general. The misarrangement and occasional mistranscription of the document as previously edited obscured its signi®cance and prevented it from becoming the object of study that it merits. While it would be naive to assume that further re®nements in transcription are not possible, this edition should provide furture generations with a major prosopographical source for the medieval university of Paris. The biographical register (Part III) ± the second most important contribution of this book ± will (it is hoped) eventually be incorporated into a more complete biographical register of the medieval university of Paris, similar to the biographical registers on Oxford and Cambridge produced by A. B. Emden. For the time being, along with similar reference tools created by Glorieux, Wickersheimer, Jacquart, Renardy, Sullivan, Gorochov, Sechler, and others, it can serve as a bridge between one document and the social history of those mentioned in it as well as the institution with which they were, for a time, af®liated.1 1

P. Glorieux, ReÂpertoire des maõÃtres en theÂologie de Paris au XIIIe sieÁcle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1933); Glorieux,

124

Conclusion To understand the context of the document, a history of the collection of common funds by the university in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries has been included (Chapter Two). Particular attention was given to the development of different procedures, which helps to clarify the different form of the two quires of the document.2 Inasmuch as this subject has not received much attention for medieval universities in general, this section of the book may provide a basis for comparison when similar studies are conducted on this practice at other universities. Several dimensions of the information provided in the computus have been explored in Chapters Five through Seven. The document has much to tell us about residential patterns and the role that region of origin, faculty of study, ®nancial resources, and family connections played in the choice and location of accommodations. The topographical and personal information contained in the document helps to put Parisian colleges and convents in context and sheds considerable light on the relationship between masters and their students. Much can be learned about the ®nancial level of both wealthy and average students even though most students appear in the document only as anonymous socii. Similarly, place names provide a means of gaining a more precise picture of the geographical origins of students and masters even though no additional biographical information on them has yet been recovered. The range of geographical origin as evidenced in the computus is particularly important. Because the document is a representative cross section of university membership at one point in time, in contrast to college records or documents speci®c to one faculty or nation, and because the geographical range of the masters is re¯ective of the geographical range of the students who studied with them, the computus allows us a means of determining, in general outline, the geographical background of the entire university as it existed before the Hundred Years War, the Black Death, and the Papal Schism.3 The document

2 3

Sorbonne I, pp. 293±329; Wickersheimer; Jacquart, SuppleÂment; Jacquart, Milieu; C. Renardy, Le Monde des maõÃtres universitaires du dioceÁse de LieÁge, 1140±1350 (Paris, 1979); T. Sullivan, Benedictine Monks at the University of Paris, AD 1229±1500. A Biographical Register (Leiden, 1995); Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 579±713; S. Sechler, ``Rectors of the Fourteenth-Century University of Paris: An Institutional and Prosopographical Study,'' doctoral dissertation, University of WisconsinMadison, 1997. The biographical registers of Wickersheimer, Jacquart, and Renardy are not speci®cally for the university of Paris but concern doctors of medicine or, for Renardy, a cathedral chapter and diocese. See the discussion of the structure of the document in Chapter One, pp. 9±14. The supplication lists (rotuli) for the university of Paris in the second half of the fourteenth century are also limited to this same group, namely masters and graduates. The lists for 1403 formed the basis of the best geographical analysis of the university of Paris and other French universities at the end of the fourteenth century: J. Verger, ``Le recrutement geÂographique des

125

Conclusion contains our best picture of the social and geographical structure of the university as it was at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteeth centuries. Finally, because as the collectors of the university assessment in the ®rst quire of the document focused their attention on masters, heads of residential units, and students living in private accommodations, and because the mendicant orders were exempt from such taxation, the document informs us primarily about secular scholars at Paris and about the academic and social leadership of the university. The disadvantages of its not reporting on mendicant scholars, the Cistericans, or the lowest levels of students is far outweighed by the abundant information it contains on the others. Two-thirds of those who belonged to the upper level of the university in 1329±30 are mentioned by name in the document. Moreover, that group is not re¯ective of just one college or one geographical region but is a representative cross section of the ``power elite'' of the university of Paris in the early fourteenth century. That is what makes the computus of 1329±30 such an important document for the social and educational history of late medieval Europe.

universiteÂs FrancËaises au deÂbut du XVe sieÁcle d'apreÁs les suppliques de 1403,'' in MeÂlanges d'archeÂologie et d'histoire de l'Ecole francËaise de Rome, 82 (1970), pp. 855±902; reprinted in Les universiteÂs francËaises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), pp. 122±168, with supplementary note, pp. 168±173. The computus of 1329±30 has the additional advantage that it includes students of wealth who may never have taken a degree.

126

PART III

Biographical register

Biographical register The following register contains biographical information on individuals named in the computus of 1329±30. Spelling variations in text are in brackets; other forms in parentheses. For abbreviations used, see the list of abbreviations at the beginning of the volume. Abulensis (Avila), decanus; see Velasco Eximini. Adam Bercherii de Francovilla [Fraccovile]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Paris. Held a bene®ce in the dioc. of Carcassonne in Mar. 1323 (LC Jean XXII, #17014); MA by 1329, living at that time with seven socii in the street behind St-BenoõÃt known as CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt (Comp., p. 218); BMed by Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #925); still BMed in Jan. and Mar. 1332 (CUP II, #940, #941); DMed by 1335 (CUP II, #925, n.6), when provided with a canonry in the church of StMartin-de-Champeaux (de Campellis in Bria) in the dioc. of Paris in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #603). His name was included in the supplication list for the faculty of medicine acted on in May 1349 (CUP II, #1164), and he was dean of the faculty of medicine at Paris in 1350 when he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Bayeux (Reg. Suppl. 21, f.208r). He was at Avignon in 1350 on behalf of the faculty of medicine, but he appears to have ceased his regency in medicine by June 1356 when, as a student in canon law, he petitioned for a bene®ce in place of those he held that were devastated by war or plague (Reg. Suppl. 43, f.94r; CUP III, pp. 7±8, 129n). Aegidius; see Egidius. Alanus Brito. A student of modest means, living in the rue des Parcheminiers in 1329±30, who paid a half-burse of 12 denarii (Comp., p. 225). Possibly identical with the Alanus Britonis who was seized in Feb. 1329 in connection with an attack on a woman at the entry to the cloister of Notre-Dame (Reg. ND, p. 90). Alanus Brito de Villacollis [Vilacullis]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of St-Pol-de-LeÂon and a member of the French nation (Reg. Vat. 150, f.250v; CUP II, #989; #1165, p. 636). He was living with six socii in rue des PoireÂes near the Sorbonne in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 220); might be identical with the Alanus Brito (Comp., p. 245), who paid 3 sol., presumably just for himself. Villacollis was MA by May 1335 (CUP II, #989); still regent in arts in Aug. 1336 (CUP II, #1004), Oct. 1339 (CUP II, #1028), and April 1341 (CUP II, #1051) when he represented his province (Tours) in of®cial acts of the French nation or acted as witness in university legislation. Rector of the university (Dec. 1340±Mar. 1341) at the time of the statute ``contra opiniones Occamicorum'' 129

Biographical register (AUP I, col. 44). During the ponti®cate of Benedict XII, he had been granted an expectation of a bene®ce in the archdioc. of Lyons, which was never realized and for which an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the bishop of St-Pol-de-LeÂon was substituted by Clement VI in June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 150, f.250v). Listed among those masters from the French nation seeking bene®ces in 1349, by which time he had twice been elected rector of the university (CUP II, #1165, p. 636). Aldebrandinus [Alderbrandinus]. Mentioned twice in the 1329±30 document (Comp., pp. 226, 229), once in connection with rue StEtienne-des-Grez and once with the Porta Bordelii. Being cited by a single name suggests that he was well known in the university community by reason of academic or social prominence. The size of his payment (20 solidi) indicates that he was probably connected with one of the Italian patrician families of that name whose ties with Paris reach back as far as the Aldebrandinus who was a canon at Paris in 1213 (CUP I, #16). Perhaps identical with the Aldobrandinus de Baschio, canon of Arras by Aug. 1334 (LC Jean XXII, #63741). Alfonsus Dionysii de Ulixbona [de Hispania], (de Portugalia). From Lisbon and of illegitimate birth, possibly related to the family of the king of Portugal (CUP II, #918, n.5; #1098). Living with two socii in the upper end of rue St-Jacques between the ColleÁge de Marmoutier and the ColleÁge des Chollets in 1329±30, probably already MA and an advanced student in medicine (Comp., p. 220). BMed and lecturing on Avicenna's Canon in Mar. 1330 (CUP II, #918), having previously reigned (MA) in arts. Recommended by King Alfonsus IV of Portugal for licensing and presented to the chancellor by Master Petrus de Capite Stanno before January 1331 without having followed customary procedures in the faculty of medicine regarding length of study and examination by masters (CUP II, #921, 922, 926), thus provoking a controversy between the chancellor and the faculty over the power to grant a license to practice medicine (CUP II, #921±943; LC Jean XXII, #54062±63). In Feb. 1331, as a clerk of the king of Portugal and to obtain his doctorate, Alfonsus received his dispensation for illegitimacy (LC Jean XXII, #52724). He received a canonical prebend in the cathedral of Idanna in Mar. 1332 (LC Jean XXII, 56631; CUP II, #1098). The con¯ict over his licensing was resolved in April 1332, permitting Alfonsus to be licensed in Jan. 1334 (CUP II, #943). Apparently in Seville in 1334 where he translated works in astrology and astronomy (G. Beaujouan, La science en Espagne aux XIVe et XVe sieÁcles [Paris, 1967], ch.1, p. 22). Referred to as DMed in July 1342, 130

Biographical register when he was made prebendary canon of Lisbon (Reg. Vat. 153, f.53r; CUP II, pp. 349n, 558n). Studied theology at Paris by 1342, having served as medicus to the royal families of Portugal and Castile (Reg. Suppl. 1, f.77r; CUP II, p. 558n); BTh by Jan. 1345 and read the Sentences in 1344±45 (CUP II, #1098); DTh and canon at Seville by Jan. 1346, when he became bishop of Idanna in Portugal; translated to bishop of Evora in Oct. 1347 (CUP II, p. 558n; Eubel, Hierarchia I, pp. 235±236). Died before Oct. 1352, when his successor at Evora was appointed (Eubel, Hierarchia I, pp. 235±236). Probably not the Alfonsus de Hispania, who in Feb. 1324 at the request of Charles, king of France, was permitted to leave the religious life and rejoin the laity (CUP II, p. 292n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 20; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, pp. 16±17. Alvernia (Auvergne), ®lius balivi de; see Itericus. Amanevus de Ramaforti. Prebendary canon and cantor at the cathedral of Langres by 17 July 1313, when he was granted a seven-year dispensation for the study of civil law (Reg. Clem. V, #9440). At Paris in May 1313, when he helped to initiate the university appeal for an extension on the time of payment of a general collection (CUP II, #703, pp. 162, 163). Mandated i.e.m. (by of®ce) in papal provisions of Oct. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43079) and Mar. 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #44799, 44802), at which time he was in Paris, since he was executor representing the interests of Berengarius Fredoli, cantor of Narbonne, before the chapter at Notre-Dame in Feb. 1329 (Reg. ND, p. 89). Still in Paris in 1329±30, living in the CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt and referred to by his of®ce as cantor of Langres, at which time he made a large contribution to the collection on the basis of being an alumnus or being a student, possibly in canon law (Comp., p. 218). Clerk of Edward III by 15 Sept. 1331, when he was made canon at Bordeaux with expectation of prebend (LC Jean XXII, #54961: ``Mag. Amanevo de Ramaforti, consideratione Edwardi regis Angliae cujus est clericus, prov. canon. eccl. Burdegalensis sub exp. praeb., non obst. quod canon., praeb. ac cantoriam in eccl. Lingonensi''); mandated i.e.m. by of®ce in Apr. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, #60141). The expectation of a prebend at Bordeaux was renewed by Benedict XII on 18 Dec. 1335, at which time Amanevus, still canon and cantor at Langres, was a familiar of Gaillard de la Mote, cardinal deacon of S. Lucia in Silice (LC BenoõÃt XXII, #1001). By 14 Oct. 1340 he was scholasticus at Bordeaux (LC BenoõÃt XXII, #7760). Ambianensis (Amiens), prior of. At Paris in 1329±30 living near the porte Bordelle and making one of the highest payments, 60 sol. 131

Biographical register (Comp., p. 229). In May 1320 this of®ce was held by Guillaume de FreÂauville, nephew of cardinal Nicholaus de FreÂauville (LC Jean XXII, #11518). Guillaume had been made canon at Amiens with expectation of prebend in Mar. 1319 and canon at St-Aignan in OrleÂans in August 1320 (LC Jean XXII, #9135, 11951); Pierre Desportes and HeÂleÁne Millet give 1332 as the beginning date for FreÂauville's canonical prebend at Amiens (Desportes, Amiens, p. 118). The prior of Amiens was mandated by of®ce, not by name, in papal provisions between 1320 and 1323 (LC Jean XXII, #12115, 17656). In the list of priors compiled by Desportes and Millet, that of®ce is said to have been held by Etienne de St-LeÂger from 1303 to 1327, and no priors are listed for the period 1327±40 (Desportes, Amiens, pp. 42, 210). Andreas de Rippacuria. In 1329 he was living by himself in the rue de BieÁvre, near the schools of medicine and arts (Comp., p. 228), and paid at the level of a master of arts. Possibly identical with the person of that name who became dean of the faculty of medicine at Paris in 1345±46. See Wickersheimer, pp. 25±26. Andreas de Rugniaco [Runiaco]. From the dioc. of Soissons and thus a member of the French nation. At Paris in 1329±30 living in rue StHilaire with two socii (Comp., p. 228). Apparently received no bene®ces during the ponti®cate of John XXII, since his name does not appear in the index to LC Jean XXII. Still at Paris as regent master in arts (``in artibus actu Parisiis regente'') in July 1337, when he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Soissons (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4573). Andreas de Sancto Clodoaldo [Clodowardo]. From the dioc. of Paris (CUP II, #1165, p. 635). At Paris in 1329±30 and probably a student in arts in the French nation; listed as paying 1 sol., the lowest taxable level (Comp., p. 232). MA by June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the arts faculty he was made canon with expectation of prebend at St-Honore at Paris (Reg. Aven. 70, f.337v; Reg. Vat. 156, f.330r). Priest by May 1349 when listed among those with little or no bene®ce income (``modicum habentium'') in the papal response to the arts faculty's list of supplications (CUP II, p. 635). Familiar of the bishop of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne in 1351 when his expectation of a prebend at St-Honore was renewed (Reg. Suppl. 23, f.95v). Listed ®rst in the supplication of the French nation (Paris province) in Nov. 1362 (CUP III, #1265, p. 82). BTh, royal chaplain, and rector of StGermain-le-Vieux by Jan. 1371 when, at the supplication of Charles V, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Meaux (LC GreÂg. XI, #7908). As dean of the Paris province in the French nation, 132

Biographical register he was listed ®rst for his province in the arts faculty's supplication of Nov. 1378, through which he was made canon of Chartres with expectation of prebend (CUP III, #1433, p. 252). Andreas de Suetia. Probably Andreas Freouati de Smalandia; at Paris in 1329±30 as a student of arts and a member of the English nation, mentioned in connection with his master, Otto, canon of Lund, who lived in the rue de la Harpe with three socii (Comp., p. 221). Since Otto was identi®ed by his more famous pupil, we can assume that Andreas had independent social standing of some importance. Andreas Freouati incepted in Jan. 1339 and was elected proctor of the English nation for three terms in 1339 (AUP I, cols. 26, 27±29, 35±37). Anselmus [Ancelmus] Pipe. Living in rue de la Harpe in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 223); later recorded as Ancelmus medici with payment (Comp., p. 231). Possibly related to Johannes Pipe, regent in medicine, although they lived in different streets. Anselm was an of®cial witness and described as ``Anselmo dicto Pipe clerico'' in Oct. 1330 at the confrontation at Notre-Dame between Philip de Curia, dean of the faculty of medicine, and Guillaume Bernardi, chancellor (CUP II, #920). See also Wickersheimer, p. 30. Assartis, ®lii de Martini de, quattuor fratres (Comp., p. 226); see Guillelmus, Johannes, Reginaldus, and Vincentius de Essartis. Martin des Essarts (or Essars) was a bourgeois originally from Rouen, where he was mayor in 1310 (AN Reg. Phil. IV, #1339, 2264, 2199.2). His family may possibly have been connected to that of Matthieu des Essarts, bp. of Evreux (1299±1310). Martin is usually, but incorrectly, thought to have had only three sons. Considering the academic and ecclesiastical careers of Guillaume and Vincent, some of Martin's children were presumably born of a marriage earlier than the one contracted with Nicole in Aug. 1311 (AN Reg. Phil. IV, #1339). Martin moved to Paris as a conseilleur and maõÃtre d'hoÃtel of Philip IV (AN Reg. Phil. IV, #2163) and was one of the executors of Philip's will (AN Reg. Fils, #97). MaõÃtre d'hoÃtel under Louis X and maõÃtre des comptes under Philip V, Charles IV, and Philip VI, until his death in November 1335, when he was succeeded in that position by his brother Pierre des Essarts. On Martin, see AN Reg. Phil. IV, #1339, 2163, 2264; AN Reg. Fils, #97; AN Reg. Phil. VI, #12, 7409, 7368, 7414, 1261, 1262, 1781, 3408, 3428, 3793, 4039, 5751); R. Cazelles, La SocieÂte politique et la crise de la royaute sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958), pp. 68, 99, 105, 207, 319. On Pierre, see (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #259, 260, 329, 1228, 1987, 1988, 2872, 3308, 3476, 6762, 6835); Cazelles, SocieÂte politique, pp. 181±182, 239±244. 133

Biographical register Astorgius de Turre [Turri]. Clerk of the dioc. of St-Flour (LC Jean XXII, #9031); possibly related to family of Astorgius de Aurillac who married Delphina de Turre in 1314 (Baluze-Mollat, p. 364). Through the patronage of Hugh, lord of Castronovo, Astorgius de Turre received by papal provision in Mar. 1319 a canonry and prebends in the church and diocese of Rodez (LC Jean XXII, #9031). As canon of Rodez, mandated to facilitate the implementation of numerous papal provisions in the dioc. of Rodez (LC Jean XXII, #15844 in July 1322, #20791 in Oct. 1324, #20997 in Nov. 1324, #24687 in Mar. 1326, #28356 in April 1327, #56627 and 56628 in Mar. 1332, #57898 in Aug. 1332, and #60923 in Aug. 1333). Possibly identical with the Astorgius de Aureliaco who received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Clermont in response to the rotulus of supplication submitted by the university in 1316 (LC Jean XXII, #1884). In Nov. 1324 Astorgius de Turre received papal permission for three years to use the income from his bene®ces for study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #20997). MA by Dec. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43478) and at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234), with a substantial payment of 5 sol. Possibly the magister Astorgius who is mentioned as prior of the Sorbonne in documents of 1325 and 1326 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 216, 297), but is probably not the Astorgius de Auriaco who in Aug. 1338 received permission to retain the income of a parish church in the dioc. of Carcassonne (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5508). Autissiodorensis (Auxerre), decanus; see Johannes de Meleduno. Avila, dean of; see Velasco Eximini. Balduinus [Baldewynus] de Ast. A lawyer (advocatus) and member of the university community in May 1313, when he, along with many others, sought an extension of the time allowed for payments toward the general university collection (CUP II, #703, p. 165). In 1329±30 he was living in the lower end of Grande rue St-Jacques, near Mathurins, when he apparently refused payment within the prescribed time and was denied the privileges of the university (Comp., p. 226). Bartholomeus de Alkeriis de Brescia [Bricia]. Possibly brother of Gratianus de Alkeriis de Brescia (see entry), and possibly related (nephew?) to Bartholomeus de Brixia, papal scribe, chaplain to cardinal Guillaume de Longis, archdeacon and canon at Brescia, and canon at Bergamo (LC Jean XXII, #1710, #3067), who died before 26 Dec. 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #18678, #18681). Bartholomeus was at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 225), where he 134

Biographical register lived with two socii in the Grande rue St-Jacques below St-BenoõÃt, near Robert de Boncourt. MA by 1331 (CUP II, #928), when he was probably also a student in the medical faculty. DMed by Jan. 1335 (CUP II, #928, n.4, #988), which suggests he might already have been MA by 1329, although not listed as magister in the computus. Received papal provision for a bene®ce as canon of Brescia in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #596); obtained a canonical prebend at Brescia before June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 149, f.321v). Still regent master in medicine in Nov. 1339 (CUP II, #1029) and in June 1342, when he was made canon at Padua with expectation of prebend (Reg. Aven. 59, f.461v; Reg. Vat. 149, f.321v). Possibly dean of the faculty of medicine, 1340±41 (Wickersheimer, p. 58). Berengarius Fredoli (FreÂdol), cantor Narbonensis [Nerbonensis]. Son of Pierre FreÂdol, lord of VeÂrune in PeÂrigord, and nephew of Berengar FreÂdol, cardinal bishop of Tusculum (Frascati) (LC Jean XXII, #10012, 18614). Appointed to a canonical prebend at Toul in July 1317 (LC Jean XXII, #4227) and canon and precentor at Narbonne by July 1319 (LC Jean XXII, #9685). In August 1319 he received a dispensation to use the fruits of his bene®ces for university study for three years (LC Jean XXII, #10012); dispensation for study in civil law was renewed for three more years in August 1322, by which time he also held a prebend at BeÂziers (LC Jean XXII, #15982, 15983). In November 1325 he was granted an expectation of a prebend or dignity at Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #23804), and on 7 Nov. 1328 the bishop of Castres, the prior of Avignon, and the treasurer of Rouen were mandated, motu proprio, to award to Berengarius the canonical prebend at Paris vacated by the death of Jean de Cherchemont, canon of Notre-Dame and chancellor of France, on 28 Oct. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43257). On 7 Feb. 1329 ``dominus Berengarius cantor Narbonensis'' appeared before the chapter at Notre-Dame, along with the cantor of Langres as his executor, to present the papal reservation issued on 7 Nov. 1328 on his behalf for Cherchemont's prebend (Reg. ND, p. 89). Although precentor and cantor were normally separate of®ces, Berengarius Fredoli either held both, or they were linked at the cathedral of Narbonne. The chapter upheld Berengar's claim over that of Petrus Casalis, a resident canon at Paris. There is no indication in the cathedral records that Berengarius availed himself of his right to sit in chapter, nor did he seek to acquire a house in the chapter close. He met with the cathedral chapter again on 25 and 26 October 1329 when Petrus Casalis acquired the prebend of Petrus de Condeto (Reg. ND, p. 122, 123). 135

Biographical register Berengarius was identi®ed in the computus of 1329±30 only by his cathedral dignity (``cantor Nerbonensis'') and was among those who paid their half-burse (in his case 30 sol.) at the end of the collection (Comp., p. 245). At the time he was probably a student in canon law at Paris, and he might have been unaware that his canonical prebend at Notre-Dame, received in the previous year, exempted him from the university collection. Bernardus [Bernerdus] de Alvernia. At Paris in 1329±30 living with one socius in the rue de la Harpe and paying a substantial contribution (Comp., pp. 224, 246). Possibly he is the Bernardus de Alvernia, clericus Parisiensis, who was involved in a dispute before the chapter of Notre-Dame on 7 April 1329 (Reg. ND, p. 98). Bernardus Jori. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234). Possibly the same as Bernardus Jorii from the Auvergne, who in May 1331, with the support of Ademarus Jorii, canon of Clermont, received an expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Rodez in addition to a living, which he already held, from the parish church at Aynes in the dioc. of Tournai (LC Jean XXII, #53675; expectation at Rodez renewed in Jan. 1332, #56255). Bernardus de Pentrez. Living in Paris in 1329±30 with four socii, together paying 12 sol., 6 den. (Comp., p. 241). Possibly the Bernardus de Pentroez who died at Avignon before 10 July 1338 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5434). Although not mentioned with any academic title in the latter document, the dean at Notre-Dame in Paris was noti®ed, i.e.m., of the reassignment of Pentroez's bene®ce. Bernardus, thesaurarius Rothomagensis. The treasurer of the cathedral of Rouen was living in Paris in the rue des PoireÂes in 1329±30 near the ColleÁge du TreÂsorier and the residence of the treasurer of Seville; he was listed in the computus as unconnected with the university (Comp., p. 220: ``non scolaris''). He occupied the property from 1329 to 1333 (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 557). Bertoldus de Constancia in Almania. In Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 243). Among those masters of arts attending the meeting of the English nation in Feb. 1332 that passed a statute regarding elections (CUP II, #955). In Jan. 1333, as a fellow of the Sorbonne, he served as prior (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 220, 298). Probably identical with master Bertrand de Constancia mentioned in a transaction for the Sorbonne in July 1331 (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 554). Active in the English nation in 1333 and 1342 (AUP I, cols. 16, 58). To be distinguished from Bertoldus Swavus de Constantia who determined and was licensed in 1342 (AUP I, cols. 55, 57). Bertoldus (Bertaud) Sorelli [Soreyl]. BTh by Aug. 1329, when he 136

Biographical register received papal provision for the expectation of a bene®ce from the abbess and convent of Montivilliers O.S.B. near Rouen, notwithstanding his income from a parish church in the same diocese and his expectation of a canonry with prebend in the cathedral chapter at Meaux (LC Jean XXII, #45983). Listed at Paris in 1329±30 as magister (presumably master of arts, since he was a secular but not yet master of theology) (Comp., p. 236). DTh and canon of Rouen by 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #58886; 58887); appointed canon in the cathedral chapter at Paris on 6 Feb. 1333 with the prebend vacated by death of Amisius de Aurelianis (LC Jean XXII, #59543, 61379); among the masters of theology who judged the articles extracted from the writings of Durand of StPourcËain and Thomas Waleys in Sept. 1333 at Avignon (CUP II, #975, pp. 419±423); still regent master in the faculty of theology at Paris in Apr. 1341 (CUP II, #1051, pp. 516±518). Capicerius Sancti Stephani de Gressibus [Grecis]. The holder of this of®ce at the collegiate church of St-Etienne-des-Grez in 1329±30 has yet to be identi®ed. He was living in the upper end of Grande rue StJacques at or near the church, where he was responsible for its treasures and furnishings (Comp., p. 220). He appeared before the chapter of Notre-Dame on 9 January 1329 to make amends for a matter concerning St Geronesum (Reg. ND, p. 85). Christianus, resident in the area of Place Maubert (Comp., p. 228). living with eight socii. Four possibilities: Christianus de Tornaco, alias Lantini. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Cambrai, a member of the Picard nation, and MA by Feb. 1335 when he was provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from the dean and chapter at Tournai (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1332). Christianus de Elst. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Cologne and a member of the English nation; determined and was licensed in 1333 (AUP I, cols. 14, 18); MA in the English Nation by Jan. 1335 (CUP II, #988); made canon of the church of St-Servais at Maastricht in the dioc. of LieÁge with expectation of a prebend in Apr. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #714). While continuing as regent master in arts, he began his studies in the faculty of theology in 1336 (CUP II, p. 562n). Still described as MA and a student in the faculty of theology when, in May 1345, as one of the eight nuntii for the university representing the English nation, he received a canonry and prebend in the cathedral at LieÁge (CUP II, #1104). Remained at Avignon, where he continued his studies in theology and acted as nuntius for the university in May 1346 (CUP II, #1126). In June 1347 he received papal permission to use the fruits 137

Biographical register of his bene®ce for study in Avignon (CUP II, pp. 562n, 591n; Reg. Suppl. 11, f.14r); still described as MA, a student in theology, and resident in Avignon in July 1348, when he was made a canon of St-Jean at Utrecht (CUP II, p. 562n; Reg. Suppl. 17, f.172r; Reg. Vat. 186, f.12). Died before 11 October 1358 (CUP II, p. 562n; Reg. Suppl. Innoc. VI, an.6, f.304v). Christianus Guys (Ghis) de Sancto Audomaro. Secular clerk from Saint-Omer; priest and MA before 1342 (``mag. in artibus, qui multo tempore Parisius regens ut asseris in artibus''); rector of a parish church in the dioc. of Tournai and made canon of the collegiate church of St-Pierre at Aire-sur-la-Lys in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne with expectation of prebend in June 1342 (Reg. Aven. 59, 544v; Reg. Vat. 149, f.382v; CUP II, p. 655n). Fellow of the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, 298); formed bachelor in the faculty of theology at Paris by Oct. 1349 (CUP II, #1175). He was regent master in theology at Paris in 1353 (CUP II, p. 655n) and in 1354 (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 572). Christianus. Regent master in arts in 1337, presumably in the French nation, when he was involved in a dispute between himself and the French nation on one side, and Conrad of Megenberg and the other three nations in the arts faculty on the other side, which led to Conrad's temporary suspension from the university in 1337 (AUP I, col. 20). Clemens (Cordati, de Anixio) de Podio (Le Puy). At Paris as magister in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242) and already a student in theology; held a bene®ce in the church of St-Cosme-et-Damien in Paris when, in Sept. 1335, still titled ``magister in artibus,'' he received an expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Noyon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #944). Fellow of the Sorbonne by 1326, serving as witness on an act in Apr. 1326, and as proctor in Aug. and Sept. 1328 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 216, 298; II, p. 551, 552). Conradus de Bohemia [Boemia]. Possibly the Conrad of Bohemia at Paris in 1313 (CUP II, p. 163, #703). As magister, Conradus received provision of a bene®ce in the church at Wrocøaw (Breslau) in Jan. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #18865). At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234) and should be distinguished from the Conrad of Bohemia who determined in 1356 and was licensed and incepted in 1358 (AUP I, cols. 191±92, 230, 240). Danielus de Dalas. Secular clerk from Quimper dioc. in Brittany; possibly the same as the Danyel de Doulas who was listed as magister on the obverse of a university letter in Jan. 1327 (CUP II, p. 296n). At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue Sachalie (Comp., p. 224); listed 138

Biographical register as master of arts in the French nation when, in Feb. 1335, he was papally provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from St-Maurdes-Fosses (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1327). He was witness for the province of Tours in Aug. 1336 on a statute for the French nation (CUP II, #1004). Dionysius de Cauda (Canda). Was an advanced student in arts holding a bourse in grammar at the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1315 (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3). MA by Feb. 1317 and already a prebendary canon at Nevers, with additional chaplaincies in the dioceses of Sens and Paris, when granted an expectation of a further bene®ce at Nevers (LC Jean XXII, #2812). At Paris and af®liated with the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1329±30 with a payment consistent with arts masters (Comp., p. 240). Rector of parish church at Barville in the dioc. of Sens by Feb. 1331, when he was granted the expectation of a bene®ce from the dean and chapter of Meaux (LC Jean XXII, #52582). He retained his bourse at Navarre until it was terminated in the process of 1340 (Paris, Arch. Nat., XIa 9, f.93; Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 202±05, 618). Dionysius Saffray [Safre, Safredi]. At Paris in 1329±30 in the company of Martin le Courtois [Martinus Curialis] (see entry), together paying 10 sol. and probably already regent masters in the faculty of medicine (Comp., p. 246); thus Saffray was MA before 1329; still regent master in medicine in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #924, 925). BTh by June 1342 when he was made canon of the church of St-SeÂpulcre at Caen with expectation of prebend in response to the rotulus of the bachelors in theology (Reg. Vat. 156, f.332v; CUP II, p. 362n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 116. Donaldus de Mar (Mor). From the dioc. of Aberdeen and younger brother of David de Mar (Watt, 384). At Paris in 1329±30 in the rue du Foin with three socii (Comp., p. 225), one of whom may have been his brother David (referred to as dominus and scholaris when acting as witness to Johannes Pipe's [see entry] attempt to visit Guillelmus de Foulqueuse [Fulcosa], DDecr, in Jan. 1331; CUP II, p. 367). Donaldus became MA in the spring of 1343 under Philip Wilde (AUP I, col. 62); studied law at OrleÂans in Jan. and Oct. 1344 (CPP I, p. 34). Held living from church at Monikie in Angus in the dioc. of Brechin when, in Jan. 1344, he was appointed treasurer of Moray (CPP I, p. 34; CPL III, p. 126). Exchanged that appointment with his brother for the archdeaconry of Brechin in Oct. 1344 (CPL III, p. 148). Died between Mar. 1349 and and Feb. 1351. Douglas, pueri; see Johannes Douglas. Droco (Droconus) de Caritate. Royal clerk, provost at Soissons, and prebendary canon at Soissons, Laon, Noyon, and Nevers by Mar. 139

Biographical register 1318, when he received the archdeaconate of Brie in the dioc. of Soissons, in return for which he gave up the position of provost (LC Jean XXII, #6666, #7978, #56234). Testamentary executor of the will of Jean d'Auxois, bp. of Troyes and, along with the other executors, accused in Apr. 1318 by bp. Guillaume MeÂchin of despoiling properties belonging to the bishopric (LC Jean XXII, #7030). In Aug. 1323 Droco was granted a three-year license of nonresidency to use the income of his bene®ces to study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #17916); received a three-year renewal of his license for study in Feb. 1327 (LC Jean XXII, #27843) and again, at the request of Philip VI, in May 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #53723). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the upper part of the Grande rue StJacques (Comp., p. 220), when he made a substantial contribution (20 sol.) to the university collection. He should be distinguished from Droco de Caritate junior, possibly a relative, who in Aug. 1323 held a prebendary canonry at Troyes, a chaplaincy in the church at Loriaco in the dioc. of Bourges, the of®ce of penitentiary at Amiens, and a partial prebend at Amiens, when he received the expectation of a full prebend or other dignity at Amiens (LC Jean XXII, #17906). Egidius de Corbeia [Corbya]. Secular clerk from Corbie in the dioc. of Amiens (CUP II, #913; #1165, p. 645). At Paris as master, presumably of arts, in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236); active as regent in the Picard nation of the arts faculty in June 1331 (CUP II, #913). Possibly the same as the Egidius de Corbei whose sister, Johanneta, was received into the sisters of the HoÃtel Dieu by the chapter of NotreDame in Feb. 1329 (Reg. ND, pp. 86, 90). BMed by June 1331 when he was granted an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the abbot and monks of JumieÁges (LC Jean XXII, #53502), although he continued to seek papal provisions in subsequent years on the supplication rotuli of the faculty of arts. As maõÃtre Gilles de Corbie he was involved in a property dispute over two houses in the rue SaintNicolas-du-Chardonnet in Feb. 1332 (H. Forgeot, Actes du Parlement de Paris, ser. 2 [ JugeÂs], vol. I: 1328±42 [Paris, 1920], #666) and his attempt to gain possession of the income and property of a parish church under the control of the abbey of JumieÁges led to litigation from May 1340 to July 1341 (ibid., #2938, 3024, 3056, 4405). Egidius was made canon of St-Nicolas-au-cloõÃtre at Amiens in June 1342 in response to the rotulus of the arts faculty (Reg. Vat. 156, f.162r; CUP II, #913n). He was again listed among the masters of arts for the Picard nation in the rotulus of May 1349 (CUP II, #1165, 140

Biographical register p. 645). Possibly he was the Picard master of the same name, who received an expectation in the dioc. of St-Omer in Nov. 1362 in response to the arts faculty rotulus (CUP III, p. 85). See also Wickersheimer, p. 196. Egidius [Gilius] de Moreto. Probably from Moret-sur-Loing in Champagne. MA and submaster of the grammarians at the ColleÁge de Navarre by 1315 (Paris, Arch. nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 184, 186). At Paris in 1329±30 living near porte Bordelle with nine scholars, all presumably attached to the nearby ColleÁge de Navarre, only two of whom held regular bourses (Comp., p. 229). Egidius (de Pertico, sometimes Portico) de Navarra. Clerk from the dioc. of Reims (Gorochov., Navarre, pp. 686±87). To be distinguished from G. de Pertico, who was a resident canon at NotreDame in Paris in 1303 and was mentioned in Martin de la Rive's letter of adhesion to Philip the Fair's call for a council against Boniface VIII (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 488, #530; Picot, Documents, p. 379). Student in theology at Paris in 1315 and holding a bourse in theology as a member of the ColleÁge de Navarre (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; J. de Launoy, Regii Navarrae gymnasii parisiensis historia [Paris, 1677], p. 37; CUP II, p. 432n; Gorochov, Navarre, p. 686). DTh by Dec. 1328 and holding canonical prebends in churches in the dioceses of Chartres and SeÂez, when, through the patronage of Jean PasteÂ, bishop of Chartres, he was made canon with expectation of prebend at Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #43446). At Paris in 1329±30, probably living in the ColleÁge de Navarre (Comp., pp. 230, 245); still regent in theology in May 1330, when he signed the agreement between the theological faculty and the Augustinian Hermits con®rming their exemption from the arts degree for purposes of promotion in theology (according to the document summary and index to the lost ®rst volume of the Paris Augustinian cartulary contained at the beginning of vol. II, Livre des Grands-Augustins, ff.5v, 55v±57r; see also CUP II, #904). Named among the masters of theology unable to attend the royal council at Vincennes in Dec. 1333 on the question of the Beati®c Vision, but who, in the letter of Jan. 1334, supported the position of the attending masters (CUP II, #981). Prior and perpetual chaplain of the new altar in the church of St-Blaise de Montlignon in the dioc. of Sens by Feb. 1335 when, as part of the response to the rotuli submitted by the univ. of Paris, his expectation of a prebend in the cathedral at Chartres was reaf®rmed (LC BenoõÃt XII, #321). Appointed chancellor at the cathedral of Chartres and held that position until his death in 1344 (Reg. Suppl. 7, f.92; Gorochov, Navarre, p. 687). 141

Biographical register Egidius de Raveriis [Raweriis]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Langres and master of medicine by April 1322 (CUP II, #804), and still regent in medicine in October 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43079), when he received the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Langres. At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 231); still regent master in medicine in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #924, 925) and Mar. 1332 (CUP II, #941). Rector of the parish church at Cour-l'EveÃque (Haute-Marne) in 1338 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5390). See also Wickersheimer, pp. 199±200. Egidius de Veliaco. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the CloõÃtre-de-StBenoõÃt (Comp., p. 218). Perhaps identical with the Guido de Veliaco [Veeli] cited to Rome in Nov. 1340 (CUP II, #1041). The latter had access to the Sorbonne library and might possibly have been a fellow (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 305). Elias [Elis] de Courson [Curson, Corson]. In Paris in 1329±30, living in rue des PlaÃtriers (Comp., pp. 227, 246). Fellow of the Sorbonne (CUP II, p. 505n; Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 228±31, 308; II, p. 554); MA before November 1340; BTh by November 1340, when he was called to Avignon with Nicholaus de Autrecourt and others (LC BenoõÃt XII, #8277; CUP II, #1041). Probably back in Paris by the spring of 1342 since his name was included on the rotulus of bachelors of theology submitted to the new pope, Clement VI, and through which he obtained a canonry with expectation of prebend at Cambrai (Reg. Vat. 147, f.62v; Reg. Vat. 148, f.173v; CUP II, p. 505n). Licentiate in theology and canon of Paris with expectation of prebend by Feb. 1344 (Reg. Vat. 161, f.358r; CUP II, p. 505n). DTh by Sept. 1345 (Reg. Vat. 184, f.205r; CUP II, p. 505n). Sitting with cathedral chapter by April 1346 (Reg. ND, p. 145); in possession of his canonical prebend by Feb. 1348 (Reg. Aven. 42, f.299r; CUP II, p. 505n). Became poenitentiarius at Paris in Aug. 1349 (Reg. Suppl. 20, ff.128r, 158r; CUP II, p. 505n; A. Molinier, Les Obituaires francËais, p. 294). Submitted a rotulus of supplications on behalf of familiars and fellows of the Sorbonne: Vital Belini, Jean Blankart, Bartholemy Bonet, Guillaume de Salvarville, Clemens Ridel, and Nicole Thome (Reg. Suppl. 20, f.168r; CUP II, pp. 641n, 646n). Resigned his living from the parish church of Cormeilles in the Paris dioc. in 1351, which was given to Jacques Gorre (Reg. Suppl. 23, ff.159r, 206r). He was subsequently made canon of Sens, and on 22 July 1363 was made dean of St-Germain-l'Auxerrois at Paris (CUP II, p. 505n; Reg. Aven. Urbani V, vol. II, f.45r). Died in Mar. 1364 (CUP II, p. 505n; Reg. Aven. Urbani V, vol. VIII, f.203r; GueÂrard, Cartul. de NotreDame, vol. IV, p. 30). Evenus Bohic [Ivanis Boy]. Clerk from the dioc. of Saint-Pol-de-LeÂon 142

Biographical register in Brittany, in which he held the rectorship of a parish church by 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #51573). At Paris in 1329±30, when he paid a substantial amount to the collection (Comp., p. 246); magister and jurispertus by June 1328 (Reg. ND, p. 57); and consiliarius for the dean and chapter of Notre-Dame at Paris, who on his behalf in Nov. 1330 provided him with an expectation of a bene®ce in or outside Paris (LC Jean XXII, #51573), for which he was to give up his income from the parish church in Brittany. Described as jurispertus in 1331 when he was a witness in the controversy over Alfonsus of Portugal (see entry) in 1331 (CUP II, p. 368n). Frequently present as witness in the business of the chapter of Notre-Dame in Paris (Reg. ND, pp. 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 67, 73, 80, 87, 89, 93, 94, 102, 111, 133, 135). DUJ by 1335, when in Mar. he ®nally received a canonry and half prebend at Notre-Dame in Paris and was allowed to retain the rectorship of the parish church of Launay in his home diocese (LC BenoõÃt XII, #110). Described in May 1335 as DUJ and canon at Paris, ``qui nuper Parisiis in decretis rexisse dicitur,'' when he was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend in the cathedral at St-Polde-LeÂon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #358). Described as DDecr. and regent master at Paris in 1340 (CUP II, #1046, p. 511); cantor at St-Pol-deLeÂon by 1342 (Reg. Vat. 148, f.109v); still regent in June 1342 when provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend and dignity at Angers in response to the rotulus of the canon law faculty at Paris (Reg. Vat. 148, f.109v). Present at the meeting of Parlement at Paris in May 1345 when Philip VI recon®rmed the privileges of the university (CUP II, #1105n). Listed as in®rmus in the records of the cathedral chapter in April 1347 (Reg. ND, p. 226). Died between Sept. 1351 and Nov. 1352 (CUP II, #1105n). Firminus ad Latus. At Paris in 1329±30 and paying a half-burse of 2 sol. (Comp., p. 231). Probably from Picardy, as were Matheus ad Latus (see entry) and Nicholaus ad Latus (see entry), and possibly related to master Firminus ad Latus of Abbeville, who was cantor of Amiens until his death in 1296 (Desportes, Amiens, p. 105). Florencius de Hangesto. Secular clerk from Hangest in the dioc. of Amiens. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the ColleÁge des Chollets (Comp., p. 231), which was a college for students in arts and theology from the dioceses of Amiens and Beauvais. Canon at Senlis, rector of the parish church of St-Pierre-Boucheirre in the dioc. of Amiens, MA, BTh, and chaplain of the ColleÁge des Chollets (``cap. domus scholarium Joannis Choleti card., Parisius'') by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #592). 143

Biographical register Franciscus de Castello (Castelleto). Italian from Civita Castellana. DMed and regent master in medicine by Nov. 1317 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 210); prebendary canon of a church in the dioc. of Beauvais in Jan. 1325 when he was made canon at Soissons (LC Jean XXII, #21497). Dean of the faculty of medicine in 1325 (CUP II, #839n), and again in 1328±29 (CUP II, #852n, 889), but no longer occupied that of®ce in Oct. 1330 (CUP II, #920). At Paris in 1329±30 living in the area of rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras (Comp., p. 225), although not designated as master in the computus. Still regent master in April 1332 (CUP II, #942) and reelected dean of the faculty of medicine at some point between May 1332 and April 1335 (CUP II, #943, 996). In April 1335 he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Noyon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #775); afterwards served as physician to the duchess of Normandy (CUP II, #996n). Again dean of the faculty of medicine in 1335 (CUP II, #996). Possibly identical with the physician FrancËois de Castel who was mentioned in a will in 1344 ( Jacquart, Milieu, p. 441). Died before July 1345 (CUP II, #996n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 154; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 75. Franciscus Lombardus. At Paris in 1329±30 living in rue des Noyers (Comp., p. 228); BMed by Jan. 1332 (CUP II, #940). Gailardus de Popia. At Paris in 1329±30 as a prior and living in the upper part of rue de la Harpe near the ColleÁge de Bayeux (Comp., p. 222) and later listed with Laurence Cailarco as paying 30 sol. (Comp., p. 245). Probably identical with Galhardus de Popia, a monk at Moissac with papal connections who was transferred to the Cluniac priory of Pont-St-Esprit (S. Saturninus de Portu) in the dioc. of UzeÁs in Jan. 1324 and made camerarius as well as prior of its daughter house at Conau (LC Jean XXII, #18763). In June 1329, in exchange for his bene®ce as camerarius, he was made conventual prior of St-Ramberten-Forez in the dioc. of Lyon (LC Jean XXII, #45515, 45516). Garinus [Gerinus] de Pruvino. Clerk from Provins in the dioc. of Sens. MA by Oct. 1328 when he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Auxerre (LC Jean XXII, #43070). At Paris in 1329±30 living with one socius in the Clos Bruneau (Comp., p. 227). University notary in 1328 to 1332 (CUP II, #881, 919, 940, p. 368n) and still ``actu Parisiis regenti'' in July 1337 when he was made a canon of Ste-Marie-en-Valle at Provins under expectation of prebend (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4496). Gaufridus de Auxiaco [Auciaco]. Doctor of canon law by June 1329 and prebendary canon at Noyon, when he received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Sens (LC Jean XXII, #45556). At the time of 144

Biographical register the collection in 1329±30, he was living in the rue de l'hoÃpital (Comp., p. 226). Gaufridus [Gaufredus, Galfridus] de Marec [Maruc] (Marhec). At Paris in 1329±30 living with ®ve others in the vicinity of Place Maubert (Comp., pp. 228, 246). Probably the same as Gaufridus le Marhec, a clerk of noble birth from the dioc. of St-Brieuc in Brittany and licentiate in arts by July 1334, when he was provided with the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Quimper (LC Jean XXII, #63460). The latter was BTh by Oct. 1349, when his name was included in a special rotulus of bachelors from the faculty of theology (CUP II, #1175). While studying theology at Paris he was connected with the Sorbonne according to Deni¯e (CUP II, p. 631n) and thus presumably the ``magister Gaufridus Brito'' cited as prior in Sorbonne documents of 1344 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 223±226, 301). Still BTh in Aug. 1351 and the spring of 1352 when he was chaplain and familiaris of cardinal Pierre de Cros (CUP II, p. 631n; Reg. Suppl. 23, f.250r). DTh by Jan. 1353 when he was made canon of Coutances (CUP II, p. 631n). Appointed bishop of Quimper in Mar. 1357 (CUP II, p. 631n; Eubel, Hierarchia I, p. 211) and died in 1383. It is also possible that the Gaufridus in the computus is the Gaufridus le Marhec, MA and DMed, whose name was included in the rotulus of supplications submitted by the faculty of medicine in the spring of 1349 (CUP II, #1164; Glorieux, Sorbonne I, 301: Geoffroy Lemaresch), except that his request for a plenary indulgence suggests someone of advanced years who was anticipating the possibility of death. The latter, as well as the theologian and bishop, are to be distinguished from the Gaufridus le Marhec who was licentiate in arts and a scholar in civil law in 1357, and who may have been a nephew (CUP II, p. 631n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 179. Gaufridus [Godefridus] de Rupe. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 239). Possibly identical with a secular clerk of that name who was a canon at Viviers by Aug. 1325 (LC Jean XXII, #23085) and in Jan. 1328 was appointed archdeacon of a church in Avignon belonging to the Austin Canons (LC Jean XXII, #40152, 40208). Geraldus de Alvernia [Alwernia]. At Paris in 1329±30 and listed as dominus with a payment of 3 sol. (Comp., p. 231). Possibly the Gerardus de Alvernia, seu Lasboegas, from the province of Bourges in the French nation at Paris and MA by May 1335, when he represented his province alongside Johannes Gorre (Paris prov.), Lambert de Sommevoire (Sens prov.), Richard de Billiaco (Reims prov.), and Alan de Villacollis (see entry) (Tours prov.) in witnessing the statute of the French nation on resumption (CUP II, #989). Still 145

Biographical register active in the French nation in Oct. 1339 when, alongside Gorre, Billiaco, Villacollis, and John of Dijon (see entry under Johannes de Divione), he witnessed the inventory of the chest of the nation (CUP II, #1028); proctor of French nation in April 1345 (CUP II, #1102). Geraldus de Manso. Clerk of the dioc. of Cahor (LC Jean XXII, #47743). In Nov. 1328 he was provided with an income from a parish church in the dioc. of NõÃmes (LC Jean XXII, #43293) and in Dec. 1329 he received the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Vabres in the prov. of Bourges (LC Jean XXII, #47743). Began the study of canon law in 1327 and was still a student in the law faculty in Jan. 1334 (LC Jean XXII, #62418: ``in jure canonico per sex annos et amplius studenti'') when he received the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Cahor. At Paris in 1329±30 as a clerk of Guido de Ventadoro (see entry) (Comp., p. 236). Geraldus was provided with two parish churches in the dioc. of Castres in Mar. 1334 (LC Jean XXII, #62862). Gerardus, curatus Eustacii (Comp., p. 240). The position of curate of St-Eustache in Paris was held by Johannes de Vallibus, provisor of the Sorbonne from 1304 to 1315. One of his proctors, Gerardus de Duaco, assisted him with the business of the college in 1312 (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, pp. 553, 556). If the rectorship of St-Eustache was within the gift of the Sorbonne, perhaps Gerard de Duaco succeeded him in that position. Gerinus de Pruvino; see Garinus de Pruvino. Germanus Celati. Secular clerk from Narbonne. Received the expectation of a substantial bene®ce in the dioc. of Narbonne in Jan. 1326 (LC Jean XXII, #24171); acted as procurator for Guillaume Bernardi of Narbonne in the reception of the canonical prebend previously held by Thomas de Bailly at Notre-Dame on 16 June 1328 (Reg. ND, p. 54) and probably in related transactions in subsequent months (Reg. ND, pp. 57, 67). At Paris in 1329±30 and living in the ColleÁge de Narbonne, where he was presumably a socius (Comp., p. 222). BTh by Apr. 1329 and vicegerent of the provisor of the Sorbonne, Pierre Roger, until Sept. 1336 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 139, 303; II, pp. 553, 558); DTh and regent in the faculty of theology by Jan. 1331, when he acted as witness on the side of the chancellor, Guillaume Bernardi of Narbonne, in the latter's dispute with the faculty of medicine over the chancellor's right to grant a license to practice (CUP II, p. 360n, #926±29, 939). In Dec. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #56043), with the support of Philip VI, Germanus received the rectorship of the parish church of Villario in the dioc. of Narbonne. He was one of the twenty-three masters of 146

Biographical register theology who attended the royal council at Vincennes in December 1333 to deliberate on the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision (CUP II, #981). In July 1334 he received a canonry and magisterial prebend belonging to the monastery of Quarante in the dioc. of Narbonne to support someone reading in theology (LC Jean XXII, #63522), notwithstanding his continuing expectation for a bene®ce from the archbishop of Narbonne. Canon with prebend in the cathedral at Narbonne by Sept. 1335, when he was provided with a canonry and prebend in the cathedral at Saintes (LC BenoõÃt XII, #241). As canon at Narbonne he was mandated i.e.m. in 1335 in provisions for university masters in the archdioc. of Narbonne (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1237, #1324). Canon at Agde in 1347 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 303) and died before May 1354 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 303; II, p. 572). Gilbertus [Gilebertus] Fleming [Flemis]. Secular clerk from Scotland and son of Michael Fleming, knight and lord of Hedderwick (Watt, pp. 90±191); MA and canon of Aberdeen by Mar. 1329 (Liber S. Thome de Aberbrothoc, I, p. 319). At Paris in 1329±30, when he made a substantial payment to the university collection (Comp., p. 230) and was probably already cantor of the cathedral at Aberdeen, which he resigned in August 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #52320). Made dean of Aberdeen in August 1330, after the death of Andrew Fleming at Avignon (LC Jean XXII, #50609). Canon of Caithness and in litigation over a canonry and prebend at Moray before Jan. 1344 (CPP I, p. 33). DDecr and licentiate in civil law by Jan. 1344, when he was made canon of Glasgow and described as consiliarius and nuntius of David II of Scotland (CPP I, p. 33; CUP II, p. 562n). Represented the canon law faculty at Paris as university nuntius at Avignon in May 1345 and received the rectorship of the church of Liston in the dioc. of St Andrews (CUP II, #1104), which he was unsuccessful in obtaining. Papal chaplain and auditor causarum in the Roman curia by Apr. 1346 (CPL III, p. 194). In Nov. 1347 he was made canon and cantor at Moray (CUP II, p. 562n; CPL III, p. 256; Reg. Vat. 170, f.54v). He died at Avignon before July 1348. Gilbertus Scotus. Living in rue des PlaÃtriers in 1329±30, but without title or indication of payment (Comp., p. 227); subsequently listed as magister Gilbertus Scotus (Comp., p. 232). Although the ®rst reference might be to Gilbert Fleming, the second reference is undoubtedly to another person because it comes after Gilbert Fleming is listed with payment. The second (and possibly the ®rst as well) might be Gilbertus de Benauchtin, who was already magister when he was granted 10 marks in June of 1328 or 1329 for reasons of study (Watt, p. 38). Gratianus [Gracinus] de Alkeriis de Brescia [Bricia] (Brixia). Possibly 147

Biographical register brother of Bartholomeus de Alkeriis de Brescia (see entry); at Paris in 1329±30 in the rue Sachalie (Comp., p. 224). DMed by Jan. 1331; still regent in medicine in Apr. 1332 (CUP II, #923, p. 359; #924, 937, 941, 943). Received papal provision for an expectation of a canonical prebend at Bergamo in Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52567), which was replaced with a similar provision in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #595). See also Wickersheimer, p. 211. Guido [Guydo] Baudet (Baudeti). Living at Paris in the rue au Duc de Bourgogne in 1329±30, a short distance from the Clos Bruneau (Comp., p. 226). This reference is to either the uncle or the nephew known by this name: Master Guido Baudet, canon at BesancËon by Dec. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43489; see also #5492 from 1317). Professor of both laws and archdeacon of Faverney at BesancËon by August 1329, when he was made a canon with expectation of prebend at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #46127, 47371). Clerk and consiliarius of Jeanne, queen of France, by 1330, through whose support he received a canonry and prebend at Tournai in Mar. 1330, and a canonry with prebend in the cathedral at Reims in July 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #48959; #50069), and was made canon with prebend in the cathedral of Amiens in Mar. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #53136; Desportes, Amiens, p. 113). Resigned several of his bene®ces in 1332 in favor of his nephew Guido (see next entry) (LC Jean XXII, #58718, 58719, 59383). Guido Baudet, senior, was appointed dean of Notre-Dame at Paris on 6 Feb. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, #59545), which he was permitted to hold along with the archdeaconate at BesancËon (LC Jean XXII, #59623; AN Phil. VI, #2143). At the request of Philip VI, ``cujus obsequiis insistit,'' in June 1333, Guido was granted permission to be absent from Paris longer than the two-month limit for purposes of royal service (LC Jean XXII, #60592). Appointed chancellor of France on 3 Mar. 1335 (R. H. Bautier in Bibl. de l'eÂcole des chartes, 122 [1964], 159); papal chaplain and canon of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne by May 1335 when appointed prebendary canon and archdeacon at Reims with the obligation of resigning his position as dean and canon at Paris and his archdeaconry at BesancËon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #139), which were passed to Olivier Salhadini (LC BenoõÃt XII, #154). Appointed bishop of Langres on 31 Jan. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2505; Eubel, Hierarchia I, p. 307) while remaining chancellor of France. He adjudicated a dispute between the bishop and chapter at Paris in the summer of 1337 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #3407, 3441). He died in Paris in Feb. 1338. 148

Biographical register Guido Baudeti, son of Hugo Baudeti de Balma and nephew of Guido Baudet, senior, received a canonry and prebend in the monastic church of ChaÃteau-Chalon O.S.B. in the dioc. of BesancËon and several other bene®ces in 1332 through the resignation and intervention of his uncle (LC Jean XXII, #58718, 58719, 59383). While a student at Paris in April 1336, Guido, junior, received a provision in the dioc. of Laon in addition to his other bene®ces (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2948). Guido Caprarii. From the dioc. of MaÃcon; son of Guido Caprarii, a nobleman from the MaÃcon dioc., brother of Johannes Caprarii (LC BenoõÃt XII, #621), and nephew of Guillelmus Caprarii, canon at Auxerre (LC Jean XXII, #605). Guido, junior, was eight years old when, in Aug. 1327, he was appointed canon with prebend in the cathedral at Dol (LC Jean XXII, #29485: ``Guidoni Caprarii, nato Guidonis Caprarii militis, in octavo aetatis suae anno constituto . . . cum dispensatione super defectu aetatis''). In the same year his father received several papal privileges, including the right to have a portable altar and the right to celebrate divine of®ce despite interdicts (LC Jean XXII, #29488, 29489). In May 1328 Guido the younger received a canonry with prebend in the cathedral at Coutances (LC Jean XXII, #41089), again ``cum dispensatione super defectu aetatis''). At Paris in 1329±30, apparently living with Guillelmus de Albaco (see entry) and their master, Guillelmus de Vertre (Comp., p. 240). In June 1336 Guido the younger received an additional prebendary canonry in the cathedral at Bayeux (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2711, 2712). Guido de Genreio [Genreiio] in Monte. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Langres, master in arts ``actu Parisiis regente'' in July 1337 when provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Langres (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4568). At Paris in 1329±30 with two socii (Comp., p. 246). Guido [Gido] Pictavensis. According to the index in CUP II, p. 764, Guido Pictavensis is possibly Guido Pictavini, regent master in canon law at Toulouse in Dec. 1317 (CUP II, #755). The latter was DUJ and canon at Noyon by July 1321, when he received an expectation of a canonical prebend at Laon (LC Jean XXII, #13760, 42169); canon at Limoges in May 1325 (LC Jean XXII, #22283); judge in the Chambre des EnqueÃtes of the Paris Parlement in 1325 (Millet, Les chanoines du chapitre catheÂdral de Laon, 1272±1412 [Rome, 1982], pp. 424±425). From 1326 to 1328 he was commissioned by Charles IV to the bailliage of Vermandois (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #18, 33, 45, 131, 5400). In Apr. 1330, at the request of Jeanne, queen of France, he was provided with the deanship at Laon (LC Jean XXII, #54936; the 149

Biographical register mandate was recon®rmed in Sept. 1330 and Sept. 1331: #49413, 51044). As royal clerk and conseilleur, he was provided with funds in May 1336 to found a chaplaincy or support other pious works (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #4142); in 1340 he joined the grand-chambre of the Parlement, and he died in 1343 or 1344 (Millet, Laon, p. 424). The Guido Pictavensis of the 1329±30 computus was living in rue des Viez Plastriers and was denied the privileges of the university, presumably because of refusal to pay (Comp., p. 222). Guido de Rodis (Rodes) de Navarra (de Novaria). At Paris as magister, presumably in arts, in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 243). Licensed to practice medicine at Paris in Mar. 1330 by the chancellor Guillaume Bernardi over the objections of the regent masters in medicine (CUP II, pp. 349, 380, 385, 391). Dispute resolved in April 1332 (CUP II, pp. 397, 398). See also Wickersheimer, p. 216. Guido de Ventadoro [Ventodorio]. At Paris in 1329±30 living with his clerk, Geraldus de Manso (see entry), together paying 10 sol. (Comp., p. 236). Guido was probably related to the family of HeÂlie and Bernard, successive viscounts of Ventadour (Auvergne) at this time. Whereas Geraldus may have been a student in the faculty of canon law and perhaps tutor to Guido, Guido was a student in the arts faculty, since at the time he was about sixteen years of age (LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #515). In Feb. 1333, at the request of Philip VI, Guido was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #59633); canon of Chartres, MA, and BDecr by Feb. 1335 when granted a prebend at Chartres in place of the expectation granted under Jean XXII (LC BenoõÃt XII, #622); received a canonical prebend at Cambrai and the archdeaconry of Bruxelles in June 1342 by papal mandate ``motu proprio'' (Reg. Suppl. 1, f.26v; Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #52; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #168). In Sept. 1342 he was appointed bishop of Cambrai despite his defect in age (about twenty-nine) (LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #515, 516); he was transferred to be bishop of Vabres in Feb. 1349 and died before October 1352, when his successor was appointed (Eubel, Hierarchia I, p. 511). In Jan. 1350, as bp. of Vabres, Guido supported a provision for Simon de Brossa, a Cluniac monk and then BTh, who as licentiate in theology in 1351 was forced to revoke statements made in his vesperae disputation (CUP II, p. 655n). Guidomarus. A clerk of Louis, duke of Bourbon and count of Clermont. He is probably Guidomarus de Mezle who in Oct. 1316, at the request of the duke, was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Quimper, to which was added an expectation of a bene®ce at Dol in May 1317 (LC Jean XXII, #1295, 3803). By July 150

Biographical register 1322 he held canonries and portions of prebends at Quimper, Clermont, Amiens, Beauvais, Nantes, and in the dioc. of OrleÂans (LC Jean XXII, #15878). In Aug. 1329 duke Louis received permission for ten of his clerks to use the fruits of their bene®ces to reside elsewhere for ®ve years (LC Jean XXII, #45877). The Guidomarus who was at Paris in 1329±30 lived on the Right Bank near the hoÃtel de Bourbon in the rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois with one socius (Comp., p. 245). In May 1332 Louis received permission for two of his clerks to have licenses of non-residency for ®ve years, and the mandates i.e.m. suggest that it may have been for purposes of study at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #57294). Robert de Bardis (see entry) was also among the clerks or familiares of the duke of Bourbon before 1320. Guidomarus Salhadini [Salhadi] (Salhadin, Salahadin, Saladini, Salahadini). Clerk, probably from Brittany; son of Hugo Salhadini and younger brother of Oliverius. At Paris in 1329±30 and living with his brother Oliverius in rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226). On 21 Feb. 1335, in response to a university rotulus in which he was referred to as magister Guidomarus Hugonis Salhadini, DDecr, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church at Angers, in return for which he was to give up his living from the parish church of Plebe Abenneuc in the dioc. of Saint-Pol-de-LeÂon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #320). On 15 Feb. 1335 he and his brother, canons respectively of Angers and Saint-Pol-de-LeÂon, with the family name spelled Sallahazin, were copied on a provision for a master in law, Guido nato de Guilbignon, a clerk of Saint-Pol-de-LeÂon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1283). By 13 Sept. 1335, as magister Guidomarus Salahadin, and in person at Avignon, he had given up his bene®ce from the parish church in return for an archdeaconry in the dioc. of Angers (LC BenoõÃt XII, #240). Guillelmus de Albaco, archdeacon of Chalon-sur-SaoÃne. Since he was studying at Paris in 1329±30 under the same master as Guido Caprarii, whom we know to have been ten years old, he was probably also a student in grammar or arts (Comp., p. 240: ``Gilhelmus de Albaco, arcidiaconus Cabulonis, et Guido Caprarii ac eorum magister Gilhelmus de Vertre, xvi [sol.]''). Before 1329 the archdeacon of Chalon-sur-SaoÃne, whether or not the same as Guillelmus de Albaco, was mandated i.e.m. in several provisions in the MaÃconnais (LC Jean XXII, #5586 in 1317, #15848 in 1322 [for Johannes Caprarii], #17997 in 1323 [for Stephanus Caprarii]). Guillelmus Angus [de Angos]. Scottish clerk; associated with Patrick [Patricius] Brown and living near the Sorbonne (Comp., pp. 221, 151

Biographical register 246). Prebendary canon of Rethtref in Dunkeld, which he was forced to resign before Jan. 1345 because of his failure to obtain a dispensation for illegitimacy (CPL III, p. 149; Watt, p. 13). Guillelmus de Barentonio. Rector of the parish church at Folengiis, dioc. of Beauvais, in Mar. 1326, when he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church of Dol (LC Jean XXII, #24588). At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 243). Guillelmus de Belvaso. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue St-SeÂverin with one socius (Comp., p. 225). Perhaps he is the Guillelmus de Belvaco who was regent master in the faculty of theology in 1328 when, in response to a university rotulus of supplication, he was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend in the church at Avranches (LC Jean XXII, #43066). The residential location of Belvaso and the presence of a socius, however, argue against this identi®cation. Guillelmus Bernardi de Narbonna. Secular clerk from the Narbonne dioc. DTh by Nov. 1316, when, in response to the university rotulus of supplication, he was made canon with expectation of prebend at Narbonne (LC Jean XXII, #1857). By Dec. 1321 he was a canon at Notre-Dame in Paris with expectation of prebend (LC Jean XXII, #14854), and in May 1323 he was still awaiting that prebend and the of®ce of penitentiarius when he was collated to a canonry with expectation of a sacerdotal prebend, dignity or other of®ce in the church at Tours (LC Jean XXII, #17409). By Aug. 1323, when he was ®nally collated to a prebend at Narbonne reserved for a regent master of theology, he had already obtained the of®ce of penitentiarius at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #17945). On 16 June 1328, Bernardi, through his procurator Germanus Celati, was granted the canonical prebend of the late Thomas de Bailly and was installed in choir and chapter at Notre-Dame (Reg. ND, p. 54), although the appropriateness of his prebend was discussed in chapter in subsequent months (Reg. ND, pp. 57, 67, 92). His name does not appear among those canons attending meetings of chapter until well after his appointment as chancellor. Bernardi remained regent master of theology (CUP II, #845) and was a fellow of the ColleÁge de Narbonne when, on 15 Sept. 1329, he was appointed chancellor of Notre-Dame (CUP II, #896; LC Jean XXII, #46593). Still resident at the ColleÁge de Narbonne at the time of the collection in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 222: ``Domus de Nerbona: Cancellarius Parisiensis''). On activities as chancellor, see CUP II, pp. 339n, 343, 346, 348, 349n, 356±99, 400, 402, 403, 405, 409±413; Reg. ND, pp. 129, 130, 133, 136, 140, 144). Among the theologians 152

Biographical register summoned to Vincennes by Philip VI and who issued a statement on the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision in January 1334 (CUP II, #981). Canon at Tours by Oct. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #258). In Oct. 1335 he was made canon with prebend in the cathedral at Chartres (LC BenoõÃt XII, #258). Died before Feb. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2574), when one of his bene®ces in the dioc. of Narbonne was reassigned; in Mar. 1336 Robert de Bardis was appointed Chancellor (CUP II, #998; LC BenoõÃt XII, #2601). The Guillelmus Bernardi who was among the original bursarii at the ColleÁge de Navarre, and who in 1315 held a bourse in arts (Paris, Arch. Nat., J. 155, n.3), may have been a relative (nephew?) of the regent master in theology, whose position in the university perhaps enabled his namesake to get the bourse in arts reserved for the province of Narbonne. Guillelmus Bibare. Listed in the 1329±30 computus by his ecclesiastical of®ce, archdeacon of Passais (Pasceio, Passeio) for the dioc. of Le Mans, a position he held by Nov. 1327 until after 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #30298, 30299, 55536). Prebendary canon at Le Mans by Nov. 1327 when he was made canon with expectation of prebend at Laon and Beauvais (LC Jean XXII, #30298, 30299). He was living in the upper part of the Grande rue St-Jacques in 1329±30 near Jean de Crasmenil (Comp., p. 219). In Oct. 1331 Bibare's license of nonresidency for university study was renewed ± a dispensation on which Guillelmus de Essartis (see entry) was mandated i.e.m. (LC Jean XXII, #55536). Bibare was frequently mandated i.e.m. on provisions in the dioc. of Le Mans or for scholars (LC Jean XXII, #4798, 5861, 6099, 11465, 28606, 41495, 45044, 45267, 47363, 59775, 62602; LC BenoõÃt XII, #5446, 5453, 5454). Guillelmus Brito/Britonis. The Guillelmus Brito living alone in 1329±30 in the upper part of Grande rue St-Jacques near the ColleÁge du Plessis (Comp., p. 219) is listed without payment, and the Guillelmus Britonis (Comp., p. 245) listed later with a payment of 10 sol., is likely the same person. Deni¯e conjectured an identi®cation with Guillelmus Britonis, rector of the university in Feb. 1304 (CUP II, p. 107) and proctor of the French nation in Oct. 1304 (CUP II, p. 117). Considering the distance in time, this identi®cation is far from certain, although being listed by ®rst name and region suggests a person well known in the university community in 1329, and the size of the payment suggests a person of substantial means. Guillelmus de Castro Villani. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234). Possibly Guillaume de ChaÃteauvillain (Castrovillani, Castrovillari), who was a secular clerk from the dioc. of Langres, magister, royal 153

Biographical register clerk and consiliarius of Philip VI by Mar. 1335, when he was made canon and treasurer at Reims (LC BenoõÃt XII, #102). In May 1339, as conseiller du roi and treasurer of Reims, Guillaume represented the king in arbitration (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #3730). In April 1347 he gave up the house in rue des MacËons that he had rented from the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 565: ``Guillaume de Castro Villano''). Guillelmus Chere Male. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue de BieÁvre with six socii (Comp., p. 228). Probably magister Guillelmus Charmale of Avallon who was licentiate in arts and bachelor in medicine by July 1335, when provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at MaÃcon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #875). See also Wickersheimer, p. 234. Guillelmus Dionysii [Deonisii]. At Paris in 1329±30 and living in the rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228); no payment listed. Identi®ed by Deni¯e, but without supporting evidence, with the Guillelmus Dionysii of Montpellier mentioned in the Oct. 1339 letter on abuse of privileges (CUP II, #1027). Guillelmus L'espicier. Connected with the university in 1329±30 and living in the rue de la Harpe with one socius (Comp., p. 221). Possibly the same as Guillaume de Savoie, probably also an espicier or apothecary, who like Philip de Berigny was accused of illicit practice of medicine in 1322 (CUP II, p. 256n; Wickersheimer, p. 264). Guillelmus de Essartis. Son of Martin des Essarts (see entry under Assartis) (LC Jean XXII, #41150, 58875, 58877; DBF X, col.1326: Des Essarts, Guillaume), nephew of Pierre des Essarts (see entry under Assartis), and brother of Jacques, Jean?, Reginald, and Vincent. Family possibly connected to that of Matthieu des Essarts, bp. of Evreux (1299±1310). Canon at Avranches in Sept. 1316 (LC Jean XXII, #334); chaplain and familiar of Pierre d'Arrablay, chancellor of France and cardinal priest, in Sept. 1317 when Guillelmus was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Tournai in addition to canonries at Chartres and Avranches (LC Jean XXII, #5662); archdeacon of Ouche in the dioc. of Evreux by 1318; and canon at Rouen by Aug. 1319 (LC Jean XXII, #9966). Received a three-year indult of non-residence for university study in Nov. 1322, which in view of the mandates i.e.m. to abbots of Ste-GenevieÁve and St-Germain-des-PreÂs was at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #16619); license renewed for an additional three years in June 1325 (LC Jean XXII, #22542). MA and licentiate in civil law by November 1327, when his license of non-residency for purposes of 154

Biographical register university study was again renewed for three years (LC Jean XXII, #30488). In May 1328, at the request of Philip VI, he was granted an expectation of a canonical prebend at Notre-Dame in Paris (LC Jean XXII, #41150), which was renewed on 7 Dec. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43439). On 22 Feb. 1329 he presented in person before the chapter of Notre-Dame the second papal letter to establish his claim to a future prebend (Reg. ND, p. 92). Made dean of St-Germain-l'Auxerrois in Paris in August 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #46130), although he did not acquire effective control of that position until 1332 (LC Jean XXII, #56985, 57598). At the university of Paris in 1329±30, probably as a student in canon law, and living with three of his brothers in rue St-Etiennedes-Grez (Comp., p. 226), which was perhaps their parental home. In Mar. 1330, he was granted a three-year extension of his license for study (LC Jean XXII, #48975). On 10 June 1330, the Pope mandated the abbot of Cluny to execute a papal letter conferring the deanship of St-Germain-l'Auxerrois on Guillaume, licentiate in civil law (LC Jean XXII, #49844, 49847); his appointment, however, was contested and the issue was turned over to the bishop of Paris on 4 Nov. 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #51491). Guillelmus was also in litigation with Petrus Povrelli in 1330 for the of®ce of cantor at Amiens (Desportes, Amiens, pp. 45, 117, 190). On 15 May 1331 Guillelmus received the canonical prebend at Paris vacated by Guillelmus Bertranni, bishop elect of Noyon (LC Jean XXII, #53647), and subsequently Guillelmus de Essartis was frequently cited as canon at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #54919, 55536, 56894, 56903). On 3 July 1331 Guillelmus was instructed, along with his brother Vincent (see entry) and the cantor of Bayeux, to help facilitate the entry of Clarinus Palmerii, jr., a clerk of Laon, into the monastery of St-Vincent at Laon (LC Jean XXII, #54142). By 1332 Guillelmus held positions as canon at Paris, Rouen, Avranches, Tournai, and Chartres, along with other bene®ces (LC Jean XXII, #57598, 57657, 58202). In Nov. 1332 he received another three-year license of nonresidency to use the fruits of his bene®ces to continue his university studies (LC Jean XXII, #58877), and in April 1333 he received papal permission to delay his priestly ordination (LC Jean XXII, #60109). On 30 July 1333, with the support of the queen, he was made bishop of Evreux (LC Jean XXII, #60858, 61150, 61695, 61702, 62725, 63247), although his consecration was delayed almost a year by the intervention of the king (LC Jean XXII, #61841, 62795). His ordination as priest took place after Sept. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, 155

Biographical register #61562), and his consecration as bishop occurred after Mar. 1334 (LC Jean XXII, #62795). He attended the assembly at Vincennes and Paris in Dec. 1333. Died at Avignon in or before October 1334, when his brother Vincent was appointed as bishop of Evreux (LC Jean XXII, #64142). Guillelmus Fabri. Secular clerk from the dioc. of St-Flour and a scholar in the French nation, prov. of Bourges (CUP II, #1165, p. 636). Magister [in artibus] and curate of St-Martial at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240) and included in the arts faculty rotulus of supplications in 1349, where he is listed as master, priest, and ``quondam scolari vestro in sacra pagina, et quandam curato Sancti Marcialis Parisius'' (CUP II, #1165, p. 636). He should be distinguished from Guillelmus Fabri de Con¯eto, MA by June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 148, f.455v) and from Guillelmus Fabri, secular clerk from the dioc. of Rouen and MA by June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 150, f.188v). Guillelmus Goolini [Golini] de Divione. Clerk from Dijon in the dioc. of Langres; at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236), presumably studying in the faculty of canon law. Bachelor of civil law by Nov. 1332, when he received the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Sens (LC Jean XXII, #58857); licentiate in civil law, bachelor of canon law, in royal service, and a canon of S. Salvatoris Villae Sancti Pauli in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne by Feb. 1337 when he was granted a papal provision for a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral chapter at Langres (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4410). Guillelmus de Grenlaw [Grinelau] de Dunbaer. Scottish clerk from the dioc. of St Andrews (Watt, pp. 243±246); at Paris in 1329±30 and a scholar of modest means (Comp. p. 238). Determined in Mar. 1333 under John de Waltirstona (see entry under Johannes Scoti) (AUP I, col.14); licensed in April 1333 under Robert de Pilmor (see entry) (AUP I, col.17); MA in May 1342 under Norman de Lesseley (AUP I, col.58). Regent in arts 1342±46 (AUP I, cols.59, 61, 64, 82, 85); proctor of English nation in June 1342, Mar.±Apr. 1343, and Feb.± Apr. 1345 (AUP I, cols.59, 61, 79±80; CUP II, #1061); and rector of the university, probably in Mar.±June 1345 (AUP I, col.80; CUP II, #1109). Made canon of Aberdeen with expectation of prebend in June 1342 in response to rotulus of arts faculty (Reg. Vat. 156, f.335v) and received a prebend before Dec. 1349, when he was made dean of Glasgow. He was appointed papal nuncio in Scotland and collector of papal revenues in Dec. 1352. He also acted as proctor in Avignon for several bishops and abbots in Scotland. Canon of Embrun in Jan. 1353; archdeacon of St Andrews by or before 1366; papal chaplain in 156

Biographical register 1367±68 (Reg. Aven. 238, f.236). On his bene®ces and administrative career, see Watt, pp. 244±246. He died at Avignon between Jan. and June 1374. [Guillelmus,] ®lius comitis de Hanonia. Son of Guillaume le Bon, count of Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland (1304±37) and Jeanne de Valois, sister of Philip VI. His sister Margaret was the wife of Emperor Louis of Bavaria, and his sister Philippa was married to Edward III, king of England. He was born c.1316, and while still a child (``in infantili aetate constitutis''), on 27 Jan. 1323, his parents arranged a dispensation for him to marry within the third degree of consanguinity (LC Jean XXII, #16874). He was with his mother in July 1328 when she visited her brother after his consecration at Reims on May 28. At Paris in 1329±30, about age thirteen, living with his familia in the house known as ``ad Del®num cum Sancto Leudovico'' in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226). He subsequently served with the king of Castile against the Moors in Spain and undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He succeeded his father as count of Hainaut and Holland in 1337 and died on 17 Sept. 1345. A year after his death, his sisters, Margaret and Elizabeth, were living in Paris and supported the petition of Jean de St-Martin, O.Carm., to read the Bible and the Sentences and to be promoted in the faculty of theology (CUP II, #1135). Guillelmus de Herches. Clerk of Coutances dioc. (LC Jean XXII, #41504; see also B. GueÂrard, Cartulaire de l'eÂglise Notre-Dame de Paris [Paris, 1850], IV, p. 274). At Paris in Aug. 1325, when he held a quarter portion of the income of the parish church of St-SauveurLendelin in the dioc. of Coutances (LC Jean XXII, #22992). He is possibly the ``mestre Guillaume de Hercher'' who held a property in the rue des MacËons in Jan. 1326 (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 548). DTh by June 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #41504), when he was made canon with prebend at Le Mans. Frequently expected to facilitate the implementation of papal provisions, many originating at the request of Philip VI (LC Jean XXII, #42030, 43413, 43656, 50155, 50156, 50338, 51939). The expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of St-Sauveur-le-Vicomte O.S.B. in the dioc. of Coutances, which he had received in Aug. 1325, was still pending in Mar. 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #22992, 44812). In Mar. 1329, as DTh, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in cathedral at Paris, through the petition of Philip VI (LC Jean XXII, #44812). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 221). In Nov. 1329 he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Soissons (LC Jean XXII, #47476). Still regent master 157

Biographical register in theology in 1330 (according to the document summary and index to the lost ®rst volume of the Paris Augustinian cartulary contained at the beginning of vol. II, Livre des Grands-Augustins, ff.5v, 55v±57r). Named among the masters of theology unable to attend the royal council at Vincennes in Dec. 1333 on the question of the Beati®c Vision, but who, in the letter of Jan. 1334, supported the position of the attending masters (CUP II, #981). Mandated i.e.m., as canon at Paris or Le Mans, on provisions connected with royal clerks or university masters (LC Jean XXII, #55828, 56085, 56574, 56858, 59272, 59770). He is not mentioned in the registers of Benedict XII, and presumably died in or shortly after 1335. Guillelmus de Macengiaco. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue Pierre Sarrazin with four socii (Comp., p. 222). Possibly the same as Guillelmus Boreti de Massigniaco, master of arts by Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52589). Guillelmus Marpaudi. Clerk of Avranches dioc. (CUP II, #921). Listed as ``Marpaudus'' in the 1329±30 collectio, living in the rue des Anglais (Comp., p. 227). He was present at the meeting of the chapter of Notre-Dame on 16 June 1328 when Guillaume Bernardi was installed as a canon (Reg. ND, p. 54). University notary by apostolic and imperial authority, active between Jan. 1331 and May 1340 (CUP II, #921±925, 927±929, 931, 1034). In royal service (``Philippi regis Franciae dilecto'') by May 1336, when provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of Bec (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3171). Still awaiting that bene®ce when made canon of Avranches with expectation of prebend on 6 July 1342 (Reg. Aven. 58, f.135v; Reg. Vat. 148, f.195v); but already cited i.e.m. as canon of Avranches in June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 154, f.240r). Guillelmus de Mesnilio [Menilio], (Maisnilio). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Arras and in royal service by 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #42274). Son of Guillelmus de Mesnilio, knight (LC Jean XXII, #54165). He held income from a parish church in the dioc. of Rouen and the perpetual chaplaincy of the castle at Mesnilio (Maisnilio) in the dioc. of Arras when, in August 1328 as ``magister Guillelmus de Maisnilio,'' he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Sens through the petition of Philip VI (LC Jean XXII, #42274). Listed in the 1329±30 computus as dominus (Comp., p. 232). In July 1331, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Arras (LC Jean XXII, #54165). BTh by May 1336 when Pope Benedict mandated the abbot of St-Victor and others to confer on Guillelmus a canonry and half prebend at Amiens in exchange for his bene®ces in Rouen and Arras (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2674). DTh and 158

Biographical register canon of Amiens by June 1342 (CUP II, p. 655n); prebendary canon by 1348 (Desportes, Amiens, p. 120). Guillelmus More [Mor]. Received income as rector of the parish church of Kincardine O'Neil in the dioc. of Aberdeen by Oct. 1324 while under canonical age; provided with a canonry and prebend at Glasgow in Dec. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #21236; CPL II, p. 242), but displaced by a royal candidate (Watt, p. 418). Canon with prebend in the cathedral of Moray by Oct. 1328, despite defect of age (LC Jean XXII, #43178): ``dudum in minori constitutus aetate . . . recepit et a IV annis tenet, fructus percipiens et ad sacros ordines non promotus, absque alia dispensatione.'' At Paris in 1329±30 with two socii (Comp., p. 238), and with a higher-than-average burse. Guillelmus de Pilmore [Pulmur]. Listed at Paris in 1329±30 as dominus in the company of his brother Robert (see entry) and another socius (Comp., p. 232); possibly the ``archideaconus Scocie cum fratre'' listed earlier as living in the rue des MacËons (Comp., p. 221). Archdeacon in the cathedral of Dunkeld when, in Oct. 1329, at the request of a relative(?), John Pilmore, bishop of Moray, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Moray (LC Jean XXII, #46959). In Nov. 1329 he was provided with a canonry with prebend in the cathedral at Brechin (LC Jean XXII, #47510). Became archdeacon of St Andrews sometime in the 1330s (Watt, p. 453). Acted as proctor at Avignon for bishop Thomas of the Isles and died between Jan. 1345 and Oct. 1353 (Watt, p. 453; CPL III, p. 476). Guillelmus Rollandi. At Paris c.1317 as a student in theology and curate of St-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet, when the faculty of theology petitioned the bishop of Paris for a bene®ce on his behalf (CUP II, #750). Listed in the computus of 1329±30 as ``dominus Wilhelmus, curatus sancti Nicholay'' (Comp., p. 234). Guillelmus Scoti. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242), with a modest payment of 19 denarii. By the modest amount of his payment and location in the computus, this individual is not William Angus, William Grenelaw, William More, or William Pilmore. Possibly Guillelmus de Edinburgh, clerk of the St Andrews dioc., who was twenty-two in Nov. 1332 when granted the expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of St Andrews (LC Jean XXII, #58723), and who determined at Paris under John de Waltirstona in the spring of 1333 (AUP I, col. 14; see Watt, p. 174); or perhaps William de Laundels, sometimes titled magister, who became bishop of St Andrews in 1342 through his association with David II (Watt, p. 328). A Guillelmus Scoti gave several manuscripts to the Sorbonne in 1345 as security for the rent of a house belonging to the college (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, 159

Biographical register p. 308). There was also a Guillelmus Scoti who was a regent master in arts in Nov. 1317 (ibid.). Guillelmus de Verduno. Possibly the Guillelmus de Verduno who was papal chaplain by 1317 and canon of Autun and Chalon-sur-SaoÃne, with expectations of canonical prebends at Bourges and Laon (LC Jean XXII, #95, 112), and who in Jan. 1317 received permission to use the fruits of his bene®ces for study at a university for three years (LC Jean XXII, #2508). His prebends at Bourges and Laon had been obtained by Mar. 1318, when he was granted a canonry with expectation of prebend at St-Martin in Tours (LC Jean XXII, #6688). His license of non-residency was renewed in Feb. 1326 (LC Jean XXII, #24506) and again in Nov. 1327 (LC Jean XXII, #30500). The scholar by that name at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234), however, paid a contribution of 2 sol., which is inconsistent with a person well endowed with bene®ces. Gunsalvus Ispanus. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). Possibly he is Gundisalvus Petri, who was listed ``inter scholares Sorbonae affertur'' in July 1331 (Bulaeus, Historia Univ. Par., IV, p. 229; Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 304; II, p. 554). The latter was a clerk of Alfonsus, king of Castile, MA before 1333, and BTh ``in actu legenti'' (presumably the Sentences) at Paris in 1333±34, when, on 25 Oct. 1333, at the request of Alfonsus, king of Castile, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church at Palencia (CUP II, #964; LC Jean XXII, #61927), to which an additional expectation was added in Dec. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, #62317). In Apr. 1334 he received a canonry and prebend at Burgos in exchange for a partial bene®ce he held in that church (LC Jean XXII, #63027, 63028). By Nov. 1336 he was archdeacon and canon at Salamanca, still completing his theological studies at Paris (``in studio Parisiensi et in theologica facultate studentem et legentem''), and was permitted to use his ecclesiastical income for ®ve years of further study (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3375). Hamo de Gargoet. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). Probably Hamo de Kaengoet, canon at Nantes, chaplain of a house of scholars at Paris (Navarre?), and regent master in canon law by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #602). Hamo Ricci [Reoci], (Rioci). At Paris in 1329±30 with at least four socii (Comp., p. 246). Possibly the same as Hamo Brito, listed earlier with twelve socii but without payment (Comp., p. 230), and/or ``Magister Hamo'', listed with a payment of 3 solidi (Comp., p. 234). Hamo Ricci was a secular clerk from the dioc. of TreÂguier in Brittany, master of arts and regent in arts at Paris when, in July 1337, he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of 160

Biographical register Nantes (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4570). Served a term as rector of the university in 1346 and was included in the university supplication rotulus of 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 636). Harmannus Lombardus [Lumbardus]. At Paris in 1329±30 as dominus (Comp., p. 238). Possibly the same as Hermanus Lombardus, DMed by Oct. 1322 (CUP II, #813) and still active in 1330 (CUP II, #919). See also Wickersheimer, p. 292; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 120. Henricus de Alemania. Living at Paris in 1329±30 in the rue des Anglais with two socii (Comp., p. 227). Possibly the Henricus de Almania who signed the petition for an extension on the time of payment for the collection of 1313 (CUP II, #703, p. 166). Henricus de Ast [Hast]. Studied law at OrleÂans and Paris before 1328 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #363; CUP II, 472n: ``qui Aurelianis leges et Parisiis extraordinarie et ordinarie decretales et postea decretum per plures annos legisse''). DUJ by Oct. 1328 when provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend at Auxerre (LC Jean XXII, #43056). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue Serpente (Comp., p. 223). Held a living from a parish church in the dioc. of Tournai when, in June 1332, his expectation in Auxerre was renewed with the support of the king and queen (LC Jean XXII, #57362). In Dec. 1332 he was granted a canonry with prebend in the church at Ciney (Chennacensis) in the dioc. of LieÁge in addition to his expectation in Auxerre. Consiliarius for the chapter at Amiens by June 1335 in which he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in place of his expectation from Auxerre, although in addition to income from churches in the dioceses of Tournai, LieÁge, and Auxerre (LC BenoõÃt XII, #363; but see #1659b for 2 Apr. 1335). He was involved in 1336 in a dispute with two students over goods used as security deposit for lodging (CUP II, #1007). Canon of Amiens and papal chaplain by July 1338 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5471). He was expected to facilitate the implementation of numerous papal provisions (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5471, 5660, 5672, 5673, 6870). Appointed Patriarch of Constantinople in Nov. 1339 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #6566). Henricus de Lubec (LuÈbeck). At Paris in 1329±30 living in the Clos Bruneau with four socii and paying a substantial contribution (Comp., p. 227). Possibly the same as Henricus de Lubelck, who was one of the authors of the ReÂgime de pestilence composed at Strasbourg in 1349 (Wickersheimer, p. 281). Henricus Mabilie, magister. Clerk of the dioc. of Bayeux. As a result of the rotulus submitted by the university of Paris soon after the election of John XXII, Henricus Mabiliae, already magister, presumably of arts 161

Biographical register and the Norman nation, received an expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of Carasien. in the dioc. of Bayeux (LC Jean XXII, #1859). Still at Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 238), which would mean he had at least a thirteen-year career as regent in the Norman nation. Henricus de Padua. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue St-SeÂverin (Comp., p. 225). According to Deni¯e, possibly the same as Henricus (Henrigetus) de Lio de Padua, who in Feb. 1351 was described as MA and DMed from Paris and praepositus of arts and medicine at Padua (CUP II, 671n, from A. Gloria, Monumenti della UniversitaÁ di Padova (1318±1405) (Padua, 1888), I, p. 448, II, p. 32). See also Wickersheimer, p. 291. Heutingen, ®lius comitis de. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue des PlaÃtriers (Comp., p. 227); son of the count of Oettingen in Bavaria. Hugo de Duno (Dun). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Reims (CUP II, p. 655n); at Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228), probably as a student in arts in the French nation. Proctor of the ColleÁge de Sorbonne in Feb. 1341 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, 310); still described as MA in June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the arts faculty, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church of St-Pierre de Braquis in the dioc. of Reims, in addition to the rectorship of a church in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne (Reg. Vat. 156, f.308r; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #161). BTh by Oct. 1349 and ``carissimus'' of Guy de Podiovallis when his name was among a group of bachelors submitted for bene®ces by the university (CUP II, #1175; Reg. Suppl. 21, f.63r) and independently by Guy de Podiovallis for a canonical prebend at Verdun (Reg. Suppl. 21, f.136v). Hugo was supported by Guy in May 1350 for provost at St-Pierre de Braquis (Reg. Suppl. 21, f.236v). DTh and canon of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne by 1362, when he was still regent master in the faculty of theology; subsequently canon at Cambrai (CUP II, p. 655n; CUP III, #1262). Hugo de Montibus. At Paris in 1329±30 and living with two socii in the rue St-Hilaire (Comp., p. 229). Possibly the same as master Hugo de Montibus Vinosis, who was a secular clerk from the dioc. of Toul and MA by October 1328, when he received an expectation of a secular bene®ce from the abbey of Gorze (LC Jean XXII, #43090). Hugo de Montibus Vinosis was provided with a further expectation of bene®ce from bishop of Toul in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1337) and made canon of Metz with expectation of prebend in June 1342 as a result of the rotulus of the faculty of arts (Reg. Vat. 156, f.148v). 162

Biographical register Priest and once rector of the university before 1349, when his name was included in the university rotulus among those of the French nation seeking bene®ces in 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 635), which resulted in a renewal of his expectation of a canonry at Toul. Hugo de Moreio. At Paris, as dominus, in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236). Although so identi®ed in Deni¯e's index, this individual is probably not the Hugo de Mor[n]eyo who served in the ``commissario in causis testamentariis'' for the city and dioc. of Paris in 1331 (CUP II, p. 386n), since such a person would not be subject to university taxation. Hugo Vissac. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Puy, and son of Hugo de Vissac, chevalier and seigneur d'Arlempdas near Puy, who served Philip V in Parlement (P. Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le long [Paris, 1897], p. 287). The younger Hugo received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Puy in Sept. 1316 in response to a series of petitions submitted by his father (LC Jean XXII, #1037: ``Hugoni nato Hugonis de Vissac mil.''; see also #1036 for a similar provision for his brother Guillaume). Hugo was archdeacon of Troyes by Mar. 1326 and still awaiting a prebend in the dioc. of Puy when provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Laon (LC Jean XXII, #24685). In April 1329 he was granted a papal indulgence to use the fruits of his bene®ces to attend a studium generale for three years (LC Jean XXII, #44944). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the CloõÃtre-de-StBenoõÃt and the ®rst to be listed on the computus, paying a substantial amount to the collection based on his burse (Comp., p. 218). Ingerammus [Yngerammus, Engerranus] de Freneys (Fresnillis, Fresnelles). At Paris in 1329±30, apparently living at the ColleÁge des Chollets (Comp., p. 231), which was a college for students in arts and theology from the dioceses of Amiens and Beauvais. MA and BTh by June 1342, when he was made canon at Beauvais with expectation of prebend (Reg. Vat. 156, f.338v; CUP II, p. 626n). DTh, still under expectation of prebend at Beauvais, and lector in theology at Beauvais when he was included on the Parisian theological rotulus in 1349 (CUP II, #1162); still ``actu regens'' in 1362 (CUP II, p. 626n; CUP III, #1262). He included a donation to the college in his will (E. Rabut, ``Les Cholets . . .,'' Paris et Ile-de-France: MeÂmoires, 21 [1970], 7±95). Ispalensis (Seville), thesaurarius. Although the holder of this of®ce in 1329 is not yet identi®ed, he was at Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue des PoireÂes (Comp., p. 220: ``Tesaurarius de Sibile'') and listed later with a payment of 20 solidi (Comp., p. 240: ``Thesaurarius Ispalensis''). The holder of that of®ce was mandated frequently in this 163

Biographical register period on provisions for the archdioc. of Seville (LC Jean XXII, #763, 7933±36, 7980±83, 8468, 8520, 8636, 10381, 12409±10, 12647, 14521, 14556, 17211, 17392). Itericus [Ytericus] (Itier), ®lius balivi de Alvernia. Itier's father, Itier de Puy-Aymer, was a royal of®cial of noble birth but unknighted, seÂneÂchal de la March et de Limousin under Charles IV and Philip VI (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #910, 2151, 5097), and appointed bailli d'Auvergne between Nov. 1325 and May 1327 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #1022, 1059, 1640). The son, Itier, was at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 231), probably as a student in arts. He followed a secular career and attained the level of squire (eÂcuyer). In Nov. 1347, because of his military service and the services of his father, he was absolved from liability for the murder of Pierre Rodeasme, who died of injuries sustained in a ®ght with Itier (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #6190). Ivanis Boy; see Evenus Bohic. Ivo [Yvo] de Buxeria [Bussaria]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of TreÂguier in Brittany (LC Jean XXII, #63459; LC BenoõÃt XII, #1336); witness at a meeting of the chapter of Notre-Dame at Paris on 4 April 1329 (Reg. ND, p. 97); at Paris as magister in 1329±30, with two socii and a payment of 8 solidi (Comp., p. 231). Probably the Ivo Brito listed earlier (Comp., p. 224) as living in the rue de la Buscherie with two socii but not yet with payment. The presence of socii suggests that the latter was not Yvo dictus le Breton, librarius at Paris in and before 1342 (CUP II, #1064, 189n; see also Rouse, p. 103); nor Ivo de Guirer Brito, regent in medicine in 1330±31 (CUP II, #919, #924±925), since no other DMed is found residing with socii. And, considering the distance in years, he is unlikely to be the Breton master of that name in the French nation in 1304 (CUP II, #651) or Ivo de Kerseffredor, clerk of Quimper dioc., who was MA in the French nation by 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 634) and still regent in arts in 1362 (CUP II, p. 637n). Ivo de Buxeria was still designated MA in July 1334, when he was provided with the expectation of a bene®ce at Angers (LC Jean XXII, #63459) and in Feb. 1335, when he was granted a canonry and prebend at TreÂguier in place of his expectation at Angers (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1336). Before July 1342 he had served a term as rector of the university; made canon of St-Pol-de-LeÂon in Brittany in July 1342, when he was a student in the faculty of theology, had completed his two courses of lectures on the Bible, and was to lecture on the Sentences in 1342±43 (Reg. Vat. 153, f.149v; CUP II, p. 597n). Captured by the English in Brittany and had goods con®scated before August 1346 (CUP II, #1131). BTh by 1346 (CUP II, 164

Biographical register #1131); DTh by May 1349 ``in actu regens'' at Paris when he was included in the supplication rotulus of the theological faculty for a canonry and prebend at St-Brieuc (CUP II, #1162; Reg. Suppl. 20, f.92v, 138r), and in Sept. 1349 when Philip VI petitioned on his behalf for a canonry, prebend, and position of cantor at Dol, notwithstanding his income from a chaplaincy at Nantes, a parish church in the dioc. of TreÂguier, and this expectation of a canonical prebend at St-Brieuc (CUP II, p. 597n; Reg. Suppl. 20, f.111v). In Sept. 1349 he was made canon at Reims (Reg. Suppl. 21, f.5r; Reg. Vat. 192, f.207v; CUP II, 597n). Ivo de Curia. Clerk from the dioc. of St-Pol-de-LeÂon in Brittany and notary for the cathedral chapter at Paris in 1327 (CUP II, #860). Listed in the computus as ``Ivo de Curia, notarius capituli'' with a payment of 8 solidi (Comp., p. 240); frequently listed as notary at meetings of the cathedral chapter (Reg. ND, pp. 54, 57, 59, 67, 80, 87, 111, 123, 144). Jacobus de Cantarana [Cantara]. DMed and regent in the faculty of medicine by 1328 (CUP II, #881). He was receiving the income from the rectorship of the parish church of Vaudapera in the dioc. of Langres when, in Oct. 1328, he was provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from the Cluniac priory of St-Martin-des-Champs at Paris (LC Jean XXII, #43074). At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., pp. 230, 246) and still regent master at Paris in 1331 and 1332 (CUP II, p. 337n, #924, #925, #937, #943) and in Nov. 1339 (CUP II, #1029). Canon of Langres with expectation of prebend in June 1342 as a result of the rotulus submitted by the faculty of medicine (Reg. Vat. 156, f.329r) and probably still regent in medicine as of that date. See also Wickersheimer, p. 323. Jacobus de Essartis; see Johannes de Essartis. Jacobus Gorre. Secular scholar from the dioc. of Amiens. At Paris in 1329±30 living with one socius near the porte Bordelle (Comp., p. 229). By 1350 he was MA and a student in theology when supported by Blanche, duchess of OrleÂans, for a chaplaincy at Abbeville (Reg. Suppl. 22, f.80r). Still a student in theology and chaplain of St-Vulfran at Abbeville in Nov. 1351 when he received the parish church of Cormeilles in the Paris dioc. vacated by Elias of Courson (see entry) (Reg. Suppl. 23, f.159r). Jacobus de Medunta. Although the index for the CUP identi®es the Jacobus de Medunta of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 244) with the person of the same name who acted as witness to the revocation of Martin de la Rive in July 1303 (CUP II, #635), there is no evidence to support this beyond the similarity of names. 165

Biographical register Jacobus de Senis (Siena). At Paris as magister in 1329±30 and paying 6 sol. (Comp., p. 242). Possibly the Jacques de Senis who was a royal surgeon from 1301 until at least 1326 (Wickersheimer, p. 338). Johannes, curatus Sancti Landrici. Curate of the church of St-Landry on the Ile-de-la-CiteÂ. Appeared as a witness at a meeting of the chapter of Notre-Dame in July 1328 at which Jean de Blois became chancellor (Reg. ND, p. 59). Contributed to the university collection in 1329±30 in the amount of 4 sol. (Comp., p. 244). Johannes de Aciaco. Not listed by name in the computus of 1329±30, Johannes de Aciaco, or Jean d'Acy (Assy), is included there under the socii at the colleÁge de Navarre (Comp., p. 230) inasmuch as he held a bourse in theology by 1315 and retained that association until 1349 (Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 578±80). MA by 1328, and presumably before 1315; BTh with income from a chapel in the dioc. of Soissons by 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1309), when in response to the rotulus of the faculty of theology he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce from the archbishop of Sens; DTh by 1342 (Reg. Aven. 59, f.242r; CUP II, p. 626n), when he was made canon of Notre-Dame at Paris with expectation of prebend or dignity. Grand master at ColleÁge de Navarre, 1342±49 (Gorochov, Navarre, p. 579). Included in the rotulus of the faculty of theology in 1349, through which he obtained a canonry with expectation of prebend in the dioc. of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne (Reg. Suppl. 20, f.91r; CUP II, #1162, p. 624), by which time he held chaplaincies in the dioceses of Meaux and Avranches (Gorochov, Navarre, p. 579). Chancellor of Notre-Dame in Paris in 1349 (CUP II, #1177), a position that he held until his death in 1360. Johannes de Alvernia. At Paris in 1329±30 with a payment equivalent to an arts student (Comp., p. 236). Perhaps he is the ``magister Johannes de Alvernia'' who represented the prov. of Bourges in witnessing a statute of the French nation in Aug. 1336 (CUP II, #1004). Johannes de Amee. Magister at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 238). Perhaps he is the ``magister Johannes Amici'' of Bruges, who held bene®ces in the dioceses of TheÂrouanne, Cambrai, LieÁge, and Amiens inasmuch as Nicholaus Ceccano, who was often mandated to facilitate provisions for Paris scholars in 1316, was mandated i.e.m. on several of these provisions (LC Jean XXII, #15481, 21054, 21449, 41651). Johannes de Amili [Anuli?]. Along with four socii and a cleric, he contributed 20 sol. to the university collection of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). Possibly he is the dominus Johannes de Ameli, canon of St-BenoõÃt, who alongside Johannes de Sabaudia, was a witness at a 166

Biographical register meeting of the chapter of Notre-Dame on 26 Feb. 1330 to resolve a dispute between the dean of the chapter and the canons of St-BenoõÃt (Reg. ND, p. 135). Johannes Audacis. At Paris in 1329±30 and living in the rue de la Buscherie with two pueri (Comp., p. 224). Possibly he is the scholar of that name who held a bourse in the colleÁge de Navarre and was BA by 1342 (Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 274, 282, 717). Johannes de Aureliaco [Auriliaco, Auriaco]. With slight variations in spelling, this name appears three times in the 1329±30 computus (Comp., pp. 218, 225, 246). One or more of these references is to Johannes de Aureliaco, DMed by Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #924, #925), and, according to Deni¯e, the same as Johannes Vedilha de Aureliaco from the dioc. of St-Flour, canon of Rouen with expectation of prebend in June 1342 (CUP II, p. 719n). The ®rst mention (Comp., p. 218) is to a Johannes de Auriliaco residing with 5 socii in housing adjacent to St-BenoõÃt, but without indication of payment. The second mention (p. 225) is to a Johannes de Auriaco residing in the Grande rue St-Jacques below St-BenoõÃt, again without indication of payment. Considering the difference in address and spelling, these are probably not the same person. The third mention (p. 246) occurs in the long list of names and payments at the end of the document and is to a Johannes de Auriliaco, 10 solidi solv. As a one-person payment, this last entry indicates a person of means, probably the master of medicine. Which of the earlier two mentions corresponds to this one is uncertain. See also Wickersheimer, p. 355. Johannes de Aurelianis. As Johannes de Aurilianis, listed in the 1329±30 computus as living in the CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt with two pueri, but without indication of payment (Comp., p. 218). As ``magister Johannes de Orlens'' (OrleÂans) listed later with a payment in keeping with the level of master (Comp., p. 242). He might be the ``magister Johannes de Aureliano'' who was a witness alongside Johannes de Sabaudia in July 1329 (Reg. ND, p. 109); he might also be the ``magister Johannes Aurelianis,'' public notary, who witnessed two university documents in 1331 (CUP II, p. 368n; #932, p. 379). Johannes de Belliger. At Paris in 1329±30 with ®ve socii (Comp., p. 236). Perhaps this is Johannes de Bellinghen, clerk of the Cambrai dioc. and master of arts by Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52574), who witnessed a statute of the Picard nation in June 1331 (CUP II, #913: Belinghan). Johannes de Bet[h]una. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240). Possibly the Johannes de Bethunia, clericus, who helped with the interrogation of Jacoba Felicie in Oct. 1322 about her practicing medicine 167

Biographical register (CUP II, #813). That conjecture is supported by the fact that the name appears in the computus between Ivo de Curia, the notary of the cathedral chapter, and Johannes Hallinis, regent master in the faculty of medicine. See also Wickersheimer, p. 363. Johannes de Blangy [Blangiaco]. Secular clerk from Blangy-sur-Bresle in the dioc. of Rouen. Incepted as DTh in 1314±15, since he was later described in Oct. 1336 as then being in his twenty-second year of regency (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3373; CUP II, #1005). Described as DTh, rector of a parish church in the dioc. of Lisieux, and prebendary canon of the church of St-Quentin-en-Vermandois in the dioc. of Noyon in a papal provision of a canonry with expectation of prebend at Rouen in Nov. 1316 (LC Jean XXII, #1845, 59338), a provision arranged through the support of the university and cardinal Michael de Becco (CUP II, #746). In June 1317 the faculty of theology thanked the cardinal and urged him to help Blangy bypass the long waiting list for a prebend at Rouen (CUP II, #746). He was still awaiting that prebend in Jan. 1321 when he was made canon of Beauvais (LC Jean XXII, #12834; #41489); by April 1329, he had received a cathedral dignity at Rouen as archdeacon of Vexin Normand (LC Jean XXII, #44904). Dean of the faculty of theology at Paris by June 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #45566) and possibly as early as 1328 (CUP II, p. 316n). Listed in the computus of 1329±30 as living in the rue des Cordeliers (vicus Minorum) near the Franciscan convent (Comp., p. 222). In December 1333 he was among the theologians summoned by Philip VI to the council at Vincennes that resulted in a statement on the Beati®c Vision issued on 2 Jan. 1334. In June 1335 Blangy was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend at Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #159), which he resigned in 1339 when appointed bishop of Auxerre (LC BenoõÃt XII, #6669). Still active as regent master and dean of the faculty of theology at Paris in June 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #159) and in Oct. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3373; CUP II, #1005). Appointed bishop of Auxerre in Feb. 1339 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #6526) and resigned early in 1345 (Eubel, Hierarchia, p. 120), presumably for reasons of health. He died in Mar. 1345. See also C.-V. Langlois, ``Jean de Blangi. TheÂologien,'' Histoire litteÂraire de la France, 35 (1921), 601±603. Johannes Bloundel [Blundel], (Blondel). At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (in artibus) and living in the Clos Bruneau with nine socii (Comp., pp. 227, 242). From northern France and a member of the Picard nation, since he was among the masters who witnessed a statute of that nation in June 1331 (CUP II, #913). BTh by June 1342 when he 168

Biographical register was made canon of Laon with expectation of prebend (Reg. Aven. 59, f.387r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.265v); DTh by May 1345 when that prebend was obtained (CUP II, p. 562n). Johannes Buridan. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Arras and a member of the Picard nation in the faculty of arts. Fellow of the ColleÁge du Cardinal Lemoine, and subsequently fellow of the ColleÁge de Navarre. MA by Feb. 1328, when he held the of®ce of rector (CUP II, #870); received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Arras in August 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #46151). Buridan is probably the ``magister Johannes Birendan'' listed at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236). Buridan received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne in Nov. 1330 in addition to his income from the parish church of Illies in the dioc. of Arras and a further expectation in that diocese (LC Jean XXII, #51471). Rector of the university from Sept. to Nov. 1340 (AUP I, col.41). On 16 June 1341, still listed as magister in artibus, he was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend at Arras (LC BenoõÃt XII, #8611); canonry and expectation reaf®rmed by Clement VI in June 1342 in response to univ. rotulus (Reg. Aven. 59, f.536r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.376r). Still active as regent in the arts faculty in Dec. 1347, when he witnessed a statute of the Picard nation (CUP II, #1146). Appointed chaplain of St-AndreÂ-des-Ars in Paris in 1348 (CUP II, #1156); among the masters of his nation included in the supplication rotulus of the arts faculty in 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 645); and still teaching in the arts faculty in 1358. On his later bene®ces see CUP II, p. 646n. And on his career in general see E. Faral, ``Jean Buridan'' in Histoire LitteÂraire de la France, 38 (1944; 1949), pp. 462±605. Johannes de Bury. At Paris in 1329±30 as magister and the owner of a house (Comp., p. 236). Possibly the same as Johannes de Bury, dicto Fabri, who was master of arts and chaplain of St-Eloi in the hospital of St-Nicolas at Lille by June 1342, when he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church of St-GeÂry at Cambrai in response to the university rotuli (Reg. Aven. 58, f.535v; Reg. Vat. 149, f.3r; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #163). Johannes de Calvomonte [Carvomonte]. At Paris in 1329±30 and listed as living in the rue des PoireÂes with one socius (Reynerus de Tessenna? [see entry]) (Comp., p. 220: Calvo Monte), and then later, in the company of Reynerus de Tessenna, with payment (Comp., p. 232: Carvomonte). He is possibly one of two or three Paris masters by that name:. Magister Johannes de Calvomonte, canon of Langres by Sept. 1316 (LC Jean XXII, #1152, 4656, 9755, 18993, 22271). 169

Biographical register Magister Johannes de Calvomonte, a regent in the faculty of medicine at Paris in Jan. 1347 (CUP II, p. 603n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 376. Magister Johannes de Calvomonte, alias Hueti, of the dioc. of Bayeux, whose name appears among those from the Norman nation seeking a bene®ce in 1349 (CUP II, 640). Johannes (Hugonis) de Camberello [Cambarello], (Chamberello). A secular clerk from the dioc. of Limoges; at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236). By July 1342 he was MA, was a student in theology, and had completed his two courses of lectures on the Bible when he was appointed canon with expectation of prebend at Sens (Reg. Vat. 153, f.211r). BTh by 1346 (CUP II, #1131, p. 595), and by 1349, when he supplicated for a canonry at Paris, he was DTh and was made canon at Narbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 313; CUP II, #1162, p. 625). In May 1354, as a fellow of the Sorbonne and a canon of Narbonne, he acted as proctor for a property transaction of the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 572). Johannes de Capella. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234). Although this name identi®es several different individuals in the papal registers, the two best possibilities (perhaps identical) are the following:. Johannes de Capella, prebendary canon of St-Quiriace and of St-Nicolas at Provins when, on 8 Nov. 1329, he was made canon with expectation of prebend at Ste-Marie-en-Valle in Provins (LC Jean XXII, #47243). On that same date he received a three-year dispensation (probably a renewal) of non-residency for purposes of study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #47262), which was again renewed in July 1332 (LC Jean XXII, #57828). Johannes de Campellis, or de Capella, royal proteÂge and magister by Jan. 1329, when he was made canon of Sens with expectation of prebend (LC Jean XXII, #43915); expectation of prebend at Sens was renewed in Mar. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2834); the abbot of SteGenevieÁve was copied i.e.m. on both these provisions. Neither of these individuals was the Johannes de Capella, nephew of Bertrand, papal chaplain and prior of St-Saturnin-de-Portu because this person died before Oct. 1327 (LC Jean XXII, #30160; see also #24648, 24853, 27026, 27032, 30678). Johannes Casse. Listed in the 1329±30 computus as magister (Comp., p. 236). Possibly the Johannes Casse who, in Feb. 1333, received an expectation of a canonry at Tournai, notwithstanding his positions as canon with prebend at Bourges and Noyon, archdeacon of Sologne at Bourges, and perpetual chaplain of a church in the dioc. of Tours 170

Biographical register (LC Jean XXII, #59635). The index in CUP, p. 771, which identi®es this person as Johannes Case, regent master in arts in 1289, is certainly incorrect. Johannes de Castro. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Amiens; at Paris in 1329±30 and living in ``novo vico'' on the Ile-de-la-Cite (Comp., p. 240). MA by August 1329, when he received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Laon (LC Jean XXII, #46150); in the following year that provision was cancelled in favor of a similar expectation at Amiens (LC Jean XXII, #50301). Johannes de Castrovillani [Castro Willani]. A secular clerk from ChaÃteauvillain, near Chaumont-sur-Marne. The name appears three times in the computus, twice designating a master, probably of arts, and once designating a student in arts. The ®rst mention is of a person living with ®ve socii in the rue des MacËons (``in vico Latomorum'') (Comp., p. 221: Castro Villani) with a payment of 15 sol. The second occurrence (Castro Willani) is a different person, probably an arts student, with a payment of approx. 1.5 sol. (Comp., p. 234). The third occurrence of the name (``magister Johannes de Castro Villani'') is without indication of payment (Comp., p. 236), perhaps because payment had been made on the ®rst day. The ®rst and last references are probably to the ``magister Johannes de Castrovillani'' who was still designated MA in Feb. 1336 when granted an expectation of a canonry from the priory of St-Martin-des-Champs at Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2879). Possibly he is the same as Jean de ChaÃteauvillain, priest and canon of St-ReÂmy-de-Pleurs in Feb. 1342 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #5424). Johannes de Clamartio. Listed in the computus of 1329±30 as ``Dominus Johannes de Clamarcio, presbyter'' (Comp., p. 242). Possibly he is the Johannes de Clamartio who was licentiate in civil law at OrleÂans by Jan. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #30923). Johannes de Clermont [Clemont]. Living in the rue des Noyers in Paris with seven socii in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 228). Perhaps he is the Johannes de Clermont dictus de Lemovicis who was MA, DMed, and a student in theology at Paris when he went to Avignon in June 1342 as a nuntius for the Sorbonne (CUP II, p. 562n). The latter was dean of the faculty of medicine in 1343 and nuntius for the faculty of medicine in 1345 (CUP II, #1104, p. 561). His name appears in the Sorbonne registre de preÃts de livres around 1349 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, pp. 313±314). He was physician to Marguerite de France, countess of Flanders, who on his behalf requested a canonical prebend at Sens in 1353; he was also physician to Louis II, count of Flanders, who 171

Biographical register recommended him for a canonical prebend at Arras in 1363; he was also prebendary canon of Notre-Dame at Courtrai. He died at some time after 1372. See also Wickersheimer, pp. 383±384. Johannes Almannus de Constancia. At Paris in 1329±30 living with two socii in the rue des MacËons (``in vico Latomorum'') (Comp., p. 221). Probably he was either the student who was licensed in arts in 1333 (AUP I, col.16) and regent in arts in 1337 (AUP I, cols.18±19, 21±22, 24), or the Johannes de Almania who was a bachelor of medicine in Jan. 1332 (CUP II, #940). Probably not the same as the Johannes Alemanus who signed the petition for an extension on the time for the collection in 1313 (CUP II, #703, p. 165). Also to be distinguished from ``magister Johannes Pfefferhart de Constantia in Alemania'' who was papal chaplain by 1321 and made bishop of Chur in 1325 (LC Jean XXII, #14856, 15515, 16369, 20900, 21154, 22534). Johannes de Crasmenillo [Crasmenil]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Rouen; socius of the ColleÁge de Navarre with a bourse in theology by 1315 (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, p. 622); at Paris in 1329±30: ``Johannes de Crasmenil et eius frater'' (Comp., p. 219), living by themselves in the upper part of Grande rue StJacques; no socii and no payment listed. BTh and rector of the parish church of St-Sanson de Lintot in the dioc. of Rouen by Feb. 1332, when provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Rouen (LC Jean XXII, #56368); canon of Rouen and DTh by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #325; #598; #1321, #1331). He was mandated or copied i.e.m. for various papal provisions either in the church at Rouen or for Parisian scholars, such as Johannes Malet, magister in artibus, in May 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3011; see also #4294 [ July 1337], #4364 [Nov. 1337], #5425 [ July 1338]). Died before Feb. 1349 (Reg. Suppl. 18, f.104v). Johannes Custos. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228). Probably he is the Johannes dicto Custodi who was a secular clerk of the dioc. of Cambrai and MA by Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52578) and regent in arts in June 1331, when he witnessed a statute of the Picard nation (CUP II, #913). In Aug. 1337 he received an expectation of bene®ce in the dioc. of LieÁge (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4575). He should probably be distinguished from Johannes de Custodia of the dioc. of Noyon who was included in the Picard rotulus of 1362 (CUP III, p. 86). Johannes Dacus [Dachiis]. The entry in the computus for four socii living ``in domo magistri Johannis Dachiis'' (Comp., p. 236), despite the dotting of the two minims in ``Dachiis,'' is probably a reference to the college founded for scholars from Denmark by master Jean Dacus, canon 172

Biographical register of Ste-GenevieÁve, from his testamentary bequest in October 1275 (CUP I, #464; Wickersheimer, p. 389). The college was in the ``seigneurie de l'abbaye de Sainte-GenevieÁve,'' in the rue de Ste-GenevieÁve. Johannes (Fayni) de Dia. DMed and regent master in the faculty of medicine by 1325 until at least 1332 (CUP II, #852, 889, 919, 921, 924, 933, 937, 941, 943). In June 1325, at the request of Charles IV, he was collated to a canonical prebend in the dioc. of Noyon in addition to the prebends and chaplaincies he held in the dioceses of Paris and DieÁ (LC Jean XXII, #22545; CUP II, pp. 361±362n). He was granted a canonry with expectation of prebend at Evreux in June 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #45554). He was at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 230); still regent in Medicine in 1332 (CUP II, #943) and probably still regent when his expectation at Evreux was renewed in response to the rotulus of the faculty of medicine in June 1342 (Reg. Aven. 59, f.478r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.333r). He was physicus to Blanche de Longchamp in May 1349, when he supplicated for a canonry and prebend at Beauvais (Reg. Suppl. 19, f.305r). He also served as physician to the abbey of St-Victor and the abbey of St-Germaindes-PreÂs, both of which held commemorative masses for the repose of his soul (Wickersheimer, p. 398). Johannes de Divione (Dijon). Three persons of this name appear in the computus of 1329±30 ± one resident in the rue de la Huchette (Comp., p. 224), one in the area of rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras (Comp., p. 225), and one in rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228) ± each without indication of socii or of payment. One of these was probably the Johannes de Divione who was canon at Sens by Apr. 1317, when he was granted a ®ve-year license of non-residency for purposes of university study ± at Paris, in view of the mandates i.e.m. (LC Jean XXII, #3445); his license was renewed in Sept. 1323 (LC Jean XXII, #18300). This same person was MA by 1328 (CUP II, #881), belonged to the Sens province of the French nation (CUP II, #1004), and was still active as regent in arts in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #923, where his place name appears as ``Digon''), Aug. 1336 (CUP II, #1004), Mar. 1338 (CUP II, #1011), and Oct. 1339 (CUP II, #1028). Johannes Douglas [Dugles] (et frater). Listed as dominus and living with his brother in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez together with their master (Comp., pp. 226, 231). The substantial payment (1 agnellus) suggests that these brothers were John de Douglas and William de Douglas, sons of Archibald de Douglas (regent of Scotland when he was killed in July 1333) and nephews of Hugh de Douglas. John apparently remained in (or returned to) France with the court of David II (Apr. 173

Biographical register 1338 to Apr. 1339) and may be the same as master John de Douglas, custodian of the castle of Lochleven in Oct. 1339. The John de Douglas who was the son of Archibald died in France before 29 May 1342, when the Douglas estates passed to his younger brother, William, who later became earl of Douglas. Whether the same or a different John de Douglas, a person of that name became Lothian archdeacon in the dioc. of St Andrews after Apr. 1334 and in 1336 witnessed charters of Hugh de Douglas and William de Douglas. There was also a Hugh de Douglas [Duclas], regent master in the English nation at Paris between 1337 and 1341 (AUP I, cols.18±19, 22±24). See also Watt, pp. 152±153. A book once belonging to a John de Douglas came into the possession of the Sorbonne through William Scotus (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 565). Johannes de Essartis. At the time of the computus, four of the sons of Martin des Essarts (see entry under Assartis) were living together in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez and were studying at the university (Comp., p. 226). Three of these were Guillaume, Vincent, and Renaud. The identity of the fourth is not certain but may have been Johannes de Essartis. Martin is known to have had a son, Jacques ( Jacobus), who pursued a career in royal service; was by 1335 a chevalier, royal valet to Philip VI, and married to AgneÁs, daughter of Etienne Bourdon du Pois; and died before Jan. 1345 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #2750, 5751). Since he was married and well advanced in royal service by 1335, it is unlikely that he would have been studying at the university in 1329. Jean ( Johannes), a nephew of Martin's brother, Pierre des Essarts, and thus possibly a son of Martin, did follow an ecclesiastical career. His ®rst known provision occurred after the death of Martin and was at the request of his uncle, when in Apr. 1336 he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Lisieux (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2949). He should be distinguished from the Johannes de Essartis from the dioc. of Amiens (thus not a son of Martin) who was regent master in the Picard nation of the arts faculty in June 1331 (CUP II, #913). Johannes Ferriti. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the Clos Bruneau and paying a substantial contribution of 6 sol. (Comp., p. 227). Probably to be distinguished from Johannes Ferriti, MA from Picardy, who received a provision in the dioc. of Laon in response to the arts faculty rotulus of 1342 (Reg. Vat. 156, f.351v). Probably also to be distinguished from Johannes Ferrati, a secular clerk from the dioc. of Bayeux and master of arts by Feb. 1335, when granted an expectation of a bene®ce from the Benedictine monastery of St-Evroult in the dioc. of Lisieux (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1321); the latter was bachelor of the 174

Biographical register Bible in a university rotulus submitted in 1342 (CUP II, p. 597n); BTh and priest by Aug. 1346, when his name appears on a rotulus for theological bachelors (CUP II, #1131); and was still BTh in the rotulus of Oct. 1349 (CUP II, #1175). Johannes Halequin [Helechin, Hellekin], (Hellequin). Physician to Philip IV by 1299 and attendant at the birth of his son Charles. Master and DMed, canon of Soissons (1302), canon at Beauvais, and canon and cantor at Avranches by Jan. 1320, when, as physician and familiaris to Charles, count of La Marche and the future Charles IV, he was provided with a canonry at Coutances (LC Jean XXII, #10832). At Paris as master in 1329±30 living in rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve (Comp., pp. 229, 238), paying a substantial contribution; still regent in medicine in Oct. 1330 (CUP II, #919). Died shortly before Mar. 1332, when his bene®ces in the dioc. of Avranches began to be reassigned by reason of death (LC Jean XXII, #56752, 58294). See also Wickersheimer, p. 418; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 161. Johannes Hallinis (Hallines). Secular clerk from Hallines outside StOmer in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne (LC Jean XXII, #45567); designated as master by June 1329, when he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of St-Bavo in Ghent (LC Jean XXII, #45567). At Paris as master in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240) and master of medicine by Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #923, 924, 941); involved in a law suit in June 1331 (CUP II, p. 362). Received a living from the rectorship of the parish church of Notre-Dame de Biervliet in the dioc. of Utrecht, when made canon of the collegiate church of Ste-Walburge at Furnes (Veurne) in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #601). See also Wickersheimer, p. 417. Johannes de Hardivilla. At Paris and MA by 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246) as a socius of the ColleÁge de Navarre. It is not clear in which group he held his bourse (grammar, arts, or theology), although the level of payment would suggest either arts or theology. Johannes Heremitae [Eremite, Heremita]. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., pp. 230, 240). Perhaps he was the Johannes Heremitae, priest of the Metz dioc., who in Feb. 1331 received an expectation of a bene®ce at Metz, notwithstanding his perpetual bene®ce and prebend in the alms house at Metz (LC Jean XXII, #52645). The person listed in the computus was conjectured by Deni¯e to be Johannes Heremite, MA at Paris and student for three years in medicine, who was papal ``instructor scholarium'' at NõÃmes in June 1364 (CUP II, p. 671n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 419. Johannes de Hubanto. From the village of Hubant in the dioc. of 175

Biographical register Nevers. MA and a royal clerk by 1327, when he received an expectation of a bene®ce at Langres through the supplication of Charles IV (LC Jean XXII, #27927). At Paris in 1329±30 and living in rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve (Comp., p. 229). Previously served in the Chambre des EnqueÃtes as reportator in 1321 and 1322. Studied law by 1329 and was a consiliarius of Philip VI (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #2851). He was occasionally mandated to facilitate a papal provision (LC Jean XXII, #62415 and #62416, both in Jan. 1334). Made canon of Rouen in November 1336, by which time he was licentiate in civil and canon law and still serving Philip in the Chambre des EnqueÃtes (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3110). Supported university studies for several canons of Ste-GenevieÁve in 1340. Was president of the Chambre des EnqueÃtes in 1345 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #5878). In 1345 he founded the ColleÁge de Ave Maria for grammarians (Gall. Christ. VII, pp. 752±753; A. L. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris [Notre Dame, 1955], pp. 31±36). He was among the masters who were present at the meeting of Parlement at Paris in May 1345 when Philip VI recon®rmed the privileges of the university (CUP II, #1105), although the latter Jean de Hubant was distinguished from the former in the index in CUP. Died between Dec. 1348 and Mar. 1350. Johannes de Janua. At Paris in 1329±30 and living with two socii probably somewhere in the district between Ste-GenevieÁve and StVictor and with a payment consistent with a master of arts (Comp., p. 230). Considering the presence of socii and the level of payment, this was probably not Johannes de Janua, canon of Genoa and master of medicine by Oct. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43089), but this could be the Johannes de Janua who was MA and a student in medicine in 1329, BMed by Jan. 1331, and sirugicus by 1343 (CUP II, #940, 941, p. 394n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 424; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 163. Johannes de Londres. Described as ``Johannes de Londoniis clericus scolaris Parisius'' when he was ®ned 100 lbs. by the chapter of NotreDame on 2 Sept. 1328 for violating the cloister (Reg. ND, p. 68). Listed in the computus of 1329±30 as Johannes de Londres (Comp., p. 236). Johannes LongeuÈil [Longel]. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 238). Probably the same as master Johannes Parisii de Longolio, canon of Le Mans and DUJ by Feb. 1335, when he was described as also canon of St-Marcel ``prope Parisius'' and ``actu regenti Parisius in facultate decretorum'' (LC BenoõÃt XII, #322). Jean de LongeuÈil was still regent master in canon law in 1335 (CUP II, #988). 176

Biographical register Johannes de Luna. Appointed canon at Cuenca in Spain in July 1317 through the support of Eximini, archbp. of Tarragona (LC Jean XXII, #4527). In June 1326, at the request of James, king of Aragon, he was provided with the expectation of a prebend in the cathedral at Cuenca and an exemption from the canonical age requirement, ``ac defectu aetatis'' (LC Jean XXII, #25603). In July 1327 he was granted a three-year license of non-residence and permission to use the fruits of his bene®ces for study (LC Jean XXII, #29359). By this time he also held additional income from the church at Cuenca, another church in the dioc. of Tarragona, a canonry with expectation of prebend at the cathedral of Lerida, and a perpetual chaplaincy in the cathedral at Toledo (LC Jean XXII, #29865). At Paris in 1329±30 and living with his master near the porte d'Enfer (Comp., pp. 220, 238). On 9 Sept. 1330, he was granted a three-year extention of his license of non-residence to use the fruits of his bene®ces for study at Paris or any other studium generale (LC Jean XXII, #50831). Johannes de Maiori Monasterio (Marmoutier). DTh by Sept. 1320, possibly a Benedictine monk of Marmoutier (``religiosi viri et discreti magistri Johannis de Maiori Monasterio doctoris in theologia'') and holding life tenancy in a large house belonging to the Sorbonne on the western side of rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt extending back to rue de Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 542). He was still occupying the same house with one socius in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 218). Johannes Mandevilani. At Paris in 1329±30, connected with the university, and living in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez in close proximity to some of the wealthiest and most distinguished members of the university community (Comp., p. 226). His residential location supports Deni¯e's conjecture (CUP II, p. 720) that he was probably the Jean de Mandevillain whose career is the ®rst of those traced here, although a younger person of that name would ®t the chronology better. Jean de Mandevillain (senior?) was chaplain and familiar of cardinal Arnaud de Pellagrua, through whose patronage he received in Oct. 1316 a canonical prebend at Clermont (LC Jean XXII, #1667). Mandated i.e.m. as canon at Clermont in several papal provisions at Clermont (LC Jean XXII, #2876, 2897, 6751, 6870, 6933, 53867). In Dec. 1319 he was collated to a canonical prebend at ChaÃlons-surMarne (LC Jean XXII, #10734); present at a meeting of the chapter of Notre-Dame on 20 Aug. 1320 (Reg. ND, p. 62). DCiv and in the service of Philip V by Sept. 1320, when, at the request of the king, he received a three-year dispensation of non177

Biographical register residency and the right to delay ordination to the priesthood (LC Jean XXII, #12345), along with a further expectation at Clermont (LC Jean XXII, #12346). In May 1323, through the patronage of Charles IV, he received the expectation of a dignity at Langres (LC Jean XXII, #17368), and passed his position as canon at Clermont to a relative, Pierre Mandavelani (LC Jean XXII, #17410), receiving the promise of another prebend in its place (LC Jean XXII, #17740). Similarly, in Oct. 1324 he received an expectation in the dioc. of Narbonne (LC Jean XXII, #20831); in July 1327 a canonry with expectation of prebend at Nevers; and in July 1329 a prebend at ChaÃlons-sur-Marne (LC Jean XXII, #45829). Dean of Clermont before June 1333, when he was elected bp. of Nevers (LC Jean XXII, #60574); translated to bp. of Arras in Sept. 1334 (LC Jean XXII, #63945) and then to bp. of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne in Feb. 1339. Died 27 Nov. 1339. Johannes de Mandeville (junior?), alias dictus Ad Barbam and also known as Johannes de Burgundia, born in England (at St Albans?) of noble family c.1300. According to Chomel, Essai historique sur la meÂdecine en France (Paris, 1762), p. 261, this Jean de Mandeville was regent master in medicine at Paris in 1332, and several medical works are attributed to him under the name ``Johannes de Burgundio, sive cum Barba.'' Presumably it was this Johannes de Mandeville who, in 1356 or 1357, compiled the work known as Mandeville's Travels. He died at LieÁge in November 1372. See Wickersheimer, pp. 369±370. Johannes de Martigny [Martingi]. At Paris in 1329±30 with a payment at the level of a student of arts (Comp., p. 242). He is possibly the Johannes de Martigny, MA by June 1331, who witnessed a statute of the Picard nation (CUP II, #913). Johannes Martini. At Paris in 1329±30 in rue du Foin and initially denied the privileges of the university, presumably because of refusal to pay, which he eventually did in the amount of 3 sol. (Comp., pp. 225, 231). Probably one of the following persons: Johannes Martini, bachelor of medicine in 1326, who would probably have been licensed in medicine by 1329±30 and thus would probably have had a higher burse than 6 sol. (CUP II, #852). See Wickersheimer, p. 444. Johannes Martini, a secular clerk from the dioc. of Bayeux, MA by June 1342, who held a bene®ce in the dioc. of Bayeux as well as a canonry in a church in Verdun, and, in response to the rotulus of the arts faculty, was made canon with expectation of prebend at Verdun (Reg. Vat. 150, f.274v); listed in the rotulus of the Norman nation in 1349 among those who were studying in a higher faculty, which 178

Biographical register resulted in the renewal of his expectation at Verdun (CUP II, p. 641). Johannes Martini, also from the dioc. of Bayeux, who was MA and DUJ by Jan. 1345 (CUP II, p. 559n; Reg. Suppl. 7, f.147r). Johannes de Maulinea. At Paris in 1329±30 living in the CloõÃtre-de-StBenoõÃt and listed as magister (Comp., p. 218). Probably from Malines/ Mechelen and perhaps the Johannes de Maclinia, papal chaplain and canon of St-Paul in LieÁge, who died early in 1343 (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #384, 549). To be distinguished from magister Johannes de Maalinis, who represented the faculty of arts against the chancellor in 1284 (CUP II, p. 360n) and was still regent in arts in Aug. 1289 (CUP II, #560) and from Johannes de Malinus, master of arts and canon of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne, who was provided with an expectation of a canonry and prebend at Nevers in April 1350 (Reg. Suppl. 20, f.104r). Johannes de Meleduno (Melun). Canon and dean of the cathedral chapter at Auxerre by Oct. 1318 when he resigned and was reappointed to that of®ce by Philip V (LC Jean XXII, #8618). In the same month, at the request of Philip V, he was granted a license of non-residency to use the fruits of his deanship and canonry for study at a university for three years, probably at Paris, since one of those mandated i.e.m. was the abbot of St-Germain-des-PreÂs (LC Jean XXII, #8617). License of non-residency renewed in Oct. 1320 at the request of the king (LC Jean XXII, #12493, where the name incorrectly appears as Molendino), and again in Jan. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #18742), and in Mar. 1327 (LC Jean XXII, #28134) for additional three-year periods. With the last indult, his permission to delay his ordination to the deaconate and priesthood was also renewed. Given the role of Philip V in his career, he may have been related to the family of the viscounts of Melun and possibly the Jean de Melun, nephew of Adam viscount of Melun, who was canon of Bourges by 1306 (AN Reg. Phil. IV, #551,4). Studying at the university of Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 237: ``dominus decanus Autisiodorensis''). As dean at Auxerre and an ecclesiastic resident at Paris, he was expected to facilitate the implementation of papal provisions for numerous Parisian masters, several of whom are mentioned in the computus of 1329±30: Milo de Jorello (see entry), Garinus (Guerinus) de Pruvino (see entry), Johannes de Rovilla, and Johannes Boneti, Petrus de Calidomonte (see entry under Petrus de Calvomonte), Henricus Clementiae de Sodoya, Hugo de Montibus Vinosis (see entry under Hugo de 179

Biographical register Montibus), and Alanus de prope Pontou, alias Guillelmi de Plestin, magister in artibus (LC Jean XXII, #43069±72, 43077, 43084, 43090, 51469). See also: LC Jean XXII, #30230, 43070, 43095, 43096, 43098, 43445, 43446, 45074, 54320, 56940, 63459, 64174. Johannes de Melloto. Of noble birth from the dioc. of Beauvais; chaplain and familiar of cardinal Reginald de Porta and prebendary canon of a church in the dioc. of Limoges in Sept. 1323 when he received the grant of a priory (LC Jean XXII, #18202). At Paris in 1329±30 with a private master and listed as dominus with a substantial contribution of 20 solidi (Comp., p. 238). In April 1330, while holding an expectation at Amiens, he was collated to a canonical prebend at Reims vacated by Guillelmus de Melloto at Avignon (LC Jean XXII, #49198), and in Nov. 1330 the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve at Paris was mandated to help Johannes de Melloto obtain possession of this prebend (LC Jean XXII, #51485). The canonical prebend at Reims was obtained by Mar. 1333 when, in addition to expectations at Amiens and Avranches, he was granted a canonry with expectation of prebend at Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #59668); at the time he was probably still at Paris, since the abbot of St-Germain-des-PreÂs was mandated i.e.m. on the provision. In June 1333 Johannes received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Auxerre (LC Jean XXII, #60497). He was canon at Toul and archdeacon of Ligny by 1353 (Desportes, Amiens, p. 154); bishop of Chalon-sur-SaoÃne in 1353 and translated to bishop of Clermont in 1357; he died in 1376 (Desportes, Amiens, p. 154). Johannes de Molis. At Paris in May 1313 with his brother, when he signed the petition for an extension on the payment of the collection (CUP II, #703). At Paris in 1329±30 living in the Grande rue StJacques (Comp., p. 220). Possibly he is the Johannes de Molis, canon at Tournai, who was mandated i.e.m. in papal provisions in May 1325 and Apr. 1336 (LC Jean XXII, #22233; LC BenoõÃt XII, #2951). Johannes de Monte Laterico [Leterico]. At Paris in 1329±30 as grammaticus (Comp., p. 245). His position in the list suggests he was probably connected with the ColleÁge de Navarre. Johannes Northwode. Nephew of John Grandisson, bp of Exeter. At Paris with Richard Fitzralph [Ricardus ®lius Rodul®] in 1329±30 in lodgings adjacent to the Sorbonne (Comp., p. 221). Johannes was MA by 1334, probably from Oxford; DTh by May 1345, when he was elected chancellor of the university of Oxford, an of®ce he still held in Oct. 1348. For his bene®ces and subsequent career, see BRUO II, pp. 1371±1372. Johannes de Novavilla; see Johannes de Villanova. 180

Biographical register Johannes de Orlens; see Johannes de Aurelianis. Johannes de Parisius (Paris). Listed as magister in the computus, at a modest payment level (Comp., p. 232; cf. p. 242). The conjecture in the index of CUP that he might be the Johannes de Parisius who was master of medicine in 1301 (CUP II, p. 116n; accepted by Wickersheimer, p. 460) is certainly incorrect, chronologically and ®nancially. Nor is he Johannes Parisii de Longolio (see entry under Johannes LongeuÈil), since the entry for the Johannes de Parisius under discussion occurs with payment earlier in the document. A more likely possibility is Johannes de Parisius, dean of the church of Notre-Dame at Les Andelys in the Rouen dioc., who in June 1326 was granted permission of non-residence to use the fruits of his bene®ce for study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #25733). A less likely possibility is the Johannes de Parisius who was royal chaplain by Dec. 1328, when he received a provision in the dioc. of Troyes in addition to bene®ces in the dioceses of Chartres and Paris (LC Jean XXII, #43464). Johannes Pelliparii. At Paris in 1329±30 and, by reason of his position in the computus, possibly connected with ColleÁge de Navarre (Comp., p. 245). To be distinguished from Johannes Pelliparii, a monk of StRemy in the dioc. of Sens. There were several secular clerks with this family name, most of them from Normandy: Geraldus, who died at Avignon before Feb. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2577); Simon, chaplain of the archbp. of Lyon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #8553); Petrus from the dioc. of Rouen, acolyte of the bishop of Mende and later priest and student in theology at Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3596; CUP III, p. 284); Michael, from the dioc. of Lisieux and MA by 1362 (CUP III, p. 91); and Humbert (LC GreÂg. XI, #5501). Johannes Pipe. Canon of Arras, perpetual chaplain of the ColleÁge des Bons Enfants at Paris, DMed, and regent master in medicine by Apr. 1326 (CUP II, #852), and regent at least until Apr. 1332 (CUP II, #919, 921±925, 927±928, 930±933, 937±938, 941, 942). Dean of the faculty of medicine 1327±28 (CUP II, #881, p. 316n; #889n; LC Jean XXII, #43065); proctor of the faculty of medicine in 1330±31 (CUP II, #927±928); physician to Thierry d'HeÂrisson, bishop of Arras, in 1329 (Wickersheimer, p. 464). At Paris in 1329±30 living in the rue de la Buscherie (Comp., p. 224). His expectation of a prebend in the cathedral at Arras, initially provided by John XXII in 1326, was renewed in Feb. 1335 in response to the university rotuli (LC BenoõÃt XII, #593). Johannes Poule [de Poel]. Listed at Paris as magister in 1329±30 with a payment of 3 sol. (Comp., p. 242). Listed as master of arts in Feb. 1331 and canon with expectation of prebend in the church of St181

Biographical register GeÂry at Cambrai, when he received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne in response to a university rotulus (LC Jean XXII, #52585). Johannes de Pruscia. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). Conjectured by Deni¯e to be the same Johannes de Pruscia who determined and was licensed in 1344 (CUP II, p. 671n; AUP I, cols.70±71), but given the difference in dates and the socii living with the person listed in the computus, this seems unlikely. A more likely possibility would be magister Johannes de Prusiaco, royal clerk and canon of Evreux, who received provision of a canonry with expectation of prebend at Troyes in Aug. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #54477). Johannes Rolondus. At Paris in 1329±30, living with two socii adjacent to Hugo de Duno in the rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228). Possibly he is Johannes Rolandi de Duno Regis, a secular clerk from the dioc. of Bourges, who was MA by June 1342 when he was granted an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the dean and chapter at Bourges in response to the rotulus of the arts faculty (Reg. Vat. 154, f.317r). Johannes de Sabaudia [Sabaldia]. Magister and frequent witness in meetings of the cathedral chapter at Paris (Reg. ND, pp. 80, 109, 123, 129, 135, 144). Listed in the computus of 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 240); canon of St-BenoõÃt in Paris by Feb. 1330 (Reg. ND, p. 135). Johannes de Sancto Albano. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242). Possibly he is the clerk of the same name, who was MA and consiliarius to the count of Forez in Aug. 1348 (Reg. Suppl. 17, f.146v). Johannes de Sancto Justo. Magister, royal clerk, and canon of Beauvais and Noyon with an expectation at Arras by Apr. 1326 when, at the supplication of Charles IV, he was provided with a prebend in the cathedral at Amiens in exchange for a prebend at Soissons (LC Jean XXII, #25018). Expected to facilitate the implementation of other papal provisions between 1326 and 1334, many of them for university clerks (LC Jean XXII, #26721, 43308, 43405 [regarding Vincent des Essarts], 43439 [regarding Guillaume des Essarts], 45912, 45913, 54025, 56234 [regarding Droco de Caritate], 63098). He contributed to the univ. collection of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232), was maõÃtre de la Chambre des Comptes by Nov. 1331 (AN Phil. VI, #1191) and conseiller du roi by Dec. 1340 (AN Phil. VI, #4040, 4749). As canon of Beauvais he was mandated i.e.m. on provisions (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2611, 4249). He was cantor at Amiens, 1358±60 (Desportes, Amiens, pp. 45, 162). Johannes de Scala. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232). Perhaps he was the clerk of that name who was a royal chaplain by Jan. 1327 when 182

Biographical register he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce at Evreux (LC Jean XXII, #27628). His payment level (1 sol.), however, would suggest a student in arts. Johannes Scoti. Listed as magister in computus of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242). Possibly Johannes Scoti, MA and BMed by Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #925); or Johannes de Waltirstona, MA and proctor of English nation at Paris in Feb.±Apr. 1333 (AUP I, 13±18; Watt, p. 563); or Johannes de Wedale, also regent in the English nation in the arts faculty at Paris in 1333 (AUP I, 15±17; Watt, p. 578). See also Wickersheimer, p. 483. Johannes de Smalham [Smalam]. At Paris in 1329±30 in rue St-SeÂverin, without indication of socii or payment (Comp., p. 225). Possibly Scottish (Watt, p. 498) inasmuch as Emden lists a Robert of Smalham from Scotland who studied at Oxford c.1365 (BRUO III, p. 1713), but this could as well be an English name. Johannes de Trillek [Trillec]. Born c. 1308 (LC Jean XXII, #48838); nephew of bishop Adam of Orleton and younger(?) brother of Thomas de Trillek. Johannes studied at Oxford in 1324 and at Paris in 1329±30 with four socii in rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228). Granted permission in Mar. 1330 to hold a bene®ce with cure, although he was only twenty-two years old (LC Jean XXII, #48838, 48843). Probably completed the arts degree in the early 1330s, was MA by 1334 when he received permission for four years of further study (probably theology or canon law, and probably at Oxford), and received permission in 1341 for ®ve years of further study. His studies were interrupted by his appointment in 1344 as bishop of Hereford by papal provision. For his subsequent career, see BRUO III, p. 1906. Johannes Turbaudi. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). He was a witness on a university decree in Feb. 1340, although his academic rank and faculty were not speci®ed (CUP II, #1032). Johannes de Valle. At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue St-Hilaire and listed later with two socii (Comp., pp. 229, 236). Probably the Johannes de Valle who was bachelor of canon law by Feb. 1331, when, in response to a Parisian rotulus, he was collated to the position of prior of the chapel of St-Jacques in the dioc. of Cahors (LC Jean XXII, #52563); he received a further expectation in Oct. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #55458). Possibly he is the same as Johannes de Valle, alias Fabrica, who was papal judex generalis at Puy when, in July 1338, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5653). Johannes de Varnierua [Vanierua] (Warnierrua, Warmerrua, WareuerueÈ). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Amiens, and at Paris in 183

Biographical register 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232). Fellow of the Sorbonne by 1331 (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 217; II, p. 554). DTh and regent in theology by Apr. 1341 (CUP, #1051). Canon of Cambrai in June 1342 (CUP II, p. 518n); and still regent in Jan. 1347 when he was papally recommended to the cathedral of St-Omer for the position of scholasticus (CUP II, 518±519n; Reg. Suppl. 13, f.28r). Canon of Beauvais in Jan. 1349 and seeking additional bene®ces into May 1349, including scholasticus of TheÂrouanne (CUP II, p. 519n; Reg. Suppl. 19, f.179v, f.196v). In June 1350 he exchanged his position as dean of St-Pierre at Cassel in the dioc. of TheÂrouanne for a chaplaincy in the dioc. of Tournai (Reg. Suppl. 22, f.46v). And in 1352 he repetitioned for the deanship of St-Pierre at Cassel (Reg. Suppl. 24, f.47v). Johannes de Veneta. At Paris in 1329±30 paying a contribution equivalent to a master of arts (Comp., p. 232). Possibly the same as magister Johannes de Veneta, alias de Gellis, who was a secular clerk from the dioc. of Beauvais and member of the Picard nation in the faculty of arts in 1342 when he was made a canon at Toul with expectation of prebend in response to the arts faculty rotulus (Reg. Aven. 59, f.537r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.377r); the expectation was renewed in 1349, when his name was placed ®rst on the list of undersupported masters in the nation, suggesting seniority by reason of of®ce or longevity (CUP II, #1165, p. 644). MA by Feb. 1340 when he witnessed a university statute (CUP II, #1032); university nuncio to the papal curia in Avignon at some time between 1335 and 1342 (CUP II, p. 644); and made canon of Toul in June 1342 by Clement VI (Reg. Vat. 149; CUP II, p. 497n). He was twice rector of the university before 1349 (CUP II, p. 644), including Jan.±Mar. 1342 (CUP II, p. 522n; #1057). He was included in the university rotulus of supplications in 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 644). Johannes de Villanova [Nova Villa]. From Brittany (CUP II, #925, #941). As Johannes de Novavilla he was listed at Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de l'HoÃpital with eighteen socii, of which eight were students in the arts faculty (Comp., p. 226); he is probably the Johannes de Villa Nova listed toward the end of the computus with six socii and payment (Comp., p. 246). BMed by Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #925: Villanova), and still BMed in Jan. 1332 (CUP II, #940: Villanova) and Mar. 1332 (CUP II, #941: Novavilla Brito). DMed and dean of the faculty of medicine after Apr. 1335 (CUP II, #996: Villanova). See also Wickersheimer, pp. 457, 500, who assumed Villanova and Novavilla were two different persons. Johannes de Vimartio (Vemarcio, VeÂmars; alias dictus Sedile). A secular clerk from the dioc. of Paris; at Paris in 1329±30 among the bursarii in 184

Biographical register arts at the ColleÁge de Navarre, but not listed by name (Comp., p. 230). Although the name appears twice in the list of bursarii for Navarre in 1315, once for arts and once for theology, the second reference might be a scribal error, since the only known scholar of this name was the one who was active in the French nation in the 1330s and only in 1340 was described as holding a bourse in theology (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 202±203, 709). MA and canon of the church of Ste-Opportune at Paris with expectation of a prebend by 1328, and in Oct. of that year was granted an expectation from the abbot and monastery of St-Denis at Paris in response to a university rotulus (LC Jean XXII, #43091). He received a further expectation of a bene®ce from a monastery in the dioc. of Laon in July 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #50143). Rector of the university for two consecutive terms in 1338 (AUP I, cols.19, 24±25). His possession of a bourse at the ColleÁge de Navarre was successfully challenged in 1340 on the grounds that his income exceeded the limits set by the charter of foundation (Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 202±203). Johannes de Virduno [Verduno]. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242). He is possibly the Johannes dictus de Virduno who, in Nov. 1330, as a ``scholaris Virdunensis,'' received a dispensation for illegitimacy, ``cum sit genitus e monacho diacono et vidua'' (LC Jean XXII, #51671). Lanfrancus. At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 238). Possibly the same as Lanfrancus Henrici de Moro de Castronovo from the dioc. of Tortona in northern Italy, rector of the parish church of StJean-de-Crieulon in the dioc. of NõÃmes, MA and DMed by Apr. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #122; CUP II, p. 671n), and physician to Cardinal Bishop Bertrand du Pouget by Jan. 1335 when granted a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Tortona (LC BenoõÃt XII, #499). He was chaplain of St-Nicolas at Montpellier and an advanced student in theology by Aug. 1342, when he was recommended by Gerald, master general of Dominicans, to be made provost of the cathedral of Genoa (CUP II, p. 671n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 518. Lanfredus de Turri, decanus sancti Marcelli. Subexecutor for Petrus de Casalis, canon of Notre-Dame, and representing his interests in matters of canonical prebends (Reg. ND, p. 70, 80, 89, 102); listed by of®ce rather than personal name. Listed by of®ce and name when he contributed 20 sol. to the university collection in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 245). Langres, cantor; see Amanevus de Ramaforti. 185

Biographical register Laurentius de Monte Forti de Navarra. Socius of the ColleÁge de Navarre and MA by 1315 (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, p. 183), with a bourse in theology. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 245) and still connected with Navarre. Despite the index of CUP, he is not the Laurentius de Monte Forti who was regent master in canon law at Paris in 1290 because the career of the latter was too advanced to correspond to the socius of Navarre (CUP II, #572). Laurentius de Suecia. At Paris in 1329±30 in association with Guido de Suecia and paying a half-burse equivalent to a master of arts, although not designated as magister (Comp., p. 238). Laurentius might be one of four persons of that name who petitioned for an extension of the time for payment of the collection in 1313 (CUP II, #703, p. 164): Laurentius Alani de Suessia; dominus Laurentius [Pauli?] de Upsalia; Laurentius de Suessia; or Laurentius Sturberin de Suessia. Laurentius Pauli was canon of Uppsala and regent master of arts in the English nation in 1331±33 (CUP II, #955). Although so identi®ed by Deni¯e (CUP II, p. 671n), this is probably not the Laurentius Arosiensis de Suecia who determined in 1344 and was licensed in 1345 (AUP I, cols.69, 82±83, 111, 119). The Laurentius in the computus of 1329±30 is to be distinguished from ``magister Laurentius de Dacia'' mentioned on the obverse of a university letter of Jan. 1327 (CUP II, p. 296n) and from Laurentius Petri de Dacia who determined in 1340 (AUP I, cols.44, 46, 49ff.). Lingonensis (Langres), cantor; see Amanevus de Ramaforti. Ludovicus de Meleduno [Meloduno] (Melun). Born c.1297 (LC Jean XXII, #1100, 2818), son of Adam, viscount of Melun, and brother of Jean, viscount of Melun, Guillaume, archbp. of Sens, and Philippe, canon at Reims and later archbp. of Sens. He was thus the uncle of Jean de Melun, lord of Fontaneolis, and of Robert of Melun, knight (LC Jean XXII, #61189±92). Canon of Sens in Sept. 1316 (LC Jean XXII, #141) and later in that month received a dispensation for defect in age and orders (LC Jean XXII, #1100), a dispensation for holding a plurality of bene®ces and dignities (LC Jean XXII, #1105), and an indult of non-residence for seven years for study, probably at Paris given the mandate i.e.m. to the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve (LC Jean XXII, #1126). Collated to a canonical prebend at ChaÃlons-sur-Marne in Feb. 1317 after his brother Guillaume resigned that prebend on becoming archbishop of Sens (LC Jean XXII, #2820); on the same date Ludovicus resigned a canonical prebend at Meaux (LC Jean XXII, #2817) and received a dispensation to hold simultaneously his canonical prebends at Sens, 186

Biographical register Chartres, and ChaÃlons-sur-Marne despite being only twenty years of age (LC Jean XXII, #2818). In August 1323, at the request of Charles IV, he received a second seven-year indult for university study, again at Paris given the mandates i.e.m. to the abbots of St-Germain-des-PreÂs and SteGenevieÁve (LC Jean XXII, #17937: ``usque ad alium septennium, a ®ne alterius septennii ipsi jam concessi numerandum, fructus omnium bene®ciorum . . . causa studii''). He was studying at the university of Paris in 1329±30 and living at the upper end of rue de la Harpe near the ColleÁge de Narbonne (Comp., p. 222). By May 1329 he was involved in litigation with other nominees, including Gaufridus de Plessis, for possession of the of®ce of cantor at Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #45241); still involved in litigation over that of®ce in 1331 and 1332 (LC Jean XXII, #53754, 53780, 57043); that dispute was adjudicated by Philip VI in Oct. 1334 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #2022). Ludovicus received an indult in articulo mortis along with other family members in Sept. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, #61190), although only thirty-six or thirty-seven years old. He was also granted an extension of his license of non-residency in Sept. 1333 to use the fruits of his bene®ces for university study, again probably at Paris given the mandate i.e.m. to the abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve (LC Jean XXII, #61544). Mahi Chacard. At Paris in 1329±30 and living in a house on the west side of the rue de Sorbonne, directly opposite the Sorbonne, that belonged to the college (Comp., p. 221). As magister Matheus Chocardi he is described in Feb. 1341 as holding this house for life (``ad vitam suam'') (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 561). Manfredus Lombardus (de Coppis de Medeolano) (Milan). At Paris living in rue de la Huchette in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 224). MA, DMed, and a practicing physician by Oct. 1322 (CUP II, #813, p. 260±61; p. 361n), regent master in medicine in Apr. 1326 (CUP II, #852, p. 291n, p. 719), Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #924, #925), Nov. 1331 (CUP II, #937), Apr. 1332 (CUP II, #943), and still regent in Aug. 1348 (CUP II, #1156: ``tunc etiam antiquior regens in medicina et Parisius presens''). As part of the response to a university rotulus, he received papal provision of a canonry with expectation of prebend at Milan in Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52568); made canon of Pisa with expectation of prebend in 1342 in response to a university rotulus (Reg. Vat. 156, f.392v; CUP II, p. 361n). Included in rotulus of supplication for the faculty of medicine in 1349, when he asked and received a 187

Biographical register plenary indulgence ``in articulo mortis'' (CUP II, #1164). Possibly identical with the Manfredus de Medeolano who, as clerk of cardinal Matthew Orsini, was granted the rectorship of a parish church in the dioc. of Como (LC BenoõÃt XII, #458). See also Wickersheimer, pp. 534±535; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 203. Maninus (Maynus de Mayneriis) de Medeolano (Milan). Secular clerk from Milan; possibly regent in medicine by 1326 (CUP II, #852, p. 291n, p. 719); regent in medicine and married by Apr. 1331 (CUP, #909, 924, and 925). At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 224). At Milan in 1346, where he was physician to the Visconti, whom he continued to serve until at least 1364. Maninus wrote numerous treatises on medicine. Died at Mozzate in or before 1368. See also Wickersheimer, pp. 533±534; Jacquart, SuppleÂment, pp. 202±203. Marpaudus; see Guillelmus Marpaudi. Martinus Curialis (Martin le Courtois). Secular clerk, probably from Normandy. At Paris in 1329±30 in the company of Denis Saffray (Dionysius Safre), together paying 10 sol. and probably already regent masters in the faculty of medicine (Comp., p. 246); thus Martinus was MA before 1329. He received an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the abbey of FeÂcamp in 1330, which when successful would require him to give up the rectorship of a parish church in the dioc. of Lisieux (LC Jean XXII, #49965). Still regent in medicine in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #924, 925). See also Wickersheimer, p. 541. Martinus de Essartis; see Assartis, ®lii de Martini de. Martinus Nepotis [Martin le Neveu]. Canon of Lisieux, at Paris in May 1313 (CUP II, p. 166, #703); still at Paris in 1329±30 living in rue Hirondelle (Comp., p. 223), probably by then MA and student in a higher faculty. Possibly a royal clerk when, on 17 Aug. 1331, at the supplication of Philip VI, he was given a canonry with expectation of prebend or other dignity at St-Martin at Tours, notwithstanding his canonry and prebend at Lisieux, but required to give up his archdeaconry in the same church (LC Jean XXII, #54605). Still archdeacon at Lisieux in Aug. 1334 when he received a gift from Philip VI to found a chaplaincy (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #2715). See also LC Jean XXII, #2243, 3248, 11682, 21933. Matheus Chocardi; see Mahi Chacard. Matheus de Frennay. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 233). Possibly the Mathieu de Fresnes [de Frene] who was barber surgeon of Philip VI in 1349±50 and valet de chambre of the Dauphin in 1356 (Wickersheimer, p. 546). 188

Biographical register Matheus ad Latus. A secular clerk from northern France. At Paris in 1329±30, living by himself near rue Pierre Sarrazin and paying a substantial contribution (Comp., p. 222). Prebendary canon at TheÂrouanne and associated with Pierre Roger before the latter's election as pope (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #18). As a papal of®cial he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Amiens in May 1342 (Reg. Aven. 58, f.61r; Reg. Vat. 148, f.142r; Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #18; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #52), notwithstanding his canonry at TheÂrouanne and income from churches in the dioceses of Amiens and Paris. Procurator for Clement VI in the Parlement at Paris by Jan. 1347 (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #1121, 1150), when he petitioned for the rectorship of the parish church of Brie-Comte-Robert. Appointed cantor at TheÂrouanne by Clement VI in Sept. 1347 (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #1251). Because many of these expectations were never realized, he petitioned for speci®c vacancies that occurred at the time of the Black Death. He received his canonical prebend and the of®ce of scolasticus at Amiens in Sept. 1349; became prebendary canon at St-Omer in Jan. 1350 (Suppl. CleÂm VI, Belge, #1788, 1878; Desportes, Amiens, pp. 46, 168). Matheus Lesbise [Lesbyse]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Evreux. Began his studies at Paris in the arts faculty in 1324 (CUP II, p. 538n) and was in his sixth year at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232). MA, student in the faculty of theology, priest, and chaplain of the ColleÁge du Plessis (domus scolarium beati Martini in Monte) at Paris by June 1342, when he was included in the university's rotuli of supplication and received an expectation of a bene®ce from the abbot and monastery of St-Denis (Reg. Aven. 65, f.142r; Reg. Vat. 154, f.406v; CUP II, p. 538n); in that petition he indicated that he was just then completing eighteen years of study at Paris (``qui in eiusdem theologie et artium facultatibus in studio Parisien. a decem et octo annis fere multos labores et sumptus non modicos''); petition repeated in June 1343 (CUP II, pp. 529n, 538n). Matheus de Tribus Sororibus. Secular clerk at Paris in 1329±30, probably from the region of Amiens and Beauvais, inasmuch as he is included in the computus with a group from the ColleÁge des Chollets (Comp., p. 231). The place name, however, also identi®es a Benedictine priory, Tresseyroux (Tres Sorores), in the Dordogne, near Bergerac. Maurisius Scotus. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242). Possibly the same as Maurice de Dunblane from Dunkeld dioc., who was MA and priest by 1349 and holding a living from the church of Nevay Angus 189

Biographical register in the dioc. of St Andrews when, in July 1349, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in Dunkeld (CPP I, p. 152; CPL III, p. 344; Watt, p. 161). Michael de Vera. Clerk from the dioc. of Bayeux and connected with the royal court by 1326. In Apr. 1326, at the request of Charles IV, he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of Bec (LC Jean XXII, #24776). In Feb. 1327, again at the supplication of the king, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Soissons in place of the expectation from Bec (LC Jean XXII, #27853). At Paris in 1329±30 as a ``non bursalis'' socius of the Sorbonne (Comp., p. 245; Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 319). Milo de Jorello [ Jorelio]. Clerk from the dioc. of Troyes and MA by Oct. 1328, when, in response to a university rotulus, he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Troyes (LC Jean XXII, #43069). At Paris in 1329±30, living with ®ve socii in the area of rue de Garlande and rue d'Arras (Comp., p. 224), when he was regent master in arts in the French nation (CUP II, #899). One of his students, Jean le Fourbeur, was charged with rape in 1329, which led to the legal dispute that necessitated the collection (CUP II, #899). Narbonensis, cantor; see Berengarius Fredoli. Nicasius de Sancto Hilario [Ylario]. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 236). MA by June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of arts, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Soissons (Reg. Vat. 156, f.195r). Nicholaus de Ambazia. From Ambroise in the dioc. of Tours. Doctor of civil law by Feb. 1328, when he was made canon of the church of St-Aignan at OrleÂans (LC Jean XXII, #40349). At Paris in 1329±30 living in rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 222). In Aug. 1333 he was provided with a canonry in the church of St-Martin-de-Candes in the dioc. of Tours (LC Jean XXII, #61022). Nicholaus de Breyo. Listed as dominus in the computus of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240). Possibly the Nicholaus de Brayo who appeared before the chapter of Notre-Dame on 16 Mar. 1330 (Reg. ND, p. 138). Nicholaus de Busseroliis [Busserolys, Bussoroliis, Buxeroliis]. At Paris in 1329±30 with a payment of 4 sol. (Comp., pp. 231, 236). Licentiate in civil law by 1342, when he was made canon of Evreux with expectation of prebend (Reg. Aven. 58, f.448r; Reg. Vat. 148, f.481v). Nicholaus de Caritate. MA and possibly a student in canon law at Paris in 1329±30, sharing lodgings with his brother, Petrus de Caritate, in Clos Bruneau (Comp., pp. 227, 242). Nicholaus de Carnoto. Secular clerk from Chartres. At Paris in 1329±30 190

Biographical register living with twelve socii in the area of rue de Garland and rue d'Arras close to the rue du Fouarre (Comp., p. 224). MA by June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of arts, he received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Chartres (Reg. Vat. 154, f.317v). Nicholaus de Dacia. At Paris in 1329±30 living with four socii in rue des Anglais (Comp., p. 227). Unless he was a student socially or ®nancially prominent enough to be head of a living group at the beginning of his studies in arts, he is probably not Nicholaus Drukken de Dacia, who was licensed in 1340, incepted in 1341, and was active as regent in the English nation until 1345 and frequently elected proctor between 1343 and 1345 (AUP I, cols.38, 44, 45±46, 53, 58, 60±61, 63±64, 66±71, 78±82). In June 1342 Nicholaus Drukken de Dacia, MA, was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Aachen (Reg. Aven. 59, f.248r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.183r). Nicholaus de Damvilla [Danvilla], alias de Ulmis. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Evreux (Reg. Suppl. 19, f.155v; CUP II, p. 626n). MA by 1329±30 when at Paris (Comp., p. 238). DTh in 1341 (CUP II, p. 626n; CUP III, p. 127); regent in theology in 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of supplications to the newly elected Clement VI, he was made a canon of Lisieux with expectation of prebend (Reg. Vat. 152, f.337v). Visited the pope in Avignon during Clement's ®rst year (CUP II, p. 626n). In Feb. 1349, then in his eighth year as regent in theology at Paris, Nicholaus supplicated Clement for a canonical prebend at Lisieux (Reg. Suppl. 19, f.155v; CUP II, p. 626n); he was included in the rotulus of supplication for the faculty of theology in May 1349 when his expectation in Lisieux was renewed (CUP II, #1162); he subsequently petitioned for the parish church of Tilly (Tylia) in the dioc. of Rouen (Reg. Suppl. 20, f.49v). Made prebendary canon of St-GeÂry at Cambrai in 1350 (Reg. Suppl. 22, f.117v[114v]) and canon of Avranches in 1350 (Reg. Suppl. 22, f.179v[172v], 183r[176r]). While regent in theology at Paris in Nov. 1362 (CUP III, #1262), he was made canon with expectation of prebend at Paris, became penitentiarius at Paris in 1364 (CUP II, p. 626n), and was collated to a canonical prebend in Feb. 1365 (LC Urbain V, #14969). Still regent in June 1365 (CUP III, p. 127). He died on Oct. 25, probably in 1366 (Recueil des Historiens de la France. Obituaires de la Province de Sens, I [Paris, 1902], p. 222). Nicholaus de Freauvilla [Fravilla]. Prebendary canon of St-Marcel at Paris by 1327, and probably a royal clerk (LC Jean XXII, #28530). Possibly belonged to the same family as the Dominican cardinal Nicolas Caignet de FreÂauville (Parisian DTh, former confessor of 191

Biographical register Philippe le Bel, and who died in Jan. or Feb. 1323) and his nephew of the same name, who was MA by Sept. 1316, prebendary canon at Rouen, Amiens, and OrleÂans, papal chaplain, and a student of canon law at Paris when he died late in 1323 (LC Jean XXII, #420, 3998, 8857, 11945, 18741). In Apr. 1327, with the support of King Charles, the Nicholaus with whom we are concerned was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend in the church of St-Aignan at OrleÂans previously held by the nephew of the cardinal (LC Jean XXII, #28530). Nicholaus was connected with the university of Paris in 1329±30, where he is speci®cally mentioned as canon of St-Marcel (Comp., p. 238). Nicholaus de Hamel (Hamello). A secular clerk from Normandy. At Paris in 1329±30, living near the porte d'Enfer (Comp., p. 220). DDecr by Feb. 1340 (CUP, #1032) and regent in Nov. 1341 (CUP II, p. 514n, p. 522n). Described as DDecr, licentiate in civil law, and holding the rectorship of a parish church in the dioc. of Coutances in July 1342 when he was made canon of St-Martin at Tours with expectation of prebend and dignity (Reg. Aven. 66, f.21v; Reg. Vat. 152, f.259r; CUP II, p. 497n). Included in the rotulus of supplications for the faculty of canon law in 1349 and there described as ``antiquiori doctori regenti in decretis et licentiato in jure civili,'' receiving an expectation in the dioc. of Bayeux (CUP II, #1163). Perhaps identical with Nicholaus de Amello, clerk of Coutances dioc., who in Dec. 1323 received an expectation of a bene®ce in the dioc. of Bayeux (LC Jean XXII, #18621). Nicholaus ad Latus. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Noyon and doctor of canon law when, in Oct. 1328, he was made canon of Noyon with expectation of a prebend in addition to his living from the parish church of St-Nicolas de Bray-sur-Somme in the dioc. of Amiens and a perpetual chaplaincy in the same (LC Jean XXII, #43093). At Paris in 1329±30, living near the Place Maubert (Comp., p. 228). Nicholaus de . . . de Navarre. Of the several persons by the name of Nicolas known to be af®liated with the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1329, none precisely ®ts the script of the name recorded in the computus (Comp., p. 245). The best possibility is Nicolas de Sancto Justo, MA, prebendary canon at the church of St-Vedast in the dioc. of Beauvais, rector of Ste-Adelburge at Oudenaarde in the dioc. of Tournai, and under an expectation of a prebend in the church of St-Laurent in the dioc. of Beauvais by Oct. 1307, when he was made preÂvoÃt of the church of St-GeÂry at Cambrai (Reg. Clem. V, #2241). Vicegerent of the prior of Ste-GenevieÁve when the latter was absent, and in that 192

Biographical register capacity in Feb. 1312 he handled the case against Claricia de Rouen for practicing medicine (CUP II, #693). DTh by May 1317, when provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Cambrai, notwithstanding his canonical prebends at St-Laurent in the dioc. of Beauvais, Ste-Croix and St-GeÂry in the dioc. of Cambrai, and StQuentin-en-Vermandois in the dioc. of Noyon (LC Jean XXII, #3878). In July 1318 made canon with expectation of prebend at Lisieux (LC Jean XXII, #7834). Collated as dean of chapter at StQuentin in Feb. 1319 (LC Jean XXII, #8910). Served on the commission to judge Peter of John Olivi's commentary on the Apocalypse between Feb. 1319 and Sept. 1320 (CUP II, #790). Nicholaus may have replaced Alain Gontier as Grand Master at the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1317, when the latter became bp. of St-Malo; Nicholaus held the position of Grand Master by 1321 (Gorochov, Navarre, p. 697). In June 1327, he was granted an indult of nonresidency to use the fruits of his bene®ces for university residence (LC Jean XXII, #28930). Still connected with the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1329, probably as Grand Master (Comp., p. 245). To be distinguished from Nicholaus de Sancto Justo, clerk of Sancho, king of Majorca, who was canon of Elne by Apr. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #19286), made prebendary canon at Bagis in the dioc. of Elne in Aug. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #20027), and who was frequently mandated i.e.m. on provisions connected with Elne (LC Jean XXII, #19286, #19578, #20829, #20830, #20832, #20939, #21553, #22042), although he was also given an indult of non-residence to use the income from his bene®ce at Elne for study for three years (LC Jean XXII, #20880). Nicholaus de Rodiaco (Radiaco). Listed in the 1329±30 computus as living in rue St-Hilaire with two socii, near to Raulfus Brito, and without indication of payment (Comp., p. 228). Perhaps the same as the magister Nicholaus de Rogiaco who, along with Petrus de Compenso, later paid 5 solidi (Comp., p. 231). In the rotulus of the arts faculty in June 1342, he is listed as magister Nicholaus de Radiaco, clerk of the dioc. of St-Pol-de-LeÂon in Brittany (Tours province of the French nation), when he received an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the bishop of TreÂguier (Reg. Vat. 154, f.337v); he was included in the rotulus of the French nation in 1349 and 1362 as the senior arts master in the Tours province (CUP II, p. 634; CUP III, p. 84). Nicholaus (dictus Daniel) de Vienna. Nicholaus de Vienne was regent master in arts in the French nation by May 1313, when he was rector of the university (CUP II, #703, p. 162). By June 1324 he was a royal 193

Biographical register clerk and received from the Sorbonne, along with Master Jean de Jandun, life occupancy of a house in the rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, pp. 544±547). He still occupied this house in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 218); Jandun had left Paris with Marsilius of Padua in 1326. Odardus. This name appears twice in the computus of 1329±30 and might or might not identify the same person, since only the second occurrence (Comp., p. 242), which is to Odardus de Massonis, has indication of payment. Because Odardus de Massonis appears in the computus without title, and the scribe of this portion of the document usually indicates such, the earlier listing of ``dominus Odardus'' (Comp., p. 237) might be a different person. It should be noted that a ``curatus de Massonis'' appeared before the chapter of Notre-Dame in Paris on 16 Dec. 1328 (Reg. ND, p. 82). If these two entries in the computus are for different persons, one possibility for the ``dominus Odardus'' would be Odardus de Chambliaco who by Nov. 1326 held various bene®ces in the dioceses of OrleÂans, Soissons, and at St-Martin in Tours when he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at OrleÂans (LC Jean XXII, #27066). Chambliaco was magister by Jan. 1329, when he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Tours, notwithstanding his canonry and prebend in the church of St-Aignan at OrleÂans and at St-Martin at Tours, his canonry and expectation at OrleÂans, and his deanship at St-Aignan (LC Jean XXII, #43865); the expectation at Tours, which had not yet been obtained, was broadened in Mar. 1333 (LC Jean XXII, #59698). Oliverius Salhadini [Salhadi]. Secular clerk from Brittany; son of Hugo Salhadini and older brother of Guidomarus. Oliverius received a papal provision as canon with expectation of prebend at St-Pol-deLeÂon in Brittany in Nov. 1316, probably in response to a university rotulus; the provision was copied i.e.m. to the abbot of the monastery of Doulais in the dioc. of Quimper, to master Alanus Gonterii, canon of Nantes (and future bishop of St-Malo, 1317±33, and Quimper, 1333±35), and to Nicholaus de Ceccano, canon of Arras and brother of Annibaldus de Ceccano (LC Jean XXII, #1863). MA by 1318 and rector of the university in Oct.±Dec. 1318 (CUP II, #774; #776; p. 718; Glorieux, Sorbonne II, pp. 538±539); DTh by 1328 (CUP II, p. 226n). Mentioned as resident in rue St-Etiennedes-Grez in 1329±30 and living with his brother (Comp., p. 226); still regent in theology in May 1330 (according to the document summary and index to the lost ®rst volume of the Paris Augustinian cartulary contained at the beginning of vol. II, Livre des Grands194

Biographical register Augustins, ff.5v, 55v±57r) and in 1335 (CUP II, #988). He probably helped with the preparation and submission of the university rotuli in 1328 inasmuch as his name appears frequently among those copied i.e.m. on provisions to Paris scholars in Oct. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43068±73, 43075±78, 43081±85, 43091, 43094±95, 43124). Oliverius was also copied i.e.m. on other provisions connected with Paris masters or with canonries in Brittany (LC Jean XXII, #23520, 43445, 49789, 51468, 51573, 52569, and 54927). He was among the theologians summoned by Philip VI to Vincennes in Dec. 1333 to de®ne the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision (CUP II, p. 227n; #981); and he represented the university before the Parlement in Paris resolving the dispute between the university and St-Germain-desPreÂs (CUP II, #988). Canon at Bayeux in Mar. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #348); appointed canon and dean at Notre-Dame in Paris in May 1335 after Guido Baudeti became archdeacon at Reims (LC BenoõÃt XII, #154). The canonical prebend at Paris was in place of his canonry and expectation at Bayeux and his canonical prebend at St-Pol-de-LeÂon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2732). The prebend at Paris was ®nally litigated in his favor in Jan. 1337 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #4122). He continued to be mandated i.e.m. on many provisions for university masters (LC BenoõÃt XII, #321, 324, 325, 589, 595, 596, 1283, 1316, 1321, 1331, 1335). Bishop of Nantes, July 1340 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #7651; 8019, 8139, 8264, p. 432) and died 24 Aug. 1354 (Eubel, Hierarchia, p. 355). Osnabrugensis [Osnaborensis] (OsnabruÈck), scholasticus. The person holding this of®ce was at Paris with a socius in 1329±30 and together they paid 6 sol. (Comp., p. 246). In 1320 that of®ce was held by Johannes Uncus (Hake) and in 1349 by Liborius de Alen (information provided by Prof. Dr. Klaus Wriedt). Pasceio (Passeio), archidiaconus; see Guillelmus Bibare. Patricius Brown [Broun, Brune]. At Paris in 1329±30, living with William Angus (see entry under Guillelmus Angus) and two young noblemen near the Sorbonne (Comp., p. 221). Brown was regent in arts for the English-German nation in 1333 (Brune) (AUP I, cols.15±16; Watt, p. 65). Paulus (Conili de Laurano/Laruno) de Narbona (Narbonne). At Paris in 1329±30 as magister, (Comp., p. 240). Regent master of arts (and standing in for the proctor) for the French nation named in Johannes Pipe's appeal to the Roman curia against the university in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #926, 928, 939). Known to have received the perpetual chaplaincy in the control of the university of Paris (CUP II, #845) before Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1324), when provided with the 195

Biographical register expectation of a bene®ce and still described as ``magister in artibus.'' Served twice as rector of the university by June 1342, by which time he had completed his lectures on the Bible, was prepared to read the Sentences in 1342±43, and was appointed canon of Bourges with expectation of prebend (Reg. Aven. 66, f.353v; Reg. Vat. 152, f.401v). Papally promoted to DTh in Mar. 1346 (CUP II, #1121). Petrus Alorici (Alorii, Alory) de Caritate. Secular clerk from ChariteÂsur-Loire in the dioc. of Auxerre (Reg. Suppl. 7, f.75r). At Paris as magister (of arts) in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 227; p. 242), living in Clos Bruneau with his brother Nicholaus, where he was probably a student in canon law. By June 1335 he was licentiate in civil and canon law, canon of St-Martin de Laviaco in the dioc. of Bourges, and canon of St-Outrille at Dun-le-Roi in the dioc. of Rouen, when he was made canon with expectation of prebend at ChaÃlons-surMarne (LC BenoõÃt XII, #174). The latter prebend was obtained by Aug. 1342, when he was made a canon at Amiens with expectation of prebend and a dignity (Reg. Vat. 148, f.69v). Licentiate in both laws and a familiar of Charles, count of AlencËon, in 1344 (Reg. Suppl. 7, f.75r). He was among the masters who were present at the meeting of Parlement at Paris in May 1345 when Philip VI recon®rmed the privileges of the university (CUP II, #1105n). Made prebendary canon and cantor at Nevers by Clement VI in 1352 (Reg. Suppl. 24, f.65r). In Jan. 1353, still referred to as licentiate in both laws, and by then ``magister requestarum'' of the hospice of King John and prebendary canon and treasurer of Meaux, he was made canon of Notre-Dame at Paris (Reg. Suppl. 26, f.143v; Reg. Vat. 219, f.128r; CUP II, p. 564n), and nine days later canon at Meaux (Reg. Vat. 219, f.149r; CUP II, p. 564n). Nuntius for John, king of France, to Innocent VI to handle petitions of provision sponsored or requested by the king, where he is referred to as ``clericus'' and ``consiliarius'' of the king (LS Innoc. VI I, #119, #124). Canon at Amiens in 1358 (Desportes, Amiens, p. 184). After the death of Vitalis de Prinhaco in 1359, Petrus was made cantor at Paris, 1359±62 (Reg. ND, p. 150; Reg. Aven. Innoc. VI, vol. 24, f.539r; CUP II, p. 564n). Probably died in of®ce in 1362. Petrus de Alvernia. At Paris in 1329±30 and living in rue des Parcheminiers (Comp., p. 225). He is possibly master Petrus Calcati (Chauchat, Chalchat) de Alvernia, fellow (bursarius) of the ColleÁge de St-Nicolas-du-Louvre, canon of Clermont, rector of the parish church of Gormeiaco in the dioc. of Amiens, and DMed by Oct. 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43088; Wickersheimer, p. 626). In that same year (1328) he was physician to Bertrand de la Tour, lord of 196

Biographical register Olliergues (Wickersheimer, p. 626). Petrus Calcati was regent in the faculty of medicine in the early 1330s (CUP II, #919, 921, 924, 933, 937, 938, 943) and perpetual chaplain of Notre-Dame-de-Draveil outside Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #604); made canon of St-Germainl'Auxerrois at Paris in 1335 in response to a university rotulus of supplication (LC BenoõÃt XII, #604). In 1333 he served as witness on a codicil to the will of Jean I, comte de Forez; composed his Expositio libri de Crisi Galieni (Reims, Bibl. mun., 1014) in 1339 (Wickersheimer, p. 626). Canon at Sens in Jan. 1344 (Reg. Suppl. 5, f.104r); canon and dean of St-Marcel at Paris in 1346 (Reg. Suppl. 10, f.178v; Reg. Vat. 169, f.105r; CUP II, 362n). Familiar of Robert de Lorris by 1347 (Reg. Suppl. 13, f.181v) through whose supplication he received the parish churches of Bernay and Couture (Cultura) in the dioc. of Lisieux in 1349 and 1350 (Reg. Suppl. 18, f.103v; Reg. Suppl. 21, f.140v; Reg. Suppl. 22, f.238v). His claim to the deanship of St-Marcel in Paris was renewed in 1350 (Reg. Suppl. 21, f.154v). Canon of NotreDame at Paris in 1350; physician to King John in 1352; Peter died in January 1363 (Wickersheimer, p. 626). Petrus Andreae. From the dioc. of Narbonne. In Paris in 1329±30 as of®cial to the chancellor of Notre-Dame, Guillaume Bernardi (Comp., p. 231). Petrus was installed in that of®ce on 20 Dec. 1329 (Reg. ND, p. 129). Designated magister, presumably of arts, in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 231: ``Magister Petrus of®cialis cancellarii Parisius''; CUP II, #931). Acted on behalf of the chancellor in the dispute over Alfonsus of Portugal (CUP II, #930, 930a, 931, 932, 942). Petrus exchanged prebends with master Philippus Nicolai in Aug. 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #50509). Licentiate in civil law by June 1331 (CUP II, #932). Presumably the same as the Petrus Andreae who became canon of Notre-Dame at Paris and was appointed bishop of Noyon in Oct. 1340; translated to bishop of Clermont in Sept. 1342; and translated to bishop of Cambrai in Feb. 1349 (Eubel, Hierarchia I, pp. 390, 199, 166); died on 13 Sept. 1368 (Eubel, Hierarchia I, p. 166). Petrus Apostoli. MA and rector of the university, Oct.±Dec. 1316 (CUP II, #731, #733). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Harpe, presumably by himself (Comp., p. 223). DTh by Sept. 1330 when, at the the request of Philip VI, he was provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend or other dignity at Notre-Dame in Paris, in addition to prebendary canonries already held at Sens and near St-Denis, and a perpetual chaplaincy near Provins (LC Jean XXII, #50896). He was collated to the position as canon with 197

Biographical register prebend at Notre-Dame in Mar. 1331 when a vacancy occurred (LC Jean XXII, #52939). Petrus Aurelianis [Auriolanis, de Orleyns]. Presumably referring to the same individual, the ®rst listing is under the form of ``magister Petrus de Orleyns medicus,'' without payment (Comp., p. 240); the second is under the form ``magister Petrus de Auriolanis,'' with payment of 4 sol. (Comp., p. 240). Served Philip VI and the priory of St-Martindes-Champs as mire-jure between 1338 and 1350 (Wickersheimer, pp. 653±654). Petrus de Calvomonte. At Paris in 1329±30 and living in rue des Parcheminiers with four socii (Comp., p. 225). MA and DMed by June 1342, when, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of medicine, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the dioc. of Autun (Reg. Vat. 156, f.399v); he was included in the rotulus of the faculty of medicine in 1349 (CUP II, #1164). He is possibly the same as Petrus de Calidomonte (names occasionally interchangeable, cf. Stephanus de Calvomonte), clerk of Verdun dioc. and MA by Oct. 1328 when, in response to a university rotulus, he was provided with an expectation from the prior and chapter at Montfaucon in the dioc. of Reims (LC Jean XXII, #43077). He might also be the Petrus Bourdellus de Calvomonte, who owned a manuscript (ms 264) now in the BibliotheÁque municipale at OrleÂans ( Jacquart, SuppleÂment, p. 229). See also Wickersheimer, p. 622. Petrus de Crotoy (dicto de Becheille). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Amiens. At Paris in 1329±30 with a modest payment (Comp., p. 242). MA and DMed by June 1342 when he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the gift of the bishop or chapter at Amiens (Reg. Vat. 154, f.322r). Petrus de Encra [Ancra] (Encre/Albert). Although fused into one person in the index of CUP, there appear to be two or more persons by this name in the second quarter of the fourteenth century, each probably to be distinguished from Pierre d'Encre, master of arts and rector of the university of Paris in 1295 (CUP II, #590). The Petrus de Encra at Paris in the computus of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 231) was magister (presumably in arts) and connected with the ColleÁge des Chollets, which was a college for students in arts and theology from the dioceses of Amiens and Beauvais. He is presumably the same as Petrus de Encra, master of arts, canon of Arras, and bachelor in theology by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #590), which would parallel the careers of three other socii of that college in 1329: Florencius de Hangesto (see entry), Ingerammus de Freneys (see entry), and Petrus de Vascomolandino (see entry). The Petrus de 198

Biographical register Ancra in the computus should probably be distinguished from Petrus de Encra, master of arts and bachelor of medicine in January 1331 (CUP II, p. 362, #925), and still simply BMed in January 1332 (CUP II, p. 394, #940), since, although there are several cases of doctors of medicine who subsequently pursued a degree in theology (e.g., Alfonsus Dionysii of Portugal), there are no other known cases of someone pursuing degrees in medicine and theology simultaneously. On the Petrus de Encra who was in medicine, see Wickersheimer, p. 631. Neither of these should be confused with Petrus Wastellarii de Encra, from the dioc. of Amiens, master of arts in the Picard nation by 1349, and canon of St-Piat-aÁ-Seclin in the dioc. of Tournai (CUP II, p. 645). Petrus de Erdeto. Secular clerk, probably from the region of Amiens and Beauvais inasmuch as he is listed in the computus (Comp., p. 231) as part of a group at the ColleÁge des Chollets in 1329±30. Petrus de Florencia. DMed and regent in medicine by Aug. 1325 (CUP II, #845), when the regents in medicine made him their delegate for conferring a university chaplaincy, funded out of the royal treasury. Still regent in 1325±26 (CUP II, #852) and Oct. 1330 (CUP II, #919). In Oct. 1328, in response to a university rotulus, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Nevers (LC Jean XXII, #43167). At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 224). Died in or shortly before 1335 (CUP II, #996). On his having been among those Italians who provided money to Marsilius of Padua before the latter's departure from Paris, see CUP II, p. 719. See also Wickersheimer, p. 633. Petrus Gallensis. At Paris in 1329±30, when he contributed 3 sol. to the collection (Comp., p. 238). The index in CUP identi®ed him with Petrus Galensis, who was the camerarius laicus for Notre-Dame at Paris in Jan. 1327 (CUP II, #860), but it is doubtful that the latter would have had a university connection. Petrus Lamberti. Connected with the university of Paris in 1329±30 and described as dominus (Comp., p. 238). He is probably Pierre Lamberti, who was BMed and familiaris and physician to Bertrand de Saint-GenieÁs, patriarch of Aquileia, at the papal court in Avignon in 1336 (Wickersheimer, p. 642). Petrus de Laniis (Laignes). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 221) and paying a higher-than-average burse. Perhaps he is the Petrus de Laigniis who was rector of the university in Aug.±Sept. 1302 (CUP II, #628). 199

Biographical register Petrus Ludovici [Leudovici]. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Paris; at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 246). MA by Feb. 1335, when provided with a bene®ce from the Cluniac priory of St-Martin-des-Champs at Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1326). Petrus de Monte Regali (Regalimonte). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Lyon and MA by Oct. 1328 when he was granted an expectation of a bene®ce from the dean and chapter at Autun (LC Jean XXII, #43068). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228). BTh by Nov. 1340, when he was called to Avignon along with Nicholaus de Autrecourt and other students in the faculty of theology (CUP II, #1041); at Paris in the spring of 1342 and still only BTh in June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of theology, he was made canon of Langres with expectation of prebend (Reg. Vat. 156, f.366v; CUP II, p. 505n). Petrus de Orgeriis. Socius of the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1315 holding a bourse in theology (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, pp. 183, 187). Still at Paris in 1329±30, living in the CloõÃtre-de-StBenoõÃt (Comp., p. 218), but apparently not paying until the end of the assessment (Comp., p. 246). Gorochov, Navarre, p. 187, conjectured that he came from OrgeÁres-la-Roche (deÂpartement Mayenne), but OrgeÁres-en-Beauce, south of Chartres, seems more likely. Petrus de Orleyns; see Petrus Aurelianis. Petrus Paree. Regent MA in Norman nation by 1319 (CUP II, #784). At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue St-Germain-des-PreÂs (Comp., p. 223). Still regent in arts in Feb. 1331 (CUP II, p. 368n). Petrus de Probavilla [Proba Villa]. At Paris as magister in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 235). MA and royal clerk by June 1325 when, at the supplication of Charles IV, he was made a canon with expectation of prebend at Nevers (LC Jean XXII, #22544). At the same time Charles had also petitioned on behalf of Guillelmus de Essartis and Johannes de Dia (see respective entries). In July 1327 Petrus was named along with Thomas de Reims as a commissaire on a matter of coinage in the Auvergne and Midi (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #82). In Feb. 1328 magister Petrus de Provilla received the expectation of a bene®ce in the church at Nevers, notwithstanding his canonry with expectation in the same cathedral, but with the requirement to give up the parish church of St-LeÂonard at Hon¯eur in the dioc. of Lisieux that King Charles had collated to him (LC Jean XXII, #40496). Petrus oversaw goods seized at Beauvais in Feb. 1329 in connection with estate of Guy de Beaumont (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #637, 1009). Described in Sept. 1331 as magister Petrus de Probavilla, licentiate 200

Biographical register in law and in arts, clerk and consiliarius of Philip VI, when, at the supplication of the latter, he received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Evreux, notwithstanding his canonry and prebend at Nevers and his expectation for a further dignity there, although he was still obliged to resign then the church at Hon¯eur (LC Jean XXII, #54762). Archdeacon of Evreux by Aug. 1334 when he leased a house in rue des PoireÂes in Paris from the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 557). The expectation of a canonical prebend at Evreux was renewed on 26 June 1342 at the beginning of Clement VI's ponti®cate, at which time Petrus was scholasticus at Nevers and engaged in litigation over a canonical prebend at Chartres (Reg. Aven. 70, f.209r; Reg. Vat. 156, f.252v). On that same date, he was granted an expectation of a canonical prebend at Paris (Reg. Aven. 58, f.378r; Reg. Vat. 148, f.425v). Still royal clerk in Feb. 1347 (AN Reg. Phil. VI, #6261). Petrus de Quercu. Pierre du CheÃne was a secular clerk from the dioc. of Limoges (LC Jean XXII, #52576). At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt and paying a higher-than-average burse (Comp., p. 218). MA and bachelor of canon law by Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52576: Petro Quercus, alias de Quercu). Made canon of Tournai with expectation of prebend in Feb. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2865; Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, p. 1n). Granted an expectation of a parish church in the dioc. of Tournai in July 1338 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #5495); renewed in Jan. 1339 (ibid., #6572). As a familiaris of Pierre Roger, he successfully petitioned the newly elected pontiff for an expectation of a dignity in the church at Tournai on 21 May 1342 (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, #2; Reg. Vat. 148, f.6v; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #4) before the submission of the university rotuli. He became dean at Tournai in March 1343 (Reg. Vat. 147, f.319r) and died on 6 Feb. 1349 (Suppl. CleÂm. VI, Belge, p. 1n). He should be distinguished from the Petrus Cabilhars de Quercu from the dioc. of LieÁge, who was among the masters from the Picard nation seeking a bene®ce on the rotulus of 1362 (CUP III, p. 88). Petrus de Sancto Dionysio. Although the Petrus de Sancto Dionysio listed in the computus of 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232) paid a contribution well below the level of a regent in a higher faculty, he may be the person of that name who was regent in the faculty of theology around 1305 (CUP II, #658), and still regent in May 1330 (according to the document summary and index to the lost ®rst volume of the Paris Augustinian cartulary contained at the beginning of vol. II, Livre 201

Biographical register des Grands-Augustins, ff.5v, 55v±57r). See also B. HaureÂau, ``Pierre de Saint-Denys,'' Histoire litteÂraire de la France, 27 (1877), 428±430; P. Glorieux, ReÂpertoire des maõÃtres en theÂologie de Paris au XIIIe sieÁcle [Paris, 1933], I, p. 448. Petrus de Sarseleis (Sarcellis, Sarcelles). Physician from Sarcelles (Seineet-Oise). Involved with the convent of Pontoise in 1323±24 in the matter of its revenues and connected with the university in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232). He was in the entourage of the bishop of Paris in 1331. Priest and regent master in the faculty of medicine at Paris. Anniversary masses were held for him in various churches and monasteries, including St-Victor at Paris (Wickersheimer, pp. 661±662). Petrus Strangonis de Dacia. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue des Parcheminiers with three socii (Comp., p. 225). Regent in the English nation by 1332 (CUP II, #955) and active in 1333 (AUP I, cols.16, 18). Petrus de Vascomolandino [Vasco Molandino], (Wascomolandino, Wasquemoulin). From northern France, probably from the dioc. of Beauvais (CUP II, #1162). At Paris in 1329±30 and connected with the ColleÁge des Chollets, which was a college for students in arts and theology from the dioceses of Amiens and Beauvais (Comp., p. 231). MA, BTh, and rector of the parish church of Chapelle-en-ThieÂrache in the dioc. of Laon (which was burned during the ®ghting in that area) by 1342, when, in response to the rotulus of the Parisian bachelors of theology, he received a canonry and expectation at TheÂrouanne (LC CleÂment VI, Belge, #165; Reg. Aven. 59, f.455v; Reg. Vat. 149, f.317v; CUP II, p. 596n). In Aug. 1346, still BTh (awaiting license), priest, and without suf®cient income because his church had been destroyed by ``the enemies of the kingdom of France,'' he became canon of St-Laurent in the dioc. of Beauvais (CUP II, #1131, p. 596n). DTh by 1349, when he was included in the rotulus of supplications for the faculty of theology (CUP II, #1162). Petrus de Vico. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232). Possibly the Petrus de Vico, a clerk from the St-Flour dioc., whom John XXII provided with a canonry and expectation of prebend at Notre-Dame in Paris in May 1323, vacated by the death of Jean de Baufet (LC Jean XXII, #17477; 59792). However, the possession of that canonical prebend was successfully contested in litigation at the Holy See by Odo of Sens (LC Jean XXII, #59792), a doctor of civil law and cleric at Paris, who ``proviso praetextu regaliae'' had been provided with that canonry by Charles IV. Odo took possession of the prebend in 202

Biographical register 1325 and was attending meetings of the chapter by 1326 as a resident canon (Reg. ND, p. 1). Perhaps as partial compensation, the pope awarded Petrus de Vico an expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Rouen in Jan. 1324 (LC Jean XXII, #18850), and the church of St-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie in Paris in Apr. 1326 (LC Jean XXII, #24984). But the latter position was contested by two other candidates, one of whom, Guillaume Renardi, occupied the church and its income (LC Jean XXII, #55643). Magister Petrus de Vico was among those who protested the awarding of the prebend of the late chancellor of Paris, Thomas de Bailly, to Guillaume Bernardi in June 1328 (Reg. ND, p. 54), and through his procurator, Guillaume d'Argenteuil, Vico laid claim to the chancellorship at Paris in July 1328, which he lost to Jean de Blois (Reg. ND, pp. 58, 59). Petrus was canon of St Clodoaldus when, through his procurator, he renewed his claim for a prebend with the cathedral chapter in May 1329 and received a half-prebend (Reg. ND, pp. 99, 102). On 18 December 1329 the procurator of Petrus de Vico presented his papal letter of appointment and successfully obtained for him the canonical prebend vacated through the death of Guillaume Piquet (Reg. ND, p. 128). While the possession of St-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie was still under litigation, Petrus de Vico died, presumably in the summer or early autumn of 1331, ``extra romanam curiam viam fuit universae carnis ingressus,'' and in Nov. 1331 the pope appointed Petrus Genesta, a papal familiar, to that position, still under litigation, taking over the contested rights of Petrus de Vico (LC Jean XXII, #55643). Philippus de Beringi (Berigny). Connected with university of Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240). Possibly identical with Philippe de Berigni, espicier, accused of illicit practice of medicine in 1322 (CUP II, p. 256n), who as apothecary was present at one of the meetings connected with con¯ict between the chancellor and the faculty of medicine (CUP II, p. 368n). See also Wickersheimer, p. 600. Philippus de la Court (de Curia). Secular clerk from St-Omer (Reg. Vat. 149, f.225v). DMed and canon of St-Servais at Maastricht in the dioc. of LieÁge in October 1328 (LC Jean XXII, #43087). At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Buscherie (Comp., p. 224), not far from Johannes Pipe, another regent in the faculty of medicine. Philippus was dean of the faculty of medicine in 1330±31 (CUP II, #920); regent in medicine at Paris until at least 1332 (CUP II, #924, 925, 933, 937, 941, 943). He received a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church of St-Pierre d'Aire-sur-la-Lys in his home 203

Biographical register dioc. of TheÂrouanne in June 1342 in response to the rotulus of the Parisian medical faculty (Reg. Aven. 59, f.325r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.225v; LC CleÂm. VI, Belge, #120). See also Wickersheimer, p. 601. Philippus (Wilde de Brechyne), Scotus. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Buscherie with four socii (Comp., p. 224), probably as a prominent student in the English nation of the arts faculty. Determined and licensed in arts in Feb. and Mar. 1333 under John de Waltirstona (AUP I, cols.14, 16). MA by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #611) and still regent in arts in 1337 (AUP I, cols.19, 23, 24). Rector of the university of Paris, Oct.±Dec. 1339 and still regent in arts in Apr. 1343 (AUP I, col.62). Began study of theology in 1335 and was planning on reading the Sentences in 1343±44 (CPP I, pp. 3, 15; CUP II, p. 538n), but is not known to have done so. Provided in Feb. 1335 with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the church of St-Marcel at Paris (LC BenoõÃt XII, #611). Possibly a fellow of the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne I, p. 321). Between 1335 and July 1342 he had been provided with the chancellorship and a canonry at Brechin along with a prebend in Dunkeld, which he would resign when, as canon at Glasgow, his expectation of a prebend there would be realized. Dean at Brechin in Mar. 1343. Bishop of Brechin before Feb. 1350 (CPL III, p. 339). Died between May and Nov. 1351. On details of his career, see Watt, pp. 581±582. Quintinus (de Cursiaco/Curchiaco). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Noyon; at Paris in 1329±30, living with twelve socii in rue de Judas (Comp., p. 230). MA in the Picard nation by June 1331 when he witnessed a statute of his nation (CUP II, #913). Priest and chaplain of the altar of St-Jacques at the convent of the Poor Claires at Lourcinnes by St-Marcel at Paris by June 1342 (Reg. Vat. 154, f.347r). Included in the arts faculty rotulus that was processed at Avignon in Nov. 1362 (CUP III, p. 85). Radulphus; see Rodulphus Reginaldus de Cornemare (Cornemale, Carnemare, Corvemare). From Normandy (CUP II, #933, p. 380; #937). MA, DMed and regent master in the faculty of medicine by Apr. 1326 (CUP II, #852) and at Paris as regent master in medicine in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 231; cf. LC Jean XXII, #52572; LC BenoõÃt XII, #624). He remained regent master in medicine until at least June 1333 (CUP II, #956). Substitute for the dean of the faculty of medicine from Jan. 1331 to Apr. 1332 (CUP II, #921±924, 929±933, 938, 943) and was dean of the faculty, 1332±33 (CUP II, #956). He was granted a papal provision of an expectation of a bene®ce 204

Biographical register from the abbey of Bec in the dioc. of Rouen in response to a university rotulus (Corvemare) in Feb. 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #52572), although since he is listed in the provision only as master of arts, this may be a younger namesake. Held the rectorship of the parish church of St-Amand in the dioc. of Evreux when made canon of Evreux in Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #624: Carnemare MA and MMed). Physician to Philip III of Evreux, king of Navarre, in 1343 ( Jacquart, Milieu, p. 475). See also Wickersheimer, p. 689. Reginaldus de Essartis. Son of Martin des Essarts (see entry under Assartis) (LC Jean XXII, #58879), nephew of Pierre des Essarts (see entry under Assartis), and brother of Guillaume, Jean, and Vincent. Reginaldus was connected with the university of Paris in 1329±30, and living with his three brothers in rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226), which may have been their parental home. On 16 Nov. 1332, as canon at Bayeux, he received papal permission to continue to use the fruits of his bene®ce to study at a studium generale for three years (LC Jean XXII, #58879). Reginaldus de Prato Gilberti. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the Clos Bruneau with the curate of St-Hilaire, in close proximity to Petrus de Caritate; both were probably students in canon law (Comp., p. 227). Reginaldus was again linked with Petrus de Caritate in May 1345 (CUP II, 563n), when he was among the masters who were present at the meeting of Parlement at Paris at which Philip VI recon®rmed the privileges of the university (CUP II, #1105). Remigius de Marigniaco [Mariniaco]. DMed and regent master in the faculty of medicine by Apr. 1322 (CUP II, #804). Physician to Guy de ChaÃtillon, count of Blois (Tessier, ``Cour seigneuriale,'' p. 53). Canon with prebend at Meaux by June 1329, when, in response to a university rotulus, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Lisieux (LC Jean XXII, #45563). At Paris in 1329±30, when he paid a substantial contribution (Comp., p. 245). Still regent in medicine in Oct. 1330 and April 1332 (CUP II, #919, #942). See also Wickersheimer, p. 92. Reynerus de Tessenna. Secular clerk from the dioc. of BesancËon (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1312). At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 232), presumably as a student in the faculty of medicine and associated with Johannes de Calvomonte (see entry). Reynerus was BMed by Jan. 1332 (CUP II, #940); DMed by Feb. 1335, when provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from the Benedictine monastery of Cerisy-la-foreÃt in the dioc. of Bayeux (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1312). He was included in the rotulus of the faculty of medicine in June 1342 through which he 205

Biographical register received a canonry with expectation of prebend at BesancËon (Reg. Vat. 156, f.396r). See also Wickersheimer, p. 692. Ricardus de Campis. Magister and canon of Beauvais by May 1320, when he was copied i.e.m. in a provision for Jean Cholet (LC Jean XXII, #11438). Granted a three-year license of non-residency in Oct. 1323 to use the fruits of his bene®ces for study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #18414). Occasionally mandated i.e.m. to facilitate the implementation of papal provisions for Paris masters and royal clerks between 1320 and 1335 (LC Jean XXII, #11438, 22551, 25740, 52572, 59792; LC BenoõÃt XII, #1307). He was at Paris in 1329±30, living in rue du CloõÃtre-de-Ste-GenevieÁve (Comp., p. 229). In a provision of Feb. 1335 for Thomas Balanche, clerk from the Rouen dioc., which was in response to a rotulus that had been submitted by the university of Paris, all three persons copied i.e.m., including Ricardus de Campis, still described as magister and canon of Beauvais, were resident at Paris, ``Parisius commoranti'' (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1307). Ricardus Fitzralph [®lius Rodol®]. Oxford MA by 1325, BTh by 1329, and at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 221). When he went to Paris in the autumn of 1329 Fitzralph was already a proteÂge of John Grandisson, bishop of Exeter, and had just completed his year as sententiarius at Oxford in 1328±29. Fitzralph accompanied John Northwode, the nephew of John Grandisson, and acted as his tutor and spiritual guardian (``curator''). They lived in lodgings adjacent to or possibly in the ColleÁge de Sorbonne, probably arranged by Pierre Roger, who at the time was the provisor of the Sorbonne and a friend of Grandisson from student days at Paris. Fitzralph returned to Oxford in the following year to complete his residency and incept in theology in 1331. He served as chancellor of Oxford University in 1332±34. Subsequently prebendary canon and dean of Lich®eld (1335) and appointed bishop of Armagh in July 1346. Died, probably at Avignon, in Nov. 1360. See K. Walsh, A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate, Richard Fitzralph in Oxford, Avignon, and Armagh (Oxford 1981); BRUO II, pp. 692±694. Ricardus Mesnillo (Mesnilliaco, Menilio). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Rouen and in Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 245). Possibly the ``magister Ricardus'' who served on the Avignon commission in 1335 to de®ne the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision (CUP II, #995). DTh and regent master in theology at Paris by July 1337 when he was made canon at Rouen with expectation of prebend and dignity (CUP II, p. 497n from Reg. Ben. XII, an. 3, pt.2, ep.397, but the letter was not calendared in LC BenoõÃt XII). As master of theology, he witnessed a statute of the university in 1340 (CUP II, #1032). His 206

Biographical register expectation at Rouen was renewed in response to the rotulus of the faculty of theology in June 1342 (Reg. Aven. 66, f.317v; Reg. Vat. 152, f.380v); he was frequently mandated i.e.m. on papal provisions for the masters of arts in the Norman nation in 1342. Ricardus was linked by Deni¯e to Radulphus de Mesnillo, priest of the dioc. of Rouen, MA and BTh by Oct. 1349, who handled the preparation of the rotulus of theological bachelors in that year (CUP II, #1175, p. 655n). Ricardus Pilmore [Polmer]. Presumably brother of John de Pilmor, bishop of Moray (Watt, pp. 451±452). MA by June 1328 (Vat. Quel. I, p. 209) and at Paris in 1329±30, living in rue Sachalie with nine socii, presumably students considering their level of payment (Comp., p. 224). Canon of Ross by July 1327 (Vat. Quel. I, p. 198) and by Jan. 1329 held a prebend at Ross and a canonry with expectation of prebend at Dunkeld, when he was collated to a canonry with prebend of Crudan at Aberdeen (LC Jean XXII, #44101; Vat. Quel. II, p. 286). The Crudan prebend was obtained by May 1329, when he was provided with a canonry at Moray (LC Jean XXII, #45189). Elected bishop of Dunkeld in 1337 but did not occupy the see until July 1344. Died in Scotland between July 1346 and Oct. 1347. Ricardus Probihominis [Probus Homo]. At Paris in 1329±30 as dominus (Comp., p. 238). In June 1334, he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce from the Cluniac priory of St-Martin-des-Champs outside Paris (LC Jean XXII, #63276). By July 1342, when he was made canon with expectation of prebend at the church of St-Jean at Laon, he had obtained a parish church and three perpetual chaplaincies at St-Amand, Bruges, and in St-MeÂdard at Paris (Reg. Aven. 58, f.180r; Reg. Vat. 148, f.232r). Robertus, prior of St-Benigne. Formerly prior of St-BeÂnigne in the dioc. of Toul and transferred in Jan. 1325 to St-BeÂnigne in Dijon as prior ``ad vitam suam possidendus'' (LC Jean XXII, #21426). At Paris in 1329±30 and living with Jacques, his nephew, in rue du CloõÃtrede-Ste-GenevieÁve (Comp., p. 229). Robertus (Barducii) de Bardis (de Florentia). He received a canonry, the deanship, and an expectation of a prebend in the cathedral at Glasgow in Mar. 1318 (LC Jean XXII, #6760, 6761), to which a canonry with expectation of prebend at Verdun was added in Sept. 1323 (LC Jean XXII, #18222); his prebend at Verdun was obtained by 1342 (Reg. Vat. 148, f.104r). The ®rst of these provisions was made at the request of Louis, duke of Bourbon and count of Clermont (see entry on Guidomarus above). 207

Biographical register Studied under Marsilius of Padua and was among those Italians who provided money to Marsilius before his departure from Paris (CUP II, p. 719); Bardis was also a friend of Petrarch (CUP II, #1038). At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 221), occupying with life tenancy a house in the rue de Sorbonne belonging to that college at a rent of 15 lbs. per annum (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 560); at the time he was possibly already a doctor in theology. DTh by Jan. 1334, when he was among the masters of theology who supported the statement on the Beati®c Vision prepared at Vincennes, but who had been unable to attend the convocation (CUP II, #981). He also served on the Avignon commission on the beati®c vision in 1335 (CUP II, #995). Chancellor of Notre-Dame from Mar. 1336 until his death in 1349 (CUP II, #998, 1038, 1068, 1097, 1086, 1087, 1093, 1121, 1153, 1156). In Aug. 1338, two years after assuming the chancellorship, he resigned his house in the rue de Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, p. 560). In June 1342, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of theology, he was made canon with expectation of prebend and dignity at Chartres (Reg. Vat. 148, f.104r). As chancellor he oversaw the condemnation of Jean de Mirecourt in 1347 (CUP II, #1147). In May 1349, as chancellor and still regent in theology and, as its oldest member, also dean of the faculty, he was included in the rotulus of supplication, receiving a renewal of his expectation for a prebend and dignity in the cathedral of Chartres (CUP II, #1162). To no avail: he was dead before Oct. 1349 (CUP II, #1177). Robertus Boncourt [Bocourt]. At Paris in 1329±30 living at lower end of Grande rue St-Jacques (Comp., p. 225); witness in a proceeding of the medical faculty in Oct. 1330 (CUP II, #920). Robertus de Couciaco. Secular clerk, probably from Coucy in the region of Amiens and Beauvais inasmuch as he is listed in the computus with a group from the ColleÁge des Chollets in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 231). Robert le Gay. MA and royal clerk by Jan. 1329, and receiving the income of the parish church of Drubec in the dioc. of Lisieux, when, at the request of Philip VI, he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce from the Benedictine convent of Montivilliers in the dioc. of Rouen (LC Jean XXII, #43989): ``consideratione carissimi in Christo ®lii nostri Phylippi Regis Francie illustris pro te clerico suo nobis super hoc humiliter supplicantis . . .''); the provision was copied i.e.m. to others connected with the royal court: Pierre Roger, then abbot of FeÂcamp, the cantor at Coutances, and Guillaume Bertrand, then canon at Paris. 208

Biographical register In the university computus of 1329±30 Gay was listed as living in rue Serpente (Comp., p. 223). By Nov. 1330 he had obtained income from the parish church of St-Germain belonging to Montivilliers and a perpetual chaplaincy in the Benedictine nunnery of StLeÂger (S. Leodegarius de Pratellis) in the dioc. of Lisieux, when he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Noyon (LC Jean XXII, #51557). Robertus de Monteleone [Monte Leonis]. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue du CloõÃtre-de-St-BenoõÃt (Comp., p. 218). DDecr, DUJ, and regent in canon law in Paris by April 1332, when, at the request of the king and queen, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Amiens, notwithstanding his holding of a chaplaincy in St-Nicolas-au-cloõÃtre at Amiens and a chaplaincy in the leprosarium at Poix in the dioc. of Amiens (LC Jean XXII, #56999); the expectation at Amiens was renewed in Sept. 1332 (LC Jean XXII, #58379). Canon of Amiens by Feb. 1335 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #319) and archdeacon of Amiens, 1342±52. He died in 1352 (Desportes, Amiens, pp. 43, 204). Robertus Pilmore [Pulmur], (Pillemore, Polmore). Scottish clerk; brother of William Pilmore (see entry, under Guillelmus). Robertus was listed at Paris in 1329±30 as in the company of his brother William and another socius (Comp., p. 232). If the ``archideaconus Scocie'' listed earlier is William, who was then archdeacon of Dunkeld, then he and his brother Robert were living in the rue des MacËons (Comp., p. 221). Possibly related to Richard Pilmore (see entry under Ricardus). MA by 1328 and rector of university of Paris in Sept. of that year (CUP II, #881). Still regent master in the arts faculty in 1329, 1331±32, and 1332±33 (CUP II, #955; AUP I, cols.16±17). Held canonry and prebend of Ross by Oct. 1328, when he was made canon of Aberdeen with expectation of prebend (LC Jean XXII, #43054). Provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at Glasgow in 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #47437). Died after April 1333. See Watt, p. 452. Robertus de Templo (de Septem Vallibus). Secular clerk from the dioc. of Laon. At Paris in 1329±30, with a payment at the level of a student in arts (Comp., p. 232). MA by Dec. 1347, when he was proctor of the Picard nation (CUP II, #1146, p. 609: magister Robertus de Septem Vallibus). He was included in the rotulus for the arts faculty in 1349 (CUP II, #1165, p. 642: magister Robertus de Templo, dicto de Septem Vallibus). He was still regent master in arts in 1362 (CUP II, p. 645n). Rodulphus Brito. At Paris in 1329±30 as dominus and living with six 209

Biographical register socii in the rue du Four (Comp., p. 227). Possibly magister Rodulphus Reginaldi Britoni, DTh and canon at St-Quentin by 1316 when, in response to a university rotulus, he received a canonry with expectation of a prebend or dignity in the church at Le Mans (LC Jean XXII, #1880). The presence of socii in 1329±30, however, makes this identi®cation unlikely. Rodulphus Marie. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Rouen. At Paris in 1329±30, living in rue du Foin with two socii and three students of grammar (Comp., p. 225). Priest by 1349, when his was listed in the rotulus of supplications among those belonging to the Norman nation who were studying in one of the higher faculties at Paris and who were seeking a bene®ce (CUP II, #1165, p. 640). Still listed as MA in 1352 when he petitioned for the parish church of Mont Yvon in the dioc. of Meaux (Reg. Suppl. 24, f.45v). Rodulphus Yvisani. Secular clerk from the dioc. of St-Pol-de-LeÂon in Brittany and at Paris in 1329±30 with a payment at the level of a student in arts (Comp., p. 232). MA by June 1342 when, in response to the rotulus of the faculty of arts, he was granted an ecclesiastical bene®ce with expectation of prebend in the gift of the bishop of Nantes (Reg. Vat. 150, f.313r). Sancti Eligii Parisiensis, prior. The identity of the prior of St-Eloi in Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242) has yet to be determined. Seville, Treasurer; see Ispalensis, Thesaurarius. Simon de Gambasio (Gambesio). DMed, canon with expectation of prebend at Meaux, and canon with prebend in the church of StMarcel at Paris by Oct. 1328, when, in response to a university rotulus, he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Metz (LC Jean XXII, #43067). At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 234). In Dec. 1332, still awaiting the prebend at Meaux, he received an additional expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Sens (LC Jean XXII, #59128). He died in or shortly before 1335 (CUP II, #996). See also Wickersheimer, p. 739. Simon [Simundus] Godichart [Godezardi]. Listed as ``cirurgicus'' and living in the lower part of the Grande rue St-Jacques near several masters and students in the faculty of medicine (Bartholomeus de Brescia, Johannes de Aureliaco, and Robertus Boncourt [see under respective entries]) in 1329±30, when he contributed a half-burse of 5 sol. (Comp., p. 225). Simon was surgeon to Blanche, countess of Savoy in 1330; mire-jure to the king at ChaÃtelet in 1339 and to the priory of St-Martin-des-Champs between 1343 and 1357 (Wickersheimer, p. 740). Simon de Lantagiis. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Langres and MA by 210

Biographical register Oct. 1328, when he was granted an expectation of a bene®ce in the control of the monastery of Molesme (LC Jean XXII, #43082). At Paris in 1329±30, living near the ColleÁge de Navarre with six socii (Comp., p. 230); BMed by Mar. 1332 (CUP II, #941); licensed by the chancellor of Notre-Dame in Apr. 1332 (CUP II, #942); active as regent master in medicine in June 1333 (CUP II, #956) until at least Feb. 1340 (CUP II, #1032). Perpetual chaplain of the altar of SteCatherine at Notre-Dame in Paris by Feb. 1335 when he was provided with an expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Langres (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1313). Physician to Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne before 1349, at which date he was involved in litigation over a prebend ( Jacquart, Milieu, p. 478). Summoned to Sens in 1348±49, and in 1357 he rented a house in the rue Neuve from the HoÃtel Dieu (Wickersheimer, p. 741). Simon de Meneriis (Manessiis, Maneslies, Maneliis, Masnelies). Secular scholar from the dioc. of Amiens. At Paris in 1329±30, living with one socius in the rue des Sept-Voies, at the corner of rue St-Etiennedes-Grez (Comp., p. 226); no payment listed. DTh by 1330 (according to the document summary and index to the lost ®rst volume of the Paris Augustinian cartulary contained at the beginning of vol. II, Livre des Grands-Augustins, ff.5v, 55v±57r). One of the masters of theology who took part in the convocation on the doctrine of the Beati®c Vision at Vincennes in Dec. 1333 (CUP II, #981). Rector of the parish church of Jonquery in the dioc. of Troyes, perpetual chaplain of the church of Long in the dioc. of Amiens, and holding a portion of a prebend at St-Omer by Feb. 1335, when he was made canon of TheÂrouanne, after having been involved in litigation for sixteen years over that small prebend in the same diocese (LC BenoõÃt XII, #324); he ®nally lost the canonry and prebend at St-Omer in Mar. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #3820). He was collated to a vacant canonical prebend at Notre-Dame in Paris in Sept. 1336 (LC BenoõÃt XII, #2767), but he continued to teach in the faculty of theology. Simon became dean of the faculty of theology in Feb. 1339 when Jean de Blangy was made bp. of Auxerre. Simon's double role as canon at Notre-Dame and active regent in theology involved him in a dispute over payment to the university collection (CUP II, #1046). As dean in Apr. 1341 he participated in the resolution of the dispute with the rector over the convocation of deans (CUP II, #1051). He was one of the ten nuntii of the university in 1342 who took the university rotuli to Avignon, at which time he requested and received a canonry with expectation of prebend and dignity at Amiens (Reg. Suppl. 1, f.134v; Reg. Aven. 66, f.157r; Reg. Vat. 152, f.308r; CUP 211

Biographical register II, #1062; p. 431n). Presumably Simon died before 1349, when Robert de Bardis (already chancellor) was dean of the faculty of theology (CUP II, #1162). Simon de Poliaponte [Polioponte]. Secular clerk holding a bourse in grammar at the ColleÁge de Navarre in 1315 (Paris, Arch. Nat., J 155, n.3; Gorochov, Navarre, p. 184). Still at Paris in 1329±30, paying a bourse equivalent to a master of arts, but not listed as magister (Comp., p. 238). Simon de Suecia. At Paris in 1329±30, living with four socii near the porte St-Jacques (Comp., p. 220). Possibly identical with Suno (Simon) de Suecia who was licensed in arts under Conrad of Megenberg in 1337 and incepted in Sept. 1337 under Philip Wilde de Brechyne of Scotland (AUP I, col.19), in which case he would have been prominent or wealthy enough to be head of a residential unit in 1329. He was active in the affairs of the English-German nation until 1344, serving occasionally as proctor and receptor (AUP I, cols.20±27, 31, 33±34, 40, 65, 68, 70). He should be distinguished from Simon (Suno) dictus Karoli de Suetia, who determined, was licensed and incepted in 1340, and also reigned in arts until 1344 (AUP I, cols.38, 39, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48±51, 54±56, 61, 64, 69). In June 1342 Simon Karoli was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend at LinkoÈping (Reg. Aven. 59, f.521r; Reg. Vat. 149, f.364v). Simundus Godezardi; see Simon Godichart. Stephanus de Calvomonte (Calidomonte, Chaumont). DMed by Oct. 1328, when he was provided with a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of ChaÃlons-sur-Marne (LC Jean XXII, #43086). He was a nephew or relative of Petrus de Capite Stagno, regent master in medicine (CUP II, 393n) and possibly nephew of Guy de Chaumont, of®cial of Paris (Wickersheimer, p. 138). At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 240). Still regent in medicine in 1330, 1331±32 (CUP II, #919, 921, 922, 923, 924, 930, 931, 932, 933, 937 [Calidomonte], 938, 942, 943). Proctor for the faculty of medicine in 1331 (CUP II, p. 368n). Physician to Philip VI by 1336 until at least 1340 (Viard, Documents I, p. 270; II, pp. 111, 113, 150±152; Wickersheimer, p. 138). Despite Deni¯e's conjecture (CUP II, p. 362n), Stephanus should be distinguished from the Paris theologian of the same name who was BTh at Paris in 1368 and active into the 1390s (CUP III, #1345; Z. Kaluza, ``Le probleÁme du `Deum non esse' chez Etienne de Chaumont, Nicolas Aston et Thomas Bradwardine,'' Mediaevalia Philosophica Polonorum 24 [1979], 3±19). Stephanus (Speciarii) de Nogento. Secular clerk from Nogent-l'Artaud 212

Biographical register in the dioc. of Soissons (LC Jean XXII, #45564). Regent master in medicine before April 1322 (CUP II, #804) and on 30 June 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #45564: ``Mag. Stephano Speciarii, de Nogento Errandi, cler. Suessionen. dioc.'') when he was granted the expectation of a bene®ce from the monastery of CheÂzy-l'abbaye in the dioc. of Soissons. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 242) and still regent in medicine in 1331 and 1332 (CUP II, #921±922, 924±925. 930, 932±933, 937±938, 943). Held a living from the rectorship of the parish church at Viels-Maisons [de veteribus domibus] in the dioc. of Soissons when he received in 1335 a papal provision of a canonry in the church of Mont-Notre-Dame in the dioc. of Soissons (LC BenoõÃt XII, #605). See also Wickersheimer, p. 143. Stephanus Turbaudi. At Paris in 1329±30, living in or near rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 222). Presumably the Stephanus de Turbaudi (Etienne Turbaud) who held a living from the monastic parish church of St-Germain de Dourdan in dioc. of Chartres, in July 1328, when, through the support of Philip VI, he exchanged that bene®ce for the priory of St-Amour in Auxerre (LC Jean XXII, #41808); the church of St-Germain de Dourdan was assigned to another candidate in Oct. 1329 (LC Jean XXII, #47021). Turbaudi was MA, DTh, and jurisperitus in canon law by Nov. 1362, when he became a canon with expectation of prebend at the cathedral of Lavaur (LC Urban V, #4615). Sunno [Simon] Hulardi. Grammar master at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., pp. 221, 223), presumably for the ColleÁge de Narbonne, which suggests he was probably from that region. Theobaldus (Rotarii) de Laniis. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Langres. Physician to Isabelle, queen of England, through whom he obtained a canonry at Troyes in 1327, notwithstanding his possession of a canonry at York, a parish church in Yorkshire, and royal chaplaincies at St-Etienne at Troyes and St-Fursy at PeÂronne (LC Jean XXII, #29309). Canon at Arras in 1331, again through the support of Queen Isabelle (LC Jean XXII, #54253). At Paris in 1329±30, where he was described as dominus (Comp., p. 232). DMed by Feb. 1335, when provided with the expectation of a bene®ce from the bishop of OrleÂans (LC BenoõÃt XII, #1310: Theobaldo Rotarii de Lanis); still regent in medicine in Nov. 1339 (CUP II, #1029). He was one of the ten nuntii who took the university rotuli to Avignon in 1342, representing the faculty of medicine and received a canonry with expectation of prebend at Langres (Reg. Suppl. 1, f.134v; Reg. Aven. 59, f.134r; Reg. Vat. 149, 213

Biographical register f.110v; CUP II, #1062). Included in the rotulus of supplications submitted by the faculty of medicine in 1349 (CUP II, #1164). Physician to Jean d'Arcy, bishop of Langres, in 1344 (Wickersheimer, p. 752). Thomas Anglicus. At Paris in 1329±30 living in rue Parcheminiers (Comp., p. 225) without indication of socii and with a payment of 3 sol., which suggests a master of arts or a student of some means. Possibly he is the Thomas Anglicus, regent in arts, who in Jan. 1331 was living in the Grande rue St-Jacques and, as representive of the English nation, was named as one of the co-defendents in the appeal to the Holy See by Johannes Pipe (see entry) against the university in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, #928, 939). Another possibility is Thomas de Bray, who in Feb. and Aug. 1329 was granted a license of nonresidence to study at a university in England or abroad. He had determined at Oxford before going to Paris, and, after four years more study, the arts faculty at Paris accepted his Oxford determination and permitted him to be licensed in arts at Paris in Mar. 1333 (AUP I, col.17; BRUO I, p. 252). Because of the difference in residential location, this Thomas Anglicus is to be distinguished from Thomas de Keudale (see entry) and Thomas Knot (see entry). Thomas de Carliolo, sirurgicus. Connected with the university of Paris in 1329±30 and living near (or paying at the same time as) several other masters and students in the faculty of medicine ( Jacobus de Cantarana, Johannes de Dia, and Johannes de Janua [see respective entries]) (Comp., p. 230). See also Wickersheimer, p. 758. Thomas de Cornubia. At Paris in 1329±30 and listed as dominus (Comp., p. 238). Other than being from Cornwall (Cornubia) and thus a member of the English nation, he has not been further identi®ed. Thomas Corpir. At Paris in 1329±30 as magister (Comp., p. 240). Although this may refer to a Thomas Cooper, thus presumably from England, a more likely candidate would be a member of the Scottish family of Cupar from Fife, recorded in the records of the English nation at Paris as Cupir (AUP I, cols.28, 39). Others of that name, William and Robert, both determined under John de Rathe in Feb. 1339 and were licensed under Rathe in June±July 1340 (AUP I, cols.28, 39; Watt, p. 138). Thomas de Keudale [Kendale, Ceudale]. At Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., pp. 226, 246). Assuming both spellings designate the same person, he is listed ®rst with four domicelli in the rue Cadrigarie without indication of payment, then again at the end of the computus with two socii 214

Biographical register and a payment of 10 sol. Possibly identical with magister Thomas Kendale, who migrated to Stamford in 1334 with other Oxford masters and still supported the secession in July 1335 (Snappe's Formulary, p. 295; BRUO II, p. 1035). In this case, he would have been one of several English students and masters at Paris who returned to England in the early 1330s at the onset of the war with France. Thomas de Knot. Probably an English or Scottish student or master at Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de BieÁvre with four socii (Comp., p. 228). The name does not otherwise appear in the fragmentary records of the English nation at Paris, nor at Oxford or Cambridge later in the decade, nor in the papal records. Thomas de Monte Sancti Eligii. Secular clerk from the dioc. of Arras (Reg. Suppl. 14, f.43v) and at Paris in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 240). Licentiate in both laws and a familiar of John, duke of Normandy by 1347 (Reg. Suppl. 14, f.43v). Thomas de Sancto Mederico. Living in the rue de BieÁvre in 1329±30 (Comp., p. 228). He is possibly the person of that name who was collated to a canonry with expectation of prebend at St-Martin-desChamps at Paris in July 1321, already being rector of two parish churches, one at Corbeil and the other in the dioc. of Sens (LC Jean XXII, #13762). Thomas Setton [Setone]. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue StHilaire with ®ve socii (Comp., p. 228). Possibly the same as the ``Thomas de Anglia'' who was regent master in arts and proctor of English nation in Jan. 1331 (CUP II, p. 365, #928). Watt (p. 493) suggests that the Thomas de Seton listed in the computus might be the son of Sir Alexander Seton, Scottish defender of Berwick against Edward III, ``who was executed as a hostage in sight of his parents, July 1333.'' As suggested in an earlier entry, the Thomas Anglicus who lived by himself in the rue des Parcheminiers next to Laurentius Anglicus, and who paid 3 sol., might be Thomas de Bray, who was granted a license to study in England or at a foreign university in Feb. 1329 and Aug. 1329. De Bray had determined in England before going to Paris; after four years more study, the arts faculty at Paris recognized his Oxford determination and, with a customary payment for the schools, he was permitted to be licensed in arts at Paris in Mar. 1333 (AUP I, col.17). His remaining studies were completed at Oxford (BRUO I, p. 252). Thomas de Wedale. At Paris in 1329±30, living in the rue de la Buscherie with six socii (Comp., p. 224). Scottish scholar probably belonging to the family of that name from the dioc. of St Andrews (Watt, pp. 578±580). If he is the person of that name who 215

Biographical register determined and was licensed in 1343 (AUP I, cols.60, 64), he would only have been about ten years old at the time of the computus, which although not impossible, is unlikely for a head of a living unit, since other boys of the same age named in the document are listed with a private master or tutor. This ``known'' Thomas de Wedale appears to have been a brother of Alan de Wedale, possibly a younger brother of John de Wedale (master in the English nation at Paris in 1332±33), and probably kin to bishop Simon de Wedale of Galloway (Watt, pp. 579±580). Thomas determined under Walter de Wardlaw in Feb. 1343 and was licensed under William de Grenlaw in May 1343 (AUP I, 60, 64). By then he had held a bene®ce in his home diocese since 1338 (CPP I, p. 80). Regent in arts at Paris in 1344±48 (AUP I, cols.81±83, 100, 109±10, 114, 116). Studied canon law, probably at Paris, by 1344, since while regent in arts he was also described as a scholar ``in decretis'' (CPP I, p. 80). Later described as jurispertus by 1354, which is the last known mention of him (Vatican Archiv., Instr. misc. #1983). Trajecto, archidiaconus de. The archdeacon of Utrecht was living in the rue de la Harpe at Paris in 1329±30 and was connected with the university (Comp., p. 222). In 1324 that of®ce was held by a certain Florentius (LC Jean XXII, #19111). Velasco (or Blasius) Eximini. By April 1327, Velasco was a clerk in the familia of Alfonso, king of Castile and Spain and held the positions of cantor (sine cura) in the cathedral of Avila as well as a canonry and prebend in the same church (LC Jean XXII #28407). At that time he was being awarded, under the sponsorship of the king, a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral at Toledo. Appointed dean at Avila at some point between 1327 and 1331 (LC Jean XXII, #54285). Listed in the computus of 1329±30 by of®ce (``decanus Abolensis'') and living in the district of Ste-GenevieÁve and the ColleÁge de Navarre (Comp., pp. 230, 245); he was probably a student in canon law. In July 1331, described as ``learned in canon law,'' he received the expectation of a bene®ce in the cathedral at Toledo through the support of the Dominican cardinal bishop, Guillelmus Petri Godin (LC Jean XXII, #54285). In Aug. 1333, cited in the papal register as ``Blasius Eximini,'' he vacated his position as dean of the cathedral at Avila to assume the archdeaconry of Talavera in the cathedral of Toledo (LC Jean XXII, #60973). Vincentius de Essartis. Son of Martin des Essarts (see entry under Assartis) (LC Jean XXII, #58878, 54919), nephew of Pierre des Essarts 216

Biographical register (see entry under Assartis), and brother of Guillaume, Jean, and Renaud. By 1326 Vincent was canon at Beauvais, when he received license to use the income from his bene®ces for study at a university (LC Jean XXII, #25486). In Dec. 1328, he received a bene®ce in the dioc. of Chartres and a canonry with expectation of prebend in the cathedral of Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #43405); by Oct. 1334 he was provost of Ingre in the church at Chartres (LC Jean XXII, #64142). At the university of Paris in 1329±30, probably as a student in canon law, and living with his three brothers in rue St-Etienne-desGrez (Comp., p. 226), which was probably their parental home. Licentiate in civil law and canon of Rouen by Mar. 1330 (LC Jean XXII, #48974, 54142). In Mar. 1330 and Nov. 1332, his license for study was renewed, each time for an additional three years (LC Jean XXII, #48974, 58878; see also 60771, 60772). On 12 Oct. 1334, Vincentius was made bp. of Evreux (LC Jean XXII, #64142), succeeding his brother in that of®ce, and on 3 Nov. 1334 he was given papal permission to be ordained to the diaconate and priesthood by any bishop (LC Jean XXII, #64208). Died in Mar. 1335. Yvo; see under Ivo.

217

Appendix 1

THE COMPUTUS OF 1329±30

64r In claustro Sancti Benedicti: Hugo Vissac, 12 s. solv. Magister Gaufridus de Treviris[?] cum 5 sociis, eorum [cujuslibet] bursa dimidia 4 s. et sunt 24 s. solv. Magister Johannes de Maulinea 8 s. sol. Dominus Sigerus de [Maulinea] Johannes Beatus non scolares + Reginaldus de Molines Nicolaus capellani Sancti Benedicti Johannes Adam de Fraccovile magister cum 7 sociis, 20 s. solv. Gillelmus Moragas, 26 den. solv. Gido de Ferreriis 8 s. solv. Petrus de Quercu Mag. Johannes de Maiori Monasterio et eius socius, 12 s. solv. Egidius de Veliaco, 2 s. solv. Nicolaus de Vienna Cantor Lingonensis, 10 s. solv. Gillelmus de Rovere [Ronere] Dominus Otour Johannes de Burbon [Gurbon] Petrus de Orgeriis Rodulfus Peri Johannes de Francovile Johannes de Auriliaco cum 5 sociis Johannes de Charantone, non scolaris + Baldiwinus Gubernatoris, 5 s. solv. Johannes de Aurilianis cum duobus pueris Robertus de Monte Leonis Remundus Brito cum 5 sociis, 12 s. solv.

}

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In magno vico supra Sanctum Benedictum: Johannes Lisari cum 19 [altered to 15] sociis Durandus de Auvernia

218

Claustrum Sancti Benedicti

The computus of 1329±30 Johannes Fogacra cum 7 sociis Henricus de Keinesbec cum 7 sociis, 24 s. solv. Johannes de Crasmenil et eius frater Archidiaconus de Pasceio Bernardus de Albeli Gillelmus Brito Egidius le Couereur Domus Galfridi de Plesiaco et socii [altered to: sossii] eorum quilibet, 2 s. De Maiori Monasterio, 22 monachi et alii Gerardus de Bucco Dominus Bartolomeus capellanus, 2 s. et 6 d. solv. Johannes de Goy Johannes de Seonis [Senonis?], 2 s. solv. Teobaldus Corun[?] de Fontanis, 2 s. solv.

219

Appendix 1 64va Johannes de Gatenulk cum 2 sociis, 9 s. solv. Bernardus de Catellonia cum socio 1 Alfoncius de Hispannia cum 2 sociis, 12 s. solv. Gerardus Hispannus, 4 s. solv. Johannes de Senonis Droco de Caritate, 20 s. solv. Jacobus de Laniis cum 2 sociis Les Petis Choles, 20 socii Dominus Guido coram Porta Jacobi Capicerius Sancti Stephani de Grecis cum 3 sociis Simon de Suecia cum 4 sociis prope portam, 18 s. solv. Johannes de Molis Johannes Sanse Lettres Prior Nostre Domine de Campis cum monachis In vico Cordigerorum: Remundus de Rustiaco cum sociis, 16 s. solv. In Claustro Sancti Jacobi: Guido de Rua, 10 s. solv. Nicholaus Gerardus, magister gramaticorum Prope Portam Inferni: Frater Richerius cum 5 sociis, 9 s. solv. pro tribus; item pro duobus, 6 s. solv. Nicholaus de Hamel, 8 s. solv. Hugo Montonis, 3 s. 6 d. solv. Johannes de Luna Prior de domo Cluniacensi cum monachis, et sunt 13 In vico Poretarum: Johannes de Calvo Monte cum socio Robertus de Fouvilla Alanus Brito de Vilacullis cum 6 sociis Tesaurarius de Sibile Tesaurarius Rothomagensis, non scolaris + Duo fratres de Fenestrangia, 12 s. solv.

220

The computus of 1329±30 64vb

Vicus Sarbone: Prior de Auberriaco, 8 s. solv. Petrus de Riu [Rui] Mahi Chacard Johannes de la Ferete De domo Sarbone non bursales 19 De bursalibus 19 Ricardus ®lius Rodul® cum discipulo suo Robertus Spiguluel, 15 s. solv. Gillelmus Talebot, 5 s. solv. Patricius Broun cum duobus domicellis et Willelmus de Angos Robertus de Bardis, 20 s. solv. Rector cum sociis 3 Johannes de Mili, coram palacio de Ternis In vico Latomorum: Johannes de Chinaro Archideaconus Scocie cum fratre Frater Ambrosius cum duobus sociis Bartholomeus cum 7 sociis Johannes de Castro Villani cum 5 sociis, 15 s. solv. Dominicus de Ispannia cum domicello et cum uno alio Johannes Almannus de Constancia cum duobus sociis In vico Harpe: Domus tesaurarii de Rotomagio Marote la Goge, cuius bursa valde larga Gillelmus Yngof cum 2 sociis Micael de Area, 18 s. solv. Teologi de Haricuria, et sunt 6 socii Artiste de Haricuria Willelmus de Herches

Sunno Hulardi cum Johanne et solvit 2 s. solum

Magister Yvo de Morelas, 8 s. 6 d. solv. Gillelmus L'espicier, 3 s. solv. cum uno socio Otto, magister Andree de Suetia, canonicus Londonensis cum 3 sociis Petrus de Laniis, 4 s. solv.

221

Appendix 1 59ra Stephanus Turbaudi cum 2 sociis Gailardus de Popia, prior Nicolaus de Ambazia Archidiaconus de Trajecto In domo Guillelmi Boneti: Non bursales 3 socii Bursales 8 socii Petrus de Beler cum 6 scolaribus Domus de Nerbona: Cancellarius Parisiensis Germanus De domo, 12 socii De extra., 2 socii Leudovicus de Meloduno Reginaldus de Cusanses Curatus Sancti Cosmi et Damiani, 4 s. solv. In vico Minorum: Johannes de Blangiaco Hue Paylard Henricus de Salines Rodulfus Gramaticus cum 12 scolaribus Prope portam Sancti Germani: Robertus [ Johannes crossed out] Wakemolin, gramaticus cum 32 scholaribus, pro 2, 7 s. solv. Richard de Bois Prope domum Sancti Deonisii: Magister Johannes Gerini Scolares Sancti Dionisii Summa receptarum prime diei, 8 l[ibre], 6 s., 8 d. In vico Petri Saraceni: Matheus ad Latus, 6 s. solv. Guillelmus de Macengiaco cum 4 sociis Marciardus cum 5 sociis, 21 s. solv. Robertus de Atenes In vico Antiqui Plasterii: Domus Presmonstratensium cum 21 sociis, 50 s. solv. Prior de la Dorade Gido Pictavensis non gaudebit Johannes de Arboreto de cetero Emericus [Ginericus?] de Campis privilegiis

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222

The computus of 1329±30 59rb Domus de Suescia, et sunt 10 socii, 25 s. solv. Adam de Rusa, 3 s. solv. Johannes de Ferreriis Johannes Cochelet, 3 s. solv. Poncius de Yspanus [sic] In vico Scurell: Richardus Dani cum [2 corrected to] 1 socio, 12 s. solv. Johannes Chavenes In vico Sancti Germani: Guillelmus de Plobediri [Plebediri?] cum 3 sociis Henricus Mulet de Parma, 3 s., 2 d. solv. Fratres de Alto Passo Mani[n]us de Janua Guillelmus de Becizi Curatus Sancti Andree de Arcubus, 6 s., 5 d. solv. Guillelmus Signi Relis Britonis Petrus Paree Johannes Martel Johannes Galensis Hirundale: Henricus d'Ancre, cum 9 sociis1 Martin le Neveu Gerinus Burgaut, non gaudebit In vico Cerpentis: Reginaldus de Griansona Robert le Gay Johannes de Suecia cum 4 sociis, 17 s. cum 2 d. solv. Prior Sancti Eligii de Cerense [Corense?] Henricus de Hast Bertoldus de Bohemia cum familia In vico Harpe: Sunno [Simon?] Hulardi cum ii sociis Ancelmus Pipe Petrus Geraud [Pet corrected to] Geraud de Seyt Bernard Petrus Apostoli

1

It is unclear in the manuscript whether Henricus and Martin go with Hirundale or with St Germani.

223

Appendix 1 59va Guillelmus de Dinant cum 4 sociis Belonus de Cremona cum 4 sociis Petrus de Florencia Bernardus de Alvernia cum 1 socio Magister Maninus de Medeolano Sachalie: Ricardus Polmer [Polmor] cum 9 sociis, pro se 3 s. solvit et pro 4 aliis 8 s. solv. Gracinus de Bricia Danielus de Dalas Vicus Huchette: [ Joh corrected to] Galfridus Chalot, non scolaris Johannes de Divione Guillelmus Gynetot cum 4 sociis Johannes Pacheti Johannes de Tuito Manfredus Lumbardus Johannes Sirurgicus In vico Lignorum: Johannes Pipe Alanus de Longe Alee Philippus de la Court Jacobus le Goneis, 2 s. solv. Johannes de Minechort Petrus de Ecketot Johannes de Villa Juris cum 4 sociis Thomas de Wedale cum 6 sociis, 12 s. solv. Gerardus Petenni [Petonni] Johannes Audacis cum 2 pueris Philippus Scotus cum 4 sociis, 7 s., 6 d. solv. Philippus Corps deHomme Johannes de Monte forti cum 5 sociis, 12 s. solv. Ivo Brito cum 2 sociis Vicus Garlandie et Attrebati: Jacobus de Auteteodoro cum 2 sociis et 5 grammaticis Guillelmus de l'Espine, 6 s. solv. Cenebaut Lumbardus Nicholaus de Carnoto cum 12 sociis, pro 3, 8 s., 6 d. Milo de Jorelio cum 5 sociis, pro 5 sociis, 10 s. solv.

224

The computus of 1329±30 59vb Guillelmus Fardel Henricus Begin cum 2 sociis Franciscus de Castello Johannes de Divione cum Johannes de Cluniaco cum 2 sociis In vico Severini: Henricus de Padua Petrus Gamachon Philippus de Muntes Sarcuriis Curatus Sancti Ceverini, 20 s. solv. 2 presbiteri sui, 4 s. solv. Guillelmus de Belvaso cum 1 socio Johannes de Romesei [crossed out: cum 1 socio, 4 s. solv.] 1, 5 s. 4 d. solv., et unus alius [16 d. solv. crossed out] Johannes de Smalam Vicus Pergemenorum: Petrus de Alvernia Thomas Anglicus, 3 s. solv. Laurencius Anglicus cum 4 sociis Petrus Strangonis cum 3 sociis, 8 s. solv. Petrus de Calvomonte cum 4 sociis Otto Lumbardus, 7 s. 2 d. solv. Alanus Brito, 12 d. solv. In vico Feni: Guillelmus de Sancto Quintino, 3 s. 2 d. solv. Donaldus de Mar, cum 3 sociis, 8 s. solv. Guillelmus Castric, cum 5 sociis Guillelmus de Forcus Lucas du Picciol Johannes Martini, non gaudebit Rodulphus Marie cum 2 sociis et 3 grammaticis In vico magno sub Sancto Benedicto: Everardus Brito cum 8 bursariis, pro tribus 5 s. solv. Simundus Godezardi cirurgicus, 5 s. solv. Johannes de Auriaco Johannes de Lintcourt [Linecourt] Nicolaus de Auvernia cum 2 sociis Bartholomeus de Bricia cum 2 sociis Robert Bocourt, 2 s. solv.

225

Appendix 1 58ra Baldewynus de Ast, + non gaudebit privilegiis Hugo de Senis, 2 s. solv. Theobaldus cum 1 socio Vicus Ospitilariorum: Curatus Sancti Benedicti Johannes de Nova Villa cum 18 sociis, de quibus 8 sunt artiste Prior Berdoniss cum suis rebellibus, + 6? s. solv.2 Gaufridus de Auciaco Dominus de Vombernk, alias de Alto Monte, 30 s. solv. Frater Johannes de Hadin, Ospitellarius Guillelmus de Comehan cum fratre et quodam priore Johannes de Aquila In vico Cadrigarie: Thomas de Ceudale cum 4 domicellis Johannes de Leotis[?] cum 3 sociis [Guillelmus de Curgan crossed out] Adam de Elou cum 4 sociis, 10 s. solv. Hugo Guidomari, 10 s. solv. Bernardus Jacobi cum socio Vicus ducis Burgundie: Willelmus Gimar cum socio Colinus, ®lius sigilliferi, cum 4 sociis Russilensis Guydo Baudet In vico 7 Viarum: Stephanus de Rion cum 2 sociis Prior de Leminiorii [Leminionere?], Petrus Sengler cum [3 altered to] 2 sociis, 9 s. solv. Simon de Meneriis cum socio In vico Sancti Stephane: Oliverius Salhadi et frater suus, 16 s. solv. Guillelmus de Martiniaco Filii Martini de Assartis, 4 fratres, 40 s. solv. Johannes Mande vilani Alderbrandinus Johannes de Salacona Pueri de Douglas, 2 cum magistro Filius comitis de Hanonia cum familia in domo ad Del®num cum Sancto Leudovico, 20 s. solv. [curatus Sancti Illarii crossed out] Johannes de Morero cum 2, 18 d. solv. 2

Although the text indicates eventual payment (the amount is obscured by the modern library stamp), the `+' indicates that university privileges were initially suspended, probably for reasons of refusal.

226

The computus of 1329±30 58rb

In vico Furni: Dominus Rodulphus Brito cum [5 altered to] 6 sociis In vico Burnelli: Ottoninus cum 5 sociis Eschildus de Suecia cum 3 sociis, 20 s. solv. Mathias de Aldenove Petrus Flemingus cum 6 sociis Petrus de Maguncia cum sociis 6, et solvit 10 s. pro 5 sociis, item pro 2, 6 s. solv. Magister Petrus de Tresis cum 6 sociis Petrus de Caritate cum fratre Reginaldus de Prato Gilberti cum curato Sancti Illarii, ¯orenum de agno Johannes Ferriti, 6 s. solv. Guillelmus de Monte Reparato Valepertus, cum cum [sic] 5 sociis3 Johannes dictus Crurec [Dure or Duroc?] cum socio, 4 s. solv. Emmericus cum 2 sociis, pro 2, 7 s. solv. Henricus de Lubec cum 4 sociis, 17 s., 6 d. solv. Gerinus de Pruvino cum 1 socio Egidius de Dublini Johannes Bloundel cum 9 sociis In vico Plaustri: Petrus de Turri [Curri?] cum 3 sociis, 8 s. solv. Filius comitis de Heutingen Stephanus Trosile [Crosile] cum 8 sociis Similiter, Elis de Curson cum 4 sociis Gilbertus Scotus In vico Anglicorum: Marpaudus Nicholaus de Dacia cum 4 sociis Nicolaus de Tresis Jacobus le Musi Henricus de Alemania cum 2 sociis Curatus de Feritate Hugo sirurgicus

3

``Nota'' and a line to the left of Valepertus suggest that the payment of ``10 s. solv.'' after Adam de Elou in the previous column belongs here.

227

Appendix 1 58va

Vicus Nucum: Petrus de Foleto cum 8 sociis Franciscus Lumbardus Johannes de Clemont cum 7 sociis, 12 s. 9 d. solv. Guillelmus de Aulosto cum 4 sociis Johannes Vinnon cum 1 socio Johannes de Stanes cum 7 sociis In platea Mauberti et vico predicto: Nicholaus ad Latus Cristianus [cum 11 domicellis crossed out] cum 8 sociis Zindurammus cum 8 sociis, 1 de®cit, 5 oboli alibi, [8 crossed out] 10 s. 8 d. solv. Gaufredus de Marec cum 5 sociis In vico Biurie: Andreas de Rippacuria, 3 s. 2 d. solv. Petrus Roie cum 1 socio Petrus de Monte Regali Johannes Custos Johannes Trillec cum 4 sociis, 14 s. 5 d. solv. Johannes Hapre Guillelmus de Avenaco, 8 s. solv. Guillelmus Chere Male, cum 6 sociis Thomas de Knot cum 4 sociis, 7 s. cum 6 d. solv. Johannes de Aveneta cum 4 sociis Thomas de Sancto Mederico Johannes de Divione Dominicus de Saint Sauge, 32 s. Guillelmus de Ponte Lenino Canonicus unus de Carnoto Guillelmus Deonisii Hugo de Duno, 2 s. solv. Johannes Rolondus cum 2 sociis In vico Sancti Illarii: Thomas de Setone cum 5 sociis Robertus de Proles [Preoles] Andreas de Runiaco cum 2 sociis, 8 s. solv. Raulfus Brito Nicholaus de Rodiaco cum 2 sociis

228

The computus of 1329±30 58vb Guido de Taule [Caule] Jacobus Wyard cum 4 sociis Gerardus de Lubecca cum 5 sociis Hugo de Montibus cum 2 sociis, 6 s. solv. Nicolaus de Keriis Guido de Suecia cum 2 sociis Johannes de Valle Archidiaconus de Chalons cum 4 sociis In vico Amigdalariorum: Hugo Linot cum 1 socio Guido de Besuncio cum 2 sociis, 5 s. solv. Camerarius Trinochie [Ternochie?] cum 1 socio, 7 s. solv. In claustro Sancte Jenovefe: Prior Freneio, 6 s. solv. Petrus de Losanne [Losaune] Petrus de Ausiaco, 4 s. solv. Gerardus de Co®s, 4 s. solv. Prior de Sancto Benigno Jacobus nepos eius Guido de Mayleyo Nicolaus Teutonicus Johannes de Hubanto Ricardus de Campis Johannes Helechin Prope portam Bordelii: Nota Propositus [sic] Ambianensis, 60 s. Turonens. solv. Bernardus de Cardiliaco, solv. 30 s. Prior de Barinis, 3 s. solv. Lancelotus de Calidoloco Jacobus Gorre cum 1 socio Johannes de Monte Sancte Marie, 10 s. solv. Thomas Bufai cum 4 sociis Michael Sergant, 10 s. solv. Aldebrandinus [®rst wrote Ale de Brandi], 20 s. solv. Gilius de Moreto cum 2 scholaribus bursalibus et 7 non bursalibus

229

Appendix 1 65r [Decanus Abolensis crossed out] Domus Navarre: Artiste 30 cum magistro Grammatici 20, magistro et submagistro Theologi 20, provisore et magno magistro 4 capellani Simon de Lantagiis cum 6 sociis, 9 s. solv. Johannes Eremite In vico Jude: Quintinus cum 12 sociis Petrus de Mano Opere cum 3 sociis et 7 grammaticis Gillelmus de Silliniaco cum 8 pueris Guido de Chabiliaco, 4 s. solv. Gilebertus Flemis, 10 s. solv. Johannes Poleter Robertus de Astone, 4 s. 6 d. solv. Johannes de Brugis Pueri de Vauscolour Jacobus de Cantarana Johannes de Dia Hamo Brito cum 12 sociis Thomas de Carliolo, sirurgicus Johannes Fransois cum 2 sociis Gerard de Turnei Johannes Balligerare [Galligerare?] cum 3 sociis Anianus [Ausanus?] cum 3 sociis Johannes de Janua cum 2 sociis, 9 s. solv.

230

The computus of 1329±30 62ra Magister Reginaldus, magister in medicina, de Cornemale, viii s. Magister Yvo de Bussaria cum duobus sociis, viii s. Johannes de Ginganco, ii s. cum dimidio, cum socio suo Magister Matheus de Toncris Firminus ad Latus Firminus de Busto Simon de Lugduno simul xvi sol. Ancelmus medici Johannes Warvilla [Warvillis?] Radulphus de Resonio Egidius de Ecclesia Magister Nicholaus de Rogiaco v sol. Petrus de Compenso Magister Amianus de Angliseya, xxii d. Magister Egidius de Raweriis, ii sol.

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In vico Sancti Victoris: Magister Johannes Harmanni Colardus de Loyers cum suo fratre Johannes Bardel Nicholaus de Bussoroliis, iiii sol. Petrus Maneto, iii sol. Nicholaus de Parisius, iii sol. Dominus Geraldus de Alwernia, iii sol. Dominus Galterus Pictor, xxxiii d. Magister Petrus of®cialis cancellarii Parisius Symon Servientis Ytericus ®lius balivi de Alvernia Gilhelmus ®lius Mathei Johannes Martini, iii sol.

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simul xii sol.

De domo cardinalis Soleti: Magister Petrus de Ancra Magister Florencius de Hangesto Robertus de Couciaco Yngerammus de Freneys simul xxi sol. Petrus de Erdeto Petrus de Vasco molandino Matheus de tribus Sororibus Dominus Johannes de Dugles cum fratre suo et magistro, i agnellum Jacobus de Austria Jacobus de Frisia simul viii sol. Beardus de Frisia Wolfardus Friso Henricus Friso [crossed out: Emericus? Scal, vii d.] Simon de Atrabato, xvi d.

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231

Appendix 1 62rb Gilhelmus de Ponte, iiii sol. Berengarius de Casa simul v sol. Gido de Proynis Gerardus Pictawensis Petrus Pictawensis simul vi sol. Johannes Salamonis Dominus Wilhelmus de Pulmur simul ii Magister Robertus, suus frater, cum alio socio agnellos Arnoldus Carrelli, iii sol. Dominus Theobaldus de Laniis Andreas de Sancto Clodowardo Robertus de Templo simul vi sol. Johannes de Scala Johannes de Storsio Petrus de Sarseleis Dominus Gilhelmus de Menilio, iii sol. Magister [Guillelmus crossed out] Johannes de Vanierua Rodulfus Yvisani Yvonis Salomonis Gilhelmus ejus frater simul vi sol. Ywenus de Lacu Rodulphus de Lamigoye

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Petrus de Sancto Dyonisio Petrus de Vico Johannes Dordanus v sol. Herveus Diunano [Dinnano?] Reginaldus Sarbors Magister Johannes de Tuyto, iiii sol. Matheus Lesbyse, ii sol. Silvester Lenir, ii sol. Magister Johannes de Parisius, xviii d. Frater Gilhelmus Saberti, ii sol. Reynerus de Tessenna Johannes de Carvomonte vi sol. Theobaldus de Noys Albericus Muldat, iiii sol. Johannes de Veneta Johannes de Sancto Justo viii sol. et viiii d. Jacobus et Mathias Pido Petrus de Silvanecto Magister Gilbertus Scotus Rogerus Scotus unum agnellum Arnoldus de Lubeke Gosenius Scotus; Rolandus Scotus, iii sol. Jacobus de Fonte, xxii d.

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232

The computus of 1329±30

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Magister Petrus de Belley v sol. et iiii d. Matheus de Frennay Johannes de Villa Juris iiii sol. Rolandus curatus de Bisserello

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233

Appendix 1 62va Bartholomeus de Novo Castro Anselmus de Novo Castro vi sol. Johannes de Capella Johannes de Castro Willani Magister Petrus de Bion, iiii sol. Johannes Gome, ii sol. Astorgius de Turri, v sol. Johannes Brinaca Johannes de Rosello vii sol. Bernerdus Jori Yterius de Gresis Magister Gilhelmus Yngof v sol. Magister Gilbertus Menart Magister Petrus Boskerre, iii sol. Dominus Bertoldus de Boemia, xv sol. Conradus de Boemia, ii sol. Magister Hamo, iii sol. Nicolaus Saysini, ii sol. Alanus Masan, ii sol. Gilhelmus Tatico, xv d. Magister Symon de Gambasio, v sol. et iiii d. Symon de Planseio Johannes de Ponsio iiiii sol. Gilhelmus de Castro Villani Magister Petrus de Tresis Dominus Nicolaus de Neyaf¯a x sol. Gilhelmus de Verduno Jacobus de Tresis Petrus de Tresis Henricus Sine Amors, iii sol. Dominus Clemens de Ymagine, iii sol. Magister Gilhelmus de Marsidiaco Johannes Clementis viii sol. Johannes de Belsia Johannes de Cleperis Stephanus de Regiaco, xiiii d. Petrus Nicolay, iii sol. Ponsius de Grindione, iii sol. Jacobus et frater eius Hugo et Bermordus frater eius, magistri Hugonis Perrinus de Assiaco Rugerius Rugerini Johannes Sockardi isti sunt scolares Colinus Crasini magistri Jacobi de Moreto Faba Jacobi Fabe Dominus Wilhelmus curatus sancti Nicholay

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234

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xiiii sol.

The computus of 1329±30 Magister Petrus de Proba Villa Dominus Nicholaus de Rubebonic Johannes Petit Magister Gilhelmus de eius socius Magister Rodulphus de Sancto Ricario

235

Appendix 1

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62vb Johannes de Alvernia Gilhelmus Paschali Michael Sarraceni viiii sol. Johannes de Forgetis Johannes de Cambarello Emo de Confoleyn Magister Egidius de Corbya Dominus Petrus de Meovannia[?] et eius socius Magister Symon de Vallibus Magister Johannes Casse Dominus Hugo de Moreio Magister Matheus de Concers cum scolaribus suis qui sunt vii Wilhelmus Golini Johannes de Villemor Nicolaus de Busserolys Johannes de Valle cum duobus sociis [Thomas crossed out ] In domo magistri Johannes Dachiis iiii sunt socii Magister Alanus Crespir cum scolaribus suis, qui sunt xxxx Filippus de Dremo Johannes Muster Johannes de Villa Mori, iiii sol. Gihelmus de Burrecto Felicius Coldoe [Toldoe] Magister Reynerius Cocorul Johannes de Londres Petrus de Molento et socius suus [Magister Reginaldus de crossed out] Johannes de Saxonia cum socio suo, iiii sol. simul Dominus Guido de Ventodorio pro se et Geraldo de Manso eius clerico, x sol. Dominus Rodulphus Simonis[?] cum nepotibus suis, xx sol. Magister Johannes Belliger cum v sociis, xii sol. Magister Johannes Birendan Magister Thomas eius socius Magister Johannes de Bellana Ecclesia Cono de Valle Clusa Johannes de Sayr Nicholaus de Duriaco Nicasyus de Sancto Ylario Nicolaus de Milliaco Johannes de Bolencort Item iiii theologi, et iiii non bursales Magister Johannes de Castro Villani Baldewinus Bottesayt Magister Bertoldus Soreyl Dominus Gilhelmus Parvinati, v sol. Magister Johannes de Bury

236

The computus of 1329±30 Dominus Odardus ante domum Johannis de Bury Dominus decanus Autisiodorensis

237

Appendix 1 63ra Dominus Johannes de Melloto cum magistro suo, xx sol. Magister Johannes Hellekin, xx sol. Laurentius et Guido de Suecia, vi sol. Gerardus Bust, Almannus Magister Philippe Norseyt cum socio suo, iiii sol. et iiii d. Decanus de Mante Dominus Berardus de Serris Prior de Monverden Guido de Francavilla, iiii sol. Dominus Philippus de Cruarno Franciscus pergamenarius, x sol. Dominus Petrus Lamberti, iii sol. Dominus Harmannus Lumbardus Dominus Michaelus Bosys, iii sol. Johannes de Longel Magister Johannes de Aneto, v sol. canonici S. Marcelli Nicholaus de Fravilla, v sol. Dominus Johannes de Antoniaco, iii sol. Dominus Thomas de Cornubia Petrus Gallensis, iii sol. Magister Johannes de Vinaht Dominus Nicholaus de Sancto Desiderio, ii sol. Magister Johannes de Amee Dominus Hugo de Yvriaco, ii sol. Dominus Ricardus Probus homo Johannes Burgo cum xxxx grammaticis Gilhelmus Dinant, xv d. Laurencius de Lubeke, iii sol. Dominus Johannes de Luna cum suo magistro, xxiiii sol. Jacobus Flamingi cum ii sociis, viii sol. Johannes de Lanat iii sol. Adam Crocg Valterus Stet vi sol. Everardus de Letenc Magister Lanfrancus, xxxii d. Vilhelmus de Grinelau, xviii d. Vilhelmus Mor cum ii sociis, xii sol. Johannes Landen, i sol. Rolricus de Sancto Trudone, i sol. Reginaldus de Aciaco v sol. Simon de Polioponte Magister Henricus Mabilie Magister Henricus de Grua [Genua?] x sol. Magister Nicolaus de Danvilla Magister Reginaldus de Bellovisu Erardus de Villaribus ducis, iii sol. Dominus Petrus curatus Sancti Bartolomei, v sol.

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238

The computus of 1329±30 Ronulfus Canpani Petrus Dormelli Godefridus de Rupe

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vi sol.

239

Appendix 1 63rb Magister Paulus de Narbona cum xi sociis, xxvii sol. Thomas de Monte Sancti Eligii, ii sol. Johannes Bresonis, xxviii d. Dominus Bartolomeus Persona in Delf, iii sol. et ii d. Dominus Arnoldus de Vale, iii sol. Dyonisius de Cauda, iii sol. Philippus de Beringi Nicholaus de Tresis, v sol. Magister Thomas Corpir Robertus de Portu Johannes de Gelo Johannes Iniaco Magister Stephanus de Calvomonte, x sol. Magister Johannes de Sabaldia Godefridus de Beniaco Gilhelmus de Cellerariis Magister Petrus de Orleyns medicus Magister Johannes de Carnoto Ricardus Massi Magister Johannes de Castro in novo vico Johannes Canel Magister Gilhelmus Saber Dominus Nicholaus de Breyo Dominus Gilhelmus Ernisi, viii sol. Gilhelmus Tottin Johannes de Seneyo Robertus Beradan Magister Gilhelmus Castric Johannes de Betuna Ivo de Curia, notarius capituli, viii sol. Johannes Heremita, iiii sol. Magister Johannes Hallinis, iii sol. Petrus Pigue, xiii d. Colardus de Milliaco iiii sol. Johannes de Belacort Gerardus curatus Eustacii, x sol. Dominus Bernardus de Sarra, xx sol. Dominus Bernardus de Valle Gige, xx d. Petrus Casellis [Carsellis?], ii sol. Magister Petrus de Auriolanis, iiii sol. Thesaurarius Ispalensis, xx sol. Magister Nicholaus de Agaunet, vi sol. Gilhelmus de Albaco [Ablato], arcidiaconus Cabulonis, et Guido Caprarii ac eorum magister Gilhelmus de Vertre, xvi [sol.] Dominus Clemens de Palaciolo, ii sol. Dominus Reginaldus Beltilini, xviii d. Magister Gilhelmus Fabri, curatus sancti Martialis, iii sol.

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240

The computus of 1329±30 Bernardus de Pentrez cum iiii socii, xii [sol.], vi d. Magister Johannes Carni®cis, decanus de Medonta, xii sol.

241

Appendix 1 63va Magister Petrus de Caritate viii sol. Magister Nicholaus frater eius Dominus Petrus de Suecia, iiii sol. Dominus Johannes de Clamarcio presbyter, iii sol. Bernardus Hervei viri, i sol. Gilhelmus de Crollio [Trollio], ii sol. Robertus Tome [Come], ii sol. cum viii d. Dominus Johannes Galensis presbyter, ii sol. Magister Johannes Blundel, i sol. cum viii d. Petrus de Crotoy, i sol. cum viii d. Johannes de Martingi, i sol. cum viii d. Franciscus de Monte Acuto, i sol. cum viii d. Johannes de Lauduno, mensurator, i sol. cum viii d. [ Johannes de Parisius crossed out ] Nicholaus de Parisius, i sol. cum viii d. Magister Johannes de Poel, iii sol. Prior Sancti Eligii Parisiensis, x sol. Thiboldus de Burya vi sol. Jacobus Burelli Magister Johannes de Orlens v sol. et iiii d. Johannes de Clariaco Magister Jacobus de Senis, vi sol. Johannes de Sancto Albano, iiii sol. Frater Gilhelmus de Podio Elyas et Gerardus Faber vi sol. Johannes de Viriaco Petrus Bermont Johannes de Verduno Oliverus Vigeni Harmannus Ruf® vi sol. Henricus de Trefualloet Henricus de Urcis [Vigs] Galterus de Sancto Quintino, xx d. Magister Petrus de Cusillo v sol. Magister Clemens de Podio Gilhelmus Scoti, xix d. Petrus de Ambroniaco, xvi d. Odardus de Massonis, iiii sol. Maurisius Scotus Magister Johannes Scoti viii sol. Bello Lubbardi Dominus Johannes de Francovilla v sol. Nicholaus, capellanus Sancti Benedicti Magister Stephanus de Nogento, viii sol. Naufridus Lumbardus, v sol. Henricus de Harriaco, xviii d. Dominus Lancelletus de Caro loco, iiii sol.

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242

The computus of 1329±30 Magister [ Johannes crossed out ] Gilhelmus de Barentonio, ii sol. Bertaldus de Alvernia in Veneta [Venta], xviii d. Magister [Guillelmus crossed out ] Guido de Rodis, iii sol. Magister Bertoldus de Constancia in Almania, xxxii d. Lambertus de Pondere ii sol. Symon de Monasterio Marcvardus de Zayense, xviii d. Ponsius de Donsereio, iii sol. Gilhelmus de Grandia iiii sol. Stephanus de Cimays Gilhelmus Piscatoris Godefridus Hote viii sol. Gilhelmus de Fossato Thomas Anetis

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243

Appendix 1 63vb Herveus Requisiti, xx d. Alanus de Villa Nova, xxv d. Dominus Johannes, curatus Sancti Landrici, iiii sol. Jacobus de Medunta, iii sol.

244

The computus of 1329±30 61r

In vico Sancti Germani de Auteseodoro: Guidomarus clericus domini Burbonii cum socio, 16 s. solv. Robertus Daties 10 s. solv. Robertus de Mota Ado de Sennaniis, 12 d. Decanus Sancti Marcelli, vel Lanfredus de Turri, 12 s. solv. Guillelmus Britonis, 10 s. solv. Mi[cha]el de Vera, de Sarbona, non bursalis, 2 s., 6 d. solv. [ Johannes de A. crossed out ] Pro tribus teologis de Navarra, 9 s. solv. Dionisius de Perona, 10 s., 8 d. solv. Johannes Briten, 3 s., 6 d. solv. Ricardus de Menillo, 4 s. solv. Bernardus Jacobi 7 s. solv. Verdinus Gunberdi Stefanus Amurarius, 4 s. solv. Lorencius de Monte forti de Navarra, 3 s. solv. Otto de Florencia cum 3, 14 s., 6 d. solv. Remigius de Mariniaco, 10 s. solv. Teobaldus Meron, 8 s. solv. Alanus Brito, 3 s. solv. Willelmus de Beciziaco, 2 s., 6 [d.] solv. Petrus Circelus, 9 s. solv. Scolares Baiosences ii [mistake for 11?], 22 s. solv. Willelmus Cafet cum 5 sociis, 7 s., 6 d. solv. Decanus Abolensis, xviii s. Guillelmus capellanus, 4 s. solv. Cono de Valle Clusa, 2 s., 6 d. solv. Cantor Nerbonensis, 30 s. Gailardus de Popia cum Laurencio Cailarco, 30 s. Johannes Choffer, 2 s. solv. Stephanus de Rochis, 16 d. solv. Egidius de Navarra, 3 s. solv. Nicolaus de Donos[?] de Navarra, 3 s. solv. Item pro duobus Navarre, 6 s. solv. Item pro 1, 3 s. solv. Item pro 1, 3 s. solv. Johannes Pelliparii cum 2, 6 s. solv. Pro Johanne de Monte Leterico, grammatico, et pro Willelmo, 3 s. solv.

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245

Appendix 1 61v Guillelmus de Kinetot, 2 s. solv. Hamo Reoci cum 4 sociis, ii s. solv. Thomas de Belvaco, 4 s. solv. Navare: Johannes de Hardivilla, 3 s. Dominicus de Sancto Salvio cum 4 sociis, 10 s. solv. Scolasticus Osnaborensis et suo socio, 6 s. solv. Narbone: Pavi Setis, 3 s. solv. Johannes de Amili [Anuli] cum 4 sociis et clerico, 20 s. solv. Johannes de Auriliaco, 10 s. solv. Gunsalvus Ispanus, 26 d. Guillelmus Guidomar, 28 d. Guillelmus Angos, 3 s. Jacobus de Cantara, 5 s. Vabertus cum 2, 9 s. Nicolaus Johannes de Pruscia cum 5 sociis, 9 s., 6 d. Guillelmus de Anglia, 32 d. Baile Gere, 5 s. Nicolaus de Auvernia, 10 s., 6 d. Elias de Corson cum 4, 7 s., 6 d. Johannes de Gistriaco cum ii sociis, 18 s. Narbone: Sunno Hulardi cum 7 sociis grammaticis, 12 s., 3 d. Petrus Leudovici, 3 s. Johannes Turbaudi cum 2 sociis, 12 s. Simon Pinsson, 3 s., 6 d. Johannes de Villa Nova cum 6 sociis, 16 s. Thomas de Kendale cum 2 sociis, 10 s. Petrus de Orgeriis, 2 s. Guido de Genreiio cum duobus, 4 s. Hugo de Gardino cum 3 sociis, 10 s. Dionisius Safre cum Martino Curiali, 10 s. Evenus Brito, 12 d. Matheus de Sargiaco cum 2 sociis, 9 s. Ivanis Boy, 10 s. Petrus de Basio cum fratre socio et uno alio, 4 s., 9 d. Bernardus de Alvernia cum socio, 6 s. Navarre: pro 16 grammaticis cum magistro, 29 s., 6 d. Hamo de Gargoet, 2 s. Galfridus de Maruc cum 5 sociis, 7 s., 6 d. Bernardus de Ponte Rivi, 2 s. Guillelmus de Alost cum 4 sociis, 7 s., 6 d. Notandum quod aliqua nomina fuerunt scripta ante adventum meum die sabati.

246

Appendix 2

ANALYSIS OF THE COMPUTUS TEXT

The document as reconstructed in Appendix 1 divides itself into two quires with distinct characteristics. In the ®rst quire, all in the same scribal hand with English elements (henceforth referred to as scribe `a'), all names are connected with speci®c streets or vici on the Left Bank, beginning with the cloister of St-BenoõÃt in the center of the university district and ending at rue de Judas to the east. Furthermore, many of the names in this quire identify the head or representative of a group of scholars (socii), and whereas some entries indicate the amount of assessment paid, most do not. Finally, the number of socii and the amounts paid are almost always given in Arabic numerals.1 In the second quire, all but the last two columns of which are written in a different scribal hand (henceforth referred to as scribe `b'), only two streets are mentioned (the rue StVictor and the rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois), and it is unclear which of the names listed below each belong to these streets.2 Thus, in contrast with the ®rst quire, this second quire is almost entirely a straight listing of individual names, only a few of which bear the designation ``cum sociis.'' Moreover, most of those named in the ®rst two folios of the second quire include indication of the amount paid, invariably in Roman numerals. And, unlike scribe `a', scribe `b' more consistently notes the academic or ecclesiastical title, speci®cally ``magister'' and ``dominus.''3 After two blank pages (f.60r±60v), the last folio of this second quire is again in the hand of scribe `a', one column to each page, the ®rst of which begins with the mention of rue St-Germain-l'Auxerrois before lapsing into a simple listing of names and amounts paid, as in the previous seven columns of this 1 2

3

The three exceptions all concern ``ii'' (Comp., pp. 223, 245, 246), which in at least one case (and perhaps all) should have been ``11''. Because a space occurs after the ®rst three names listed under ``in vico Sancti Victoris'' (Comp., p. 231), those three may be the only ones connected with that street. Although we would expect to ®nd a clerk of the duke of Bourbon living near the latter's residence in the rue St Germainl'Auxerrois (Comp., p. 245), how many of the following names, if any, belong to that street is unknown. As a university title, distinct from an ecclesiastical or social title, dominus identi®ed a bachelor or licentiate in arts, one of higher rank than simply a student but not yet a master. For examples of dominus as a title for a bachelor of arts, see Charles Jourdain, ``Un Compte de la nation d'allemagne, de l'universite de Paris, au quinzieÁme sieÁcle,'' MeÂmoires de la SocieÂte de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France, 1 (1875), 167±185, at 173±175, 178±179. In the computus of 1329±30, however, the term dominus usually identi®es those who hold an ecclesiastical position or bene®ce, as becomes clear from information in the biographical register included in this volume, pp. 129±217, and from the occasional use of ecclesiastical titles in the computus.

247

Appendix 2 quire. The amounts recorded on this last folio are in Arabic numerals, in keeping with the method used by scribe `a' in the ®rst quire. The ®rst quire was the result of a street-by-street survey, because it moves contiguously from one street and district to another, because the colleges and convents mentioned are invariably found in the street and in the sequence where they belong, and because of the remark about the amount collected on the ®rst day (Comp., p. 222). But were the named individuals residents of the street where they are listed, or were they only encountered by the collectors at that place and time? In almost all cases these streets are the place of residence of those named, although in a few cases the individual might simply have been encountered in the street.4 The frequent recording of a name with a speci®c number of socii designates a residential grouping and would make no sense if it were a survey only of individuals encountered. Moreover, if the street were only a place of chance meeting, listing it would serve no purpose beyond marking the route of the collectors, which by itself would not be worth recording. The closest model for a street-by-street survey that the collectors would have known would have been the royal taille, which was a listing of payments based on taxable commercial income and recorded in a precise topographical survey of each parish, queste (subsection of a parish), street (rue) in Paris.5 Although the ®rst quire of the computus is not as detailed, it presupposes a similar topographical connection between person and place. In the computus, the vicus was a unit of habitation, not simply a thoroughfare. Vicus designated the dwellings, the inhabited space, that fronted onto a street, and could be thought of as including the surrounding space, the ``neighborhood.'' The main differences between these two surveys is that the computus is less detailed than the records of the royal taille, applies to an entirely different group of persons, was based on expenditure rather than income, and, in some cases, listed persons as belonging to a district composed of two or more streets. The topographical consistency of the ®rst quire indicates that it was the product of one collecta at one point in time. But was the second quire part of this same assessment, or was it the product of a different collecta, separated in time? And would a theory of separate collectae adequately account for the duplication of names noted in Chapter One? Close examination shows that the two quires were part of the same assessment. Although given the structural form of the second quire we would not expect to see street names repeated, it is remarkable that the only two streets mentioned in the second quire are not included in the ®rst quire. Moreover, the duplication of names does not divide evenly between the two quires, with one mention in each. At least two individuals are named twice in the ®rst quire and never in the second, and at least two individuals are named twice in the second quire and not in the ®rst.6 More telling, for 4

5 6

For example, a wealthy Italian, Aldebrandinus, paid the assessors his half-burse of 20 sol. when he encountered them at the Porte Bordelle (Comp., p. 229), not when they ®rst approached him at his residence(?) in rue St Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226). Similarly, Sunno (Simon?) Hulardi was listed by the assessors at his place of residence near the ColleÁge d'Harcourt (Comp., p. 221) and again when encountered in the lower end of rue de la Harpe (Comp., p. 223). See Chapter Two, pp. 38±39. The record of the taille even recorded the side of the street (renc) and intersections (quarrefour, coing). The certain duplications in the ®rst quire are Sunno Hulardi (Comp., pp. 221 and 223) and Aldebrandinus (Comp., pp. 226 and 229). Other possibilities are Johannes de Senonis (Comp., pp. 219 and 220), Rodulphus/Raulfus Brito (Comp., pp. 227 and 228), and Johannes de Divione (Comp., pp. 224, 225 and 228), but these perhaps identify different persons of a similar name.

248

Analysis of the computus text almost all name duplications, the majority of which do correspond to the two quires, the ®rst entry is without indication of payment or amount owed, whereas the second indicates payment made. If these quires came from different assessments, we would expect to ®nd an indication of payment in each quire for many of these same-name entries, but that never occurs. Presumably, many would not have had suf®cient funds on hand when ®rst approached, or would not have been inclined to pay for their socii before they had collected from them. That the second quire includes the names with payment of many individuals and several colleges listed on the ®rst quire without payment links the two documents together and suggests their chronological relationship. The ®rst quire was a product of the ®rst few days of collection, as the remark on Comp., p. 222 makes clear: ``Summa receptarum prime diei . . .'' The second quire was the result of the ®nal reckoning. The fact that the last two columns of the second quire are in the hand of the scribe responsible for the ®rst quire further attests to their belonging together as part of the same assessment and helps to explain the comment he added to the end of that quire, namely that some of the names (presumably referring to those he had just entered) were also recorded by him earlier in the week before he resumed his scribal duties on a Saturday.7 Only one of those listed on the last folio, Cono de Valle Clusa, also appears in the earlier part of the second quire (Comp., pp. 236, 245), but twenty individuals, ten unnamed members of the college of Navarre, one scholar from the college of Narbonne, and the entire membership of the college of Bayeux ± forty-two persons in all ± that scribe `a' had just listed with payment were recorded by him in the ®rst quire without indication of payment. Not having the ®rst quire at hand, or not wishing to delay the collection by searching for the earlier entry and entering the amount next to the name previously recorded, he listed the name a second time.8 This very duplication of names was what he wanted noted by those who would consult the record. The issue of multiple listings and possible duplications merits closer examination, largely because this evidence led some scholars in the past to view the document as a product of several assessments. Once the document is rearranged, of the seventy-one names that occur, or appear to occur, more than once (including eleven unnamed members of the ColleÁge de Bayeux), sixty-three follow the same pattern: ®rst mention without payment, second mention with payment.9 All sixty-three, with only three

7

8

9

The certain duplications in the second quire are Cono de Valle Clusa (Comp., pp. 236 and 245) and Nicolaus de Bussoroliis/Busserolys (Comp., pp. 231 and 236). Other possibilities are Nicolaus de Parisius (Comp., pp. 231 and 242) and Odardus (Comp., pp. 237 and 242). Comp., p. 246: ``Notandum quod aliqua nomina fuerunt scripta ante adventum meum die sabati.'' The only other meaning would be that the names written earlier in this second quire were written before he resumed his duties, which would be self-evident and not worth noting. Earlier in the week, when he had the ®rst quire still in hand, he was able to write in amounts next to names previously recorded. This is con®rmed by differences in the ink between the names and some of the amounts and because the total amount ®nally recorded for those assessed on the ®rst day exceeds the amount recorded as received on the ®rst day. Of these sixty-three, ®fty-one are undoubtedly the same person: Decanus de Abolensis (Avila); Thesaurarius de Ispalensis (Seville); Alanus Brito de Villacollis; Aldebrandinus; Bernardus de Alvernia; Bernardus Jacobi; Bertholdus de Bohemia; Cono de Valle Clusa; Elias de Curson; Gaillardus de Popia; Gaufridus de Marec; Gilbertus Scotus; Guido de Suecia; Guillelmus de Angos; Guillelmus de Dinanto; magister Guillelmus de Ingof; Guillelmus de Kinetot; Ivo (Evenus) Brito; Johannes de Auriliaco; Johannes de Aurilianis (OrleÂans); magister Johannes Bloundel; Johannes Douglas and brother; Johannes de Francovilla; Johannes Galensis; magister

249

Appendix 2 exceptions, mention the street of residence in the ®rst entry but not in the second, although another connects the name to a street in both entries.10 Another person who almost ®ts this pattern is magister Guillelmus de Castric, whose street of residence is indicated with the ®rst mention, but no indication of payment is mentioned with either entry. Of the other seven cases that do not ®t the payment-with-second-listing pattern, three appear to be ones in which the individual paid when ®rst encountered, but whose name was recorded a second time because he may have been in the company of others who were just then paying,11 or because he was encountered twice in the same street and the receptor perhaps thought his initial payment insuf®cient.12 The remaining four cases appear to refer to individuals with the same name or similar names.13 The idea of separate individuals (recognizable as such by living in a different

10

11

12

13

Johannes Hellekin; Johannes Heremita; Johannes de Luna; Johannes Martini; Johannes de Tuito; Johannes de Valle; Johannes de Villa Juris; Nicholas de Auvernia; Nicolaus, capellanus de St BenoõÃt; Nicolaus de Caritate; Nicolaus de Tresis; magister Petrus de Caritate; Petrus de Orgeriis; magister Petrus de Tresis; Thomas de Keudale; and the eleven scolares Baiosences (Domus Guillelmi Boneti). Included in the ®gure of sixty-three are several names that ®t this pattern but may be separate individuals: Guillelmus de Becizi and Guillelmus de Beciziaco; Guillelmus de Ponte and Guillelmus de Ponte Lenine; Jacobus de Cantara and Jacobus de Cantarana; Johannes de Bolencort and Johannes de Belacort; Johannes de Carvomonte and Johannes de Calvo monte; Johannes de Villemor and Johannes de Villa mori; Lancelotus de Calidoloco and Lancelletus de Caro loco; Nicholaus de Rodiaco and magister Nicholaus de Rogiaco; dominus Odardus and Odardus de Massonis; magister Petrus de Orleyns medicus and magister Petrus de Auriolanis; Theobaldus and Theobaldus de Merano; Valepertus and Vabertus. Those that lack a street reference because both entries occur in the second quire are Cono de Valle Clusa, Johannes de Bolencort/Belacort, and Johannes de Villemor/Villa Mori. The one with two street listings because both entries are in the ®rst quire is Aldebrandinus, who is ®rst mentioned without payment in rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226) and who is subsequently listed a short distance away, ``prope portam Bordelii,'' with payment (Comp., p. 229). Nicholaus de Bussoroliis paying 4 sol. (Comp., p. 231) and subsequently a Nicolaus de Busserolys without payment (Comp., p. 236); Johannes de Castro Villani, ®rst mentioned in vico Latomorum with a payment of 15 sol. that probably included the ®ve socii with him (comp., p. 221), and later a magister Johannes de Castro Villani without address and without payment (Comp., p. 236). The second mention of Nicolaus de Bussoroliis occurs in a column where very few payments are recorded (ten payments for forty entries) and where several of the duplicate entries occur: Johannes de Alvernia, Johannes de Villemor/Villa Mori, Johannes de Valle, Cono de Valle Clusa, Johannes de Bolencort, magister Johannes de Castro Villani, and Odardus. The Johannes de Castro Willani (Comp., p. 234), who paid only 1 sol., 6 den., was probably an arts student because of the level of payment and therefore was not the same person as magister Johannes de Castro Villani. The receptor noted in the ®rst entry for Sunno (Simon?) Hulardi (Comp., p. 221), who was living in the upper end of rue de la Harpe near the ColleÁge d'Harcourt, that Sunno ``solvit 2 s. solum.'' When encountered a second time (Comp., p. 223) on a different day, as the assessors reached the lower end of rue de la Harpe, the inclusion of his name might have been a reminder that more money was still owing. Although the minims and the line for a missing `n' in gothic script make Simo(n) and Sun(n)o indistinguishable, the grammar master at ColleÁge de Narbonne, Sunno Hulardi, who paid 12 sol. and 3 den. for himself and seven students (Comp., p. 246), is probably a different person. Aldebrandinus was also encountered twice, ®rst in the rue St-Etienne-des-Grez (Comp., p. 226), which was probably his place of residence, and later near by at the Porte Bordelle (Comp., p. 229), where he made his substantial payment of 20 sol. For example, the Johannes de Senonis (Sens), ®rst mentioned in the upper section of rue St-Jacques (Comp., p. 219) with a payment of 2 sol. is probably not the same person of that name listed a few lines later (Comp., p. 220) in the same street without payment indicated. The

250

Analysis of the computus text street, or by academic rank, or by paying a substantially different amount) also explains three cases in the ®rst group of sixty-three in which the same or a similar name appears a third time.14 From this it emerges that the document resulted from one ®nancial assessment at one point in time and lasted several days. Several collectors (or more likely a team of collectors using more than one scribe) acted as receptors. The ®rst quire was the result of the ®rst few days of the process; the second quire was compiled during the last days of the collection. But do the two quires re¯ect different methods of collection (a streetby-street survey as opposed to payments at one designated place), or did the scribes of the second quire simply lose interest in recording the streets where they found the persons they listed? And if the latter were the case, is it possible that the second quire represents districts not covered by the ®rst quire? In favor of the argument that hidden within the second quire is a street-by-street survey of other districts of the university community is the fact that two streets are mentioned (St-Victor and St-Germain-l'Auxerrois) that do not appear in the ®rst quire. The ®rst of these streets, rue St-Victor, occurs towards the beginning of the second quire and is topographically close to rue de Judas, the last street mentioned in the previous quire. Moreover, several curates of parish churches on the Ile-de-la-Cite are mentioned in the second quire as is the curate of St-Eustache (on the Right Bank), whereas no persons outside the Left Bank are mentioned in the ®rst quire. Finally, just after recording the name of ``magister Johannes de Bury'' (Comp., p. 236), scribe `b' recorded ``dominus Odardus ante domum Johannis de Bury,'' which suggests that Odardus was encountered immediately after Johannes de Bury's name was entered at his place of residence.15 The weight of evidence, however, excludes that hypothesis. More than sixty names listed with payment in the second quire are recorded in the ®rst quire by place of residence (Left Bank) but without payment, which proves that we are not looking at a

14

15

same applies to Nicolaus de Parisius, ®rst occurring with a payment of 3 sol. (Comp., p. 231) and later with a payment of 1 sol., 8 den. (Comp., p. 242); and to Rodulphus Brito in rue du Four without payment (Comp., p. 227), who is probably not the same as the Raulfus Brito in rue StHilaire, also without payment (Comp., p. 228), because of the two addresses. Similarly, there is a Johannes de Divione (Dijon) in rue Huchette (Comp., p. 224), in rue d'Arras (Comp., p. 225), and in rue de BieÁvre (Comp., p. 228), none with payment ± all probably different persons. Two of the references to Alanus Brito (magister Alanus Brito de Villacollis in vico Poretarum without indication of payment [Comp., p. 220] and Alanus Brito without address who later paid 3 sol. [Comp., p. 245]) are probably to the same person because the level of payment is consistent with this well-known master of arts. An additional Alanus Brito in vico Pergamenorum (Comp., p. 225) is a different individual by reason of the different address and a payment consistent with a student of arts. Similarly, two of the references to magister Petrus de Tresis (in vico Burnelli without payment [Comp., p. 227] and later without address but with a payment of 2 sol. [Comp., p. 234]) are probably identical because both entries refer to him as master, whereas a Petrus de Tresis (Comp., p. 234) listed ®ve names below the second entry is a different individual. Johannes de Auriliaco, also listed ®rst by street (Comp., p. 218) and later by payment (Comp., p. 246), is probably not the same as Johannes de Auriaco listed at a different address (Comp., p. 225). The only other case, beyond those mentioned in this and the previous note, in which a similar name appears three times is Johannes de Castro Villani (or Castro Willani). The phrase ``ante domum,'' however, might have been residential information provided by Odardus. The phrase was often used to describe the topographical relationship of two properties; see, for example, descriptions of properties owned by the Sorbonne (Glorieux, Sorbonne II, pp. 544, 547, 551).

251

Appendix 2 survey primarily of districts untouched by the ®rst quire. Similarly, when in the same section of a column of the second quire we encounter names of individuals or colleges recorded in the ®rst quire and whose location is therefore known, they often come from different, non-contiguous sections of the Latin Quarter, which suggests that the order of names in the second quire was not the result of a street-by-street survey but of the order in which payments were recorded at one location. Even the seeming topographical relationship between the two quires based on the ®rst ending at or near rue de Judas and the second beginning at or near rue St-Victor is misleading. Several names that appear at the top of the ®rst column of quire two (Comp., p. 231) are known to reside on or near rue de la Buscherie and the northern end of rue de la Harpe, quite distant from rue St-Victor. None of those streets is close to rue du Foin (the residential location of Johannes Martini, whose name occurs later in the same column), which in turn is not near St-Jacques (the location of the ColleÁge des Chollets, mentioned next). Finally, the second quire lacks any entries marked as ``non scolaris'' or ``non gaudebit privilegiis,'' which occur in the ®rst quire as a result of ``in-vico'' confrontation (Comp., pp. 218, 219, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226). Such persons are precisely those who would not seek out the collectors at Mathurins, Ste-GenevieÁve, or elsewhere.16 The second quire, in all likelihood, resulted from scholars reporting to one designated location, which was the traditional form of collection, as was discussed in Chapter Two. Where, in the second quire, we do ®nd small clusters of names topographically related, they are probably the result of several individuals (colleagues, socii, college fellows) reporting together. Such groupings might also explain the inclusion of the two street names (if a group from the same street reported together), as well as the mention of the residential relationship between Jean de Bury and Odardus (if Odardus provided that information for the scribe). When the misfolding of the sheets from the 1329±30 collecta took place is dif®cult to determine, but some of the steps in the transmission of the document can be discerned. The part of the computus to which our quires belong was copied on paper belonging to the English nation, which means either that the rector or, more likely, the collector or scribe for that section of the computus belonged to the English nation.17 Moreover, more than half the extant document is written in a hand similar to other hands found in the records of that nation. The unsewn sheets of this document were placed in the chest of the English nation at the Mathurins convent among the records and ®nancial accounts 16

17

Names marked with ``non gaudebit privilegiis'' in place of payment were those who either refused to pay or who might have been found living in property prohibited to scholars by the university because of rent infractions. Those so listed were Gido Pictavensis, Johannes de Arboreto, Emericus de Campis (Comp., p. 222), Gerinus Burgaut (Comp., p. 223), Johannes Martini (Comp., p. 225), and Baldewynus de Ast (Comp., p. 226), although Martini later made his payment (Comp., p. 231) and presumably had his privileges restored. Whether all these individuals were denied the privileges of the university for reasons of nonpayment is uncertain. Apart from refusal to contribute to the collection, scholars might be suspended for disruptive behavior, as was Conrad of Megenberg (AUP I, cols. 18±25), or for renting a habitation that had been blacklisted by the university ( Jourdain, ``La tax,'' p. 144). The watermark of the double cross found on folio 62 of the ``computus'' quire is identical with the watermark found earlier in the register on which the records of the nation for 1333±47 were recorded. See, for example, folios 1, 35, 44, 51, 52, 53, and 54. This means that the paper used in this register, and probably part of the previous register, was acquired by or before 1329 and lasted until 1347, after which a different watermark, with the head of a unicorn, appears (cf. Reg. 2,2, f.12).

252

Analysis of the computus text of the nation, probably because the scribe/collector or the rector at the time belonged to the English nation.18 At a meeting of the English nation at Mathurins in May 1344, Ulrich of Augsburg, the receptor for the nation in 1343±44, used the blank last page of the document as then folded, or the blank last page of one of the two sections of the document, to copy out his ®nancial report, which was then returned to the chest.19 When this volume of the proctor's register of the English nation was assembled for binding in or soon after the summer of 1347, the quire containing Ulrich's record, which was written on the back of that quire as then folded and was probably the reason for its inclusion, was designated as the last quire of that volume.20 At that time, the last quire was already misfolded with one sheet (folios 64 and 65, which included Ulrich's account on the back page) used as the outside leaf for the entire quire. The recto side of this outside leaf (and thus of the quire) was marked at the top with ``ultimus sexternus.''21 Before the actual binding, however, the last quire was re-assembled, keeping Ulrich's account at the end, but making folio 64 the next-to-last folio rather than the beginning folio. Then, it was bound and numbered (that is, foliated). The statement at the end of the previous quire (f.57v: ``Hic continetur intus copia instrumenti missi illi bono homini Christiano'') does not apply to the quire that follows, as Deni¯e and Chatelain already noted, but refers to the copy of a public instrument given to Christian d'Elst and found earlier in that same quire.22 The misfolding of the pages of the document, whether before 1344 or at the time of binding, is not surprising. What was important at the time of collection and later was not the order of names but the payment of the assessment. Once the collection was completed and payments recorded, the original sequence of folio pages mattered little, and the document itself, except for its blank pages, gradually ceased to have value. In the short term, perhaps for several years after the assessment, it continued to be important ± not just as a list of those who had paid, but as a list of those who had not yet paid for an obligation to which they were bound. The names without 18

19

20 21

22

An assumption based on the fact that this portion of the computus was written on paper belonging to the English nation, the record of the receptor for the nation in 1344 was written on one of the blank folios, and the fragment was bound in with the proctors' records of the nation. AUP I, col. 72: ``Item magister Ulricus reddidit compotum suum ®nalem in presentia nationis apud Sanctum Maturinum, qui scriptus est prope ®nem papiri etc.'' If the document was at that time still folded correctly (and there is no reason to believe that it was), then it consisted of two gatherings, and Ulrich's account (f.65v) was written on the blank verso of the ®rst gathering. If, as seems more likely, one sheet (ff.64/65) was already used as a cover for all the sheets belonging to the document, then Ulrich's account was written on the blank last verso of what appeared to be one quire. The approximate date of binding is based on the last date of the records included in this volume and the beginning date of the records in the next volume of the proctors' registers. F.64r, which bears the designation ``ultimus sexternus,'' was chronologically and topographically the ®rst page of this section of the 1329 computus as originally written. It was also the folio of the outside bifolium that surrounded the last quire of the register as arranged for binding. All such quire designations in the register are in the same hand (for example, f.29r: ``tertius sexternus''; f.38r: ``quartus sexternus''; f.48r: ``quintus sexternus''). As presently bound, the ``ultimus sexternus'' designation occurs on the next-to-last folio, and the ®rst folio of the last quire has no quire designation ± evidence that unsewn sheets of this last quire were rearranged between initial assembly and actual binding. The folio numbers correspond to the order of sheets as bound, so they must have been numbered after binding, or at least after being reassembled. AUP I, col. 104, referring back to AUP I, col. 99.

253

Appendix 2 payment represented money owed to the university, which the rector and other of®cials would try to collect, especially if someone sought promotion to a higher degree. Fortunately, Ulrich's use of a blank page of the document saved it from almost certain oblivion.

254

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

I: INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS

Paris, Archives Nationales, XIa 9: 139 Paris, Archives Nationales, J 155, n. 3 (Statuts du ColleÁge de Navarre): 139, 141, 153, 172, 185, 186, 200, 212 Paris, Archives Nationales, J 488, n.530 (Revocation de Martin de la Rive): 141 Paris, Archives Nationales, LL 105 (Registre du chapitre de Notre Dame, Paris): 16n, 17n, 49n, 129, 131, 135, 136, 137, 140, 142, 143, 146, 152, 155, 158, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 182, 185, 190, 194, 196, 197, 203 Paris, Archives Nationales, KK 283 (Livres de la taille): 38n Paris, Archives Nationales, S 3640 (Livres des Contrats des Grands-Augustins): 141, 194±195, 211 Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, Arch. Univ., carton IV.A.18.e (Taxationes domorum): 22n Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, Arch. Univ., carton V.B.1.h (letter of university to prelates of France): 50n Paris, Bibl. de la Sorbonne, Arch. Univ., Reg. 2.1, ff.58r±65v: The computus of 1329±30: 9±27, 218±246, 247±254 Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Instrumenta miscellania, #1983: 216 Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Avenionensia, vols. 42: 142 58: 158, 169, 189, 190, 201, 207 59: 135, 138, 166, 169, 173, 184, 191, 202, 204, 212, 213 65: 189 66: 192, 196, 207, 211 70: 132, 201 238: 157 Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra supplicationum, vols. 1: 131, 150, 211, 213 5: 197 7: 141, 179, 196 10: 197 11: 138 13: 184, 197 14: 215 17: 182 18: 172, 197

255

Select bibliography 19: 173, 184, 191 20: 142, 165, 166, 179, 191 21: 162, 165, 197 22: 165, 184, 191, 197 23: 132, 142, 145, 165 24: 184, 196, 210 26: 196 43: 129 Vatican, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registra Vaticana, vols. 147: 142, 201 148: 142, 143, 158, 189, 190, 196, 201, 207, 208 149: 135, 138, 169, 173, 184, 191, 202, 203, 204, 212, 213 150: 129, 130, 178, 210 152: 191, 192, 196, 207, 211 153: 131, 164, 170 154: 158, 182, 189, 191, 193, 198, 204 156: 132, 139, 140, 156, 162, 163, 165, 174, 187, 190, 198, 200, 201, 206 161: 142 169: 197 170: 147 184: 142 186: 138 192: 165 219: 196 II: PRINTED SOURCES AND REFERENCE WORKS

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Select bibliography Leff, Gordon. Paris and Oxford Universities in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New York, 1968) Lehugeur, P. Histoire de Philippe le long (Paris, 1897) Luisignan, Serge. ``L'enseignement des arts dans les colleÁges parisiens au Moyen Age,'' in Weijers, O., and Holtz, L., eds., L'enseignement des disciplines aÁ la Faculte des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe±XVe sieÁcles) (Turnhout, 1997), pp. 43±54 Martin, O. L'AssembleÂe de Vincennes de 1329 et ses conseÂquences. Etude sur les con¯its entre la juridiction laõÈque et la juridiction eccleÂsiastique au XIVe sieÁcle (Paris, 1909) Miethke, JuÈrgen. ``Marsilius von Padua, die politische Philosophie eines lateinischen È bergang Aristotelikers des 14. Jahrhunderts,'' in Lebenslehren und WeltentwuÈrfe im U von Mittelalter zum Neuzeit, ed. H. Boockmann, B. Moeller, K. Stackmann (GoÈttingen, 1989), pp. 52±76 Mollat, Michel. ``Notes sur la mortalite aÁ Paris au temps de la Peste Noire d'apreÁs les comptes de l'Oeuvre de Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois,'' Le Moyen Age, vol. jubiliaire (Bruxelles, 1963), 505±527. Posthumus Meyjes, G. H. M. Jean Gerson et l'AssembleÂe de Vincennes (Leiden, 1978) Quillet, J. La philosophie politique de Marsile de Padoue (Paris, 1970) La philosophie politique du songe du Vergier (1378) (Paris, 1977) Rabut, E. ``Les Cholets . . .,'' Paris et Ile-de-France: MeÂmoires, 21 (1970), 7±95 Rashdall, Hastings. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden. 3 vols. (Oxford, 1936) Renardy, Christine. Le monde des maõÃtres universitaires du dioceÁse de LieÁge, 1140±1350 (Paris, 1979) Ridder-Symoens, Hilda de (ed.), A History of the University in Europe, vol. I: Universities in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1992) Roblin, M. ``Au Quartier Latin. Les premieÁres reÂsidences de la grande noblesse provinciale,'' La Montagne Sainte-GenevieÁve et ses abords, 82 (1964), 1±5. Rouse, Richard H. and Mary A. ``The Book Trade at the University of Paris, ca. 1250±ca. 1350,'' in La Production du livre universitaire au moyen aÃge. Exemplar et pecia, ed. L. J. Bataillon, B. G. Guyot, and R. H. Rouse (Paris, 1988), pp. 41±114 Roux, S. ``L'Habitat urbain au Moyen Age. Le quartier de l'Universite aÁ Paris,'' Annales. Economies, SocieÂteÂs, Civilisations, 24 (1969), 1196±1219 Royer, J.-P. L'Eglise et le Royaume de France au XIVe sieÁcle d'apreÁs le ``Songe du Vergier'' et la jurisprudence du Parlement (Paris, 1969) Samaran, Charles. ``Les Archives et la bibliotheÁque du chapitre de Notre-Dame,'' Revue d'histoire de l'eÂglise de France, 147 (1964), 99±107; reprinted in HuitieÁme centenaire de Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris, 1967), 167±175 Schwinges, Rainer C. ``Student Education, Student Life,'' in A History of the University in Europe, vol. I: Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. H. de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 195±211 Semmler, Josef. ``Die Residenzen der FuÈrsten und PraÈlaten im mittelalterlichen Paris (12.±14. Jahrhundert),'' in MeÂlanges offerts aÁ Rene Crozet aÁ l'occasion de son 70 anniversaire, ed. P. Gallais and Y.-J. Rion, vol. 2 (Poitiers, 1966), pp. 1217±1236 Streeter, Dale R. ``The Provenance and Promotion of French Bishops, 1300±1350,'' MA thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1997 Tanaka, Mineo. La nation anglo-allemande de l'Universite de Paris aÁ la ®n du Moyen Age (Paris, 1992)

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261

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES

I. MEDIEVAL (Asterisks identify persons NOT listed in the computus. Alternate spellings in text of computus are in brackets) Abulensis [Abolensis, Avila], decanus; see Velasco Eximini Aciaco; see Reginaldus, Assiaco Adam Crocg, 238 Adam de Elou, 226 Adam Bercherii de Francoville [Fraccovile], magister, 64, 129, 218 *Adam, viscount of Melun, 179, 186 *Adam Orleton, bishop of Worcester, 85, 183 Adam de Rusa, 223 *Adam Wodeham, O.F.M., 85 *Ademarus de Croso, 40 *Ademarus Jorii, canon of Clermont, 136 *Adenulph of Anagni, 114n Ado de Sennaniis, 245 Agaunet; see Nicolaus *Alain, O.F.M., magister, 85 *Alain Gontier, bishop of St-Malo, 193, 194 *Alan de Wedale, 75, 216 Alanus Brito, 129, 225, 245, 251n Alanus Brito de Villacollis [Vilacullis], 67, 129±130, 145, 146, 220, 249n, 251n Alanus Crespir, magister, 236 Alanus de Longe Alee, 224 Alanus Masan, 234 *Alanus de Prope Pontou, alias Guillelmi de Plestin, magister, 180 Alanus de Villa Nova, 244 Albaco; see Guillelmus Albeli; see Bernardus Albericus Muldat, 232 *Albert the Great, O.P., 107 Aldebrandinus [Alderbrandinus], 39, 78, 98, 122, 130, 226, 229,248n, 249n, 250n Aldenove; see Mathias *Aldobrandinus de Baschio, 130

Alemania; see Henricus *AlencËon, count of, 104 *Alexander IV, pope, 29n *Alexander Seton, Scottish defender of Berwick, 215 Alfoncius Dionysii de Hispannia (de Lisboa, Lisbon), 17, 66, 75n, 99, 122, 130±131, 199, 220 *Alfonsus, king of Castile, 160 Alost; see Guillelmus Alto Monte; see Vombernk Alto Passo, fratres de, 223 Alvernia (Auvergne); see Bernardus, Geraldus, Itericus, Johannes, Petrus; see also Auvernia Alvernia in Veneta; see Bertaldus Amanevus de Ramaforti, cantor Lingonensis (Langres), 64, 96, 100, 118n, 131, 218 Ambazia (Amboise); see Nicolaus Ambianensis (Amiens), prepositus, 79, 98, 100, 131±132, 229 Amboise; see Nicolaus de Ambazia Ambroniaco; see Petrus Ambrosius, frater, 221 Amee; see Johannes Amianus de Angliseya, magister, 231 Amiens; see Ambianensis Amili; see Johannes *Amisius de Aurelianis, dean of Notre Dame, 137 Amurarius; see Stefanus Ancra; see Petrus de Encra; see also Ancre Ancre; see Henricus *Anders Sunesen, 114n Andreae; see Petrus *Andreas Freouati de Smalandia, 133; see Andreas de Suetia

262

Index of persons and places Andreas de Rippacuria, 132, 228 Andreas de Rugniaco [Runiaco], 79, 132, 228 Andreas de Sancto Clodoaldo [Clodowardo], 132±133, 232 Andreas de Suetia (Suecia, Sweden), 69, 87, 133, 221 *Andrew Fleming, dean of Aberdeen, 147 Anetis; see Thomas Aneto; see Johannes *Anfredus (Aufredus) Gonteri, O.F.M., 85 Anglicus, de Anglia; see Guillelmus, Laurentius, Thomas Angliseya; see Amianus Angos (Angus); see Guillelmus Anianus (Ausanus?), 230 *Annibaldus de Ceccano, cardinal, 194 Anselmus [Ancelmus] medici, 231 Anselmus de Novo Castro, 234 Anselmus [Ancelmus] Pipe, 74, 133, 223 Antoniaco; see Johannes Apostoli; see Petrus Aquila; see Johannes Arboreto; see Johannes *Archibald de Douglas, regent of Scotland, 173 *Ardengus, 114n Area; see Michael *Arnaud de Pellagrua, cardinal, 177 Arnoldus Carrelli, 232 Arnoldus de Lubeke, 232 Arnoldus de Vale, dominus, 240 Assartis; see Essartis Assiaco; see Perinus; see also Aciaco Ast [Hast]; see Baldwinus, Henricus Astone; see Robertus *Astorgius de Aurillac, 134 Astorgius de Turre [Turri], 99, 134, 234 Atenes; see Robertus Atrabato (Arras); see Simon Auberriaco, prior de, 97, 221 Auciaco (Ausiaco); see Gaufridus, Petrus; see also Aciaco, Assiaco Audacis; see Johannes Aulasto; see Guillelmus; see also Alost Auriaco (Auriliaco, Aurillac); see Johannes Aurilianis; see Johannes Auriolanis; see Petrus Ausanus; see Anianus Austria; see Jacobus Auteteodoro (Auxerre); see Jacobus Autisiodorensis (Auxerre), dominus decanus; see Johannes de Meleduno Auvergne; see Alvernia, Auvernia Auvernia (Auvergne); see Durandus, Nicolaus; see also Alvernia Avenaca; see Johannes Avenaco; see Guillelmus

Baile Gere, 246 Baiocenses, scolares; see Guillelmi Boneti, domus Balduinus [Baldewynus] de Ast, 77, 134, 226, 252n Balduinus [Baldewinus] Bottesayt, 236 Balduinus [Baldiwinus] Gubernatoris, 218 Balligerare; see Johannes *Bar-sur-Aube, 49, 55 Bardel; see Johannes Bardis; see Robertus Barentonio; see Guillelmus Barinis, prior de, 229 *Bartholemy Bonet, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142 Bartholomeus, 69, 221 Bartholomeus, dominus et capellanus, 219 Bartholomeus de Alkeriis de Brescia [Bricia], 77, 134±135, 225 Bartholomeus de Novo Castro, 234 Bartholomeus Persona in Delf, dominus, 240 *Bartholomew of Lombardy, 114n Basio; see Petrus Baudet; see Guido Beardus (Bernardus?) de Frisia, 231 Beatus; see Johannes Becizi; see Guillelmus Beciziaco; see Guillelmus Begin; see Henricus Belacort; see Johannes Beler; see Petrus *Belinus de Chamlico (Champlico), 74n Bellana Ecclesia; see Johannes Belley; see Petrus Belliger; see Johannes Bello Lubbardi (Lombardi), 242 Bellovisu; see Reginaldus Belonis de Cremona, 74, 224 Belsia; see Johannes Beltilini; see Reginaldus Belvaco; see Thomas Belvaso; see Guillelmus *Benedict XII, pope, 14, 44 Beniaco; see Godefridus Beradan; see Robertus Berdoniss, prior, 226 *Berengar FreÂdol, cardinal, 135 Berengarius de Casa, 232 Berengarius Fredoli (FreÂdol), cantor Narbonensis, 100, 118n, 131, 135±136, 245 Beringi (Berigny); see Philippus Bermont; see Petrus Bermordus, frater Hugonis, 89, 234 *Bernard de Farges, archbishop of Rouen and Narbonne, 119n *Bernard, viscount of Ventadour, 150

263

Index of persons and places Bernardi; see Guillelmus Bernardus; see Beardus Bernardus, thesaurarius Rothomagensis, 67, 136, 220 Bernardus de Albeli, 219 Bernardus [Bernerdus] de Alvernia, 136, 224, 246, 249n Bernardus de Cardiliaco, 98, 229 Bernardus de Catellonia, 66, 220 Bernardus Hervei viri, 242 Bernardus Jacobi, 226, 245, 249n Bernardus [Bernerdus] Jori, 136, 234 Bernardus de Pentrez, 136, 241 *Bernardus de Pentroez, 136 Bernardus de Ponte Rivi, 246 Bernardus de Sarra, dominus, 240 Bernardus [Berardus] de Serris, dominus, 238 Bernardus de Valle Gige, dominus, 240 Bertaldus de Alvernia in Veneta, 243 Bertoldus de Bohemia, dominus, 73, 90, 223, 234, 249n Bertoldus de Constancia in Almania, magister, 136, 243 Bertoldus (Bertaud) Sorelli [Soreyl], magister, 25n, 136±137, 236 *Bertrand de Constancia, magister, 136 *Bertrand du Pouget, cardinal, 185 *Bertrand de St-GenieÁs, patriarch of Aquileia, 199 *Bertrand de la Tour, O.F.M., cardinal, 4 *Bertrand de la Tour, lord of Olliergues, 196±197 Besuncio (BesancËon); see Guido, Hugo Betuna; see Johannes Bion; see Petrus Birendan (Buridan?); see Johannes Bisserello, curatus de; see Rolandus *Blanche de Longchamp, 173 *Blanche, duchess of Orlans, 165 *Blanche, countess of Savoy, 210 Blangiaco; see Johannes Bloundel, Blundel; see Johannes Bohemia; see Bertoldus, Conradus Bohic [Boy]; see Evenus Bois; see Ricardus Bolencort; see Johannes *Bonaventura, O.F.M., 107 Boncourt [Bocourt]; see Robertus *Boniface VIII, pope, 2, 15n, 119n Boskerre; see Petrus Bosys; see Michael Bottesayt; see Baldewinus Bresonis; see Johannes Breyo; see Nicholaus Bricia (Brescia); see Bartholomeus, Gratianus Brinaca; see Johannes

Briten; see Johannes Brito; see Alanus, Alanus de Villacollis, Evenus, Everardus, Guillelmus, Hamo, Ivo, Raulfus, Remundus, Rodulphus Britonis; see Guillelmus, Relis Broun (Brown); see Patricius Brugis; see Johannes Bucco; see Gerardus Bufai; see Thomas Burelli; see Jacobus Burgaut; see Gerinus Burgo; see Johannes Burrecto; see Guillelmus Bury; see Johannes Burya; see Thiboldus Bussaria (Buxeria); see Ivo Bussoroliis [Busserolys]; see Nicolaus Bust; see Gerardus Busto; see Firminus Cafet; see Guillelmus Cailarco; see Laurentius Calidoloco; see Lancelotus Calvomonte (Chaumont); see Johannes, Petrus, Stephanus Cambarello (Chamberello); see Johannes Campis; see Ricardus, Emericus Cancellarius Parisiensis; see Guillelmus Bernardi, Jean de Blois, Thomas de Bailly Canel; see Johannes Canpani; see Ronulfus Cantarana [Cantara]; see Jacobus Capella; see Johannes Capellanus; see Bartholomeus, Guillelmus, Johannes, Nicolaus Capicerius Sancti Stephani de Gressibus, 137 Caprarii; see Guido, Guillelmus, Johannes Cardiliaco; see Bernardus Caritate; see Droco, Nicolaus, Petrus Carliolo; see Thomas Carni®cis; see Johannes Carnoto (Chartres), canonicus de, 228; see also Johannes, Nicolaus Caro Loco; see Lancelletus Carrelli; see Arnoldus Carvomonte; see Johannes Casa; see Berengarius Casellis; see Petrus Casse; see Johannes Castello; see Franciscus Castric; see Guillelmus Castro; see Johannes Castro Villani/Willani (ChaÃteauvillain); see Guillelmus, Johannes Cauda (Canda); see Dionysius Celati; see Germanus

264

Index of persons and places Cellerariis; see Guillelmus Cenebaut Lombardus [Lumbardus], 224 Ceudale [Keudale]; see Thomas Chabiliaco; see Guido Chacard; see Mahi Chalons, archidiaconus de, 229 Chalot; see Gaufridus Charantone; see Johannes *Charles IV, king of France, 1, 103, 104, 105, 149, 173, 176, 178, 182, 200, 202 *Charles, count of AlencËon, 196 Chavenes; see Johannes Chere Male; see Guillelmus Chinuro; see Johannes Choffer; see Johannes Christianus [Cristianus], 78, 137±138, 228 *Christianus de Elst, 137±138, 253 *Christianus Guys de Sancto Audomaro, 138 *Christianus de Tornaco, alias Lantini, 137 Cimays; see Stephanus Circelus; see Petrus Clamarcio; see Johannes Clariaco; see Johannes *Claricia de Rouen, 193 *Clarinus Palmerii, 155 Clemens de Imagine [Ymagine], dominus, 234 Clemens de Palaciolo, dominus, 240 Clemens (Cordati de Anixio) de Podio, magister, 138, 242 *Clemens Ridel, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142 *Clement IV, pope, 30 *Clement V, pope, 40, 119n *Clement VI (Pierre Roger), pope, 15, 68, 71, 74n, 105, 121, 146, 189, 201, 206, 208, passim Clementis; see Johannes Clemont; see Johannes de Clermont Cleperis; see Johannes Clermont; see Johannes Cluniacensi, prior de domo, 220 Cluniaco; see Johannes Cochelet; see Johannes Cocorul; see Reynerius Co®s; see Gerardus Colardus de Loyers, 89, 231 Colardus de Milliaco, 240 Coldoe; see Felicius *Colin l'Alement, 63n Colinus, ®lius sigilliferi, 226 Colinus Crasini, scolaris Mag. Jacobi Moreto, 234 Comehan; see Guillelmus Compenso; see Petrus Concers; see Matheus Confoleyn; see Emo

Conili; see Paulus Cono de Valle Clusa (Vaucluse), 236, 245, 249, 250n *Conrad of Megenberg, magister, 212, 252n Conradus de Bohemia [Boemia], 138, 234 Constancia; see Bertoldus, Johannes Almannus Corbeia [Corbya] (Corbie); see Egidius Cronemare [Cornemale]; see Reginaldus Cornubia (Cornwall); see Thomas Corpir (Cupir?); see Thomas Corps de Homme; see Philippus Corun[?]; see Theobaldus Couciaco (Coucy); see Robertus Couereur; see Egidius Court, de la; see Philippus; see also Ivo de Curia Crasini; see Colinus Crasmenil; see Johannes Cremona; see Belonus Crespir; see Alanus Cristianus; see Christianus Crocg; see Adam Crollio; see Guillelmus Crotoy; see Petrus Cruarno; see Philippus Crurec; see Johannes Curgan; see Guillelmus Curia; see Ivo; see also Philippus de la Court Curialis; see Martinus Curson (Corson); see Elias Cusanses; see Reginaldus Cusillo; see Petrus Custos; see Johannes Dachiis (Dachus), domus magistri Johannis, 172±173, 236 Dacia; see Nicolaus, Petrus Strangonis Dalas; see Danielus Dani; see Ricardus Danielus de Dalas, 138±139, 224 Danvilla; see Nicolaus de Damvilla Daties; see Robertus *David II, king of Scotland, 147, 159, 173 Delf; see Bartholomeus Persona, ad Del®num; see Guillelmus ®lius comitis Hanonia *Delphina de Turre, 134 Deonisii (Dionysii); see Guillelmus Dia; see Johannes Dinant; see Guillelmus Dinnano; see Herveus Dionysius de Cauda (Canda), 139, 240 Dionysius de Perona, 245 Dionysius Saffray (Safre, Safredi), 139, 246 Diunano; see Herveus Divione (Dijon); see Johannes Dominicus de Ispannia, 69, 90, 221

265

Index of persons and places Dominicus de Saint Sauge (Sange?), 228 Dominicus de Sancto Salvio, 246 Donaldus de Mar, 76, 85n, 139, 225 Donsereio; see Poncius la Dorade (la Daurade), prior de, 100, 118n, 222 Dordanus; see Johannes Dormelli; see Petrus Douglas, Johannes et frater, 78, 98, 226 (pueri), 231 Dremo; see Philippus Droco (Dreux) de Caritate (ChariteÂ), 66, 97, 104, 139±140, 182, 220 Dublin; see Egidius Duno; see Hugo Durandus de Auvernia, 218 Duriaco; see Nicolaus Ecclesia; see Egidius Ecketot; see Petrus *Edward III, king of England, 99, 157 Egidius de Corbeia [Corbya], magister, 140±141, 236 Egidius le Couereur, 219 Egidius de Dublini, 227 Egidius de Ecclesia, 231 Egidius [Gilius] de Moreto, 79, 141, 229 Egidius de Navarra, 141, 245 Egidius de Pertico; see Egidius de Navarra Egidius de Raveriis [Raweriis], magister, 142, 231 Egidius de Veliaco, 142, 218 Elias de Courson [Curson, Corson], 78, 142, 227, 246, 249n Elias Faber, frater Gerardi, 242 Elou; see Adam Emericus de Campis, 222, 252n Emmericus, 94n, 227 Emo de Confoleyn, 236 Erardus de Villaribus ducis, 238 Erdeto; see Petrus Eremita; see Johannes Heremita Ernisi; see Guillelmus Eschildus de Suecia, 227 l'Espicier; see Guillelmus l'Espine; see Guillelmus Essartis; see Guillelmus, Johannes, Martinus, Reginaldus, Vincentius *Etienne de St-LeÂger, prior of Amiens, 132 Evenus Bohic [Ivanis Boy], 49n, 142±143, 246 Evenus Brito, 246, 249n Evenus [Ywenus] de Lacu, 232 Everardus Brito, 77, 225 Everardus de Letenc, 238 *Eximini, archbishop of Tarragona, 177

Faba Jacobi Fabe, scolaris mag. Jacobi Moreto, 234 Faber; see Elias, Gerardus Fabri; see Guillelmus Fardel; see Guillelmus Felicius Coldoe, 236 Fenestrangia (FeÂneÂtrange), duo fratres de, 89, 220 Ferete; see Johannes Feritate, curatus de, 227 Ferreriis; see Guido, Johannes Ferriti; see Johannes Firminus de Busto, 231 Firminus ad Latus, 143, 231 Fitzralph; see Ricardus Flamingi; see Jacobus Flemingus; see Petrus Flemis; see Gilbertus Florencia; see Otto, Petrus Florencius de Hangesto, 66, 143, 231 Fogacra; see Johannes Foleto; see Petrus Fontanis; see Theobaldus Fonte; see Jacobus Forcus; see Guillelmus Forgetis; see Johannes Fossato; see Guillelmus Fouvilla; see Robertus Francavilla; see Guido Franciscus de Castello, 75, 144, 225 Franciscus Lombardus [Lumbardus], 78, 144, 228 Franciscus de Monte Acuto (Montaigu), 242 Franciscus pergamenarius, 43n, 238 Francovilla; see Adam, Johannes; see also Guido de Francavilla Fransois (FrancËois); see Johannes Fravilla; see Nicolaus Freneio, prior, 229 Freneys (Fresnillis); see Ingerammus Frennay; see Matheus Frisia, Friso; see Beardus, Henricus, Jacobus, Wolfardus Gailardus de Popia, prior, 69, 97, 100, 118n, 144, 222, 245, 249n Galfridus; see Gaufridus Gallensis; see Johannes, Petrus Galterus Pictor, dominus, 231 Galterus de Sancto Quintino, 242 Galterus (Valterus) Stet, 238 Gamachon; see Petrus Gambasio; see Simon Gardino; see Hugo Gargeot; see Hamo Garinus [Gerinus] de Pruvino, 78, 144, 179, 227

266

Index of persons and places Gatenulk; see Johannes Gaufridus; see also Godefridus Gaufridus de Auxiaco [Auciaco], 77, 144±145, 226 Gaufridus Chalot, non scolaris, 224 Gaufridus [Gaufredus] de Marec [Maruc], 78, 85, 99, 145, 228, 246, 249n Gaufridus de Plesiaco, domus, 219 Gaufridus [Godefridus] de Rupe, 145, 239 Gaufridus de Treviris, magister, 13n, 218 *Gautier de Chandelis, 78 le Gay; see Robertus Gelo; see Johannes Genreiio; see Guido Geoffroy; see Gaufridus, Godefridus *Geoffroy du Plessis, 4, 65n, 187; see also Gaufridus de Plesiaco *George de Blangy, 13 *Georgius de Ast, 82±83 *Gerald, master general of Dominicans, 185 Geraldus de Alvernia [Alwernia], dominus, 145±146, 231 Geraldus de Manso, clericus Guidonis de Ventodorio, 88, 146, 236 Gerardus; see Nicolaus Gerardus, curatus Eustacii, 146, 240 Gerardus de Bucco, 219 Gerardus Bust, Almannus, 238 Gerardus de Co®s, 229 Gerardus Faber, frater Elias, 242 Gerardus Hispannus, 66, 220 Gerardus de Lubecca (LuÈbeck), 79, 229 Gerardus Petenni (Petonni), 224 Gerardus Pictawensis (Poitiers), 232 Gerardus [Gerard] de Turnei, 230 Geraud; see Petrus Geraud de Seyt Bernard, 223 Gere; see Baile Gerini; see Johannes Gerinus Burgaut, 73, 223, 252n Gerinus de Pruvino; see Garinus Germanus Celati, 16n, 25n, 70, 119n, 146±147, 152, 222 Gido; see Guido *Gilbertus de Benauchtin, magister, 147 Gilbertus [Gilebertus] Fleming [Flemis], 99, 147, 230 Gilbertus Menart, magister, 234 Gilbertus Scotus, magister, 147, 227, 232, 249n *Giles Aycelin, archbishop of Narbonne and Rouen, 119n *Giles of Rome, O.E.S.A. 107 Gilhelmus; see Guillelmus Gilius; see Egidius Gillelmus; see Guillelmus

Gimar; see Guillelmus Ginganco; see Johannes *Giraldus Odonis, see Giural Ot Gistriaco; see Johannes *Giural Ot, 4 Godefridus; see also Gaufridus Godefridus de Beniaco, 240 Godefridus Hote, 243 Godezardi; see Simon Godichart *Godfrey of Fontaines, 5 la Goge; see Marote Golini; see Guillelmus Gome; see Johannes Goneis; see Jacobus Gorre; see Jacobus Gosenius Scotus, 232 Goy; see Johannes Grandia; see Guillelmus Gratianus [Gracinus] de Bricia (Brescia), 74, 147±148, 224 *Gregory IX, pope, 52 *Gregory XI, pope, 121 Grenlaw [Grinelau]; see Guillelmus Gresis; see Iterius Griansona; see Reginaldus Grindione; see Poncius Grua; see Henricus Gubernatoris; see Balduinus *Guerin de St-Dizier, 55 Guido, dominus, coram Porta Jacobi, 220 Guido Baudet, 77, 103, 148±149, 226 Guido de Besuncio (BesancËon), 229 Guido Caprarii, 88, 99, 101, 102, 149, 240 *Guido Caprarii, knight, 149 Guido de Chabiliaco, 230 Guido de Ferreriis, 218 Guido de Francavilla, 238 Guido de Genreio [Genreiio], 149, 246 Guido de Mayleyo, 229 Guido Pictavensis (Poitiers), 149±150, 222, 252n Guido de Proynis, 232 Guido de Rodis, magister, 150, 243 Guido de Rua, 67, 97, 220 Guido de Suecia, 66, 79, 229, 238, 249n Guido de Taule, 229 Guido de Ventadoro [Ventodorio], dominus, 88, 99, 150, 236 Guidomar; see Guillelmus Guidomari; see Hugo Guidomarus, clericus domini Burbonii (Bourbon), 105, 150±151, 245 Guidomarus, frater Oliverii Salhadini, 89, 151, 194, 226 Guillaume; see also Guillelmus *Guillaume d'Argenteuil, procurator, 203

267

Index of persons and places Guillaume Bernardi, chancellor of NotreDame; see Guillelmus Bernardi *Guillaume Bertrand, 208 *Guillaume le Bon, count of Hainaut, 99n, 157 *Guillaume de FreÂauville, prior of Amiens, 132 *Guillaume de Longis, cardinal, 134 *Guillaume MeÂchin, bishop of Troyes, 140 *Guillaume de Melun, archbishop of Sens, 186 *Guillaume Piquet, 4, 203 *Guillaume Renardi, 203 *Guillaume de St-Amour, 41n *Guillaume de Salvarville, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142 *Guillaume de Savoie, 154 Guillelmus, magister, 235 Guillelmus grammaticus?, 245 Guillelmus, ®lius comitis de Hanonia, 78, 90, 98, 99, 100n, 102, 157, 226 Guillelmus, ®lius Mathei, 231 Guillelmus de Albaco, archidiaconus Cabulonis, 88, 100, 101, 151, 240 Guillelmus de Alost, 246 Guillelmus de Anglia, 246 Guillelmus Angus [de Angos], 68, 89, 151±152, 221, 246, 249n Guillelmus de Aulosto, 228 Guillelmus de Avenaco, 228 Guillelmus de Barentonio, magister, 152, 243 Guillelmus de Becizi, 72, 223, 250n Guillelmus de Beciziaco, 72, 245, 250n Guillelmus de Belvaso, 152, 225 Guillelmus Bernardi, cancellarius Parisiensis, 4, 15±17, 25n, 47, 48, 55, 70, 119n, 133, 146, 152±153, 203, 222 Guillelmus Bibare, archdeacon of Pasceio, dioc. of Le Mans, 96, 98, 100, 153, 219 Guillelmus Bonetus, domus (colleÁge de Bayeux), 222, 245, 250n *Guillelmus Boreti de Massigniaco, magister, 158 Guillelmus Brito, 153, 219 Guillelmus Britonis, 153, 245 Guillelmus de Burrecto, 236 Guillelmus Cafet, 245 Guillelmus Capellanus, 245 *Guillelmus Caprarii, canon of Auxerre, 149 Guillelmus Castric, magister, 225, 240, 250 Guillelmus de Castro Villani (ChaÃteauvillain), 104, 153±154, 234 Guillelmus de Cellerariis, 240 Guillelmus Chere Male, 78, 154, 228 Guillelmus de Comehan, 226 Guillelmus de Crollio, 242 Guillelmus de Curgan, 226 Guillelmus de Dinant, 224, 238, 249n Guillelmus Dionysii (Deonisii), 154, 228

*Guillelmus de Edinburgh, 159 Guillelmus Ernisi, dominus, 240 Guillelmus L'espicier, 154, 221 Guillelmus de l'Espine, 224 Guillelmus de Essartis, 154±156, 182, 200, 226 Guillelmus Fabri, magister, curatus s. Martialis, 156, 240 Guillelmus Fardel, 225 Guillelmus de Forcus, 225 Guillelmus de Fossato, 243 *Guillelmus de Foulqueuse (Fulcosa), 139 Guillelmus Gimar, 226 Guillelmus Golini, 104, 156, 236 Guillelmus de Grandia, 243 Guillelmus de Grenlaw (Grinelau), 96, 156±157, 216, 238 Guillelmus Guidomar, 246 Guillelmus de Herches, 25n, 69, 97, 104, 105, 157±158, 221 Guillelmus Ingof [Yngof ], magister, 221, 234, 249n Guillelmus de Kinetot [Gynetot], 224 (Gynetot), 246 (de Kinetot), 249n Guillelmus de Macengiaco, 158, 222; see also Guillelmus de Martiniaco Guillelmus Marpaudi, notarius, 43n, 78, 104, 105, 158, 227 Guillelmus de Marsidiaco, magister, 234 Guillelmus de Martiniaco, 226; see also Guillelmus de Macengiaco *Guillelmus de Melloto, 180 Guillelmus de Mesnilio [Menilio], dominus, 99, 158±159, 232 *Guillelmus de Mesnilio, knight, 158 Guillelmus de Monte Reparato, 227 Guillelmus Moragas, 218 Guillelmus More [Mor], 84, 159, 238 Guillelmus Parvinati, dominus, 236 Guillelmus Paschali, 236 *Guillelmus Petri Godin, O.P., cardinal, 216 Guillelmus de Pilmore (Pulmur), 89, 100, 159, 232 Guillelmus Piscatoris, 243 Guillelmus de Plobediri, 223 Guillelmus de Podio, frater, 242 Guillelmus de Ponte, 232, 250n Guillelmus de Ponte Lenino, 228, 250n Guillelmus Rollandi, curatus Sancti Nicholay, 159, 234 Guillelmus de Rovere (Ronere), 218 Guillelmus Saber, magister, 240 Guillelmus Saberti, frater, 232 Guillelmus Salomonis, 89, 232 Guillelmus de Sancto Quintino, 225 Guillelmus Scoti, 159±160, 242 Guillelmus Signi, 223

268

Index of persons and places Guillelmus de Silliniaco, 230 Guillelmus Talebot, 221 Guillelmus Tatico, 234 Guillelmus Tottin, 240 Guillelmus de Verduno, 160, 234 Guillelmus de Vertre, magister, 88, 240 Gunberdi; see Verdinus Gunsalvus Ispanus, 160, 246 Gurbon; see Johannes Guy; see also Guido *Guy de Beaumont, 200 *Guy de ChaÃtillon, count of Blois, 205 *Guy de Chaumont, of®cial of Paris, 212 *Guy Coquetrice, 16 *Guy de Laon, 4 *Guy de Mello, bishop of Auxerre, 30, 35 *Guy de Podiovallis, 162 Gynetot; see Guillelmus Kinetot Hadin; see Johannes *Hainaut, count of, 39, 98, 99, 157 Hallinis; see Johannes Hamel; see Nicolaus Hamo, magister, 234 Hamo Brito, 230 Hamo de Gargoet, 160, 246 Hamo Ricci [Reoci], 160±161, 246 Hangesto; see Florencius Hanonia, ®lius comitis de; see Guillelmus Hapre; see Johannes Hardivilla; see Johannes Haricuria (Harcourt), domus de, 221 Harmanni; see Johannes Harmannus Lombardus [Lumbardus], dominus, 161, 238 Harmannus Ruf®, 242 Harriaco; see Henricus Hast; see Henricus de Ast Helechin, Hellekin; see Johannes Halequin *HeÂlie, viscount of Ventadour, 150 *Henri l'Alemant, 63n Henricus de Alemania, 161, 227 Henricus d'Ancre, 223 Henricus de Ast (Hast), 73, 82±83, 93, 103, 116n, 161, 223 Henricus Begin, 225 *Henricus Clementiae de Sodoya, magister, 179 Henricus Friso, 231 Henricus de Grua, magister, 238 Henricus de Harriaco, 242 Henricus de Keinesbec, 219 *Henricus de Lio of Padua, 76 Henricus de Lubec (LuÈbeck), 161, 227 Henricus Mabilie, magister, 161±162, 238 Henricus Mulet de Parma, 223

Henricus de Padua, 76, 162, 225 Henricus de Salines, 222 Henricus Sine Amors, 234 Henricus de Trefualloet, 242 Henricus de Urcis, 242 *Henry of Ghent, 5, 6, 107 Herches; see Guillelmus Heremita; see Johannes Hervei viri; see Bernardus Herveus Diunano/Dinnano, 232 Herveus Requisiti, 244 Heutingen, ®lius comitis de, 78, 99, 162, 227 Hispanie; see Alfoncius Dionysii, Bernardus de Catellonia, Dominicus, Gerardus, Gunsalvus, Ispalensis thesaurarius, Johannes de Luna, Poncius, Velasco Eximini *Honorius IV, pope, 34 Hote; see Godefridus Hubanto; see Johannes Hue Paylard, 222 *Hugh of BesancËon, bishop of Paris, 49±56 *Hugh, lord of Castronovo, 134 *Hugh de Douglas, knight, 173 *Hugh de Douglas (Duclas), magister, 174 *Hugo Baudeti de Balma, 149 Hugo, frater Bermordi, 89, 234 Hugo, magister, 234 Hugo de Duno, 78, 162, 228 Hugo de Gardino, 246 Hugo Guidomari, 226 Hugo de Ivriaco [Yvriaco], dominus, 238 Hugo Linot, 229 Hugo de Montibus, 79, 162±163, 179, 229 Hugo Montonis, 220 Hugo de Moreio, dominus, 163, 236 *Hugo Salhadini, 151, 194 Hugo de Senis (Siena), 226 Hugo sirurgicus, 227 Hugo Vissac, 64, 96, 99, 100, 102, 163, 218 *Hugo de Vissac, seigneur d'Arlempdas, 102, 163 Hugues; see Hugh, Hugo Hulardi; see Sunno *Humbert of Pirovano, 114n Imagine [Ymagine]; see Clemens Ingerammus de Freneys, 66, 163, 231 Ingof [Yngof ]; see Guillelmus Iniaco; see Johannes *Innocent VI, 121 *Isabelle, queen of England, 213 Ispalensis (Seville), thesaurarius, 67, 97, 98, 100, 163±164, 220 [Sibile], 240, 249n Ispanus; see Gunsalvus, Poncius; see also Hispanie Itericus, ®lius balivi de Alvernia, 99, 164, 231

269

Index of persons and places Iterius de Gresis, 234 *Itier de Puy Aymer, bailli d'Auvergne, 164; see Itericus Ivanis Boy; see Evenus Bohic Ivisani [Yvisani]; see Rodulphus Ivo Brito, 224, 249n; see also Ivo de Buxeria, Ivo Guirer Brito Ivo de Buxeria [Bussaria], 164±165, 231 Ivo de Curia, notarius capituli, 43n, 48, 49n, 165, 240 *Ivo Guirer Brito, 75 Ivo de Morelas, magister, 97, 221 Ivo Salomonis, 89, 232 Ivriaco [Yvriaco]; see Hugo Iwenus [Ywenus]; see Evenus *Jacoba Felicie, 167 Jacobi; see Bernardus Jacobus, 89, 234 Jacobus de Austria, 231 Jacobus de Auteteodoro (Auxerre), 75, 86n, 224 Jacobus Burelli, 242 Jacobus de Cantarana [Cantara], 165, 230, 246, 250n *Jacobus de Essartis, 165, 174 Jacobus Fabe; see Faba Jacobus Flamingi, 238 Jacobus de Fonte, 232 Jacobus de Frisia, 231 Jacobus le Goneis, 224 Jacobus Gorre, 165, 229 Jacobus de Laniis, 220 Jacobus de Medunta (Mantes), 11n, 165, 244 Jacobus de Moreto, magister, 234 Jacobus le Musi, 227 Jacobus Pido, 232 Jacobus, nepos prioris Sancti Benigni, 89, 229 Jacobus de Senis (Siena), magister, 166, 242 Jacobus de Tresis, 234 Jacobus Wyard, 229 Jacques; see Jacobus *Jahanna la Frisonne, 70n *James, king of Aragon, 177 Janua (Genoa); see Johannes, Maninus Jean; see also Johannes, John *Jean, abbot of Ste-GenevieÁve, 35 *Jean d'Auxois, bishop of Troyes, 140 *Jean de Baufet, 202 Jean de Blangy; see Johannes de Blangiaco *Jean Blankart, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142 *Jean de Blois, chancellor of Notre-Dame, 4, 16, 17n, 166 *Jean Buridan, 5, 169; see Johannes Birendan *Jean de Cherchemont, chancellor of France, 4, 77, 135

*Jean de Courtenay, archbishop of Reims, 30, 35 *Jean I, count of Forez, 197 *Jean le Fourbeur, 49±56, 75, 87 *Jean de Hesdin, 77 Jean de Hubant; see Johannes de Hubanto *Jean de Malines, university procurator, 34 Jean de Melun, dean of Auxerre; see Johannes de Meleduno *Jean de Melun, canon of Bourges, 179 *Jean de Melun, lord of Fontaneolis, 186 *Jean, viscount of Melun, 186 *Jean de Mirecourt, O.Cist., 208 *Jean de Mons, cantor of Notre-Dame, 40 *Jean PasteÂ, bishop of Chartres, 141 *Jean de Rovilla, magister, 52, 53, 55, 87, 179 *Jean de St-Martin, O.Carm., 157 Jean de Sens; see Johannes de Senonis *Jeanne, queen of France, 103, 148, 149, 211 *Jeanne de Valois, 157 *Johanna dicta la Pucelle, 83 Johannes, capellanus Sancti Benedicti, 64, 218 Johannes, curatus Sancti Landrici, dominus, 166, 244 Johannes, socius Sunnonis Hulardi, 69, 221 *Johannes de Aciaco, 166 Johannes Almannus de Constancia, 69, 172, 221 Johannes de Alvernia, 166, 236, 250n Johannes de Amee, magister, 166, 238 Johannes de Amili, 166±167, 246 Johannes de Aneto, magister, canonicus S. Marcelli, 238 Johannes de Antoniaco, dominus, 238 Johannes de Aquila, 226 Johannes de Arboreto, 222, 252n Johannes Audacis, 85n, 167, 224 Johannes de Aureliaco [Auriliaco, Auriaco] (Aurillac), 77, 167, 218 (Auriliaco), 225 (Auriaco), 246 (Auriliaco), 249n, 251n Johannes de Aurelianis [Aurilianis], 167, 218, 249n; see also Johannes de Orlens Johannes de Aveneta, 228 Johannes Balligerare, 230 Johannes Bardel, 231 Johannes Beatus, non scolaris, 218 Johannes de Belacort, 240, 250n; see also Johannes de Bolencort Johannes de Bellana Ecclesia, magister, 236 Johannes Belliger, magister, 167, 236 *Johannes de Bellinghen, magister, 167 Johannes de Belsia, 234 Johannes de Betuna (BeÂthune), 167±168, 240 Johannes Birendan (Buridan?), magister, 236 Johannes de Blangiaco, 25n, 70, 120n, 168, 222

270

Index of persons and places Johannes Bloundel [Blundel], magister, 78, 96, 168±169, 227, 242, 249n Johannes de Bolencort, 236, 250n; see also Johannes de Belacort *Johannes Boneti, magister, 179 Johannes Bresonis, 240 Johannes Brinaca, 234 Johannes Briten, 245 Johannes de Brugis, 230 Johannes de Burbon (Gurbon), 218 Johannes Burgo, grammaticus, 238 Johannes de Bury, magister, 169, 236; domus, 237, 251, 252 Johannes de Calvomonte (Chaumont), 169±170, 220, 250n Johannes (Hugonis) de Camberello [Cambarello], 170, 236 Johannes Canel, 240 Johannes de Capella, 170, 234 *Johannes Caprarii, brother of Guido Caprarii, 149 Johannes Carni®cis, magister, decanus de Medonta (Mantes), 238, 241 Johannes de Carnoto (Chartres), magister, 240 Johannes de Carvomonte (Calvomonte?), 169, 232, 250n Johannes Casse, magister, 170±171, 236 Johannes de Castro in novo vico, magister, 171, 240 Johannes de Castro Villani, 171, 221, 236 (magister), 250n, 251n Johannes de Castro Willani, 234, 250n, 251n Johannes de Charantone, non scolaris, 218 Johannes Chavenes, 223 *Johannes de Chesy, 82 Johannes de Chinaro, 221 Johannes Choffer, 245 Johannes de Clamartio [Clamarcio], dominus, presbyter, 171, 242 Johannes de Clariaco, 242 Johannes Clementis, 234 Johannes de Cleperis, 234 Johannes de Clermont [Clemont], 171±172, 228 Johannes de Cluniaco, 225 Johannes de Cochelet, 223 Johannes de Constantia; see Johannes Almannus Johannes de Crasmenillo [Crasmenil], 65, 96, 172, 219 Johannes dictus Crurec, 227 Johannes Custos, 78, 172, 228 *Johannes Dacus [Dachiis], magister; see Dachiis Johannes de Dia, 173, 200, 230 Johannes de Divione (Dijon), 75, 146, 173, 224, 225, 228, 248n, 251n

Johannes Dordanus, 232 Johannes de Douglas [Dugles], 89, 99, 173±174, 231, 249n Johannes Eremite; see Johannes Heremita Johannes de Essartis, 133, 174, 226 Johannes de la Ferete, 221 Johannes de Ferreriis, 223 Johannes Ferriti, 174±175, 227 Johannes Fogacra, 219 Johannes de Forgetis, 236 Johannes de Francovilla, dominus, 218, 242, 249n Johannes Fransois (FrancËois), 230 Johannes Galensis, dominus, presbyter, 72, 223, 242, 249n Johannes de Gatenulk, 220 Johannes de Gelo, 240 Johannes Gerini, magister, 70, 222 Johannes de Ginganco, 231 Johannes de Gistriaco, 246 Johannes Gome, 234 *Johannes Gorre, magister, 145, 146 Johannes de Goy, 219 Johannes de Hadin, frater, hospitallarius, 77, 226 Johananes Halequin [Helechin, Hellekin], magister, 79, 98, 103, 105, 175, 229, 238, 250n Johannes Hallinis, magister, 175, 240 Johannes Hapre, 228 Johannes de Hardivilla, de Navarra, 175, 246 Johannes Harmanni, magister, 231 Johannes Helechin (Hellekin); see Johannes Halequin Johannes Heremita (Eremite), 175, 230, 240, 250n Johannes de Hubanto, 44n, 79, 98, 104, 105, 175±176, 229 Johannes Iniaco, 240 Johannes de Janua (Genoa), 176, 230 Johannes de Lanat, 238 Johannes Landen, 238 Johannes de Lauduno (Laon), mensurator, 242 Johannes de Leotis, 226 Johannes de Lintcourt, 225 Johannes Lisari, 218 Johannes de Londres, 176, 236 Johannes de Longel (LongeuÈil), 176, 238 Johannes de Luna, dominus, 67, 88, 97, 98, 101, 102, 122, 177, 220, 238, 250n Johannes de Maiori Monasterio, magister, 23, 64, 68, 96, 177, 218 *Johannes Malet, magister, 172 Johannes Mandevilani (Mandevillain), 44n, 78, 98, 104, 105, 177±178, 226 *Johannes de Mandeville, 178

271

Index of persons and places Johannes Martel, 223 Johannes de Martigny [Martingi], 178, 242 Johannes Martini, 178±179, 225, 231, 250n, 252 Johannes de Maulinea, magister, 179, 218 Johannes de Meleduno (Melun), decanus Autisiodorensis (Auxerre),100, 179±180, 237 Johannes de Melloto, dominus, 88, 99, 180, 238 Johannes de Mili, 221 Johannes de Minechort, 224 Johannes de Molis, 180, 220 Johannes de Monte forti, 224 Johannes de Monte Laterico [Leterico], grammaticus, 180, 245 Johannes de Monte Sancte Marie, 98, 229 Johannes de Morero, 94n, 226 *Johannes de Mostomo, 82 Johannes Muster, 236 Johannes [Northwode], discipulus Ricardi ®lii Rodul®, 15, 68, 88, 97, 99, 180, 206, 221 Johannes de Novavilla, 226; see also Johannes de Villanova Johannes de Orlens (OrleÂans), magister, 64, 242, 249n; see also Johannes de Aurelianis Johannes Pacheti, 224 Johannes de Parisius, magister, 96, 181, 232 Johannes Pelliparii, 181, 245 Johannes Petit, 235 Johannes Pipe, 74, 75, 139, 181, 195, 214, 224 Johannes Poleter, 230 Johannes de Ponsio, 234 Johannes Poule [de Poel], magister, 181±182, 242 Johannes de Pruscia, 182, 246 *Johannes de Rathe, 214 Johannes Rolondus, 182, 228 Johannes de Romesei, 225 Johannes de Rosello, 234 Johannes de Sabaudia [Sabaldia] (Savoy), 166, 182, 240 Johannes de Salacona, 226 Johannes Salomonis [Salamonis], 232 Johannes de Sancto Albano, 182, 242 Johannes de Sancto Justo, 104, 182, 232 Johannes Sanse Lettres, 220 Johannes de Saxonia, 236 Johannes de Sayr, 236 Johannes de Scala, 182±183, 232 Johannes Scoti, magister, 183, 242 Johannes de Seneyo, 240 Johannes de Senonis (Sens), 43n, 66, 219 (Seonis), 220, 248n, 250n Johannes sirurgicus, 74, 224

Johannes de Smal[h]am, 76, 183, 225 Johannes Sockardi, scolaris Mag. Jacobi Moreto, 234 Johannes de Stanes, 228 Johannes de Storsio, 232 Johannes de Suecia, 73, 223 Johannes de Trillek [Trillec], 10n, 78, 85, 99, 183, 228 Johannes de Tuito, magister, 224, 232, 250n Johannes Turbaudi, 183, 246 Johannes de Valle, 79, 183, 229, 236, 250n Johannes de Varnierua [Vanierua] (Warnierrua), 183±184, 232 Johannes Vedilha; see Johannes de Aureliaco Johannes de Veneta, 184, 232 Johannes de Villa Juris, 224, 233, 250n Johannes de Villa Mori, 236, 250n Johannes de Villanova, 77, 184, 246; see also Johannes de Novavilla Johannes de Villemor, 236, 250n *Johannes de Vimartio (Vemarcio, VeÂmars), 184±185 Johannes de Vinaht, magister, 238 Johannes Vinnon, 228 Johannes de Virduno [Verduno] (Verdun), 185, 242 Johannes de Viriaco, 242 Johannes Warvilla, 231 *Johanneta, sister of Egidius de Corbei, 140 John; see also Johannes, Jean *John, king of France, 196, 197 *John XXII, pope, 1, 3, 4, 14, 52±53, 105 *John Blount, 114n *John Duns Scotus, O.F.M., 107 *John Grandisson, bishop of Exeter, 15, 88, 206 *John of Jandun, magister, 2, 194 *John of Paris, O.P., 2 *John Pilmore, bishop of Moray, 159, 207 *John de Waltirstona, magister, 159, 204 *John de Wedale, magister, 216 Jorello; see Milo Jori; see Bernardus Juan; see Johannes Keinesbec; see Henricus Keriis; see Nicolaus Keudale [Kendale, Ceudale]; see Thomas Kinetot [Gynetot]; see Guillelmus Knot; see Thomas Lacu; see Evenus Lamberti; see Petrus Lambertus de Pondere, 243 *Lambertus de Summavera (Sommevoire), magister, 83, 145

272

Index of persons and places Lamigoye; see Rodulphus Lanat; see Johannes Lancelotus de Calidoloco, 229, 250n Lancelotus [Lancelletus] de Caro loco, dominus, 242, 250n Landen; see Johannes Lanfrancus, magister, 185, 238 *Lanfrancus Henrici de Moro de Castronovo, magister, 185 Lanfredus de Turri, decanus Sancti Marcelli, 185, 245 Laniis; see Jacobus, Petrus, Theobaldus Lantagiis; see Simon ad Latus; see Firminus, Matheus, Nicolaus Lauduno (Laon); see Johannes *Laurence the Englishman, 114n *Laurentius Alani de Suessia, 186 Laurentius Anglicus, 76, 225 Laurentius Cailarco, 69, 245 Laurentius de Lubeke (LuÈbeck), 238 Laurentius [Lorencius] de Monte Forti de Navarra, 186, 245 *Laurentius Pauli de Upsalia, 186 *Laurentius Sturberin de Suessia, 186 Laurentius de Suecia, 186, 238 Leminiorii, prior de; see Petrus Sengler Lenir; see Silvester Leotis; see Johannes Lesbyse; see Matheus Letenc; see Everardus Leudovici; see Petrus Ludovici Leudovicus; see Ludovicus Lingonensis (Langres), cantor; see Amanevus de Ramaforti Linot; see Hugo Lintcourt; see Johannes Lisari; see Johannes Londres; see Johannes Longe Alee; see Alanus Longel; see Johannes Losanne (Lausanne); see Petrus *Louis X, king of France, 37 *Louis of Bavaria, emperor, 2, 4, 99, 157 *Louis, duke of Bourbon, count of Clermont, 105, 150, 151, 207 *Louis II, count of Flanders, 171 Louis de Melun; see Ludovicus de Meloduno Loyers; see Colardus Lubbardi; see Bello Lubec, Lubeke (LuÈbeck); see Arnoldus, Gerardus, Henricus, Laurentius Lucas du Picciol, 225 Ludovicus [Leudovicus] de Meloduno (Melun), 70, 97, 99, 101, 102, 186±187, 222 Lugduno (Lyons); see Simon Lumbardus (Lombardus); see Bello, Cenebaut,

Franciscus, Harmannus, Manfredus, Naufridus, Otto Luna; see Johannes Mabilie; see Henricus Macengiaco; see Guillelmus Maguncia (Mainz); see Petrus Mahi Chacard, 68, 187, 221 Maior Monasterium (Marmoutier), college, 219; see Johannes Mandevilani; see Johannes Maneto; see Petrus Manfredus Lombardus [Lumbardus] de Medeolano, 74, 187±188, 224 Maninus de Janua (Genoa), 223 Maninus de Medeolano, 74, 188, 224 Mano Opere; see Petrus Manso; see Geraldus Mante, decanus de, 238; see Johannes Carni®cis Mar; see Donaldus Marciardus, 71, 222 Marcvardus de Zayense, 243 Marec (Marhec, Maruc); see Gaufridus *Margaret, wife of emperor Louis of Bavaria, 157 *Marguerite de France, countess of Flanders, 171 Marie; see Rodulphus Mariniaco; see Remigius de Marigniaco Marote la Goge, 69, 97, 221 Marpaudus; see Guillelmus Marsidiaco; see Guillelmus *Marsilius of Padua, 2, 194, 199, 208 Martel; see Johannes *Martin IV, pope, 30±35, 37, 39±41 Martin le Neveu; see Martinus Nepotis *Martin de la Rive, canon of Notre Dame, 141, 165 Martingi; see Johannes de Martigny Martini; see Johannes Martiniaco; see Guillelmus Martinus Curialis, 188, 246 Martinus de Essartis (Assartis, des Essarts), maõÃtre de compte, 78, 89, 98, 105, 133, 154±156, 174, 205, 216±217, 226; see also ®lii Martini de Essartis: Guillelmus, Johannes, Reginaldus, Vincentius Martinus Nepotis (le Neveu), 73, 104, 105, 188, 223 Masan; see Alanus Massi; see Ricardus Massonis; see Odardus *Matheus de Archis, 25n Matheus Chocardi; see Mahi Chacard Matheus de Concers, magister, 236 Matheus de Frennay, 188, 233

273

Index of persons and places Matheus ad Latus, 71, 189, 222 Matheus Lesbise [Lesbyse], 189, 232 Matheus de Sargiaco, 246 Matheus de Toncris, magister, 231 Matheus de Tribus Sororibus, 66, 189, 231 Mathias de Aldenove, 227 *Mathias Laurencii de Swecia, 45n Mathias Pido, 232 *Matthew Orsini, cardinal, 188 *Matthew of Scotland, 114n *Matthieu des Essarts, bishop of Evreux, 133, 154 Maulinea; see Johannes, Sigerus Maurisius (Maurice) Scotus, 189±190, 242 Mayleyo; see Guido Medeolano (Milan); see Manfredus, Maninus medici; see Anselmus, sirurgicus Medunta (Mantes); see Jacobus Medunta (Medonta, Mantes), decanus de; see Johannes Carni®cis Melloto; see Johannes Meloduno (Melun); see Ludovico Menart; see Gilbertus Meneriis; see Simon Menillo (Mesnillo); see Guillelmus Mesnilio, Ricardus Mensurator; see Johannes de Lauduno Meovannia; see Petrus Meron; see Theobaldus Michael [Micael] de Area, 69, 221 *Michael de Becco, cardinal, 168 Michael [Michaelus] Bosys, 238 *Michael of Cesena, 4 *Michael Fleming, lord of Hedderwick, 147 *Michael de Massa, O.E.S.A., 5n Michael Sarraceni, 236 Michael Sergant (Sergeant?), 98, 229 Michael de Vera, de Sorbonna, 104, 105, 190, 245 *Michel Malconduit, 4, 16 Mili; see Johannes Milliaco; see Colardus, Nicolaus Milo de Jorello, 49, 53, 54n, 75, 87, 94n, 179, 190, 224 Minechort; see Johannes Molento; see Petrus Molines; see Reginaldus Molis; see Johannes Monasterio; see Simon Monte Acuto; see Franciscus Monte Forti; see Johannes, Laurentius Monte Laterico; see Johannes Monte Leonis; see Robertus Monte Regali; see Petrus Monte Reparato; see Guillelmus Monte Sancte Marie; see Johannes

Monte Sancti Eligii; see Thomas Montibus; see Hugo Montonis; see Hugo Monverden, prior de, 238 Mor; see Guillelmus Moragas; see Guillelmus Moreio; see Hugo Morelas; see Ivo Morero; see Johannes Moreto; see Gilius, Jacobus Mota; see Robertus Muldat; see Albericus Mulet; see Henricus Muntes (Montes?) Sarcuriis; see Philippus le Musi; see Jacobus Muster; see Johannes Narbonne, cantor; see Berengarius Fredoli Narbonne (Nerbona), domus de, 222, 246; see also Germanus Celati, Guillelmus Bernardi, Paulus Conili, Pavi Setis, Sunno Hulardi Naufridus Lumbardus, 242 Navarra, domus de, 230, 245, 246; see also Egidius, Johannes de Hardivilla, Laurentius de Monte forti, Nicolaus le Neveu; see Martinus Nepotis Neyaf¯a; see Nicolaus Nicasius de Sancto Hilario [Ylario], 190, 236 *Nicholas of Autrecourt, 6, 200 Nicolaus, 246 Nicolaus, capellanus Sancti Benedicti, 64, 218, 242, 250n Nicolaus de Agaunet, magister, 240 Nicolaus de Ambazia (Amboise), 69, 190, 222 Nicolaus de Auvernia, 225, 246, 250n Nicolaus de Breyo, dominus, 190, 240 Nicolaus de Busseroliis [Bussoroliis, Busserolys], 190, 231, 236, 249n, 250n Nicolaus, frater Petri de Caritate, magister, 89, 190, 227, 242, 250n Nicolaus de Carnoto (Chartres), 190±191, 224 *Nicolaus Ceccano, canon of Arras, 166, 194 Nicolaus de Dacia, 85n, 191, 227 Nicolaus de Damvilla [Danvilla], magister, 191, 238 *Nicolaus Drukken de Dacia, 191 Nicolaus de Duriaco, 236 Nicolaus de Freauvilla [Fravilla] (FreÂauville), canonicus S. Marcelli, 104, 105, 191±192, 238 *Nicolaus de FreÂauville, O.P., cardinal, 132, 191±192 Nicolaus Gerardus, magister grammaticorum, 67, 220 Nicolaus de Hamel (Hamello), 67, 192, 220 Nicolaus de Keriis, 229

274

Index of persons and places Nicolaus ad Latus, 78, 192, 228 Nicolaus de Milliaco, 236 Nicolaus de Navarra, 192±193, 245 Nicolaus de Neyaf¯a, dominus, 234 Nicolaus de Parisius, 231, 242, 249n, 251n Nicolaus de Rodiaco, 193, 228, 250n Nicolaus de Rogiaco, magister, 231, 250n Nicolaus de Rubebonic, dominus, 235 Nicolaus de Sancto Desiderio, dominus, 238 *Nicolaus de Sancto Justo, canon of Elne, 193 Nicolaus Saysini, 234 *Nicolaus de Schiltbergh, 45n Nicolaus Teutonicus, 229 Nicolaus de Tresis, 227, 240, 250n Nicolaus de Vienna (Vienne), 193±194, 218 Nicolay; see Petrus *Nicole Thome, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142 Nogento; see Stephanus *Norman de Lesseley, magister, 156 Norseyt; see Philippus Nostra Domina de Campis, prior, 220 notarii; see Guillelmus Marpaudi, Ivo de Curia Nova Castro; see Anselmus, Bartholomeus Nova Villa; see Johannes Noys; see Theobaldus *Ockham, see William of Ockham Odardus, dominus, 194, 237, 249n, 250n, 251, 252 *Odardus de Chambliaco, 194 Odardus de Massonis, 194, 242, 250n *Odo of Sens, magister, 202 Oliverius Salhadini (Salhadi), 25n, 78, 89, 98, 194±195, 226 Oliverius Vigeni, 242 Orgeriis; see Petrus Orleyns (OrleÂans); see Johannes, Petrus Osnaborensis (OsnabruÈck), scolasticus, 100, 195, 246 Otour, dominus, 218 Otto, magister, canonicus Londonensis (Lund), 69, 87, 221 Otto de Florencia, 245 Otto Lombardus [Lumbardus], 225 Ottoninus, 227 Pacheti; see Johannes Padua; see Henricus Palaciolo; see Clemens Paree; see Petrus Parisius; see Johannes, Nicolaus Parma; see Henricus Mulet Parvinati; see Guillelmus Paschali; see Guillelmus Pasceio, archidiaconus de; see Guillelmus Bibare

*Pastor de Serrescuderio, O.F.M., cardinal, 5n Patricius Brown [Broun], 68, 89, 195, 221 Paulus (Conili) de Narbona, magister, 195±196, 240 Pavi Setis, de Narbona, 246 Paylard; see Hue Pelliparii; see Johannes Pentrez; see Bernardus pergamenarius; see Franciscus Peri; see Rodulphus Perinus de Assiaco, 234 Perona; see Dionysius Persona in Delf; see Bartholomeus Petenni; see Gerardus *Peter of Aquila, O.F.M., 5n *Peter of Capua, 114n *Peter of John Olivi, 193 les Petis Choles (Petits Chollets), 220 Petit; see Johannes *Petrarch, 208 Petrus, curatus Sancti Bartolomei, dominus, 238 *Petrus de Abbatisvilla (Abbeville), 25n Petrus Alorici; see Petrus de Caritate Petrus de Alvernia, 76, 196±197, 225 Petrus de Ambroniaco, 242 Petrus de Ancra; see Petrus de Encra Petrus (Andreae), of®cialis cancellarii, 17, 47, 48, 197, 231 Petrus Apostoli, 74, 104, 105, 197±198, 223 *Petrus de Arenciaco, magister, 82±83 Petrus de Aurelianis [Auriolanis], magister, 198, 240, 250n Petrus de Ausiaco, 229 Petrus de Basio, 246 Petrus de Beler, 222 Petrus de Belley, magister, 233 Petrus Bermont, 242 Petrus de Bion, magister, 234 Petrus Boskerre, magister, 234 *Petrus Bourdellus de Calvomonte, 198 *Petrus Cabilhars de Quercu, 201 *Petrus de Calidomonte, 179; see Petrus de Calvomonte Petrus de Calvomonte (Chaumont), 76, 198, 225 *Petrus de Capite Stanno, 130, 212 Petrus de Caritate (ChariteÂ), magister, 78, 89, 104, 190, 196, 205, 227, 242, 250n *Petrus Casalis, canon of Notre-Dame, 47n, 135 Petrus Casellis, 47n, 240 Petrus Circelus, 245 Petrus de Compenso, 231 Petrus de Crotoy, 198, 242 Petrus de Cusillo, magister, 242

275

Index of persons and places Petrus Dormelli, 239 Petrus de Ecketot, 224 Petrus de Encra [Ancra] (Encre, Albert), 66, 198±199, 231 Petrus de Erdeto, 66, 199, 231 Petrus Flemingus, 227 Petrus de Florencia, 74, 199, 224 Petrus de Foleto, 228 Petrus Gallensis, 199, 238 Petrus Gamachon, 225 *Petrus Genesta, 203 Petrus Geraud, 223 Petrus Lamberti, dominus, 199, 238 Petrus de Laniis, 199, 221 Petrus de Losanne (Lausanne), 229 Petrus Ludovici [Leudovici], 200, 246 Petrus de Maguncia (Mainz), 94n, 227 Petrus Maneto, 231 Petrus de Mano Opere, 86n, 230 Petrus de Meovannia, dominus, 236 Petrus de Molento, 236 Petrus de Monte Regali, 78, 200, 228 Petrus Nicolay, 234 Petrus de Orgeriis (d'OrgeÁres), 64, 200, 218, 246, 250n Petrus de Orleyns (OrleÂans), magister, medicus, 240, 250n Petrus Paree, 200, 223 Petrus Pictawensis (Poitiers), 232 Petrus Pigue, 240 *Petrus Povrelli, 155 Petrus de Probavilla [Proba Villa], magister, 104, 200±201, 235 Petrus de Quercu (du CheÃne), 64, 118n, 201, 218 Petrus de Riu, 221 Petrus Roie, 228 Petrus de Sancto Dyonisio, 201±202, 232 Petrus de Sarseleis, 202, 232 Petrus Sengler, 226 Petrus de Silvanecto (Senlis), 232 Petrus Strangonis de Dacia (Denmark), 76, 202, 225 Petrus de Suecia, dominus, 242 Petrus de Tresis, magister, 227, 234, 250n, 251n Petrus de Tresis (socius mag. Petri de Tresis?), 234, 251n Petrus de Turri, 227 Petrus de Vascomolandino, 66, 202, 231 Petrus de Vico, 202±203, 232 *Philip II, Augustus, king of France, 19, 23 *Philip IV, the Fair, king of France, 2, 3, 37±39, 119n *Philip V, king of France, 1, 104, 105, 177, 179

*Philip VI, of Valois, king of France, 1±3, 15n, 99, 103, 104, 105, 153, 154, 157, 176. 187, 188, 195, 198, 201, 208, 213 *Philip of Evreux, king of Navarre, 205 Philip Wilde; see Philippus Scotus *Philippa of Hainaut, wife of Edward III, 157 Philippe de Curia; see Philippus de la Court *Philippe de Melun, archbishop of Sens, 186 Philippus de Beringi (Berigny), 154, 203, 240 Philippus Corps de Homme, 224 Philippus de la Court, 75, 133, 203±204, 224 Philippus de Cruarno, dominus, 238 Philippus [Filippus] de Dremo, 236 Philippus de Muntes (Montes?) Sarcuriis, 225 *Philippus Nicolai, magister, 197 Philippus [Philippe] Norseyt, magister, 238 Philippus Scotus, 75, 85, 204, 212, 224 Picciol; see Lucas Pictavensis (Poitiers); see Gerardus, Guido, Petrus Pictor; see Galterus Pido; see Jacobus, Mathias Pierre; see also Petrus *Pierre d'Arrablay, cardinal, 154 *Pierre Bertrand, cardinal, 74n *Pierre Boucher, university receptor general, 13 Pierre du CheÃne; see Petrus de Quercu *Pierre de CondeÂ, canon of Notre-Dame, 4 *Pierre de Cros, cardinal, 145 Pierre d'Encre; see Petrus de Encra *Pierre FreÂdol, lord of VeÂrune, 135 *Pierre Mandavelani, canon of Clermont, 178 Pierre d'OrgeÁres; see Petrus de Orgeriis *Pierre Rodeasme, 164 *Pierre Roger; see Clement VI Pigue; see Petrus Pilmore; see Guillelmus, John, Ricardus, Robertus Pinsson; see Simon Pipe; see Anselmus, Johannes Piscatoris; see Guillelmus Planseio; see Simon Plesiaco, domus Galfridi de, 219 Plobediri; see Guillelmus Podio; see Clemens, Guillelmus Poel; see Johannes Poule Poleter; see Johannes Polioponte; see Simon Polmor [Pulmur] (Pilmore); see Guillelmus, Ricardus, Robertus Poncius [Ponsius] de Donsereio, 243 Poncius [Ponsius] de Grindione, 234 Poncius de Yspaniis, 72, 223 Pondere; see Lambertus Ponsio; see Johannes

276

Index of persons and places Ponte; see Guillelmus Ponte Lenino; see Guillelmus Ponte Rivi; see Bernardus Popia; see Gailardus Portu; see Robertus Prato Gilberti; see Reginaldus Premonstratensium, domus, 222 *Prepositinus, 114n Proba Villa; see Petrus Probus homo; see Ricardus Proles; see Robertus Proynis; see Guido Pruscia; see Johannes Pruvino; see Garinus Pulmur (Pilmore, Polmor, Pulmor, Pulmore); see Guillelmus, Ricardus, Robertus Quercu; see Petrus Quintinus (de Curchiaco), 79, 204, 230 Radulphus; see Rodulphus Raoul; see Rodulphus Raulfus Brito, 228, 248n, 251n; see also Rodulphus Brito Raveriis; see Egidius Rector (universitatis), 221 Regiaco; see Stephanus Reginaldus de Aciaco (Assiaco), 238 Reginaldus de Bellovisu, magister, 238 Reginaldus Beltilini, dominus, 240 Reginaldus de Cornemare [Cornemale], magister, 204±205, 231 Reginaldus de Cusanses, 222 Reginaldus de Essartis, 133, 205, 226 Reginaldus de Griansona, 223 Reginaldus de Molines, non scolaris, 218 *Reginaldus de Porta, cardinal, 180 Reginaldus de Prato Gilberti, 205, 227 Reginaldus Sarbors, 232 *Reims, archbishop of, 53 Relis Britonis, 223 Reoci; see Hamo Remigius de Marigniaco [Mariniaco], 205, 245 Remundus Brito, 218 Remundus de Rustiaco, 220 Requisiti; see Herveus Resonio; see Rodulphus Reynerius Cocorul, magister, 236 Reynerus de Tessenna, 205±206, 232 *Ricardus de Billiaco, magister, 145, 146 Ricardus de Bois, 222 Ricardus de Campis, 79, 98, 105, 206, 229 Ricardus Dani, 223 Ricardus Fitzralph [®lius Rodul®], 14±15, 68, 88, 180, 206, 221

Ricardus Massi, 240 Ricardus de Mesnillo [Menillo], 206±207, 245 Ricardus Pilmore (Pulmur, Polmor), 74, 94n, 207, 224 Ricardus Probihominis (Probus homo), dominus, 207, 238 *Richard le Poer, 114n Richerius, frater, 67, 220 Rion; see Stephanus Rippacuria; see Andreas Riu; see Petrus *Robert of Courson, 114n *Robert Cupir, 214 *Robert de Duaco, 41n *Robert Kilwardby, O.P., 107 *Robert de Lorris, secretary of Philip VI, 197 *Robert de Melun, knight, 186 Robertus, prior Sancti Benigni (St-BeÂnigne), 89, 98, 100, 207, 229 Robertus de Astone, 230 Robertus de Atenes, 222 Robertus de Bardis, 14, 25n, 45n, 68, 97, 105, 122, 151, 153, 207±208, 221 Robertus Beradan, 240 Robertus Bo[n]court, 11n, 77, 208, 225 Robertus de Couciaco (Coucy), 66, 208, 231 Robertus Daties, 245 Robertus de Fouvilla, 220 Robert[us] le Gay, 73, 104, 105, 208±209, 223 Robertus de Monteleone [Monte Leonis] (MontleÂon), 64, 103, 209, 218 Robertus de Mota, 245 Robertus de Pilmore (Pulmur, Polmur), magister, 89, 156, 209, 232 Robertus de Portu, 240 Robertus de Proles, 228 Robertus Spiguluel, 97, 221 Robertus de Templo, 209, 232 Robertus Tome, 242 Robertus Wakemolin, grammaticus, 70, 222 Rochis; see Stephanus Rodiaco; see Nicolaus Rodis; see Guido Rodulphus Brito, dominus, 209±210, 227, 248n, 251n; see also Raulfus Brito Rodulphus, grammaticus, 70, 222 Rodulphus Ivisani [Yvisani], 210, 232 Rodulphus de Lamigoye, 232 Rodulphus Marie, 76, 86n, 210, 225 *Rodulphus de Mesnillo, magister, 207 Rodulphus [Rodulfus] Peri, 218 Rodulphus de Resonio, 231 Rodulphus de Sancto Ricario, magister, 235 Rodulphus Simonis(?), dominus, 89, 236 Rogerus Scotus, 232 Rogiaco; see Nicolaus

277

Index of persons and places Roie; see Petrus Rolandus, curatus de Bisserello, 233 Rolandus Scotus, 232 Rolondus; see Johannes Rolricus de Sancto Trudone, 238 Romeisei; see Johannes Ronulfus Canpani, 239 Rosello; see Johannes Rothomagensis (Rouen), thesaurarius, non scolaris; see Bernardus Rothomagio, domus thesaurarii de, 221 Rovere (Ronere); see Guillelmus *Rozay-en-Brie, 49 Rua; see Guido Rubebonic; see Nicolaus Ruf®; see Harmannus Rugerini; see Rugerius Rugerius Rugerini, scolaris Mag. Jacobi Moreto, 234 Runiaco; see Andreas Rupe; see Godefridus Rusa; see Adam Russilensis, 226 Rustiaco; see Remundus Sabaldia (Sabaudia, Savoy); see Johannes Saber; see Guillelmus Saberti; see Guillelmus Safre (Saffray, Safredi); see Dionysius Saint Sauge; see Dominicus Salacona; see Johannes Salhadini [Salhadi]; see Oliverius Salines; see Henricus Salomonis [Salamonis]; see Guillelmus, Ivo, Johannes *Sancho, king of Majorca, 193 Sanctus Albanus; see Johannes Sanctus Andreas de Arcubus, curatus, 72, 223 Sanctus Bartolomeus, curatus; see Petrus Sanctus Benedictus, curatus, 77, 226; see Johannes, capellanus; Nicolaus, capellanus Sanctus Benignus, prior; see Robertus Sanctus Bernardus; see Gerard de Seyt Bernard Sanctus Clodowardus; see Andreas Sanctus Cosmus et Damianus, curatus, 222 Sanctus Desiderius; see Nicolaus Sanctus Dionisius, scolares [domus], 222 Sanctus Dyonisius; see Petrus Sanctus Eligius de Cerense (Corense), prior, 223 Sanctus Eligius Parisiensis, prior, 210, 242 Sanctus Eustacius, curatus; see Gerardus Sanctus Illarius (Hilarius), curatus, 226, 227; see also Nicasyus Sanctus Justus; see Johannes Sanctus Landrici, curatus; see Johannes

Sanctus Marcellus, decanus; see Lanfredus de Turri Sanctus Martialis, curatus; see Guillelmus Fabri Sanctus Medericus; see Thomas Sanctus Nicolai, curatus; see Guillelmus Rollandi Sanctus Quintinus; see Galterus, Guillelmus Sanctus Ricarius; see Rodulphus Sanctus Salvius; see Dominicus Sanctus Severinus [Ceverinus], curatus, 76, 225; presbyterii, 225 Sanctus Stephanus de Grecis, capicerius, 66, 96, 137, 220 Sanctus Trudone; see Rolricus Sarbors; see Reginaldus Sargiaco; see Matheus Sarra; see Bernardus Sarraceni; see Michael Sarseleis; see Petrus Saxonia; see Johannes Sayr; see Johannes Saysini; see Nicolaus Scala; see Johannes Scocie (Scotia), archidiaconus, 97, 221 Scotus; see Gilbertus, Gosenius, Guillelmus, Johannes, Maurisius, Philippus, Rogerus, Rolandus Seneyo; see Johannes Sengler; see Petrus Senis (Siena); see Hugo, Jacobus *Senlis, of®cial of bishop, 42 Sennaniis; see Ado Senonis (Sens); see Johannes Sergant (Sergeant?); see Michael Serris; see Bernardus Servientis; see Simon Setis; see Pavi Setone (Setton); see Thomas Sevilla, thesaurarius de; see Ispalensis, thesaurarius Sigerus de Maulinea, dominus, 218 sigilliferi, ®lius; see Colinus Signi; see Guillelmus Silliniaco; see Guillelmus Silvanecto (Senlis); see Petrus Silvester Lenir, 232 Simon de Atrabato (Arras), 231 *Simon de Brossa, O.S.B., 150 Simon de Gambasio, magister, 210, 234 Simon [Simundus] Godichart [Godezardi], sirurgicus, 77, 210, 225 Simon Hulardi; see Sunno Hulardi *Simon dictus Karoli de Suetia, 212 Simon de Lantagiis, 79, 210±211, 230 Simon de Lugduno (Lyons), 231 Simon de Meneriis, 25n, 77, 211±212, 226 Simon de Monasterio, 243

278

Index of persons and places Simon Pinsson, 246 Simon de Planseio, 234 Simon de Poliaponte [Polioponte], 212, 238 Simon Servientis, 231 Simon de Suecia, 66, 212, 220 Simon de Vallibus, magister, 236 *Simon de Wedale, bishop of WhithornGalloway, 216 Simonis; see Rodulphus Simundus; see Simon Sine Amors; see Henricus Sirurgicus; see Hugo, Johannes, Simon Godichart, Thomas de Carliolo Smal[h]am; see Johannes Sockardi; see Johannes Sorbonne [Sarbone], domus de, 221 Sorelli [Soreyl]; see Bertoldus Spiguluel; see Robertus Stanes; see Johannes Stephanus Amurarius, 245 Stephanus de Calvomonte, magister, 212, 240 Stephanus de Cimays, 243 Stephanus de Nogento, magister, 212±213, 242 Stephanus de Regiaco, 234 Stephanus de Rion, 226 Stephanus de Rochis, 245 Stephanus Trosile, 227 Stephanus Turbaudi, 213, 222 *Stephen Langton, 107, 114n Stet; see Galterus Storsio; see Johannes Strangonis; see Petrus Suecia, domus de, 223 Suecia; see Eschildus, Guido, Johannes, Laurentius, Petrus, Simon Sunno Hulardi, 69, 74, 86n, 213, 221, 223, 246, 248n, 250n *Symonette, 49±56 Talebot; see Guillelmus Tatico; see Guillelmus Taule; see Guido Templo; see Robertus Tessenna; see Reynerus Teutonicus; see Nicolaus Theobaldus, 226, 250n Theobaldus Corun(?) de Fontanis, 219 Theobaldus de Laniis, dominus, 96, 213±214, 232 T[h]eobaldus Meron, 245, 250n Theobaldus de Noys, 232 Thiboldus de Burya, 242 *Thierry d'HeÂrisson, bishop of Arras, 181 Thomas, magister, 236 Thomas Anetis, 243

Thomas Anglicus, 76, 214, 225 *Thomas Aquinas, O.P., 107 *Thomas de Bailly, chancellor of Notre Dame, 4, 16, 146, 152, 203 *Thomas Balanche, 206 Thomas de Belvaco, 246 *Thomas de Bray, magister, 214, 215 Thomas Bufai, 229 Thomas de Carliolo, sirurgicus, 214, 230 *Thomas of Chobham, 114n Thomas de Cornubia (Cornwall), dominus, 214, 238 Thomas Corpir (Cupir?), magister, 214, 240 Thomas de Keudale [Kendale, Ceudale], 77, 89, 214, 226, 246, 250n Thomas de Knot, 215, 228 Thomas de Monte Sancti Eligii, 215, 240 *Thomas de Reims, 200 Thomas de Sancto Mederico, 215, 228 *Thomas de Sens, bookseller, 43n, 65n Thomas de Setone (Setton), 79, 215, 228 *Thomas of Strasbourg, O.E.S.A., 5n *Thomas de Trillek, 183 *Thomas Waleys, O.P., 105 Thomas de Wedale, 75, 85n, 215±216, 224 Tome; see Robertus Toncris; see Matheus Tottin; see Guillelmus Trajecto (Utrecht), archidiaconus de, 98, 100, 216, 222 Trefualloet; see Henricus Tresis; see Jacobus, Nicholas, magister Petrus, Petrus Treviris; see Gaufridus Tribus Sororibus; see Matheus Trillec; see Johannes Trinochie (Ternochie?), camerarius, 229 Trosile; see Stephanus Tuito; see Johannes Turbaudi; see Johannes, Stephanus Turnei; see Gerardus Turri; see Astorgius, Lanfredus, Petrus *Ulrich of Augsburg, 253 Urcis; see Henricus Vabertus, 246, 250n; see also Valepertus Vale; see Arnoldus Valepertus, 227, 250n; see also Vabertus Valle; see Johannes Valle Clusa; see Cono Valle Gige; see Bernardus Vallibus; see Simon Varnierua (Warnierrua); see Johannes Vascomolandino; see Petrus Vauscolour, pueri de, 89, 230

279

Index of persons and places Velasco Eximini, decanus Abulensis (Avila), 98, 100, 216, 230, 245, 249n Veliaco; see Egidius Veneta; see Johannes Ventadoro [Ventodorio]; see Guido Vera; see Michael Verdinus Gunberdi, 245 Verduno (Verdun); see Guillelmus, Johannes Vertre; see Guillelmus Vico; see Petrus Vienna (Vienne); see Nicolaus Vigini; see Oliverius Vilhelmus; see Guillelmus Villacollis; see Alanus Brito Villa Juris; see Johannes Villa Mori; see Johannes Villa Nova; see Alanus, Johannes Villaribus ducis; see Erardus Villemor; see Johannes Vinaht; see Johannes Vincentius de Essartis, 133, 182, 216±217, 226 Vinnon; see Johannes Virduno (Verdun); see Guillelmus, Johannes Viriaco; see Johannes Vissac; see Hugo *Vital Belini, fellow of the Sorbonne, 142

Vombernk, dominus de, alias de Alto Monte, 226 Wakemolin; see Robertus *Walter de Wardlaw, magister, 216 Warnierrua; see Johannes de Varnierua Warvilla; see Johannes Wedale; see Thomas Wilhelmus, Willelmus; see Guillelmus *William, see also Guillaume, Guillelmus *William Cupir, 214 *William de Douglas, 173 *William of Durham, 114n *William the Good, count of Hainaut; see Guillaume le Bon *William de Laundels, bishop of St. Andrews, 159 *William de Montibus, 114n *William of Ockham, 4, 6, 86 Wolfardus Friso, 231 Wyard; see Jacobus Y; see under I Zayense; see Marcvardus Zindurammus, 228

II. MODERN Anstey, H., 22n Aston, T. H., 22n Baldwin, J. W., 19, 55n, 113n, 114n Bautier, R. H., 148 Beaujouan, G., 130 Berty, A, 65n, 66n, 71n Brown, E. A. R., 38n Brundage, J. A., 50n Buchon, J.-A., 37n, 63n, 65n, 78n Bulaeus, C. E., 160 Cazelles, R., 133 Chatelain, E., 9n, 10, 15, 72n, 253 Chomel, J. B. L., 178 Cobban, A. B., xi, 19±20, 89n, 92n Contamine, P., 20n Courtenay, W. J., 2n, 6n, 15n, 16n, 21n, 22n, 25n, 26n, 39n, 85n, 86n, 102n, 112n, 115n, 118n, 119n Deni¯e, H., 9n, 10, 15, 17, 30n, 31n, 45n, 72n, 154, 162, 175, 177, 182, 186, 207, 212, 253 Desportes, P., 132, 143, 148, 155, 159, 180, 182, 196, 209 Dolinger, P., 20n

Du Boulay, 53n Emden, A. B., xii, 10n, 19, 124 Eubel, C., 131 Evans, T. A. R., 22n Faral, E., 169 FeÂlibien, M., 65n Forgeot, H., 140 Fournier, P., 3n Fourquin, G., 20n Franklin, A., 65n, 66n Friedlaender, E, 27n Friedmann, A., 72 Gabriel, A. L., 5n, 21n, 65n, 79n, 92n, 176 GaÂl, G., 86n GeÂraud, H., 37n Gieysztor, A., 28n Gloria, A., 162 Glorieux, P., 23n, 53n, 64n, 67n, 68n, 92n, 124, 134, 136, 138, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 154, 157, 159, 160, 162, 170, 171, 174, 177, 184, 187, 190, 194, 201, 202, 204, 208, 251n Gorochov, N., 5n, 124, 139, 141, 166, 167, 172, 185, 186, 193, 200, 212

280

Index of persons and places Gratian, 50n GueÂrard, B., 142, 157 HaureÂau, B., 202 Herlihy, D., 20n Hunt, R. W., 114n Jacquart, D., 124, 125n, 131, 144, 161, 175, 176, 188, 198, 205, 211 Jaillot, J.-B., 65n John, J., 72n Jordan, W. C., 20n, 41n Jourdain, C., 13n, 22, 247n, 252n Kaluza, Z., 6n, 212 Keene, D., 20n Lagarde, G. de, 2n Langlois, C.-V., 168 Launoy, J. de, 141 Leff, G., 29n Lehugeur, P. 163 Luscombe, D., 35n Lytle, G. F., xi Malagola, C., 27n Martin, O., 3n MichaeÈlsson, K., 37n, 38n Miethke, J., xi, 3n Millet, H., 4n, 132, 149, 150 Molinier, A., 142 Mollat, M., 22n Moraw, P., xi Picot, G., 141 Piganiol de la Force, J. A., 66n Posthumus Meyjes, G. H. M., 3n Powicke, M., 19 Quillet, J., 3n

Rabut, E., 163 Rashdall, H., 5n, 10n, 19, 20n, 31n, 87 Renardy, C., 92n, 124, 125n Reyerson, K., 20n Ridder-Symoens, H. de, xi, 28n, 107n, 109n Roblin, M., 19n Rouse, R. and M., 22n, 66n, 164 Royer, J.-P., 3n Russell, J. C., 19 Schwinges, R. C., xi, 21n, 92n, 100n Sechler, S., 124, 124n Semmler, J., 24n, 65n, 69n, 70n, 71n, 72n, 73n, 74n, 77n Smalley, B., 77n Southern, R. W., 114n Spirgatis, M., 13n, 20n Sullivan, T., 124, 125n Tanaka, M., 21n, 118n Tessier, G., 205 Tisserand, L.-M., 65n, 66n Verger, J., xi, 34, 92n, 108n, 114, 115n, 121, 125n Viard, J., 212 Walsh, K., 15n, 206 Watt, D. E. R., 10n, 139, 147, 152, 156, 157, 159, 174, 183, 190, 195, 204, 207, 209, 214, 215, 216 Weijers, O., 114n Wickersheimer, E., 124, 125n, 131, 132, 133, 135, 139, 141, 142, 144, 145, 148, 150, 154, 161, 162, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173, 175, 176, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 188, 196, 197, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214

281

SUBJECT INDEX

apostolic poverty, debate over, 4 Avignon, 4, 10, 42, 44; see also papacy university of, 118

chapter, 16n, 17, 48, 49n, 55±56 dean; see Amisius de Aurelianis, Guido Baudet, Oliverius Salhadini episcopal court, 49±56 of®cial of the bishop, 51, 52 of®cial of the chancellor; see Petrus Andreae penitentiarius, 16 churches, 43 St-AndreÂ-des-ars, 24, 43n, 61 St-BartheÂlemy, 24, 43n, 61 St-BenoõÃt-le-BestourneÂ, 43n, 61, 247 St-Christophe, 18n, 61 St-Cosme-et-Damien, 43n, 61 St-Etienne-des-Grez, 61 St-Eustache, 24, 43n, 61, 251 St-Germain-l'Auxerrois, 61 St-Gervais, 61 St-Hilaire, 43n, 61 St-Landry, 24, 43n, 61 St-Martial, 24, 43n, 61 St-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet, 18, 43n, 61 St-SeÂverin, 43n, 61 St-Symphorien, 18n Ste-Opportune, 61 convents and monasteries, 36, 42, 43, 248 Augustinian Hermits, 5, 18, 26n, 61, 113 Carmelites, 26n, 61 Cistercians (St-Bernard), 18, 24, 26n, 61, 111 Cluny, 5, 25n, 61, 67, 69, 74, 86, 96 Dominicans (St-Jacques), 26n, 29n, 40, 43n, 61, 66, 70, 90, 96, 111, 112, 113 Franciscans (Cordeliers), 4, 5, 26n, 61, 70, 71, 90, 111, 112 Hospitallers, 10n, 25n, 61 Marmoutier, 4, 5, 25n, 61, 65, 67n, 86 Mathurins, 44, 45, 46, 51, 61, 63, 76, 96, 253 Mendicant houses of study, 5, 22, 26, 32, 42, 44, 111,113, 120n

Beati®c Vision, debate over, 105 Bologna, university of, 22, 110 Cambridge, university of, 21n 22 cathedral dignities, 100±103 Computus; see Paris, university of Des Essarts, family, 116n, 133 dominus, 247 domus, 81±82 familia, 31, 88±90 jongleur, 55 mendicants, see Paris, convents Michaelists, 4 Montpellier, university of, 118, 119n, 122 Ockhamism, 6 Oxford, university of, 21, 22 papacy curia, 2, 29, 34, 42 schism, 21, 108, 109, 110, 112, 121, 122, 123 Paris, 20±23, 59±80, passim booksellers, 42, 43, 66 Cathedral of Notre-Dame, 16, 18n bishop, 33, 48; see also Hugh of BesancËon of®cial of the bishop, 49, 51, 52 canons, 14, 26n, 29n, 30, 32±35, 40, 44, 47±48 cantor, see Jean de Mons chancellor, 14, 33±34, 47, 48, 51; see also Guillelmus Bernardi, Jean de Blois, Robert de Bardis, Thomas de Bailly

282

Subject index Paris (cont.) Notre-Dame-des-Champs, 26n, 65 Premonstratensians, 25n, 61, 72, 73, 82n St-Denis, 5, 25n, 61, 70, 71 St-Eloi, 24, 43n, 61 St-GenevieÂve, 5, 31n, 35, 46, 61 abbot, 30, 33±37, 39±41, 45, 46, 48 chancellor, 30, 33±37, 41, 45, 48 St-Germain-des-PreÂs abbot, 53 St-Julien-le-Pauvre, 18, 61 St-Victor, 4n, 10n, 18, 24, 61 abbot, 53 Val-des-Escoliers, 26n Louvre palace, 3, 18n, 24, 61 population, 19±20 illuminators, 42 librarii; see booksellers parchment sellers, 42, 43 royal court, 37±38, 103±105 scribes, 42, 43 stationarii; see booksellers tax, royal (taille), 37±39, 59, 63n, 70n, 72, 78, 248 townhouses, nobility and prelates, 61±63, 64n, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77 university, 9±11 beadles, 28, 43 burse, 12n, 31±35, 40±42, 44, 94, 95 collectiones, 9±11, 17, 28±48, 248 colleges, 23n, 36, 42, 248±250, 252 Aicelins, 5n Arras, 5n, 119 Autun, 5n, 119 Bayeux, 5n, 25n, 61, 70, 79, 82n, 96, 118n, 119, 249 Bons Enfants de St-HonoreÂ, 18n Bons Enfants de St-Victor, 53, 54, 61 Bourgogne, 5n, 119 Cambrai, 119 Cardinal LeMoine, 61 Chollets, 25n, 61, 66, 79, 118n, 119, 252 Dace, 25n, 61 Du Plessis, 5, 25n, 61, 65, 82n Harcourt, 12n, 25n, 61, 69, 96, 118n, 119, 248n Laon, 5n, 119 LinkoÈping, 5n Lisieux, 5n, 119 Lombard, 5n Narbonne, 15, 17, 25n, 45n, 47n, 55, 61, 70, 79, 82n, 96, 119, 120, 249, 250n Navarre, 5, 10n, 11n, 25n, 61, 64, 79, 86, 98, 118, 119, 249 Petits Chollets, 25n, 61, 65, 66 PreÃles, 5n

283

Quimper, 5n, 119 Rethel, 67 St-Nicolas-du-Louvre, 18n St-Thomas-du-Louvre, 18n Sorbonne, 10n, 15n, 23, 25n, 45n, 53, 54, 61, 64, 68, 77, 79, 82n, 86, 90, 96, 98, 105, 119, 251n Suesse (Uppsala), 25n, 61, 72 Tournai, 119 Tours, 5n, 119 TreÂguier, 5n, 25n, 61, 119 TreÂsorier, 12n, 25n, 61, 67, 69, 82n, 96, 118n, 119 Computus of 1329±30, xiii±xiv, 9±27, 218±246, 247±254, passim dating, 14±17 manuscript, 9±14 Computus of 1464, 13±14, 26n, 31, 37, 44, 46, 95n convents; see Paris, convents Faculty of arts, 6, 49, 114 Faculty of canon law, 6, 41, 91, 120 Faculty of medicine, 6, 25, 41, 90±91, 120 Faculty of theology, 6, 41, 90±91, 118, 120 geographical origins, 107±123 grammar masters; see Johannes Burgo, Johannes de Monte Laterico, Nicolaus Gerardus, Petrus de Mano Opere, Robertus Wakemolin, Rodulfus, Rodulphus Marie, Sunno Hulardi houses of study for religious and monastic orders; see Paris, convents lodging; see residence, taxationes domorum nations, 39, 114 English-German, 9, 10, 13n, 27n, 29n, 37, 42, 45, 46, 252, 253 French, 9n, 116±118, 120 Normand, 9n, 42 Picard, 9n nobility, 92, 96, 97, 99±100, 101±103 nuntii (ambassadors), 29, 42 oaths, 42, 44 population, 17±26 recruitment, 107±123 rector, 30, 34, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 68, 221 residence, 22±25, 36±38, 81±91; see domus, taxationes domorum rotuli of supplication, 17, 42, 44, 93, 107, 108, 114n, 115, 121, 122, 123 schools, 28, 61, 79; see faculty social origins, 92±100 socii, 18n, 40n, 85±88, 115±116, 247±248 students and masters, foreign, 21 Dutch; see Beardus de Frisia, Henricus Friso, Jacobus de Frisia, Marcvardus de Zayense, Wolfardus Friso

Subject index East European, 21; see Bertoldus de Bohemia, Conradus de Bohemia, Jacobus de Austria, Johannes de Pruscia English, 90; see Guillelmus de Anglia, Johannes de Londres, Johannes Northwode, Johannes de Sancto Albano, Johannes de Smalam, Johannes de Stanes, Johannes Trillec, Laurentius Anglicus, Ricardus Fitzralph, Robertus de Astone, Thomas Anglicus, Thomas de Cornubia, Thomas de Setone German, 21; see Arnoldus de Lubeke, Bertoldus de Constantia, Gerardus Bust, Gerardus de Lubecca, Henricus de Alemania, Henricus de Keinesbec, Henricus de Lubec, Heutingen, ®lius comitis de, Johannes Almannus de Constancia, Johannes Muster, Johannes de Saxonia, Laurentius de Lubeke, Nicolaus Teutonicus, Petrus de Maguncia, Osnaborensis scholasticus, Verdinus Gunberdi, dominus de Vombernk Irish; see Egidius de Dublini Italian, 21, 120; see Aldebrandinus, Balduinus de Ast, Bartholomeus de Brescia, Bello Lubbardi, Belonus de Cremona, Cenebaut Lombardus, Franciscus Lombardus, Gratianus de Brescia, Harmannus Lombardus, Henricus Mulet de Parma, Henricus de Padua, Hugo de Senis, Jacobus de Senis, Johannes de Aquila, Johannes de Janua, Manfredus Lombardus, Maninus de Janua, Maninus de Medeolano, Naufridus Lombardus, Otto de Florencia, Otto Lombardus, Petrus de Florencia, Robertus de Bardis Scandinavian; see Andreas de Suetia,

Eschildus de Suecia, Guido de Suecia, Johannes de Suecia, Laurentius de Suecia, Nicolaus de Dacia, Otto, Petrus Strangonis, Petrus de Suecia, Simon de Suecia Scottish; see archidiaconus Scotie, Donaldus de Mar, Gilbertus Fleming, Gilbertus Scotus, Gosenius Scotus, Guillelmus Angus, Guillelmus de Grenlaw, Guillelmus Mor, Guillelmus Pilmore, Guillelmus Scoti, Johannes de Douglas, Johannes Scoti, Mauritius Scotus, Patricius Brown, Philippus Scotus, Ricardus Pilmore, Robertus Pilmore, Rogerus Scotus, Rolandus Scotus, Thomas Corpir, Thomas de Knot, Thomas de Wedale Spanish, 90, 120; see Alfoncius Dionysii, Bernardus de Catellonia, Dominicus, Gerardus, Gunsalvus, Ispalensis thesaurarius, Johannes de Luna, Poncius, Velasco Eximini taxationes domorum, 22±25, 59, 71, 73, 74, 78, 82±84, 91 taxationes librorum, 22 topography, 10±13, 17, 22±25, 59±80 tutors, 88±89 rape, 49±56 Toulouse, university of, 110, 118, 119n Via moderna, 6 Vincennes, council of (1329), 3 Vincennes, council of (1333), 105 women, see Jahanna la Frisonne, Johanna dicta la Pucelle, Marote la Goge, Symonette

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Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought Fourth series Titles in series 1 The Beaumont Twins: The Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century d. b. crouch 2 The Thought of Gregory the Great* g. r. evans 3 The Government of England Under Henry I* judith a. green 4 Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge miri rubin 5 Autonomy and Community: The Royal Manor of Havering, 1200±1500 marjorie keniston mcintosh 6 The Political Thought of Baldus de Ubaldis joseph canning 7 Land and Power in Late Medieval Ferrara: The Rule of the Este, 1350±1450 trevor dean 8 William of Tyre: Historian of the Latin East* peter w. edbury and john gordon rowe 9 The Royal Saints of Anglo-Saxon England: A Study of West Saxon and East Anglian Cults susan j. ridyard 10 John of Wales: A Study of the Works and Ideas of a Thirteenth-Century Friar jenny swanson 11 Richard III: A Study of Service* rosemary horrox 12 A Marginal Economy? East Anglian Breckland in the Later Middle Ages mark bailey 13 Clement VI: The Ponti®cate and Ideas of an Avignon Pope diana wood 14 Hagiography and the Cult of Saints: The Diocese of OrleÂans, 800±1200 thomas head 15 Kings and Lords in Conquest England robin f leming 16 Council and Hierarchy: The Political Thought of William Durant the Younger constantin fasolt 17 Warfare in the Latin East, 1292±1291* christopher marshall 18 Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians julia m. h. smith 19 A Gentry Community: Leicestershire in the Fifteenth Century, c. 1422±1485 eric acheson

20 Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c. 200±1150 peter cramer 21 Itinerant Kingship and Royal Monasteries in Early Medieval Germany, c. 936±1075 john w. bernhardt 22 Caesarius of Arles: The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul william e. klingshirn 23 Bishop and Chapter in Twelfth-Century England: A Study of the Mensa Episcopalis everett u. crosby 24 Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain: The Commercial Realignment of the Iberian Peninsula, 900±1500* olivia remie constable 25 Lithuania Ascending: A Pagan Empire within East-Central Europe, 1295±1345 s. c. rowell 26 Barcelona and Its Rulers, 1100±1291 stephen p. bensch 27 Conquest, Anarchy, and Lordship: Yorkshire, 1066±1165 paul dalton 28 Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century* christoph t. maier 29 Family Power in Southern Italy: The Duchy of Gaeta and Its Neighbours, 850±1139 patricia skinner 30 The Papacy, Scotland, and Northern England, 1342±1378 a. d. m. barrell 31 Peter des Roches: An Alien in English Politics, 1205±1238 nicholas vincent 32 Runaway Religious in Medieval England, c. 1240±1540 f. donald logan 33 People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489±554 patrick amory 34 The Aristocracy in Twelfth-Century LeoÂn and Castile simon barton 35 Economy and Nature in the Fourteenth Century: Money, Market Exchange, and the Emergence of Scienti®c Thought joel kaye 36 Clement V sophia menache 37 England's Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262±1290 robin r. mundill 38 Medieval Merchants: York, Beverley and Hull in the Later Middle Ages jenny kermode 39 Family, Commerce and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German Emigrants, c. 1000± c. 1300 joseph p. huffman

40 The Monastic Order in Yorkshire, 1069±1215 janet burton 41 Parisian Scholars in the Early Fourteenth Century: A Social Portrait william j. courtenay * Also published as a paperback