Linguistics,archaeology and the human past. Volume 4

ISBN 978-4-902325-33-1 Occasional Paper 4 Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Edited by Toshiki OSADA and ...

Author: Toshiki OSADA (長田俊樹) | Akinori UESUGI (上杉彰紀)

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ISBN 978-4-902325-33-1

Occasional Paper 4

Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past

Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI

Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008

Occasional Paper 4

Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past

Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI

Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008

Occasional Paper 4 : Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Editor: Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI Copyright Ⓒ Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature 2008 ISBN 978-4-902325-33-1

Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature (RIHN)

457-4 Motoyama, Kamigamo, Kita-ku, Kyoto 603-8047 Japan

Tel: +81-75-707-2371

Fax: +81-75-707-2508

E-mail: [email protected]

Printed by Nakanishi Printing Co. Ltd., Kyoto, Japan

CONTENTS

Preface Research report on surface and subsurface analysis of archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert in Sindh, Pakistan

1 Qasid H. Mallah

Jaidak (Pithad): a Sorath Harappan site in Jamnagar district, Gujarat and its architectural features

83 P. Ajithprasad

Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed - A fabulous illustration of congenital architectural and decorative traditions -

101 Farzand Masih

A history of fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland

115 Roger Blench

PREFACE

I am very happy to announce the publication of the fourth volume of our Occasional Paper here. Dr. Qasid Mallah of Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, in Sindh, Pakistan was a visiting foreign scholar at our Institute in 2007. He has already contributed his paper in the third volume of our Occasional Paper. As a specialist of archaeology in Sindh, his papers are very useful for understanding the situation of archaeological sites in this region. The research project based on this paper was financed by his university. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Nilofer Sheikh, the Vice-Chancellor of Shah Abdul Latif University, for giving us a permission to publish his paper in this volume. Dr. P. Ajithprasad of the M.S. University of Baroda, India was a visiting foreign scholar at our Institute from April to July 2008. His research has been foucused on Chalcolithic and Harappan sites in Gujarat, India. He is now conducting an excavation at a Harappan site of Shikarpur in Kachchh which is situated 30 km away from Kanmer where our excavation has been being conducted. His paper is very important to understand the features of Harappan sites in Gujarat, India. Dr. Farzand Masih of University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan is one of the core members of our Indus Project. He has done his PhD on Temples of Salt Ranges: Detailed Analysis of their Architecture and Decorative Designs. His paper is focused on the inter-cultural relations between the local tradition of Buddhist and Hindu architecture and extraneous Islamic architecture. Dr. Roger Blench has already contributed his paper in the third volume. His research interest covers a huge and wide range. His paper in this volume deals with the origins of various fruits in Southeast mainland from the multidisciplinary viewpoint. Last but not least, Dr. Uesugi took it upon himself to edit this volume. I thank his painstaking efforts.

Toshiki OSADA Project leader and Professor Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan [email protected]

Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert

Research report on surface and subsurface analysis of archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert in Sindh, Pakistan

Qasid H. Mallah

Department of Archaeology

Shah Abdul Latif University

Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan

ABSTRACT This paper is a report for the research project conducted around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah in Sindh, Pakistan. The thorough surface survey in this region revealed a number of sites dating from the Upper Paleolithic to the historic times. Some of the sites surveyed indicated multiple occupations, even though the remains scattered only on the present surface. It is highly probable that the area around lakes provided people with preferrable environment for living through time. Furthermore, the region at the border between the sandy desert and the alluvial plains was considered by the ancient people as strategic point connecting the two ecozones.

INTRODUCTION

the desert portions in its northern extension receive the water from the Indus river system.

The Thar is the largest desert in South Asia. It

It is in this region since last decade and half where

occupies 800 km long and 400 km wide located over

archaeologists have been investigating for ancient

northwest India and southeast Pakistan. In Pakistan,

remains to understand ancient life patterns within

it is stretched in two provinces; southeast of Punjab,

the desert environment setup. Until now, the research

called as Cholistan, and in Sindh province where it

done in this western edge of the Thar Desert has

occupies the eastern side of province throughout its

progressed greatly yielding huge amounts of data.

entire length of more than 580 km and is called as the

The present project is an additional effort towards

Thar Desert.

a common pool of the research and has certainly

The Thar Desert constitutes of huge sandy area

provided additional information.

where alluvial valleys and lakes are present. In its

This present project specifically focuses on lakes

northern limits, the Thar has a narrow alluvial valley

around the Dubi Mirwah desert. There are several

called Nara having maximum width of 4-5 km. It

lakes which were intentionally for this project selected

starts from Salehpat town to the Jamraho head. The

because of their strategic location in between of low-

desert stretches along both sides of this valley. This

lying hills of the Rohri Hills sequence and the alluvial

western portion of the desert is limited and ends near

plains of the lower Indus plain. Combination of all

Jamraho head in south; the Rohri Hills in the north

three geographic components (i.e. hills, sand dunes

and the Mirwah canal in west. The desert was watered

and alluvial plains along with several other micro-

by both river system, i.e. the Indus and the Hakra

ecological niches) increases archaeological potential

which is the major source of water for the entire Thar

to find out greater intensity of the archaeological

region. The Hakra finally merges into the sea. Some of

remains in this part of the given region. The specific -1-

Qasid H. Mallah

The site level survey focused on the presence or

focus would be on the question like when and how far

absence of any distinct feature and activity area like

those natural resource bases were exploited. Previously, the limited survey was done around

manufacturing debris, hearth or dense scatter of

the Lunwari Sim and Sain Sim in 1996, and after

the any type of artefact(s). The significance of this

five years in 2001, Jamal Shah and Ganero Sim were

type of systematic surface analysis is to determine

surveyed. A good concentration of archaeological

(a) overall nature of the site, (b) total area occupied,

sites has been identified, but as they were limited by

(c) collection of exotic items, and (d) locational

focusing mainly on chert stone tool repertoire, only

context. This approach has further conceived the issue

few potsherds and other type of cultural material have

of manufacturing technology, intensity of activity

been reported.

conducted and scale of production. The systematic

The present survey focused on other lakes like

surface analysis has revealed the place of given site in

Jamal Shah, Khuth, Bakri Waro, Char Baro, Wadi

the greater hierarchical system of settlement pattern

Sim, Tul Sim, and Lunwari Sim including the Saneso

and the level of social complexity of its potential

Sim, Dingi Sim and Ganero Sim, all of which were

inhabitants. The settlements were recorded with main

surveyed. During the first year of the project, a total

attention on the collection of diagnostic item(s) and

number of 34 archaeological sites were recorded and

recording on all sort of physical features and activity

during second year of project a total number of 12

areas. Any single exotic object like stone bead, shell

more sites were added to make a total number of 46

bangle, and or steatite bead encountered was collected

sites documented around the lakes. After preliminary

after recording its position on the ground by a GPS

examination, it turned out that all sites were

handset. From the sites some selected artefacts for

associated with different periods ranging from the

typological and chronological confirmation were also

Upper Palaeolithic to the Early Historic period. The

collected. The observation and recording of two types

documented 46 archaeological sites showed multiple

of micro-artefacts such as chert tools and beads were

occupational periods and were located separately on

complicated because (a) similar colour of objects and

the flat top surface of sand dunes, on the slopes and

soil and (b) size of objects. The colours of chert tool

nearby lakeshores. All sites consist of a surface scatter

and sand are almost alike and the minute size of chert

with greater variation in artefactual repertoire and

tools and micro beads make them untraceable and

density. At least three types of artefact scatter were

very difficult to see. A researcher might be stepping

classified such as:

over important artefacts if he/she is not carefully observing the surface ground of the given site. A

a. localities with significant density of artefacts

profound acquaintance and experience with the

b. spots with less quantity of objects littered on the

region however enables the researcher to pull out and obtain micro-artefacts and activity areas more easily.

surface

In spite of these problems, documented settlements

c. isolated artefact clusters

have revealed a wonderful locational and behavioral pattern, showing that the shores of lakes, flat tops

The methodology for recording of sites was based on

and slopes of dunes were strategically and intensively

three important points as:

occupied. 1. data acquisition 2. analysis and processing of data 3. interpretation of data. -2-


Mehrgarh

Ganweriwala

Kachi Plains

In d

us

Ri ve

r

Judeirjodaro

Lakhanjodaro Jhukar Mohenjodaro

Rohri Hills

Thar Desert

Kot Diji

Area for survey

Amri

Chanhudaro

Rann of Kachchh Juni Kuran

Dholavira Surkotada

Arabian Sea Figure 1 Map of the region surveyed (prepared based on a NASA image)

very suitable for the consumption of both animal

GEOMORPHOLOGY AND ENVIRONEMENT OF THE AREA

and human being. This diverse geography must have provided an attractive and ideal environmental condition for ancient people including hunter-

The geomorphology of the project area consists of

gatherers, nomads, pastoralists, and agriculturists of

major features like: (a) sandy desert, (b) saline lakes

every era living in this region.

Dhands/Sim, (c) low hills of the Rohri Hill sequence, (d) alluvial valleys and (e) the Indus Plains. These

Sandy desert

features further hold faunal and floral diversity,

This sandy desert is a “regular sea of sands” in overall -3-

Qasid H. Mallah

1 Tul 2 Wadi Sim North 2 3 Wadi Sim North 1 4 Wadi Sim South 5 Bakri Waro East 6 Tali 7 Char Baro South 2 8 Dubi 4 9 Dubi 5 10 Dubi 3 11 Dubi 2 12 Dubi 1 13 Dubi 6 14 Char Baro South 1 15 Char Baro North 16 East of Lakes 4 17 Vakar North-East 18 East of Lakes 2 19 East of Lakes 6 20 East of Lakes 5 21 East of Lakes 3 22 Bakri Waro South 23 Jamal Shah North 4 24 Jamal Shah North 3 25 Char Baro South 3 26 Jamal Shah East 1 27 Vakar South-East 28 Jamal Shah North 2 29 Jamal Shah East 2 30 East of Lakes 1 31 Jamal Shah South 3 32 Jamal Shah North 1 33 Jamal Shah South 2 34 Jamal Shah South 1 35 Jamal Shah 1 36 Jamal Shah 2 37 Dingi Dhandh 38 Ganero 3 39 Ganero 8 40 Ganero 2 41 Ganero 1 42 Saneso Dhandh 1 43 Saneso Dhandh 6 44 Saneso Dhandh 3 45 Saneso Dhandh 2 46 Saneso Dhandh 5 47 Saneso Dhandh 4

Indus Plains 1

2

3 4

10 8

11 12 13 14

6

9 7 15 25

17

5

16 18

22 23

24

19 20

21

26 28

30 31

29 32 33

27

34 36 35 37 38

Thar Desert

39 40

41

42

43

44 45

46 47

Figure 2 Map of the sites surveyed

character and is divided into (a) the Pat and (b) the

vegetation cover (Figure 3). The sand dunes become

Thar (Pithawalla 1959: 27; Panhwar 1969). Generally,

very green after few rain showers. Among these dunes,

the desert typifies a rolling surface, with high and

the brackish water lakes and flat alluvial valleys are

low sand dunes separated by sandy plains and low,

available.

barren hills, which rise abruptly from the surrounding

These sand dunes are situated apparently in a

plains. The dunes are in continual motion and take on

connected sequence with separate high ridges mostly

varying shapes and sizes. Older dunes, however, are

from northern side. Every sand dune contains slopes

in a semi-stabilized or stabilized condition, and many

from at least three sides and the northern side is

rise to a height of almost 500 feet (150 m). Several

always steep and very difficult in accessibility. On

playas (saline lakes), locally known as Dhands, are

the contrary, the southern slopes are in a descending

scattered throughout the region.

position and very easy in accessibility; this is one of

The sandy area lying on the right banks of the

the reason that archaeological sites are located on the

Nara Valley is actually extended part of the upper

southern slopes. The sites are also located on the top

Thar where all feature like climate and vegetation

flat surface of dunes.

and the geomorphological setup of the dunes are in a similar fashion as in the other parts of the Thar

Lakes

Desert area. The sand dunes are covered with sparse

A cluster of ten lakes locally known as Jamal Shah, -4-


Figure 3 Sparse vegetation cover on the sand dunes

Figure 4 Plants and bushes of various types around the lakes

-5-

Qasid H. Mallah

Khuth, Bakri Waro, Char Baro, Wadi Sim, Tul Sim,

geography with naturally redundant in subsistence

and Lunwari Sim, including Saneso Sim Dingi Sim

resources and favourable environmental conditions is

and Ganero Sim. These lakes are 3 to 5 m deep and

likely suitable for the survival and the ancient people

cover approximately 8 km2 to 2 km2 area. The shores

including hunter-gatherers, nomads, pastoralists, and

of lakes are covered with several floral species that are

agriculturists of every era who must have selected to

suitable for fodder (Figure 4). The thick vegetation

establish their settlements. The presence of the Upper

provides suitable forage grounds of some wild animal

Palaeolithic artefacts in the region attested to the

species. The migratory birds also visit the lakes in

inclination towards exploitation of desert subsistence

the winter season. In other words, the lakes provide

resources which was further intensified during the

the best ecosystem that contains basic subsistence

Mesolithic to the Kot Dijian periods when many

resources. The ecosystem consisting of many species

settlements were established permanently.

of plants and animals is very suitable for hunting,

The exploitation of resources continues till today

foraging and foddering the domesticated animals.

and after every monsoon season many nomads set up camps for grazing their herds. As they stay until

Rohri Hills

the smaller plants are green and leafy, grassy patches

The sequence of the Rohri Hills is 73 km from north

survive and the desert does not become very hostile

to south and 20 km from east to west. The Rohri Hills

during the June and July months of the summer

consists of limestone and a layer of chert or flint stone

season. The climate experiences two definite seasonal

on the top surface. The chert is also embedded into

ends as hot summers and cold winters. Temperatures

the limestone layers. The banded chert is also found

frequently rise maximum above (50ºC) and between

at specific locations within the main sequence of

May and August, and the average low temperature

hills. These hills are also source of the Fuller’s Earth.

of 2ºC occurs in December and January when it

These sources have been utilized by human being

sometimes reaches below the freezing point. The

since the Lower Palaeolithic age. The intensity of the

annual rainfall averages about 180 mm, falling mainly

chert resource belongs to the urbanized period from

during July and August.

2600 to 2000 BCE when more than 1300 hundred

AVAILABILITY AND USE OF RESOURCES

workshops were established to produce the chert tools. The small hills having rich surface deposits of chert are located approximately 2-3 km from Dubi, which provide the chert stone raw material resource

As described above that this portion of region consists

and seasonal rain feed rivulets spring out from lakes

of four main geomorphological features such as (a)

and valleys within this region.

sand dunes, (b) lakes, (c) alluvial plains of the lower Indus Valley, and (d) low-lying hills of the Rohri Hill

Indus Plains

sequence. The sand dunes and valleys which nowadays

The desert area from its western side is bordered by

are covered with sparse vegetation becoming very

the Indus plains (Figure 5) where traces of an ancient

green with various types of grasses after the monsoon

river channel are still visible flowing nearby the sand

season, and seasonal rain feed rivulets that spring

dunes. The high floodwater must have touched toes

out from hills filling lakes and valleys within this

of sand dunes, filling low-lying areas and creating

region. The scattered hills are located at the distance

many swamps in the western Thar (including present

of 2-3 km from the majority of archaeological sites,

area) which became a sanctuary for game. The diverse

providing chert stone raw material resource. When -6-


Figure 5 Sand dunes border with Indus Plains

Figure 6 Monsoonal grasses and plants suitable for the pasturage of herds

-7-

Qasid H. Mallah

environmental conditions are favorable, these all

of the easy availability of the chert use is very common

resources conjointly create and provide substantial

to manufacture of required tools throughout the ages.

resources for human survival. With little rainfall, the

These resources were in use since the Palaeolithic

desert region becomes very green and viable at least

period. The preliminary examination of artefacts

for one season. Many grasses grow and plants become

suggests that the Upper Palaeolithic people started

green providing ample fodder for herds of goat, sheep,

moving towards the lakes of area and during the

camel and cattle. People from the surrounding area

Mesolithic period they intensified their activity and

bring their animals and live here until resource(s)

continued the use of the chert raw material resources

are available. They establish temporary huts called

of the Rohri Hills.

‘Wandh’ for taking care of animals. G. Sing h

ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS

(1971 as cited by Shaffer et al. 1989: 120) while a palaeoclimatic research in Rajasthan has provided four phase scheme of climatic conditions in which

The documented 47 archaeological sites with multiple

Phase II (8000-7500 BC) and Phase III (7500-3000

period occupations are located separately on the flat

BC) represent moist conditions and higher rainfall

top surface of sand dunes, on the slopes and nearby

than the present day. Singh has attributed the origin

lakeshores. All sites consist of surface scatters with

of lakes in Rajasthan to this moist period (Agrawal

a greater variation in object. At least, two types of

1982: 58).

settlements are seen; (a) localities with significant

The alluvial plains of the lower Indus Valley on the

density of various artefacts and (b) stone tool

west supplemented subsistence resources as traces

manufacturing areas. Besides these two distinctive

of an ancient river channel are still visible flowing

types of settlements, there are some places where only

near the sand dunes. The high floodwater must have

three or four pieces of either pottery or stone were

touched the toes of the sand dunes.

present in an isolated cluster or littered on the surface for which it was inappropriate to designate as an

Desert vegetation

individual site. Such type of clusters and/or littered

The desert vegetation is mostly herbaceous; the plants

artefacts were also recorded. Nevertheless, whether a

and seasonal grasses form the main natural resources

good density of cultural material was present or not, it

of the desert. Among them the Fog, Booh, Pher,

was designated as an archaeological site and each site

Kandi, Krir, Khabar, Laie and many others are most

was documented separately.

commonly available. The monsoonal grasses also

The majority and/or the common artefact

supplement the resource (Figure 6). Nevertheless, they

types collected are pottery and chert stone tools.

provide nutritive and appetizing pasturage, as well as

The pottery definitely varies in shape, style and

medicines used locally by the inhabitants.

manuf acturing te chno lo g y. E ach ar tef act is scientifically diagnosed and the simple notion that

Chert resources

was observed was that the thinner the body wall is, the

The area of research is conjoined with the Rohri Hills

smaller the pot is manufactured. Keeping this notion

which comprise of limestone with layers of chert/

in mind and for better understanding, the pottery is

flint. The chert nodules are also available on the

divided into three basic categories, such as (a) thin

surface of hills. These resources are at least 2-3 km in

body wall ranging from 0.3 cm to 0.5 cm, (b) medium

distance from the lakes and can easily be approached

body wall ranging from 0.6 cm to 1.0 cm and (c) thick

for collection of high-quality chert nodules. Because

body wall ranging 1.1cm onwards. -8-


Bakri Waro East

Char Baro North

Location: 27º07'92" North, 68º41'33" East


Description: This site lies at a low-lying area sloping

Description: Spot lies at approximately 200 m from

towards south, located in the south of Wadi Sim

the lake. While a thick concentration of micro flakes

(Lake) and east of Bakri Waro where there is the Vakar

was observed, a number of pointed tools, core and

Valley in the south. The lakes and alluvial valley make

flakes were collected. The dense presence of artefacts

diverse subsistence resource bases.

suggests that this spot was occupied for a long time as

The site is very rich in the cultural material. The

well.

collection of several stone tools including many types

The gathered materials consist mainly of geometric

of points, core and flakes are important. Majority of

tool types, such as pointed chert tools, core and flakes,

the tools are very small like geometric tools of the

trapezes and triangles were collected (Figures 12-14).

Mesolithic period (Figure 7). Pottery is mainly plain

The presence of flaking debris and core indicates that

and is associated with various periods; for example,

implements were manufactured at the site and were

the hand-built and grit mixed pottery belong to

perhaps used elsewhere in the vicinity.

the Hakra period and the short neck wheel-turned pottery shows affinity with the Kot Dijian period.

Char Baro South 1

Besides this cultural assemblage, terracotta cakes,


terracotta bangles, shell objects and one sandstone

Description: The site is located on the flat top of

polisher were also collected (Figure 8). The viscosity

a sand dune where cultural material is seen in a

of scattered cultural material suggests that this site

good concentration. A number of exotic items were

might have been occupied for a long time period and

collected, like two black stone bead, fragmented lapis

cannot be a campsite of nomads.

lazuli, a copper fragment, white disc beads along with stone tools, pottery, terracotta gamesmen, terracotta

Bakri Waro South

bangles, cakes, and shell bangles an others.


The stone tools consist of blades, core and hammer

Description: This site locates in the south of Bakri

stone (Figures 15 and 16). Their size is larger than

Waro on the flat surface. Sparse vegetation is

microlithics, suggesting that they cannot be associated

available there and the cultural material is scattered

with the Mesolithic geometric repertoire.

approximately in an area of 50 m by 20 m. The spot

Various type and size of pottery were collected. The

seems to be occupied repeatedly by seasonal nomads.

majority is associated with the Kot Dijian period.

The main cultural material is associated with the

A sandstone polisher was also part of the cultural

Hakra, Kot Diji and other periods.

assemblage from this site.

The Hakra pottery and cloth impression sherds, short-necked pottery (Figure 9), terracotta cakes,

Char Baro South 2

terracotta bangles, hammer stones, chert flakes,


middle portions of blades, heat treated micro-blades,

Description: The spot lies on the flat top of a sand

cores, and broken blade were collected. The micro-

dune where micro flakes and some potsherds were

flakes, trapeze, discoidal core, and many other (more

present. In some instances, the width of a core appears

than 22 in number), small and large flakes were also

larger than the length because the wider striking

attested (Figures 10 and 11).

platform provides greater chances for having more quality tools. The collected tools include middle parts -9-

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 7 Bakri Waro East Stone tools (no scale)

0

5cm

Figure 8 Bakri Waro East Hakra pottery and sandstone piece (ca. 1:1)

- 10 -


0

5cm

Figure 9 Bakri Waro South Potsherds (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 10 Bakri Waro South Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 11 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 11 Bakri Waro South Chert tools and terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 12 Char Baro North Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 12 -

5cm


0

5cm

Figure 13 Char Baro North Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 14 Char Baro North Chert tools and terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)

- 13 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 15 Char Baro South 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

0


- 14 -

5cm


Figure 17 Char Baro South 2 Chert tools (no scale)

0

Figure 18 Char Baro South 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)

- 15 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0


- 16 -

5cm


0

5cm


of blade, triangles, burin, core and flakes (Figure 17).

be definitely covered by the sand. At this site, chert stone chipping was noticed and potsherds were also

Char Baro South 3

present in a very meager quantity. Some chert stone


tools were also collected (Figure 22).

Description: The spot is located on the flat top of a sand dune where micro flakes and the Hakra type

Dubi 2

pottery were observed (Figure 18). This spot lies


approximately 200 m from the actual shores of the

Description: Moving further towards east, this spot

lake. Micro stone tools and pottery were collected.

lies on the top surface of a sand dune, where a good

The micro stone tools include triangles, blades,

concentration of objects is present. This site is also

arrowhead and flakes (Figures 19-21). The pottery

under the process of covering up by moving sand

is plain and hand-built, associated with some wheel-

and the southern and western portions of the site are

turned sherd having black painting over a red slipped

already covered. From this site, several chert flakes,

surface.

blades, a broken point, the Hakra and Kot Dijian Pottery and other period pottery were collected

Dubi 1

(Figures 23 and 24).

Location: 27º08'24" North, 68º40'22" East Description: This site is located on the western slopes

Dubi 3

of a sand dune. Since this slope is being gradually


covered by shifting sand, after some time this site will

Description: At almost 100 m further east from Dubi - 17 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

Figure 22 Dubi 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

0

5cm

Figure 23 Dubi 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)

- 18 -

5cm


0

5cm


0

Figure 25 Dubi 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

- 19 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


3, this spot is noticed on the flat top of a sand dune.

The chert implements such as blades, pointed tools

The pottery cluster attested at this site portraits a thin

and arrowheads, copper pieces, shell bangles, a

concentration of cultural material. The major finds

terracotta figurine, terracotta bangles, beads, white

are stone tools, a shell bead and pottery (Figures 25

disk beads, and other objects were collected (Figure

and 26). At least, three different classes of pottery

30). The pottery collected from the site contains both

assemblage such as plain painted and stamped were

hand-made having girt in the body wall that shows

collected. The painting is made of floral, geometric

similarity with the Hakra pottery and the wheel-

dots and parallel bands. All sherds are painted in black

turned Kot Dijian type. The presence of geometric

colour on a red slipped surface. The stamped pottery

tools, the Hakra and Kot Dijian pottery suggests the

as a radiating sun symbol shows an association with

multiple occupation at this spot.

the Early Historic period at Tulamba (Mughal 1967). Dubi 5 Dubi 4



Description: At about 150 m in the southwestern

Description: This site is located on the flat top of the

corner from the site of Dubi 4, a number of

eastern part of the same sand dune. The lake of Bakri

arrowheads were collected. These arrowheads are

Waro is visible from the eastern side. The cultural

both in complete and in broken condition. There

material is in a good quantity including potsherds

were also a number of micro flakes. Potsherds are in a

and micro chert stone flakes (Figures 27-29). A

good concentration at some spots and scanty at other

large number of flint pointed tools was collected.

spots. At about 30 on the eastern side, a complete - 20 -


0

5cm


0


- 21 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0

Figure 30 Dubi 4 Terracotta figurine, copper pieces, disc beads, semi-precious stone bits and shell bangles (ca. 1:1)

- 22 -

5cm


0

5cm

Figure 31 Dubi 5 Chert arrowheads including one limestone (ca. 1:1)

0


- 23 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 33 Dubi 6 Potsherds and bangles of shell and terracotta (ca. 1:2)

and perfectly leaf-shaped arrowhead was discovered.

It is also possible that this particular bangle was

Similarly, towards the southwestern corner at location

connected and tied with other ornaments. Some of

of 27º08'23" N and 68º40'43" E, some more pointed

the stone tools were larger in size than the Mesolithic

tools were collected including a small limestone

geometric tools. The collected chert stone implements

arrowhead (Figure 31). Geometric tools, along with

were flakes, blades, burin spall, burin, trapeze, scraper

flaking debris were collected from various spots,

and borer.

suggesting that this spot was a camp site where these

The pottery was also in different shapes and sizes

tools were manufactured. It is quite possible that this

along with plain sherds scattered on the surface. The

spot was an extension of the site of Dubi 4.

decoration was mainly in black colour over a red slipped surface.

Dubi 6 Location: 27º08'17" North, 68º40'30" East

East of Lakes 1

Description: This spot lies on the southern slopes of


the same sand dune, where micro chert stone flakes,

Description: Site was observed on the low-lying hills,

core, and various types of pottery were collected

where some cooked stones were observed. The cultural

(Figures 32 and 33). The other diagnostic and exotic

material was in low quantity on the surface area. Finds

items like shell bangles were also collected. One of

from this site include Chert flakes, and pottery.

the shell bangles has a drilled hole perhaps for tying together and/or hanging in the ear tip as some of

East of Lakes 2

tribesmen like the Jogis of modern times still wear.

Location: 27º08'16" North, 68º42'15" East - 24 -


0

5cm

Figure 34 East of Lake 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

0


- 25 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0


- 26 -

5cm


Description: The site lies on a low-lying limestone

Description: At a distance of approximately 500 m in

hills which are a part of the Rohri Hill sequence. On

the west direction of EL2 on the sandy slopes, cultural

the surface of these low-lying hills, several nodules

materials are scattered over a vast area in spotty

of chert stone are available, providing the best raw

manners, indicating the presence of various families

material source. The various kinds of fossils have been

of a given tribe. Moving towards the north direction,

observed embedded in the stone blocks. The chert

this site continues even to the location of 27º08'84"N

flaking area was observed, but does not constitute as a

and 68º43'36"E. Moving around to find out the

workshop because of the less density of flaking debris.

possible limits of this surface scatter, a little further,

It is possible that only needed tools were prepared for

on the other side of the dune towards west, cultural

a hunting purpose. There is an alluvial valley around,

materials were encountered at 27º08'66"N 68º43'15"E

where rain water can be stored for several days after

on the slopes of the dunes where there was low-lying

the monsoon season. The wild animals may have been

limestone hills. This spot is comparatively a thin

hunted there.

scatter of cultural materials, mainly pottery (Figure

The finds from this site include some chert

38).

flakes and cores (Figures 34-37). A preliminary morphological analysis suggests that these tools were

East of Lakes 4

associated with the Upper Palaeolithic period.

Location: 27º07'85" North, 68º42'15" East Description: The site was identified on the southern

East of Lakes 3

slope of the sand dune. The Vakar valley is located in


the northeast direction. A monsoonal rivulet coming

0

Figure 38 East of Lake 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

- 27 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0


- 28 -

5cm


from the hill side crosses at the foot of this site.

then during the Historic period.

The cultural material found from this site includes pottery with fish-scale motifs, plain pottery and some

Jamal Shah 1

chert stone flakes and scrapers (Figures 39 and 40).

Location: 27º06'28.06" North, 68º41'23.08" East Description: This settlement is situated on a flat

East of Lakes 5

top surface of a sand dune in the south of the Jamal

Location: Latitude 27º06'82" North, Longitude

Shah Lake. At this site, a workshop with a plenty

68º43'02" East

of stone micro flakes in a thick concentration was

Description: This site is located on the sand dune

recorded (Figures 46 and 47). This type of workshop

nearby a low-lying lime stone hill where cultural

is commonly reported from the Rohri Hills and the

materials were found in a good concentration over

Veesar Valley. The flakes are slightly wider and longer

a vast area. Some heated limestone were observed

than the Mesolithic flaking debris (Figures 48 and

scattered on the surface. These heated limestones may

49), suggesting the different dates.

have been used for a hearth for a long time resulted in the change of colour. However, neither any burnt spot

Jamal Shah 2

nor ashy spot was identified at the site. Because of the

Location: 27º06'30.08" North, 68º41'28.04" East

sandy soil, one may not expect such type of evidences

Description: A little further south, another spot with

to remain at the sites that are located on the top of the

different types of cultural materials was noticed to the

loose sand of the Thar.

south of the Jamal Shah Lake (Figure 50). Potsherds,

The finds from this site are pottery and chert stone

micro flakes, terracotta cakes and terracotta bangles

flakes. The pottery is hand-made, containing grit

were collected from this spot. One broken bead of

in the body wall (Figures 41 and 42). Some sherds

greenish agate was also collected. The typology and

also contain incised triangles for decoration on the

morphology of artefacts mainly pottery indicates the

outer surface. These characteristic features show the

association of this site with the Kot Dijian period

association of artefacts with the Hakra period.

(Figure 51).

East of Lakes 6

Jamal Shah South 1



Description: This site is located on a flat surface of a

Description: The site is located on the southern slopes

sand dunes. There is a low-lying limestone hill in east.

of a sand dune near another lake. The material was

The site of EL5 is situated in the west at about 500

sparsely scattered on the surface. The soil at this place

m in distance. At this site, the occurrence of cultural

was relatively compact. A route connecting nearby

materials is very thin, mainly consisting of chert

villages on the Indus plain with the Nara valley in east

stone artefacts like core, flakes and blade (Figures 43

crosses through the site. The cultural finds from this

and 44). The other artefacts collected were stamped

site include cores, flakes, terracotta cakes and pottery

pottery (Figure 45) and a broken weight. According

(Figures 52 and 53). The pottery is classified into two

to a preliminary analysis of material, it is observed

groups; one group morphologically shows parallels

that the stone artefacts are associated with the Upper

with the Kot Dijian pottery and another group

Palaeolithic period and the pottery belongs to the

consisting of stamped pottery shows an affiliation

Historic period. It means that this spot was first

with the Painted Grey Ware. The latter feature

occupied during the Upper Palaeolithic period and

continues into the Historic period as attested at from - 29 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0


- 30 -

5cm


0

5cm


0


- 31 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


Tulamba (Mughal 1967).

observed. The collected artefacts include chert stone flakes, blades, cores, micro blades, trapezes, burins,

Jamal Shah South 2

scrapers and borers (Figures 57-59). Pottery was also


collected (Figure 60). Some of the cores and scrapers

Description: Site locates little further north,

show an affinity with the Upper Palaeolithic period

approximately at one kilometer distance, from site

and the micro tools are similar to the Mesolithic tools,

JSS1; on the flat surface of the sand dune. This site is

while the pottery shows a similarity with the Kot

fairly small spot where cultural material is present in

Dijian pottery. In other words, this site was occupied

good quantity.

at least three times, viz. the Upper Palaeolithic, then

The finds from this site include pottery and chert

the Mesolithic and finally the Kot Dijian period.

stone implements and are chronologically associated with Hakra and Kot Dijian period (Figures 54-

Jamal Shah North 1

56). Nevertheless, some pottery pieces showed


characteristics of Hakra period.

Description: The site is located at half a kilometer north of the Jamal Shah lake and a mausoleum.

Jamal Shah South 3

Potter y, stone flakes and micro debitage were


observed spreading thinly over a vast area . Like other

Description: The site is located on the southern shores

sites, the spot was repeatedly occupied from the

of the Jamal Shah lake at approximately 200 m in

Upper Palaeolithic onwards. The large cores, flakes

distance. At this site, the micro flaking activity was

and other implements were associated with the Upper - 32 -


Figure 46 Jamal Shah 1 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site

Figure 47 Jamal Shah 1 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site

- 33 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 48 Jamal Shah 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 49 Jamal Shah 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 34 -

5cm


Figure 50 Jamal Shah 2 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site

0

Figure 51 Jamal Shah 2 Potsherds and chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 35 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 52 Jamal Shah South 1 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

0

5cm

Figure 53 Jamal Shah South 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 36 -


0

5cm


0


- 37 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0


0

5cm


- 38 -

5cm


0

5cm


0


- 39 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0

Figure 61 Jamal Shah North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:2)

- 40 -

5cm


Palaeolithic and the micro flakes suggests a geometric

micro flaking activity was also observed. The artefacts

tool production of the Mesolithic period (Figure 61).

include micro flakes, cores, flakes, pottery with

The various types of pottery show a close affinity with

paintings and stamped decoration, terracotta bangles

the Hakra and Kot Dijian periods.

and terracotta cakes (Figure 63).

Jamal Shah North 2

Jamal Shah North 4



Description: This site is located to the north of the

Description: The site is located at 300 me from the

Jamal Shah Lake on the slopes of a sand dune. A

site of JSN3. The pottery cluster was seen along with

good concentration of artefacts, mainly pottery, was

wide flakes. Another spot was also encountered a

observed. The pottery with a sun symbol and some

with concentration of objects at 22º07'50" N and

unidentified terracotta objects were discovered. The

68º41'01" E. The findings from this site consist of flakes,

pottery is associated with the Historic period (Figure

terracotta bangles, terracotta cakes, pottery, etc.

62).

(Figures 64-67). Two vitrified clay pieces collected Jamal Shah North 3

suggest that some sort of pyrotechnical work/activity


with high temparature.

Description: The site is located to the north of the Jamal Shah lake at the southern slopes of a sand dunes.

Jamal Shah East 1

The artefacts comprised a good concentration where a


0

Figure 62 Jamal Shah North 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

- 41 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 63 Jamal Shah North 3 Plain and painted pottery, chert artifacts, and terracotta cakes (no scale)

- 42 -


0

Figure 64 Jamal Shah North 4 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

0

5cm

Figure 65 Jamal Shah North 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 43 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 66 Jamal Shah North 4 Terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 67 Jamal Shah North 4 Stone objects (ca. 1:1)

- 44 -

5cm


Description: Some one km east of the Jamal Shah

Description: The site is located on the eastern shores

Lake, this spot is located on a flat top of a sand dune

of the Jamal Shah Lake at approximately 200 m in

sloping towards south. On the surface, very low

distance. At this site, traces of micro flaking activity

concentration of pottery, stone tools and flakes was

were observed in a sparse manner. The collected

observed. The finds from this site consist of pottery

materials include flakes, blades, cores and pottery

and chert stone tools (Figure 68).

(Figure 69).

Jamal Shah East 2

Tali



Figure 68 Jamal Shah East 1 Chert artifacts and potsherds (no scale)

- 45 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 69 Jamal Shah East 2 Chert tools (no scale)

Description: The site is located at 500 m to the

dabber and molds having with incised motifs were

south of the modern village of Tali. There are Bakri

also added to the collection.

Waro Sim in south and Tul Sim in east. Potsherd scatters was present over a vast area. At may places,

Tul

ashy spots of hearths were noticed, providing an idea


of the locations of individual house. At the eastern

Description: This site is located along the southern

side of the site, a concentration of bones is observed,

slopes of a sand dune. Cultural materials are sprinkled

indicating a killing or butchery space which may be

in a thin manner over a vast area. The site seems to

a very important feature for a future zoo-economic

extends towards a valley. The finds include chert flakes

research.

and pottery (Figures 74 and 75).

The artefact collection from this site includes huge varieties of ceramic objects, a lime stone weight,

Vakar North-East

terracotta figurines and a coin of 1.2 cm in diameter


and 0.2 cm in thickness (Figures 70-73). The pottery

Description: This site is situated on the southern

shows different patterns of painting such as floral

slopes of a sand dune, where there is a rivulet that

and geometric patterns. The stamp and embossed

provides rain water to the Vakar Valley and perhaps

decoration were also observed. A pottery making

to the lakes in the prehistoric times. The cultural - 46 -


0

5cm

0

5cm

Figure 70 Tali Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

Figure 71 Tali Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

- 47 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 72 Tali Limestone weights, terracotta figurine and object (ca. 1:1)

0

Figure 73 Tali Copper coins and shell bangles (ca. 1:1)

- 48 -

5cm


0

5cm

0

5cm

Figure 74 Tul Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

Figure 75 Tul Potsherds (ca. 1:1)

- 49 -

Qasid H. Mallah

materials were very thinly scattered, indicating the

Dingi Dhandh

presence of a camp. The finds consist mainly of


potsherds in various shapes and sizes. Terracotta

Description: The site is located along the northern

bangles and some chert flakes were also noticed

edges of the above-named lake. There is a huge

(Figure 76).

concentration of micro flakes, potsherds being scanty (Figure 84). The cultural materials occupy the

Vakar South-East

southern slopes of the sand dune, consisting of micro


stone tools, perhaps associated with the Mesolithic

Description: This spot lies on a flat top of a sand dune

period (Figure 85), and potsherds including plain

sloping towards south. There was a less concentration

and painted. Some artefacts were collected and

of cultural materials. The soil of the given spot was

catalogued.

relatively compact. A micro flaking area was also observed. Finds are potsherds, chert tools and flakes

Ganero 1

(Figure 77).

Location: 27º05'06" North, 68º40'23.2" East Description: The site is located to south of Ganero

Wadi Sim South

Sim on a high sand dunes just near a Kot Dijian site.


Cultural materials spread thinly on the surface (Figure

Description: This site is located approximately 150 m

86). This site may have been either an extension of

from the southern shore of the Sim on a flat surface.

Ganero or a campsite in the Mature Indus period. The

There was another spot at 27º08'35"N and 68º41'55"E

objects consist of potsherds and stone tools.

where a similar type of micro flaking was observed. At this spot, a huge quantity of the micro flakes was

Ganero 2

observed (Figure 78). Only very few complete stone

Location: 27º05'17.1" North, 68º40'42″East

objects were collected. Potsherds of various types and

Description: The settlement is located on the

sizes were collected (Figure 79).

northeast corner along the bank of the Ganero Lake. The shore of the lake almost touches the settlement.

Wadi Sim North 1

The cultural materials are scattered in clusters with


a good amount of potsherds and glass embroidery

Description: This site is located on the southern slopes

pieces (Figures 87 and 88). Several embroidery glasses,

of a sand dune. Cultural materials were scattered

utensil glass pieces in different colours, glass bangles,

in good quantity. The finds consists of potsherds

jade, embroidery beads and one carnelian etched bead

including broken parts of a dish-on-stand, terracotta

were collected. Copper pieces, a marble piece, broken

cakes, terracotta bangles, flakes, blades and cores

partially, and iron fragments were also found.

(Figures 80-82). Ganero 3 Wadi Sim North 2

Location: 27º05'53" North, 68º40'21.9" East


Description: The site is located to south of the Ganero

Description:This site is located on the western edge of

Lake Cultural materials are scattered along the slopes

a sand dune where another site named Tali is located

of a sand dunes in a good quantity (Figures 89 and

in the northwest direction. The cultural material is in

90). The cultural materials collected include mainly

a good quantity, mainly the pottery (Figure 83).

potsherds and one chert stone blade of the Mature - 50 -


0

Figure 76 Vakar Noth-East Potsherds, terracotta bangles and chert tools (ca. 1:1)

Figure 77 Vakar South-East Potsherds and chert tools (no scale)

- 51 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 78 Wadi Sim South Potsherds (no scale)

- 52 -


Figure 79 Wadi Sim South Chert tools (no scale)

0

5cm

Figure 80 Wadi Sim North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 53 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm


0


- 54 -

5cm


0

5cm

Figure 83 Wadi Sim North 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

Indus period (middle part) which suggests that people

Saneso Dhandh 2

might have visited this spot as well during this period


(Figures 91 and 92).

Description: On the eastern edge of the lake, there is a modern graveyard. Just close to the graveyard, a huge

Saneso Dhandh 1

concentration of cultural objects were found, which


include plain and painted potsherds, stone balls,

Description: The site is located along the southern

micro tools (Figures 98-103). A hearth was noticed as

slopes of a sand dune. The cultural objects are

well, where ashy soil was present.

scattered in a huge area (Figures 93 and 94). The materials collected include plain and painted

Saneso Dhandh 3

potsherds of the historic period, retouched crested

Location:27º04'42.8" North, 68º41'11.3" East

blades and a few micro flakes of the Mesolithic period.

Description: It is located half a kilometer to the

At northern edge of the lake at southern slopes of

northeast of the graveyard on the low-lying sand

dune, glass pieces were also collected.

dunes. The cultural material is in a thick concentration

On the eastern side at 27º04'56"N and 68º40'56"E,

scattered over a vast area (Figure 104). From this

there is a thick concentration of potsherds along with

settlement, cultural materials like small stone pieces,

micro stone tools, some glass pieces and terracotta ball

plain and painted potsherds of cooking pots were

(Figures 95-97).

collected (Figures 105 and 106). On the west, just near to the pottery concentration, there is traces of micro flaking activities for manufacturing of stone - 55 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 84 Dingi Dhandh Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site, : from north

0

Figure 85 Dingi Dhandh Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

- 56 -

5cm


Figure 86 Ganero 1 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site

Figure 87 Ganero 2 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site

- 57 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 88 Ganero 2 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site

Figure 89 Ganero 3 General view of the site

- 58 -


Figure 90 Ganero 3 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site

0

Figure 91 Ganero 3 Chert tools and potsherds (ca. 1:1)

- 59 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 92 Ganero 3 Drawings of chert tools and potsherds (1:2)

tools.

Saneso Dhandh 6 Location: 27º04'54"8 North, 68º40'31.9" East

Saneso Dhandh 4

Description: The settlement is located near the Saneso

Location: 27º04'06" North, 68º40'57.3" East

Dhandh Lake. Cultural materials are scattered over

Description: This settlement is situated on the

a vast area in a thick concentration (Figure 111). On

southern side of Saneso Dhandh Lake on a high sand

the site, a dead corpus of an animal was seen which

dunes over a relatively flat surface. In this area, big

died due to uncertain reasons, but it is very important

Kandi trees are prominent among other floras of the

to note that such type of additions would apparently

desert. Cultural materials consisting of chert flakes

disturb the original archaeological context. Another

were scattered over a vast area in a thin manner (Figure

phenomenon was a Kandi tree encircled by thorny

107).

Lorhos that was attributed to the Pir Abdul Sattar as one nearby villager informed us. Around this Kandi

Saneso Dhandh 5

tree, there were several empty water storage jars, one

Location: 27º04'31.3" North, 68º40'53.9" East

zinc glass, several chert stone nodules. Threads were

Description: This site is located to the south of

tied to the branches of the tree. This was a ritual place,

the graveyard and Saneso Dhandh Lake along the

where people come for certain ritual purposes, get

northern slope of a sand dune (Figure 108). Cultural

benefited and make requests.

materials were scattered in a good concentration.

Three disc sherds that were perhaps used for

Plain and painted potsherds were collected (Figures

blocking the tobacco in a smoking pot. Glass bangles,

109 and 110). There were some small chert objects

iron pieces, embroidery mirror, small cowry, were also

which give an idea of a Mesolithic occupancy, for

part of the modern collection (Figures 112 and 113).

example SD5:25 which was a small chert core that is very typical of the Mesolithic period. This needs further investigation.

- 60 -


Figure 93 Saneso Dhandh 1


- 61 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 95 Saneso Dhandh 1 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

0

10cm

Figure 96 Saneso Dhandh 1 Drawings of potsherds (1:2)

b. Spots with a less quantity of objects littered on the

SETTLEMENT PATTERN AND CHRONOLOGY

surface c. Isolated artefact clusters.

Archaeological sites consisting of surface scatters

Out of 46 sites, only three important sites were

show multiple occupational periods and are located

chosen to conduct excavation just to confirm the

separately on the flat top surface of sand dunes, on the

occupation status. A trench of 4 m by 4 m was laid

slopes and nearby lakeshores (Figure 114). All sites

by dividing it into 1 m by 1 m grid; all artefacts

consist of the surface scatter with a greater variation in

present on the surface of each trench were collected

artefactual repertoire and density. At least three types

and brought back into our laboratory for further

of artefact scatter are classified such as:

analysis. The first 10 cm of sand from the trench was very carefully scraped. The lower units of 10 cm in

a. Localities with a significant density of artefacts

thickness were scraped thoroughly. At least, 50 cm of - 62 -


0

5cm

Figure 97 Saneso Dhandh 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)

sand were removed, but nothing was found and there

documentation; their locational coordinates were

was no any continuity of cultural material through

recorded, and the diagnostic artefacts representative

sub-surface. Thus it is concluded that all documented

of any cultural aspect or phase were collected.

sites were occupied superficially without any sub-

After preliminary analysis of gathered cultural

surface deposition with cultural material assemblage,

material, it was comprehended that the area

not providing carbonized materials for the purpose of

under investigation was occupied from the Upper

radio-carbon dating. All artefacts on the surface were

Palaeolithic period onwards as the following pie-

mixed together showing reoccupations of the same

graph explain settlement occurrence in a statistical

spot repeatedly.

manner.

At some dunes, the potsherds spread very thinly in

The grater occurrence of the Mesolithic sites and

such a manner that it was hard to demarcate boundary

less presence of the Hakra to Indus period sites

line between two localities. In this situation wherever

might raise a question to the reader for the reduction

a good density of cultural material was present, it was

in number of the settlements. This is because the

designated as an single archaeological site and each

Mesolithic people had left two types of remains as

site was documented separately. In contrast, at some

‘home bases’ and the ‘hunting areas’; this type of the

places just three or four pieces of either potsherds or

Mesolithic strategy is discussed later in this chapter.

2

stones scattered within 2-3 m area were present as

Nevertheless, the settlement occurrence indicates the

an isolated cluster for which it was inappropriate to

resource use and the mobility pattern. There are no

designate as an individual site. However, these types

any remains of the Upper Palaeolithic period near the

of ancient remains were not left unobserved from

Indus plains just to assume that the Upper Palaeolithic - 63 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 98 Saneso Dhandh 2 Traces of hearth


- 64 -



0


- 65 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

10cm

Figure 102 Saneso Dhandh 2 Drawings of potsherds (1:2)

0


- 66 -

5cm



0

5cm


- 67 -

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 106 Saneso Dhando 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)

0


- 68 -

5cm



0


- 69 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

Figure 110 Saneso Dhando 5 Drawings of potsherds (ca. 1:2)

- 70 -

10cm



0


- 71 -

5cm

Qasid H. Mallah

0

5cm

Figure 113 Saneso Dhandh 6 Collected materials (ca. 1:1)

people ever visited the adjacent Indus plains along

Upper Palaeolithic Settlements

the western side of desert. But theoretically, if the site

Constant research has increased the number of the

catchment model is applied, then the western Indus

remains from the Palaeolithic period in the Rohri

plain is located within the circle of 5 km range from

Hills and the adjacent areas within the Thar Desert.

where the Upper Palaeolithic sites are located. On the

Focusing on only the Upper Palaeolithic period, 10

contrary, the Mesolithic sites are situated very close to

workshops were previously recorded at different

the Indus plain, indicating that the dweller must have

locations within the Rohri Hills (Allchin et al. 1978;

reached the plains, used the available resources and

Negrino and Kazi 1996). This data was added with

roamed around densely over the given region.

fresh documentation in the northern portions of the

The Hakra period people were happy camper and

Rohri Hills at the Bypass area where 13 workshops

did not have permanent house bases like the Kot

were recorded on only one hill, and the astonishing

Dijian and Indus period who established permanent

number of 95 workshops was recorded only in the

houses and had access to all type of resources within

Vessar Valley (Shaikh et al. 2002-2003). The total

their catchments area and beyond. Another point to

number when we add with the present documentation

understand in this discussion is about the analytical

of 5 sites, the number would be 123 sites/workshops

category of ‘other period’ sites. This category actually

of the Upper Palaeolithic period. This data has

combine all subsequent periods from the Late Indus

provided convincing clues about the cumulative

onwards which certainly needs further research to

clustering of the Upper Palaeolithic people near the

have a complete understanding of the settlement

rich resource niches of the Thar Desert. The evidence from the Rohri Hills and the Vessar

pattern within this region. - 72 -


is yet documented in the survey area, because the research in this direction is still in a formative phase. However, the presence of the Upper Palaeolithic people in the adjacent sand dunes of the Rohri Hills cannot be overlooked which paved roots for the forthcoming period of culturally advances that we call the Mesolithic period. Mesolithic Period Settlements Figure 114 Site located closely on the lake shore

Generally the definition and identification of

Valley provides information on the technological

the Mesolithic period is based on the presence

similarities to the neighboring Upper Palaeolithic

or absence of the micro and geometric stone tool

assemblage with a degree of craft specialization

type. The amalgamation of information on this

maintaining a ‘local tradition’ of he tool production

period have created some academic concerns over

which continued in much a similar way as of the

its prime presence within the South Asian context

Middle Palaeolithic tools (Allchin et al. 1978: 294;

where microlithic tool types are associated with

Negrino and Kazi 1996: 32). Until now, the research

the Mesolithic period which were sampled within

has failed to find clues for the living huts/camps and

continental setting covering regions of Pakistan, India

other evidence like ash/charcoal and hearths, etc.

and Sri Lanka (Possehl 2002: 31). It is a very difficult

Perhaps these people have lived nights under rock

task to understand the ancient human cultural

shelters and days in shadowy trees within valleys and

adaptation and behavior that cannot be visualized

leaving behind no any archaeological indicator of their

from huge geographic regions combined together

settlement. The living pattern is an open question for

as long as there is not sufficient data set for accurate

future research.

and comprehensive definition and chronological demarcation of any given period.

Nonetheless, present research adds 5 more sites that increase the total number up to 123 sites located

The widely agreed definition of the Mesolithic

in the eastern part of the lower Indus Valley. These

is ‘archaeological assemblages that fall within the

newly recorded 5 sites were noticed on the sand

Holocene and lack evidence for food production

dunes around the lakes of Dubi, and named as East

or an accommodation with food-producing people’

of Lake 2, East of Lake6, Jamal Shah East1, Jamal

(Possehl 2002: 31). This description creates even

Shah North 1 and Jamal Shah South where, the chert

more confusing situation because according to the

artefacts like end scraper, side scraper, discoid scraper,

definition, during the Holocene period two cultural

large flake, blade and core were collected, all of

systems occurred simultaneously; there were people

which demonstrated the connection with the Upper

living in a simple life style side by side with the complex

Palaeolithic period. This limited number of sites

society with or without making any interaction. The

suggests that the Upper Palaeolithic people apparently

problem remains unresolved. Nevertheless, the current

started dispersing into the desert for a short stay

field investigation within a very limited area of the

and then may have returned to their home bases in

Thar Desert has provided meaningful data set that has

the Rohri Hills and, if any, other concentrated area

explained the occurrence and has characterized basic

in the Thar Desert like the Vessar Valley. No any

cultural features of the Mesolithic period. The present data set comprises at least 26 sites

particular workshop or a prominent habitation site - 73 -

Qasid H. Mallah

and artefact clusters within the research area which

suggest an ancient behavior such as the ‘watch and

increases the total number up to 43 (Biagi and Vessar

hunt’, whereas the spots that work distribution also

1998-99). These sites have been reported only from

have occurred among the group as some were keeping

the Thar Desert. The Mesolithic sites also occurred

eye on the game and others were preparing tools for

in the southern Sindh along the coastal area of

forage (Shaikh et al. 2002-2003).

Karachi (Biagi 2006) and the southern Baluchistan

Comprehending the issue of temporal existence of

near the Taung Valley (Mallah 2007). The sites in

the Mesolithic in the Thar Desert within the South

the Thar have represented variation in the presence

Asian context, some factors must be taken into

and concentration of artefact assemblage. All sites

consideration; A) the Upper Palaeolithic remains are

comprise only chert material; at some spots the

present locally within the Rohri Hills and the Thar

concentration was thick with flaking wastes, raw

desert showing cultural change in which reduction

nodules, unfinished and finished artefacts. At other

of tool size was perceived but could not be defined

spots only few flakes and waste materials along with

as micro tools. The Upper Palaeolithic tools were

some finished tools were recorded.

not found mixed with micro-geometric tools thus

An enormous range of stone implements consists of

the micro-geometric tools stand distinctive in their

micro-geometric tools like retouched and truncated

existence; B) similar tools were also found from

blades, triangles, trapezes, lunates and trimmed

Mehrgarh in Baluchistan and Bagor and Tilwara

points, bifical or leaf shaped points being additional

in Rajasthan in India. At Mehrgarh, the tools were

to the artificautal repertoire. All these artefacts

recovered from the earliest Period IA , which

morphologically are very small in size and geometric

is aceramic (i.e. lacking pottery) and also called

in shape and style when compared with other periods

‘Neolithic occupation’ dating to the 7th-6th millennia

stone implements. Therefore, they are called here as

BCE (Lechevallier 1991:73). The materials from

micro-geometric tools and some of these might have

early levels Phase I of Bagor and Tilwara were also

used as composite tools as well. Other cultural objects

associated with the Mesolithic, dated to the 6th

and features were absolutely absent at these locations.

millennium BCE (Misra 1973; Possehl 2002: 32).

The aspect of density of physical artefacts may

To sum up, it is evident that during this period

be taken as qualifier of the type of a habitation; in

the tool types and the manufacturing technology

this classification I have used the notion that the

were different from the Upper Palaeolithic period,

greater the density of objects is, the longer the site

comprising only micro-geometric stone implements

was occupied, and the more diverse the artefact

similar to those from the oldest sequence of Mehrgarh

assemblage is, the more complex the activities were.

and Bagor. A question arises in which context this

The geographic location of any given spot also gives

Mesolithic should be placed (i) following the Upper

clues to the activity in such a way that some sites were

Palaeolithic of the Rohri Hills or (ii) the oldest

located away from the lakeshores and others were

sequences of Mehrgarh and sites in Rajasthan. The

nearby at 100 to 200 m in distance from the lake

problem remains unresolved. One thing is clear that

shores where the micro flaking debitages were noticed.

the strategies like site location and work distribution

This arrangement seems strategic and is assumed that

for food procurement was not complex but was

the first type of sites were home bases used for the

certainly intentional and systematic. What type of

residential purposes whereas the sites near lakeshores

food was obtained depends upon availability within

were used for the hunting purposes.

a given ecosystem and micro wear analysis of the

The spots situated in a close proximity to lakes

stone tools. Deer, rabbit and fox along with birds - 74 -


were hunted until the recent historic times. In present

cultural phase was, a comprehensive transition in the

study, these factors are not determined and wait for

shape of sedentism, food production and cultural

future research; however the tool repertoire continues

material with the involvement of new technology

existing into the subsequent Hakra period.

star te d p er va sive interaction, exchang e and exploitation of raw material resources. The exploration

Early Harappan Phase 1: Hakra Period Settlements

and utilization of new resources, like shell, semi-

A distinctive artefact assemblage discovered from 8

precious stone and clay were commonly exercised for

sites is associated with the Hakra period. The total

manufacturing a series of cultural items for daily use,

number increases to 13 sites by adding 5 previously

ritual and commercial purposes.

reported settlements in the Thar Desert (Shaikh et

In the material culture, various sizes and kinds of

al. 2001; Mallah 2000) and the number is expected

pottery, various types of chert tools, shell bangles,

to increase in future. This is a newly emerging

terracotta beads, bangles and figurines of different

cultural phase dated 3800 to 3200 BCE representing

animals are present. The pottery is both hand-made

material similarities throughout the Indus valley.

and wheel-turned; they are decorated in different

The communities settled in India and Pakistan. The

incised and appliqué designs and with various colours

evidences have been traced from Binjor in India (as

like black, red and cream. Working with clay requires

Mughal 2006: 29 mentioned). In Pakistan, several

a systematic procedure; the important steps are

regions show its presence such as in the Bannu Basin

(a) the use of proper clay and its plastic nature; (b)

at Sheri Khan Tarakai (Khan et al. 2002), in the Ravi

manufacturing techniques for shaping, including the

plains at Harappa (Kenoyer 2003), in the Baluchistan

design of pot; (c) applying colourants and creating

highlands ( Jarrige 1991; Possehl 2002), in Cholistan

decorations and (f ) firing techniques. All steps

(Mughal 1997) and in the Thar Desert (Mallah 2000).

are interlinked and show the organization and the

However, the pattern of emergence is somehow

planning of craftsman which requires tools, labour,

variable in each regional setup from two perspectives

skill and infrastructure to complete the process. This

(a) the nature of sites and (b) cultural sequence within

is one of the best cultural achievements of humankind

Baluchistan, Cholistan and Thar. In Baluchistan, this

which is still in use during the microchip digital era.

phase emerged continuing from the earlier period

The Hakra period is the first cultural phase of

showing a transition towards new cultural traits of

the Indus Civilization, in which a degree of social

settled life, for instance the Togau Phase dated to

complexity is first perceived; a three-tire settlement

4300-3800 BCE (Possehl 2003). In Cholistan, this

hierarchy consisting towns , villages and campsites

shows an independent primary occupation without

appeared in Cholistan out of 95 settlements. At least

prior cultural sequences and great concentration of

four large towns occupying 20-30 hectares of the

settlements occurred with a degree of permanence

total size, appears, and the majority are campsites

and socio-economic complexity (Mughal 1997).

(Mughal 1997). This settlement hierarchy did not

In Thar, specifically in present research area, the

appear everywhere. For instance, in the Thar Desert,

Hakra material appears either with the Mesolithic

a two-tier settlement hierarchy was recorded with the

type artefacts or the Kot Dijian type material on

majority of campsites. Artefacts were found either

the surface of sand dunes and only one single period

mixed with the Mesolithic micro-geometric stone

village site with autonomous existence was recorded

tools or the Kot Dijian period material, mainly the

(Mallah 2000).

pottery. This phenomenon suggests that the Hakra

Whatever the basis of emergence of this new

period people of the Thar Desert occupied the same - 75 -

Qasid H. Mallah

spot and exploited similar resource niches like their

sites, a thick crust of the potsherds as well as chert

ancestors and it was followed by the Kot Dijian period

blades, terracotta cakes, terracotta bangles, figurines,

people.

shell bangles, stone beads, bits of lapis lazuli stone and

To sum up, the situation in the Thar region

copper were found.

demonstrates the transition from the Mesolithic

The settlements around lakes play a very important

hunting-gathering way of life into a pastoralist way

socio-economic role. Their main economy depends

of life during the Hakra period which ended with

on herding , because there is no suitable land in

the appearance of sedentary villages in the Kot

immediate vicinity for cultivation - the Indus plains

Dijian period. This transitory nature of the Hakra

are more than 3 km away and this distance does not

period overlapped the Neolithic period here in Thar

favor for cultivation because the cultivated crop need

particularly, if not anywhere else throughout the

close and intensive care. Therefore, the people of the

Indus Valley.

Kot Dijian period in this area presumably preferred herding.

Early Harappan Phase 2: Kot Dijian Settlements

The settlement system consists of three-tier

At this stage of research, at least 139 sites have been

hierarchy in which the Kot Dijian site was perhaps

reported; among them, there are 122 previously

at the top of the hierarchy and located within the

reported sites (Possehl 2002: 44; Mallah 2000; Shaikh

distance of one day walk from areas in which every

et al. 2001, 2002; Biagi and Vessar 1998-99). The 17

needed thing was perhaps available. In this way, they

newly discovered sites were different in their nature

maintained the interaction network system through

and existence. There is no any mounded deposition,

which they obtained exotic items, specifically pottery,

but the cultural material is lying on the top surface

terracotta bangles, stone beads, shell and copper

of sand dunes in a thick concentration denoting the

items. During this site documentation, no hearth/

concept of a village consisting of typical thatched

kilns and/or vitrified slag was discovered, probably

houses. The Saccharum bengalense Rtz. (sarr or kana

indicating that any craft activity was conducted on

from Boro) was used at Kot Diji (Madella 1995:

given settlement(s). However, the presence of core,

93-108). This type of grass is very important as it

hammer, stone and flaking debris indicated the

provides fodder for cattle and buffalos, and the whole

manufacturing of stone tools. The majority of the Kot

plant is commercially used for producing Pattar

Dijian sites contain geometric tools which are in fact

and Trooho (roof cover), Moro (chair/table), Kharo

associated with the previous period (i.e. Mesolithic/

(basket), Chajj (winnower) and Wann (ropes). The

Hakra), but simultaneously give us a clue about the

whole plant can be used for roof cover and walls

stone tool manufacturing technology which was not

of house. The houses made of Sarr combined with

new to the Kot Dijian people who had manufactured

other materials are very strong and compatible to

various type of implements from locally available

every season especially during hot summer and severe

raw material resources of the Rohri Hills. The tools

monsoon. The thatched houses after construction

manufactured within the Kot Dijian settlements were

require less maintenance and are good for several

larger and heavier as compared with micro tools of

years (personal observations). Archaeologically, these

the earlier periods. One thing can be assumed at this

types of houses will never produce a huge mound

point that they might have exchanged the chert tool

after destruction specifically in sandy regions. There

production (of course other perishable stuff as well)

will be only thick deposition of the cultural material

with those communities which lived in the Indus

as observed through the present research. At many

Valley and beyond where chert was considered as an - 76 -


exotic commodity. Trace Element Analysis would

pyrotechnical craft activities. The materials includng

rectify this assumption scientifically.

dish-on-stands, terracotta cakes, bangles, white disc

Nonetheless, the Kot dijan settlements around the

beads, shell bangles and chert blades were collected;

lakes of the Dubi desert area on the one hand, were

many of them were brought here from elsewhere. The

at peripheral points for consumption of goods that

existence of exotic artefacts, even though sporadic,

were produced at then existing towns within the

indicates their connection and interaction networks

Indus Valley. This peripheral consumption through

with the neighboring urban centres like Kot Diji

trade/exchange system was one of the key factors for

and Lakhanjodaro in north, Taloor-ji Bhit and

existence of the Indus urban centres which developed

Chanhudaro in south and southwest, Mohenjodaro

gradually within the Indus Valley proper and beyond.

in west and towns of the Thar Desert where they must have obtained necessary materials for daily use and

Harappan Period Settlements

other purposes.

The Harappan artefacts occur on at least 12 sites

These links could be scientifically proved after

demonstrating cultural connections from the Kot

electronic trace element analysis which would also

Dijian to the Harappan periods.

provide infomation on what was coming from where

In panoramic arena, the Harappan period is

and which urban centre was dominating on the

amalgamation of cultural phases that finally appeared

interaction network system. However, the settlements

slowly and indigenously as a gigantic civilization

around the lakes of Dubi were more linked with the

spreading over a huge geographic region. Several

major cities and town located in the Indus Plains.

cities developed connecting and exploiting their

Whatever the situation was, the Thar Desert played

immediate and peripheral resources. In this region,

a pivotal role in the growth and development of the

the populous city of Mohenjodaro was central to

urbanism in the Indus Valley.

all. It had its own infrastructure and maintained connections with all other cities, towns, and villages

Other Period Settlement

scattered within immediate zones and peripheries.

A least from 26 sites, artefacts were recorded (as

The Thar Desert formed the eastern periphery of

shown in Table 2) whose chronological association

Mohenjodaro, where the Rohri chert industry was

is not yet confirmed. Thus, this category combines

also located wherefrom the various forms of raw and

all cultural periods from the Painted Gray Ware

finished stone goods along with perishable items were

Period to the late historic period from 1300 to 1800

traded with cities (Mallah 2000). The economy of the

ACE. There is a huge settlements like Tali where

Thar including settlements in the Dubi region was

the ground surface is literally covered with artefacts,

historically dependant on the animal husbandry and

mainly potsherds. Hearths, pottery molds, weight

the production of perishable items like ropes, leather,

and a coin were collected (Figures 70-73). Probably,

antler, slat, bags, etc. (Mallah 2000: 227).

the pottery was produced here and sold elsewhere.

Although during this present investigation, no

After the proper analysis, the chronology of these 26

indication of craft activity was noticed, some towns of

sites will be produced and further description will be

the Mature Indus Period were situated amid the Thar

established. However, the presence of the sites of such

desert along the ancient channel of the Hakra River

a type indicates that this region was continuously

including Ghob, Bhir, Deariro, Doonger Magrio

occupied until the recent historic times.

and Oddi Bhit (Mallah 2000; Shaikh et al. 2001). At these town sites, slags and kilns indicate some sort of - 77 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Significance of Cultural Assemblage

cloth impressions on inside needs serious attention

As mentioned above, the sites reported from the

about its manufacturing process and utility.

area of investigation mainly consist of surface scatter

The assemblage of the Kot Dijian Period was

with a great variation in artefact type and density.

again rich with a tremendous variety of exotic items.

The primary examination of cultural objects have

The pottery was built in various forms, sizes and

indicated a good sequence of utilization of resources

decorations. Several exotic items like steatite beads,

and the establishment of the interaction system. The

black stone beads, bits of lapis lazuli, terracotta

people of the Upper Palaeolithic people used the

figurines, bangles, etc., all suggest that the Kot Dijian

raw materials available in the immediate vicinity, i.e.

people of the Dubi area were inbolved in the overall

the Rohri Hills. During this period huge workshops

phenomenon in this period. One fragment of a

were established in the Rohri Hills and the Veesar

steatite piece with similar decoration as on the steatite

Valley where they produced several types of different

button seal has been reported from Harappa (Kenoyer

artefacts. However, the sites in the Dubi area did not

2006: 23, Figure 5: 7).

represent diverse artefact repertoire; only cores, flakes

The people of the Mature Indus Period did not

and some scrapers were collected.

build the great permanent houses of burnt bricks, but

It was in the Mesolithic period when not only

lived in simply in thatched houses for which material

mechanical zenith was perceived but also a series

was locally available. They did not manufacture

of artefacts were produced for different utility

any item (may be some perishables from animal by-

purposes, including hunting, cutting and scraping.

products and plants like wann, etc). Thus, their

The workshops of stone tool manufacturing were

cultural assemblage remained limited but they show

discovered at strategic location that was surrounded

a similarity with those of the communities living in

by the food procurement spots. The triangles,

urban centres. It seems likely that these people did

lunates, trapezes, retouched medial blade segments,

not practice agriculture and relying greatly on the

tanged/leaf-shaped arrowheads were a common

pastoralist style.

part of the cultural assemblage. This assemblage is

The people of the later historic periods, for example

morphologically comparable with other communities

represented by Tali, again show tremendous richness

of the Mesolithic period living in India and Pakistan;

in the cultural assemblage. This was a huge village

this shows a great similarity, however, with the other

where the pottery was produced within the settlement

factors like mobility and interaction. It may or may

in various forms, sizes and decorations, and weights

not have been limited and restricted only to the lakes

in round/hemispherical shape in various sized and

of Dubi.

categories, coins, shell bangles were part of their

A significant change was seen during the Hakra

material culture.

period when the life of people was characterized

SUMMARY

by the less reliance on these micro-geometric tool and the greater use of pottery though very simple specifically in the Dubi region. The Hakra people

The present survey was launched around several lakes

were exceptionally mobile with a nomadic style of life,

located along the western borders of the Thar Desert

keeping simple and few objects. They lived for a short

nearby modern village of Dubi Mirwah. All of them

time at any given spot and continued their movement.

are located within sand dunes; the GPS handset was

The potsherds found were pla in, roug h and

used for recording them. One particular achievement

handmade. Only one type of potsherd having with

of this survey is that it contains accounts of almost - 78 -


every smallest clusters, even represented by a single

During the Kot Dijian period, a number of villages

artefact, present on the ground. The lake shores, slopes

were established permanently, continuing into the

of mounds, flat top surfaces and valleys were surveyed

Mature Indus period. The collected cultural objects

for antiquity. The region was observed very closely,

like shell bangles, micro white bead, copper pieces

resulting in the documentations of the resource

and valued ceramic vessels like dish-on-stands all

potentiality, the availability of raw material, etc. A

were brought in from the outside, indicating that

brief summary of findings is presented hereafter.

the people living around the lakes must have shared

To sum up the preliminary examination of cultural

the pervasive interaction system. The presence of

objects, it indicates that the majority of settlements

settlements of the subsequent period and the regular

were reoccupied for several times. Making a

seasonal visits of the contemporary nomads suggest

general chronological chart of the given region, the

archaeological vitality of resources and reflect

settlements are associated with the Upper Palaeolithic

the ancient behaviour of the settlers. Finally, the

and the Mesolithic onwards until the late historic

interpretation and conclusion provided in this report

period. The region is still visited by the contemporary

is subject to future confirmation and modification as

Baloch nomadic groups whose origin can be traced

research work is still in progress in the Thar Desert

somewhere in the upland hilly region of Baluchistan.

Region.

The presence of the Upper Palaeolithic sites has stretched the chronological extent of the Thar region.

Acknowledgements

The number and distribution of sites suggests that

This project was financed by the research grant of

the Upper Palaeolithic people started occupying the

Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur and indeed

desert region and consequently, during the Mesolithic

I would like to express many thanks for the granting

period, further expansion and intensification occurred

authority.

when the lake shores were strategically occupied

This area being archaeologically important provided

for some specific reasons of hunting animals and

the best set of data to reconstruct the history of

birds. This occupational intensity supports G.

the region which would further adds an important

Singh’s statement (1971) on “four phase scheme of

chapter to the history of the Indus Valley in general.

climatic condition”. If applied to this region, then

During this research, a great help was provided by the

it was probably the time when the lakes of the Thar

staff members of the Department of Archaeology,

Desert including these 6 lakes of Dubi were created

Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur.

through high floods from the Indus River and the

I was benefited with the help of several individuals

monsoon rain that fed water to the rivulets from

in many ways. My best teacher and guide Dr. Nilofer

the Rohri Hills. On the other hand, the meagre

Shaikh, then chairperson of the department and now

nature of the artefact repertoire in the Hakra Period

the Vice Chancellor of Shah Abdul Latif University,

collected from the settlements located in the area with

provided every possible help, discussed with me on

abundant subsistence resource with favorable climatic

every topic and visited several key sites. Prof. M.

conditions, raises a question about their cultural

Mukhtiar Kazi guided me about the field work,

development and stability. Perhaps it was the time

providing many new ideas. Prof. Dr. M. Hanif, though

when the old traditions of the Mesolithic continued

not an archaeologist, refreshed my enthusiasm for the

with an addition of a new item, i.e. handmade grit-

field work by his interest on my work and possible

mixed pottery that provided a path to the cultural

questions.

developments in the subsequent periods.

Our colleagues in the department, Mr. G.M. Veesar, - 79 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Mr. Mir Kazim Talpur, Mr. Hanif Laghari, Mr. A.G.

of the Survey and Excavation Carried out by Members

Soomro and all others remained always ready for

of the “Joint Rohri Hills Project” in January-February

helping me to classify and analyze the collected data.

2000. Ancient Sindh 5: 65-75. Biagi, Paolo and G.M. Vessar (1998-99) An Archaeological

For the drawing of artefacts, I am grateful to Ms.

Survey in the Neighbourhood of Thari in the Thar

Shams-un-Nisa Bhambhro. Without their generous

Desert (Sindh, Pakistan). Ancient Sindh 5: 93-118.

help, this work would not have been reached at this

Jarrige, Jean-François (1991) “Mehrgarh: Its Place in the

stage.

Development of Ancient Cultures in Pakistan”, in

We highly appreciate the endless efforts of our

M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban (eds.) Forgotten

computer operator Mr. Aamir W. Khan. His

Cities on the Indus: Early Civilization in Pakistan from

contribution, skill and expertise for computerizing the

the 8th to the 2nd Millennium BC. Verlag Phillipp von

data is highly essential. He worked very patiently as I

Zabern, Mainz. pp. 34-50. Khan, Farid, J.R. Knox, K.D. Thomas (2000) Settlement

was editing the drafts of this report.

and settlement systems in the Southwest Gomal

There are many friends who took interests in

Plain in the Proto-Historic Period. Journal of Asian

our findings from this region. Mr. Irshad Hussain

Civilizations 23 (2).

Soomro from the Department of Microbiolog y

Kenoyer, J.M. (2003) Regional Cultures and Chronologies of

and Dr. Muhammad Hassan Khaskhali from the

the Indus Civilization: New Perspective from Harappa.

Department of Chemistry always inquire about the

A paper presented in an International Conference on

micro residues on artefacts and the role of bacteria

Pakistan Archaeology held at SALU KHP.

in archaeology. Similarly, Mr. Muhammad Saleem

Lechevallier, Monique (1991) “Stone-Working in Mehrgarh”,

from the Department of Economics is interested

in M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban (eds.) Forgotten

in the ancient economic patterns. Their interest

Cities on the Indus: Early Civilization in Pakistan from

indeed was important for me for gathering data

the 8th to the 2nd Millennium BC. Verlag Phillipp von

in field and considering about all possible aspects

Zabern, Mainz. pp. 73-74 Mallah, Qasid Hussain (2000) Archaeology and Ethnoarch-

of interpretation. Additionally, I thank all other

aeology of Thar Desert. Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-

individuals whose names will make endless list. In fact,

Madison. Unpublished.

their contribution remained important through the

Meadow, Richard (1989) “Continuity and change in South

first year of the project and finally we thank all and do

Asian Agriculture and Animal Husbandry : the

expect the same in future.

Paleobiological Evidence”, in J.M. Kenoyer (ed.) Old Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeology of

References

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Biagi, Paolo and Nilofer Sheikh (1998-99) Preliminary Report

- 80 -


7-38. Possehl, Gregory L. (2002) The Indus Civilization: A contemporary perspective. Vistaar Publications, New Delhi. Shaffer, Jim G. and Diane A. Lichtenstein (1989) “Ethnicity and Change in the Indus Valley Cultural Tradition”, in J.M. Kenoyer (ed.) Old Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeolog y of S outh Asia. Wisconsin Archaeological Reports 2. pp. 117-126. Shaikh, Nilofer, G.M. Vessar, and Qasid H. Mallah (2001) The Thar Desert: An archaeological and Ethnoarchaeological Survey. First Year Report. submitted in the Department of Archaeolog y, Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur. Unpublished. Shaikh, Nilofer, G.M. Vessar, and Qasid H. Mallah (2002) The Thar Desert: An archaeological and Ethnoarchaeological Surve y. Second Year Report. submitted in the Department of Archaeolog y, Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur. Unpublished. Singh, G. (1971) The Indus Valley culture (seen in the context of post-glacial climate and ecological studies in northwest India). Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 6: 177-189.

- 81 -

Qasid H. Mallah

- 82 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

Jaidak (Pithad): a Sorath Harappan site in Jamnagar district, Gujarat and its architectural features

P. Ajithprasad

Department of Archaeology &

Ancient History

The M.S. University of Baroda

Vadodara, India

ABSTRACT A small-scale excavation in 1992 followed by a systematic surface survey of the Soarth Harappan site at Jaidak in Pithad village of Gujarat State in the western part of India revealed a Classical Harappan bipartite plan and layout. The artefact remains however are entirely of the Sorath Harappan. A close examination of the minute details of the architecture helps to delineate some distinguishable features between the Classical Harappan and the Sorath Harappan architectural remains and layout of settlements in Saurashtra. Distinction can be seen in the finer aspects of construction and use of building material. Some difference in the staple crop production as well as in the cuisines between the two may also be proposed on the basis of archaeobotanical data. These differences are significant in understanding the genesis of Sorath Harappan cultural traits and the Chalcolithic cultural patterns that emerged in Gujarat during the third millennium BCE.

Introduction

protected by a massive fortification wall built of stone. Besides, the main layout of the settlement showed a

Ja ida k/Pithad , the “Late Harapp an” site in

general bipartite Harappan town plan comprising an

Jamnagar district of Gujarat was first reported in

elevated ‘acropolis’ and a ‘lower town’. Not only the

1960 (IAR 1959-1960). Surface features of the

elevated part, which was segregated from the rest by

site were resurveyed recently by the Department

a thick fortification, but also the lower settlement

of Archaeolog y, The M.S. University of Baroda,

was protected by another wall of equal thickness.

Vadodara for understanding the structural details

These features are certainly reminiscent of the plan

and cultural affiliation of the Chalcolithic settlement

and layout of the Classical Harappan sites. Besides,

(Ajithprasad 2003). Pottery and other artefacts that

remains of several rubble stone structures are found

are collected in the survey as well as in the small-scale

in discrete clusters within and outside the walled area.

excavation at the south-eastern extension of the site in

The paper examines features of the structural remains

1992 (IAR 1991-92) clearly indicated their similarity

exposed on the surface at the site and discuses the

with that of Rojdi C. No Classical Harappan artefact

general similarity and subtle difference between the

has been reported from the site either in the survey or

Classical Harappan and the Sorath Harappan site

in the excavation so far. The antiquarian remains from

plan and structural remains in Gujarat with a view of

Jaidak therefore appear to be belonging to the Sorath

understanding the distinctive features of the Sorath

Harappan as defined by Possehl and Raval. The

Harappan architecture.

survey however revealed a large, roughly rectangular

In the late 1980’s Possehl and Herman together

settlement measuring approximately 11 hectares

with Raval (Possehl and Raval 1989; Possehl and - 83 -

P. Ajithprasad

Figure 1 Jaidak and other important Harappan sites referred in the paper

Herman 1990) proposed “Sorath Harappan” as

Indus civilization in Gujarat. This was to change in the

the regional manifestation of the Urban/Mature

late 1980`s after the proposition of Sorath Harappan

Harappa culture in Gujarat making many of the sites

by Possehl and Raval soon after their joint excavations

traditionally categorised as the “Late Harappan”,

at Rojdi from 1985 to 1988 (Possehl and Raval

contemporary to the Mature Harappan. The new

1989). The excavation revealed a Harappan cultural

research model called for a re- classification of more

assemblage devoid of many of the Classical Harappan

than 500 Harappan sites in Gujarat; a vast majority of

traits. The pottery for instance was devoid of most

which were reported from Saurashtra. Generally, the

of the distinguishable forms and decorations of the

Harappan sites in Gujarat are classified in accordance

Classical Harappan; instead it had a few new forms

to the four-fold ‘Rangpur sequence’ proposed by S.R.

in bowls and pots. Yet, technologically the pottery

Rao after the excavations at Rangpur in the second

was certainly Harappan (Possehl 1992; Possehl and

half of the 1950’s (Rao 1963). Until the second half

Herman 1990). Similarly, the characteristic Classical

of the 1980’s a majority of them was regarded as the

Harappan copper implements, stone beads, shell

so called “Late Harappan” or Post-Urban Harappan

bangles and other craft items are either absent or

as they were all categorized to either Periods IIB, IIC

found in very small numbers at the site. Inscribed

or III of the Rangpur sequence. Lothal, Rangpur

seals and sealings were completely unknown except

and Nageshwar were the only three major sites that

for a potsherd showing a graffito in Harappan script

showed Rangpur Period IIA affiliation and therefore

(IAR 1957-58). Thus the material remains found

belonging to the Mature or the Urban Phase of the

in the excavation correspond to the Rangpur IIB - 84 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

and IIC category belonging to the “Late Harappan”

The new model has also called into question the

period. However, more than half a dozen radiocarbon

Harappan affiliation of the Sorath Harappan sites.

dates ranging from 2600 BCE to 1900 BCE from

The question often being asked is whether or not the

the early levels of site suggested an age contemporary

Sorath Harappan sites are indeed Harappan sites

to the Mature/Urban phase of the Harappa culture.

in the real sense exhibiting some regional character

This anachronism of material culture has led to

within the larger frame of the Harappa culture (Verma

the definition of Sorath Harappan as the regional

and Menon 1999). If not, do they represent a distinct

manifestation of the Harappa culture in Gujarat in

regional Chalcolithic cultural entity contemporary

the Urban Phase (Possehl and Raval 1989; Possehl

to the Harappa culture in Saurashtra? These are issues

and Herman 1990; Possehl 1992).

vital in understanding the evolution of Chalcolithic

One of the important fallouts of the application of

cultural patterns in Saurashtra in the third and second

this new model is the inclusion of all those sites which

millennia BCE. As has been mentioned earlier, the

were earlier classified as “Late Harappan”, Rangpur

small-scale excavations at Jaidak-II in Pithad in 1992

IIB into the Mature or Urban phase and the Rangpur

and the recent surface survey of the structural remains

IIC and III sites as Post-Urban Sorath Harappan

exposed at the site brought up interesting observations

(Sonawane and Ajithprasad 1994). This led to the

that may help address the above issues of its regional

proposal that the Harappan sites in Gujarat fall into

character and cultural affiliation.

two categories: (a) the “Sindhi”/Classical Harappan

Location

sites showing the Classical Harappan inventory and architectural features and (b) the Sorath Harappan sites which are devoid of the Classical Harappan traits

Pithad village (22°41’N, 70°35’E) in Jodiya Taluka

(Possehl 1992; Possehl and Raval 1989). Dholavira

of Jamnagar district, Gujarat is located about 40km

and a few other sites in Kachchh and Lothal in

northeast of Rajkot and about 30km south from

Saurashtra may be the best examples of the first

the shore of the Gulf of Kachchh (Figure1). The

category of sites, even though Lothal incorporates

Harappan Chalcolithic site known locally by the name

the Sorath Harappan pottery right from the very

Jaidak/ Jaidak no timbo (22°39.5’N; 70°34’43”E)

beginning of Harappan occupation at the site. The

is about 4.5 km southeast of the village on the right

Sorath Harappan sites on the other hand are far more

bank of the Aji river that drains into the Gulf (Figure

abundant. While the features of the Sorath Harappan

2). The Aji has a wide and deep channel here and is

ceramics from these sites are rather well defined, the

one of the main rivers that drain the northern part

distinctive features of other material relics belonging

of Saurashtra. The two other important excavated

to the Sorath Harappan are poorly defined. By and

Harappan sites in the region, Kuntasi and Bagasra

large the sites present a simple material inventory

both in Rajkot district, are located about 20km north

and are relatively small in size. The average size of

and 50m northeast respectively of the site. Rojdi, the

these settlements is estimated to 5.3 hectares (Possehl

type site of the Sorath Harappan, is located about 100

1980) and they are devoid of elaborate architecture

km south.

showing proper plan and layout. They also lack a very

The site was first located in 1960 during an

elaborate fortification in contradiction to most of

exploratory survey by a team of archaeologists of

the Classical Harappan sites. Instead, there is small

the Rajkot Office of the Bombay State Archaeology

scale circumvallation around some of the settlements

Department (IAR 1959-60). In 1963, S.R. Rao (Rao

including the site at Rojdi (Possehl and Raval 1989).

1963) classified it into the “Late Harappan” phase - 85 -

P. Ajithprasad

Figure 2 General view of the Jaidak site on the right bank of the Aji river

Figure 3 Excavated trenches and rubble stone structures in the southeast extension ( Jaidak II) of the site

- 86 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

affiliated to the Rangpur Period IIC of his newly

to normal agents of erosion, the site is in a better state

proposed four-fold sequence of the Harappan cultural

of preservation. Nevertheless, centuries of incessant

development in Gujarat. In the early 1980’s K.K.

erosion has exposed on the surface the extant wall-

Bhan of the M.S. University of Baroda too categorized

top of the dilapidated structures at the site. Several

the artefact assemblage from the site to the Rangpur

such walls forming part of extensive structures could

IIC (IAR 1979-80, Bhan 1983) as a part of his

be easily recognized on the surface by the alignment

Doctoral dissertation on the archaeology of Jamnagar

and association of stones, which clearly reveal the

district. Subsequent to this, in 1992 the Department

architectural plan and layout of the settlement (Figure

of Archaeolog y and Ancient History, The M.S.

4). In the light of the above surface features, we

University of Baroda carried out a small-scale

carried out a surface survey at the site in the last field

excavation at the south-eastern extension of the site

season with a view of reconstructing a tentative plan

( Jaidak-II); unearthing over 1.00m thick Chalcolithic

and lay out of the settlement from the exposed surface

habitation deposit including the remains of several

features and also for reassessing its cultural affiliation.

stone structures (Figure 3) (IAR 1991-92). However,

The sketch map prepared on the basis of the above

no excavation could be carried out at the main mound

survey is reproduced in Figure 5.

in 1992. All these investigations at the site have

It is evident from the plan that the overall

primarily confirmed Rao’s original periodization of the

configuration and layout of the settlement clearly

Chalcolithic remains contemporary to the Rangpur

suggest the Classical/Urban Harappan bipartite

IIC. The 1992 excavation however had resulted in

planning, with a well segregated higher and the lower

the addition of a metre thick Mesolithic substratum

settlement areas (Figure 5). In addition to these

to the so called “Late Harappan” occupation in the overall cultural sequence at the site (IAR 1991-92).

Architectural Plan and Structural Features The Chalcolithic settlement at Jaidak/Pithad is a reasonably large mound spread to an overall area of more than 11 hectares. Situated hardly 200 m away from the eastern bank of the present day channel of the Aji river, it is roughly rectangular in plan measuring 550 m along the north-south and 200 m along the east-west. In sheer size and spread this is one of the largest Harappan sites in Saurashtra, perhaps as big as or slightly bigger than Lothal. The average height of the mound is about 3.5m, while the maximum is about 5.5 m from the ground level. The structures at the site are built of large blocks of dyke rocks. These rocks are part of the basal rock formation in the region and are exposed quite extensively in the Aji river in the vicinity of the site all along the

Figure 4 The extant top of a long stretch of rubble stone

channel. As the rubble stone structures are resistant

fortification wall exposed on the surface at the site - 87 -

P. Ajithprasad

Figure 5 The Plan and layout of the settlement at Jaidak. Measurements in the map are approximate as it is based on the surface remains

The Citadel and the Lower Town

there is also a large open court at the eastern side of the citadel. All these different units of settlement layout are protected by an extensive 2.5 to 3m thick

The citadel in the western part of the settlement is

fortification wall which is built of large blocks of

a relatively large rectangular structure measuring

basalt rock. The settlement is found to be extending

approximately 210 m by 75 m, which has an average

further south of the fortified area by two blocks of

height of 4.5 m. A small stretch of about 30m in the

structures which form an annex to the main structures.

northern end of this elevated part of the site is about

Yet another large structure complex measuring 120

5.5m high and it is clear that this area is an important

m by 90 m is found as an extension to the site in the

part of the citadel with several well constructed

southeast. This extension is named Jaidak-II (IAR

chambers and cubicles within it (Figure 5). The citadel

1991-92). It was at this southeast extension the M.S.

is protected by a 2.5 to 3 m thick rubble stone built

University of Baroda had conducted the excavation

wall. The core of this wall, at places, is found to be

in 1992. Presently, this part of the site is cut off from

filled with burnt brickbats. Probably, at some point of

the main mound by a deep storm-drain channel

time, burnt brick may have been used for some special

(Figure 6) that joins the Aji river by the side of the site

construction at the site. There appears to be some sort

on its south. Vertical sections of the site exposed by

of a narrow entrance into the citadel from the west as

this channel clearly show about 2 to 2.50m cultural

well as from the east through the fortification wall.

deposit in the south-eastern edge of the main mound.

There is a large gap of about 10 metres in the western fortification wall between the citadel and the lower town. This appears to be the main entrance into the - 88 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

Figure 6 Stream cut section in the eastern part of the site The section shows 2 to 2.5m of cultural deposit at the top. A portion of the basalt bedrock is exposed at the base.

settlement from the western side. A road from this

Remains of two circular rubble stone structures are

entrance leads to the main entrance of the citadel at

found in the southern edge of this open court. These

the north wall which has an elaborate gate complex

structures belong to the final stages of habitation

with two square chambers on either side.

at the site. A group of burials has also been found

A series of structural remains laying in the north and

exposed on the surface in the north-eastern corner of

northeast of the citadel mainly forms the lower town.

the lower town. This appears to be the cemetery area.

It has an average height of 3.5 m and is also protected

It is not sure whether this is within the fortified area

by 2.5 to 3 m thick rubble wall (Figure 5). It encloses

or outside, as the surface features indicating the wall

several rectangular blocks of rubble stone structures,

here are not so clear.

which could not only be of residential complexes but

Discussion

also associated with craft activities carried out at the site. For instance, some of the structures are found to be associated with lithic blade production and

All the above architectural features clearly suggest a

even the production of pottery. The eastern side of

Classical/ Urban Harappan plan and layout of the

the settlement is rather flat and slightly low-laying at

settlement. Contrary to this, the artefacts collected

an average height of 3 m from the surrounding. This

from the surface and in the excavation do not

appears to be a large open court with a few structures

incorporate any Classical Urban Harappan traits.

abutting the eastern fortification wall of the citadel.

In fact, they clearly showed a Rangpur Period IIC

Extending from the eastern wall of the citadel, it is

affiliation with some traits of the Period IIB. There

about 115 m wide. The eastern entrance through the

are no perforated jars, S-shaped jars, beakers, pedestal

outer fortification wall opens into this open court.

vases or typical dish-on-stand in the assemblage. - 89 -

P. Ajithprasad

Figures 7 and 8 Late Sorath Harappan pottery from Jaidak The vessels correspond to the pottery from Rojdi C and Rangpur II-C.

Neither do they show any of the well known distinct

blade tools in this period are made of locally available

Classical Harappan patterns of paintings on pottery.

chert, jasper and chalcedony by the crested ridge

The pottery in fact is predominated by the straight

technique (Figure 11). Another material that is well

and concave sided bowls with a blunt carination,

represented at the site is copper. A copper bangle

bowls with elongated stud-handle, small lamps with a

(Figure 12), spiral ornament, knife blade and several

horizontally splayed-in flat rim, shallow dishes with a

thin rods and wires are also found in the excavation.

thick rounded or slightly drooping rim and pots with

Shell bangles and other items of shell, except a few

an elongated and flaring out neck and a thick rounded

short and thick tubular beads, are conspicuous by

rim (Figures 7 and 8). These shapes correspond

their absence at the site.

well with the Rojdi C pottery reported by Herman

How is that the site shows the characteristic

(1989), and hence belong to the Sorath Harappan.

Classical/Urban Harappan plan and layout and

Rojdi C has been dated to 1900 - 1700 BCE by C14

does not incorporate any of the type-fossil artefacts

estimation (Possehl and Raval 1989).

of it? Moreover, the artefacts recovered so far from

In addition to the pottery, a few semi precious stone

the excavation as well as from the surface collection

beads, one of which is of jasper showing incomplete

as shown above all show very close affinity to the

perforation at the centre, probably indicating local

Rojdi assemblage. Hence, although it can be easily

production are found in the excavation (Figure 9).

designated into the Sorath Harappan category, the

There are also a few specimens of agate, carnelian,

architectural planning and layout of the settlement

steatite and faience beads recovered from the site

are quite different from that of Rojdi. Does this then

(Figure 10). Beads were also made of terracotta;

reflect the indebtedness of the Sorath Harappans to

especially the pulley shaped ones and small spherical

the Classical Harappan tradition in their architectural

and bi-conical ones were common at the site. Lithic

plan and layout as well? Is this therefore yet another - 90 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

Figure 9 Bead performs: chert/jasper disc bead with a small

Figure 10 Beads of carnelian, faience and shell

dent at the centre, suggesting local production of beads

Figure 11 Micro-blade tools

Figure 12 Copper bangle

instance of the reg ional manifestation of the

Harappan site incorporating Sorath Harappan traits

Harappan technological tradition in Saurashtra in the

from the very beginning of its occupation (Rao

third millennium BCE?

1963, 1985). For sure, the choice of stone as building

We need to look at the architectural features

material must have been influenced by its local

at the site a little more in detail to delineate the

availability. However, mud-brick structures are more

technological manifestation in order to distinguish

popular in Classical Harappan sites than in Sorath

the Sorath Hrappan architectural features from

Harappan sites. At the same time, there seems to

that of the Classical Harappan. A quick survey of

have a lack of priority in using mud-bricks in Sorath

the basic features of the Harappan architecture in

Harappan sites. There is little evidence of mud-brick

Gujarat reveals that there is very little difference in the

structures reported from Rojdi (Possehl and Ravel

building materials used by the Classical Harappans

1989) and Kuntasi (Dhavalikar et al. 1996), the two

and the Sorath Harappans. Both show the use of

excavated Sorath Harappan sites in Rajkot district in

stones as well as mud-bricks for their constructions.

Saurashtra. Structures at these two sites are all made

For instance, both stone slabs and mud-bricks are

of locally available stones. It is also worthy to note

extensively used at Dholavira, a Classical Harappan

that the cultural phase showing the Sorath Harappan

site in Kachchh (Bisht 1994). At the same time, use

influence is often associated with the extensive use of

of stone is not attested to in the constructions at

stone rubbles and slabs as building material and an

Lothal in Saurashtra. Lothal incidentally is a Classical

antipathy for the use of bricks at Bagasra (Sonawane - 91 -

P. Ajithprasad

Table 1 Details of structural remains at major Classical Harappan and Sorath Harappan sites in Gujarat Classical Harappan Site Features

Sorath Harappan

Surkotada

Lothal

Size

Walled area 771 x 616m. (48ha.) Over all -100ha.

180 x 115m 2.1ha.

Walled area: 345 x 293m/ 10.1ha.

165 x 125m. 220 x 150m/ 525 x 150m/ 550 x 200m/ 1.96ha. 3.30ha 7.8ha. 11ha.

Construction material

Stone and mudbricks

Stone and mud-bricks

Mud-bricks, burnt bricks

Stone and mud-bricks

Stone, mud-bricks?

Stone

Stone

7m at the base

15m

7.5m at the base

1.3 - 4.00m

3 - 3.25m

2.70 - 3.00m

64 - 100cm

60 - 120cm

60 -120cm

60 - 110cm

60 - 85cm

60 - 85cm

X

X

X

Kuntasi IB

Rojdi A&B

Jaidak IIB

Thickness of Citadel : 18m Fortification at the base. wall Outer wall: 7m. Thickness of wall, inner 64 - 120cm structures Polygonal/ Curvilinear structures

Late Phase (Phase VII)

Bagasra

Kuntasi

Rojdi

Jaidak (Pithad)

Dholavira

et al. 2004) and Shikarpur (IAR 1987-88), the two

bricks (Rao 1985). In stark contrast to these are the

Classical Harappan sites located on either shore of

fortification walls at Rojdi and Pithad or Kuntasi

the Gulf of Kachchh in Rajkot and Kachchh districts

which is merely 2 to 3 m thick. The settlements at

respectively. The specific features of site plan and

Pithad and Rojdi are five times larger than Surkotada

architecture of the Calssical and the Sorath Harappan

and Bagasra, yet the thickness of the fortification wall

require more focussed research in order to delineate

is much smaller. It is also interesting that the structures

distinctive features of the two. Nevertheless, some

within the fortification do not show any distinction

preliminary observations on the overall size of the

in the thickness of the wall between the Classical and

fortified area and the size and thickness of the walls

the Sorath Harappan. The thickness of the walls of the

from a few major Classical Harappan and Sorath

normal internal structures generally varies from 40 cm

Harappan sites in Gujarat are listed in Table 1.

to 1.20 m irrespective of their cultural affiliation.

A clear distinction between the two is apparent in

Yet another interesting feature that has been

the construction features, especially in the thickness

reported from the Sorath Harappan settlement

of the fortification wall. The Classical Harappan

at Rojdi is the presence of polyg onal and/or

fortification walls are massive constructions;

curvilinear structures (Possehl and Raval 1989).

sometimes disproportionately huge. For instance,

These have been interpreted as structural adaptation

the fortification around the citadel at Dholavira is

for keeping household herds at Rojdi (Figures 13

about 18 m thick (Bisht 1991, 1994) and the one at

and 14). A similar curvilinear structure, identified

Surkotada, a much smaller site in Kachchh, measures

as a shrine complex (Fig ure15), has also been

7 m ( Joshi 1990). Bagasra, another small site in

reported from Kuntasi (Dhavalikar et al. 1996). A

Rajkot district, measures 7.75 m (Sonawane et al

curvilinear structure, very much resembling the Rojdi

2004); in spite of the fact that at the latter two sites

structure was reported from Nagwada (Figure16)

the actual walled area is less than 0.5hectare. Similarly,

in Surendranagar district too (Hegde et al. 1988).

Lothal in Saurashtra has a 15 m (calculated from the

Nagwada is a rural site belonging to the Classical

illustrations) thick defence wall all made of mud-

Harappan. The structure was found in the upper - 92 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

Figure 13 Polygonal rubble stone structures at Rojdi

Figure 14 Curvilinear structures at Rojdi

Figure 15 Curvilinear structures from

Figure 16 Curvilinear structures from

the topmost levels at Kuntasi

the topmost levels at Nagwada

most layers at the site, probably indicating a diffusion

and polygonal structures seem to be not the norm in

of its functional feature further north of Saurashtra

Classical Urban Harappan sites. A cursory look at

into north Gujarat in the closing years of the third

the architectural remains reported from Dholavira

millennium BCE. Irrespective of the purpose and

may reveal that curvilinear or circular structures with

actual function of these structures, what is more

an oblong antechamber are found in the last Phase/

important in the present context is the fact that the

Phase-VII (Figures 17) of occupation at the site (Bisht

Sorath Harappan settlements incorporated such

1991). And, it is probably not without significance

constructions within their architectural tradition

that the Sorath Harappan elements predominate in

quite easily. Or probably the curvilinear structures

this Phase at Dholavira.

could in fact have been integral to Sorath Harappan architectural scheme. On the other hand curvilinear - 93 -

P. Ajithprasad

Figure 17 Apsidal/curvilinear structure at Dholavira, Phase VII

Sorath Harappan Subsistence

in any of these sites. Nevertheless, it appears many of these sites played a major role in the procurement

A quick glance through the overall size of the

and distribution of raw-materials for major craft

Harappan sites in Gujarat will suggest that the

production centres such as Lothal, Dholavira, and

majority of Sorath Harappan sites are small (Possehl

Bagasra, etc. While the exact details of the functional

1980, 1997) rural settlements probably based on

role are not very clear, the presence of isolated

subsistence farming and pastoralism. However, a few

Classical Harappan beads at Jaidak or at Rojdi suggests

sites such as Pithad or Rojdi were as large as or larger

the interaction between the Sorath Harappan sites

than many of the Classical Harappan sites in Gujarat.

and contemporary sites of the Classical Harappan. It

They probably had similar economic resources which

also indirectly points out the coexistence of the sites

some of the Classical Harappan sites commanded in

with Classical Harappan sites as these artefacts were

building their settlements. The construction of large

part and parcel of the Classical Harappan inventory

fortification wall encompassing the entire site in the

supported by the economic structure of the Urban

Sorath Harappan context may not have been achieved

Phase. As the economic structure crumbled in course

had it been based solely on subsistence economy. It is

of time in the post-Urban or the so called Late

therefore obvious that these sites were part and parcel

Harappan period the beads also became unpopular

of the urban growth of the Harappa culture based on a

as it could not support earlier craft productions. In

surplus economy. Yet, there is little evidence for major

such a scenario, where most of the ornamental beads

craft activities, barring the production of pottery and

have disappeared even in the Classical Harappan sites

to some extent copper/bronze working, carried out

in the Post-Urban phase, it will be illogical to come - 94 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

across Classical Harappan lapidary beads in Sorath

pulses too (Weber 1991, 1998; Kajale 1991; Reddy

Harappan sites if they are chronologically later. It is

1997, 2003; Vishnu-Mittre 1990; Vishnu-Mittre and

therefore obvious that the sites such as Jaidak, Rojdi

Savithri 1982). The exploitation of millet among these

and Kuntasi were well integrated in the network of

is crucial in understanding the subsistence practices

the Urban Harappan economic production and quite

and crop processing pattern of the Harappans in the

naturally the economic fortunes of the Harappans

third and early second millennia BCE in Saurashtra.

were reflected in these sites too.

Arcaheobotanical remains from Rojdi indicate the

Apart from this, some interesting tentative

importance of millets at the site through out its

obser vations regarding the differences in the

existence starting from Rojdi A dating back to 2550

subsistence activities between the Classical Harappan

BCE. Wheat is not reported from Rojdi in spite of

and the Sorath Harappan sites can also be pointed out.

systematic collection. Barley and pulses in general, on

While some of the large sites may have participated

the other hand are meagre suggesting that these crops

actively in the economic production of craft items,

were of less importance in the food economy of the

most of the smaller sites were depended on farming

Sorath Harappans at Rojdi. Wheat and Barley are also

and stock raising that included pastoralism. In fact,

not reported from Surkotada, Babar Kot and Orio

it has been argued that the subsistence farming and

Timbo. This is in contra-distinction to the major crop

pastoral activities of the community were responsible

pattern of the Harappans, primarily based on wheat

for the presence of a large number of smaller sites in

and barley cultivation supplemented by pulses (Fuller

Gujarat (Bhan 1992; Reddy 2003). This is applicable

and Madella 2002). Wheat and barley are primarily

to both the Classical and Sorath Harappan sites,

winter crops and need more water. Considering the

although small rural sites of the Classical Harappan

semiarid climatic condition of Saurashtra, draught

are indeed very few. Both types of sites have large

resistant millets are more suitable for cultivation than

quantities of domestic cattle and sheep/goat skeletal

wheat and barley (Weber 1998; Fuller 2003).

remains suggesting that these animals were exploited

Millets, it appears, had a wide and prominent

extensively (Thomas 2002; Patel 1997). The food

presence in the Harappan sites, both in Saurashtra

base from domesticated fauna was supplemented by

and Kachchh. Eight different types of millets, both

hunting and fishing. Although faunal studies do not

small and the large varieties, have been reported

actually indicate any distinguishable pattern in the

from the sites in this region. While small millets

faunal exploitation between the Sorath Harappan

started appearing from the Urban Phase onwards, it

and the Classical Harappan sites, there probably

has been argued that the larger millets, Pennisetum

would have some variation at least in the preference of

typhides (Pearl millet or bajra) and Sorghum bicolar

animal food items in these two categories of sites.

(large millet or jowar), were introduced in somewhat

The archaeobotanical remains on the other hand

later stage, around 2000 - 1900 BCE (Weber 1998;

is much more instructive than the faunal remains

Reddy 2003). The smaller millets such as Setaria

in demonstrating some amount of variation in the

italica (foxtail millet), Paspalum scorbiculatum (Kodo

pattern of plant exploitation and consumption

millet), Panicum maliaceum (common millet),

between the Classical and the Sorath Harappan

Panicum sumatrnese (little millet), Echnochola colona

sites. Recent studies on botanical remains from the

(barnyard millet), and Eleusine coracana (ragi or

Harappan sites in Gujarat have shown exploitation

finger millet) are reported from the Sorath Harappan

of a wide spectrum of plants that included wheat,

context (c.2550 BCE) from Rojdi A (Weber 1991)

barley, rice and several types of millets and some

and Babar Kot (Reddy 1997) in Saurashtra. A few - 95 -

P. Ajithprasad

small millets are also reported from the Classical

Gujarat region therefore has been suggested by Fuller

Harappan context from Surkotada IA (c.2500 BCE)

(Fuller 2003). Only further studies directed towards

(Vishnu-Mittre 1990; Vishnu-Mittre and Savithri

identifying potential cultigens of these pulses and

1982), although some doubt has been expressed in

the patterns of intensification strategies adopted by

the identification of the specific species to which they

the Mesolithic Hunter-gatherer communities in this

belong to (see Fuller 2002, Fuller and Madella 2002).

region will be able to address these issues of early plant

Millet’s presence became stronger in the later sage in

exploitation systematically. It then follows that the

the Period IC of Surkotada, which was also marked by

Sorath Harappans probably had a crop cultivation

the presence of the Sorath Harappan artefacts at the

pattern, slig htly different from the Classical

site. The larger millets, bajra and jowar are reported

Harappans of Sindh and the Punjab regions. It implies

from the later Post-Urban context at Rojdi (Rojdi

a different pattern not only in the crops production

C) and Oriyo Timbo (Weber 1998; Reddy 1997).

but also in the food habits of the Sorath Harappan.

The findings clearly suggest the exploitation of millet

One presumes that there may have significant cuisine

crops early on along with wheat and barley. One must

variations between the wheat/barley preparations

also add the evidence of rice from Lothal (Rao and

and the millet preparations which will eventually be

Lal 1985) and Rangpur (Ghosh and Lal 1963) to

reflected in the vessels that are used for cooking as well

complete the complex nature of different agricultural

as serving. It can be argued that the predominance of

crop production that existed in the Harappan context

bowls in the Sorath Harappan assemblage therefore

in Gujarat. Nevertheless, some researchers believe that

is a reflection of this basic diversification in food

rice in fact had a marginal role in the Harappan diet

preparation and its in-take.

(Fuller and Madella 2002). Rice today is cultivated in

In the light of above observations, Lothal and

Gujarat only in the low-laying Bhal region around the

other sites such as Kuntasi and Surkotada, which

Gulf of Cambay and it is significant that Lothal and

incorporate both the Classical and Sorath Harappan

Rangpur are located in this area.

traits, present interesting patterns of cohabitation of

It has been shown that some of the millets in

the two cultural strands of the Harappan. Lothal has

the Harappan context in Gujarat were introduced

the Sorath Harappan and the Classical Harappan

from Africa, although the actual course of their

assemblage together from the very beginning of

transmission is not clearly marked out so far (Weber

habitation at the site. While it shows rice, the

1998). At the same time the antecedence of a few

presence of millet here is not attested to. The site at

millets has not yet been established and the presence

Kuntasi on the other hand is predominantly Sorath

of some wild forms in the Harappan context in

Harappan which had strong interaction with the

Gujarat may suggest local exploitation (Fuller 2002).

Classical Harappans, which probably is also indicated

The millets reported from the South Indian Neolithic/

by the presence of wheat and barley at the site.

Chalcolithic context are later than the Harappan,

Surkotada in Kachchh has marked presence of the

indicating that the crop may not have been introduced

Sorath Harappan only in the later phase (Period IC),

from the south. Besides, some of the pulses reported

but had millets from the early levels onward, although

from the Harappan context in Saurashtra are different

they became more abundant in the Period IC. It is

from those reported from Indus valley and from the

therefore certain that the millets were an important

contemporary or later Neolithic/Chalcolithic sites

crop in the Harappan context in Gujarat and they

of South India (Fuller 2003). Hence, the possibility

played an important role in the food habits of the

of an indigenous cultivation of these pulses in the

people. Given the ecological settings of Saurashtra, - 96 -

Jaidak (Pithad)

the millets were more popular in the Sorath Harappan

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The foregoing discussion will point out to the

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1957-58 - A Review: 18, 21 fig.10.

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the Harappans”, in G.L. Possehl (ed.) Harappan Civilization. Oxford & IBH, New Delhi. pp.205-221 Weber, S.A. (1991) Plants and Harappan Subsistence - An Example of Stability and Cultural Change from Rojdi. Oxford & IBH, New Delhi. Weber, S.A. (1998) Out of Africa: the initial impact of millets in South Asia. Current Anthropology 39(2): 267-74.

- 99 -

P. Ajithprasad

- 100 -

Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed

Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed - A fabulous illustration of congenital architectural and decorative traditions -

Farzand Masih

Department of Archaeology

University of the Punjab

Lahore, Pakistan.

Email: [email protected]

ABSTRACT The tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed portrays the congenital architectural and decorative traditions with striking affinities with Hindu temples of the contemporary period. The early explorers have laid emphases on the decorative motives with their comprehension to brand the monument as of Muslim architecture. Mr. Flood who has contributed to the architecture of the Ghurid period has altogether different approach to these fabulous monuments. It appears that the master masons of that period have borrowed the architectural features from some religio-secular edifices. The mouldings present definite resemblance with the temples of western India and Salt Range. The elevation scheme is just a reminiscent of the Nagara style temple of the Salt Range and western India. In short, not only the profile and decorative details but the overall structure of the tomb manifest the debt to local architectural traditions. The presence of trefoil arches in this monument reminds us of the Gandhara Buddhist stupas and the Salt Range Hindu temples. Last but not least, the tomb is the finest example of Muslim, Gandhara Buddhist and Hindu architectural amalgamation.

The tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed is one of the

body of the tomb as well. It is indeed this scarcity of

most distinguished monuments ever built in the

explanation and interpretation which instigated the

Islamic land (Figure 1). Of exceptionally high order, it

author to express his views in the form of the present

manifests majestic, balanced, dignified and imposing

paper. Consequently, the author has relentlessly

architecture. Standing on a lofty platform the tomb

concentrated on his discussions solely to those

exhibits the testimony of several elements borrowed

features that shows its staunch relationship with the

from the architectural and decorative traditions of

indigenous and incomprehensible architectural and

Afghanistan (ancient Aryana), Iran and Central

decorative traditions.

Asia. The tomb also shows a number of components

The tomb stands about 50 km north of Muzaffa-

both architectural and decorative, derived from

rgarh, on the western bank of the river Chenab1).

the indigenous repertoire of Buddhist stupas in

Unfortunately, the information about the mausoleum

Gandhara, and Hindu temples in the Salt Range

or the saint buried therein is very scanty. However,

bracketed within the 6th century to the beginning of

according to local traditions, scribed on a glazed

the 11th century.

tile and fixed on the monument, this saint hailed

Unluckily, so far none of the authority dealing

from the House of Tamim Ansari of Madina in

with this monument has particularly focused on

the Arabian Peninsula. Though his ancestors are

the various parochial motives and features that

believed to have migrated in southern Punjab in

articulate the niches of the platform and the main

the 8th century, but the saint himself is said to have - 101 -

Farzand Masih

Figure 1 Tomb of Sadan Shaheed General view

lived in the 13th century and died around AD 1275

of international repute Dr. Ahmed Nabi Khan5) has

and was laid to rest in this place (Khan, A.N. 1990).

also grappled with this subject. His comprehension

This date synchronizes with the rule of Turkish

of this structure also seems frivolous and paltry. It

Sultan, Ghiyasud-Din Balban (AD 1266-86) and his

appears that Dr. Khan contents with the findings of

eldest son Prince Muhammad, also known as Sultan

his office engineer, Mr. Talib Hussain, to the extant

2)

Shaheed as Governor of Multan .

that the ground plan of the tomb already published

The monument, in fact, has been mentioned in

with errors by Mr. Tablib has been reproduced by

passing in several overview of medieval Pakistan

Dr. Khan in his book entitled, “Islamic Architecture

architecture but has not so far been the subject of an

of Pakistan” (1990). He described this magnificent

extended study.

monument in his own routine authoritative manner

Nevertheless, this most conspicuous funerary

but verifiably he ignored the very basic congenital

monument of the early Islamic days came into

components of this monument which connects its

3)

limelight for the first time through an article of Mr. 4)

relation with the soil and with the hoary traditions of

Talib Hussain . Like many other great archaeological

our heritage. To my comprehension Dr. Khan simply

discoveries he explored this much more significant

agreed with the notes of Mr. Talib.

edifice by chance without realizing the fact that he

Yet another researcher, Prof. Dr. Taj Ali 6) has,

has made a major breakthrough in the history of

however, for the first time very accurately and precisely

architecture. Although, Mr. Talib has given a detailed

pointed out its relation with the temples of South

description of the tomb, but as a matter of fact there is

Kafir Kot in the district of Dera Ismail Khan in the

still much room to identify and interpret most of the

NWFP. He writes, “The significance of the decoration is

architectural and decorative details. Another scholar

two fold. On the one hand it refers to the continuation - 102 -


of Pre-Muslim architectural decoration”. According to him, “the plant decoration of classical origin and the geometric motifs such as lotuses, rosettes, scroll, dentils and chessboard designs formed integral part of PreMuslim architecture. This decoration certainly reminds us of the decoration used for embellishing temples and was deep rooted tradition” (Ali, Taj 1993). Mr. Finbarr Barry Flood 7) has contributed a tremendous work on the Ghurid Architecture in the Indus valley. In his article Mr. Flood has discussed this tomb in relation to other extant Ghurid monuments in South Asia. He has appropriately indicated different features of this funerary structure that are also present in the pre-Ghurid Buddhist and Hindu architecture of the Indus valley but absent in the Figure 2 Sadan Shaheed Pedimented niche on platform

medieval monuments of eastern Iran or western India (Flood 2001). Mr. Flood has certainly produced a remarkable work but he has omitted several innate constituents of our ancient architecture which saturate this building with indigenous shade. The mausoleum is set on a high platform standing 2.25 m above the surrounding ground level. In 1973 a deluge decimated the major part of this podium. As a result, modern prodigal brick masonry was applied to abstain from further withering of the monument. However, on the western part of the southern wall, still one can see remaining conspicuous pedimented niches (Figure 2) which indicate that originally the platform was decorated with niches separated by narrow collonettes. The walls of the platform were orig inally embellished with lavishly ornamented niches detached

Figure 3 Sadan Shaheed Narrow engaged column

by narrow collonettes (Figure 3). Now on the basis of the comparative studies it has been possible to make

and C at South Kafir Kot (Figure 4) belonging to the

out that the elevated platforms and use of the blind

10th century are the best examples where the elevated

windows and narrow engaged columns to adorn its

walls of the platform are pampered with blind niches

walls follows a traditions established in the Buddhist

of various sizes separated by narrow columns (Figure

stupas and Hindu temples of the 9th-10th centuries

4). A similar scheme of decoration is also witnessed in

in Pakistan. Brick stupa at Mirpur Khas in Sindh

Hindu temples of western India (Meister and Dhaky

(Cousens 1998), now completely vanished, main

1991).

temple at Amb (Masih 2000) and paired Temples B

While explaining the platform, says Dr. Khan - 103 -

Farzand Masih

“Originally, the entire surface of the platform had been embellished with rectangular panels created in high relief and finished in cut-brick scrolls”(Khan, A.N. 1990). Dr. Taj Ali had not referred to the ornamentation of the platform. Mr. Flood had mentioned the decoration of the platform but just as passing note (Flood 2001). To the author, the comprehension and analysis of the decorative elements incorporated in the niches and columns of the platform is extremely important because together with various other features it strengthens and underlines our view of continuity and connectivity of the indigenous Buddhist and Hindu elements in the early Islamic buildings. Worth mentioning is the ghata-pallava capitals of the pilasters that support the triangular pediment (Figure 2). The ghata-pallava is an auspicious symbol of a Hindu temple8). It has been incorporated generously in the Hindu temples of the Salt Range (the 9th and 10th centuries) (Figure 5). Below the ghata-pallava capital is a disc shaped

Figure 4

stone called amalaka9). Above the capital is a thin

South Kafir Kot Temple B

Platform with pilasters and niches

stone decorated with leaf designs. To the estimation of author opinion that this thin stone is the imitation

the tomb is unmistakably unadorned. This tradition

and continuity of the thin bracket with both ends

may conceivably owe something to the temples of

vaulted used persistently, as decorative motif in

the Salt Range, for it recalls the completely plain

Gandhara stupas and in the Salt Range temples (Masih

interior of the garbha-griha of all the temples of the

2001). Both the shaft of the pilasters and triangular

Salt Range within the time span of the 6th to 11th

pediment are adorned with scrolls. Particularly, the

centuries. The phase of transition is comprised of

scroll decoration of the shafts seems reminiscence

squinches which takes the form of projecting arches

of the thin pilasters of Temple B at South Kafir Kot.

within which the curved wall surface is supported on

The space within the pilasters exhibits two types of

a triangular zone of dentilated corbelling (Figure 7). A

decoration. In one niche the cut bricks are arranged

cenotaph measuring 5 m in length in the north-south

in geometric designs enclosed in frame embellished

orientation occupies the centre of the tomb.

with step designs in relief (Figure 2). This reminds of

The tomb also represents scheme of elevation

stepped decoration on varandika and vedibandha of

similar to the Nagara style temples of the Salt Range

brick temple at Kallar (Khan and Masih 2000) (Figure

and western India. The basal moulding, walls and

5). The other niche exhibits decoration of wine scroll

their ornated band above the rectangular panels

in the space between the pilasters.

exhibit strong analogy with vedibandha, jhanga and

Above the platform, the tomb proper takes the

varandika.

form of a cardinally oriented square measuring 6.50

The base of the tomb incorporates three major

m internally and 9 m externally (Figure 6). Internally

mouldings and three sets of minor mouldings (Figure - 104 -


Figure 5 Kallar Temple General view

N

0

Figure 6 Sadan Shaheed Ground Plan

- 105 -

1

2

3m

Farzand Masih

a

Figure 7

b

Sadan Shaheed Phase of transition

Figure 8

with dentilated corbelling

South Kafir Kot, c. Surya Temple no. 2. at Osiyan

c

Base mouldings: a. Sadan Shaheed, b. Temple C.

8a). The major mouldings have their counterpart

been seen on the temples of western India. In the Salt

in western Indian temples and in the Salt Range,

Range the use of this design is also certified. The stone

where they are called khumba, kalasa and patta. The

block engraved in with similar perforated design was

first moulding 55.88 cm in height from the ground

found during an excavation at the North Kafir Kot in

level corresponds with khumba moulding of Hindu

1998, in front of the Temple C (Figure 11).

temples and can be compared with the moulding

Not only the profile and decorative details but the

of the 10th century temple, designated as Temple

overall structure of the tomb manifest the debt to

“C” at South Kafir Kot (Figure 8b) and the 8th

local architectural traditions. The walls above the

century Surya temple no. 2 at Osiyan (Figure 8c).

basal mouldings are the most ornated and significant

The other two major mouldings, kalasa and pattas are

part of its kind in the South Asian subcontinent

frequently incorporated in the Salt Range temples.

evincing the blossoming of two art traditions - the

The decoration of the kalasa (Figure 9), however,

Hindu Buddhist and the Islamic (Figure 12). It leaves

is distinct and can be compared with the scroll

no doubt that the master-mason from Central Asia

decoration on the thin pilasters of Temple B at South

conceived and designed this master piece but local

Kafir Kot (Figure 10). The topmost moulding is

craftsmen, imbued with Hindu-Buddhist architecture

without any contour. In Hindu temples, this variety of

executed it.

moulding usually depicts images, and different scenes

The medieval Hindu temples in India and the Salt

from Ramayana, and Mahabharata. But in this tomb

Range exhibit alternating projections and recessions

it is adorned with vine leaf, geometric and epigraphic

in the walls which creates light and shade effect - a

designs.

significant feature of the medieval Hindu temple.

The three sets of minor mouldings are particularly

Although the major part of the walls of this tomb

noteworthy. The stepped triangle band can be

does not show projections but the division of the

juxtaposed with the stepped triangle band of the

walls into three panels creates the effect of central

Kallar temple. The diamond-shaped motifs, chess

projection (bhadra) with entrance flanked by blind

board pattern, the square block with floral pattern and

niches in smaller panels similar to pratiratha. At the

lozenge with perforated decorative design (kunjaraksa)

corners however, the walls show offset like karna of

used in an alternate manner are other antecedents

the Hindu temple.

copied by the architects of this tomb. The perforated

The entrance on each cardinal direction with

decorative design was used for the first time in the

sloping sides and trilobed arch is one of the most

Vishnu temple at Deogarh (Figure 19). It has also

conspicuous feature. The prominent batter of - 106 -


Figure 9 Sadan Shaheed Base moulding showing chess Pattern, scrolls dentils, kunjarakas

Figure 10 South Kafir Kot Pilasters with ghata-pallava capitals and thin pilasters with scrolls on shafts - 107 -

Farzand Masih

architecture. For instance dentils, saw tooth, capital with pipal leaves, thin brackets with voluted ends, etc., are the distinguished Gandharan elements blended in abundantly in the Hindu temples of the Salt Range. In addition to the above mentioned elements, they also demonstrate prominent batter in their walls and Figure 11 North Kafir Kot Stone block with kunjaraksa

sides of the entrances. The same tradition persisted

the walls and entrance is one of the diagnostic

in the temples of the 9th and 10th centuries, where

characteristic which remained in practice in the South

the entrance and the niches in the wall manifest

Asian subcontinent for more than a thousand years

prominent slope in their side walls (Masih 2000).

continuously before the creation of this marvelous

Consequently, it may be propounded confidently that

tomb. Mr. Flood writes, “The squat appearance of the

the tradition of sloping walls and entrances is a local

tomb and the slight batter of the lower walls is found

phenomenon instead of coming from Afghan and

to a greatest or lesser degree in a series of Afghan and

Central Asian monuments as suggested by Mr. Flood.

Central Asian funerary monuments, starting in the

The use of the trefoil arches is very common both

10th century with the tomb of Samanids in Bukhara”.

in the Gandhara stupas and the Salt Range Hindu

He further points out, “the lower walls of the tomb

temples. The trefoil arches of the Gandhara art are

finds a precedent in a stupa near Swat known as Balo

explicitly different from the trilobed arches of the Salt

Kile Gunbad, which has been dated as late as the eighth

Range temples. In the latter case the trilobed shape is

or ninth century”. The author however, does not fully

obtained by placing a chandrasala on top of the split

concede with Mr. Flood and speculates that the

chandrasala10). Further the Salt Range trefoil carries

tradition of sloping wall is not confined to the stupa

flanges on the sides and on the top as well. Whereas

referred to above. The best example in this regard

they are completely absent in the Gandhara trefoil. In

is the famous Buddhist complex at Takht-i Bahi in

the monument under discussion the trilobed top of

NWFP which testify prominent batter in the walls

the openings is also composed of complete and split

of the cells as well as in the side walls of the entrances

chandrasala with flanges on the top and sides similar

(Figure 13). This practice continued even after the

to the arches of the Salt Range temples and of western

vandalism of the Buddhist complexes by the White

India.

Huns in the 6th century. The only precedent which

Our proposal is further strengthened and enhanced

affirm the continuity of the Gandharan tradition is the

by the existence of elaborated trefoils surmounting the

Hindu temples in the Salt Range. These temples were

blind niches flanking the openings of the tomb. This is

associated with the Hindu Shahis and dated between

the gavaksa11) of the Hindu temples, an auspicious and

the 8th and 10th centuries. Now their fresh study and

essential symbol, used profusely in the ornamentation

excavations conducted at North Kafir Kot in 1998

of the Nagara style superstructure (Figure 14). In the

under the auspices of “Pakistan Heritage Society” have

Salt Range this motif has been employed either for

revealed that there are certain temples which were

decorating the curvilinear sikhara or in the pediments

constructed before the arrival of the Hindu Shahis in

above the true or false niches on the walls of the

the Salt Range, and can be dated between the 6th and

temple. In the temples the cavity of the gavaksa is

8th centuries. These temples of early phase incorporate

filled either with lotus or with gagaraka (dagger) and

several decorative and architectural elements which

sometime with kirtimukha. Whereas the cavity of

were once the integral part of the Gandhara art and

the gavaksa of the tomb contains either vegetal motif - 108 -


Figure 12 Sadan Shaheed The wall showing epigraphical band, blind niches, and entrance with sloping sides toped with trefoiled niche

or word Allah. Two other significant motifs which

band of small holes or sockets on each façade of the

embellish the pillars of the blind niches are capital

temple just below the varandika (Figure 15). Worth

with purnaghata or vase and foliage and amalaka.

mentioning are the two big holes in the front on

Both of these motifs, as already mentioned, are

either sides above the door opening. The author is of

indubitably auspicious symbols of the Hindu temples

the opinion that these holes or sockets were meant to

which further amplify and expatiate the congenital

fix the wooden rafters to provide the pillared portico

flavour of the tomb.

and wooden ambulatory roof in the front and along

These niches are supported by a set of moulding

the each façade respectively.

elaborated with chess board pattern, saw tooth,

Above the epigraphic friezes is a band of decorative

stepped and leaf designs. This is another echo of the

motifs which in fact are small niches with their cavities

decorative conventions which are usually encountered

filled in with word Allah and single wine leaf on the

in the Gandhara stupas and the Salt Range temples.

eastern and southern façade respectively. Expressing

Another significant feature is the small holes

his views about this motifs Engr. Talib Hussain writes,

furnished on the upper part of the each façade. Engr.

“on the top of the frame (epigraphic friezes) is a string

Talib Hussain identifies them as pigeonholes. In the

course and five merlons decorated with floral designs

Mughal period, these types of holes, no doubt, are

and the word “Allah” in Kufic character”. Mr. Flood

meant for lodging the pigeons. This tradition again

also identifies it as merlon and jotdowns, “above the

cannot be restricted solely to the buildings of the

entrances and niches of the faces recall the decoration

Islamic period. The Temples A and D in north and

of early Islamic buildings the context in which they

South Kafir Kot respectively in NWFP illustrates a

appear and the use of the single word Allah within them - 109 -

Farzand Masih

bring to mind the row of small image filled niches that often surmounted the entrance to the medieval Hindu temples of western India”. In this regard the author is of the view that although Mr. Flood has strived hard to establish the relation of this decorative feature with the Hindu temples of western India in a befitting manner, but he has completely omitted the facts that close to Sadan Shaheed Tomb to its north in the Salt Range, Temples A and B at Mari Indus and the brick

Figure 13 Takht-i-Bahi Chapel walls showing

temple at Kallar preserve the same tradition prevailed

prominent batter

in the 8th and 9th centuies respectively. Mr. Flood has rationally persuaded and established the links between the epigraphic tessellations of this tomb and monuments of the Ghaznavid and Ghurid periods in eastern Iran. It appears however, that the epigraphic bands represent the main stream calligraphic tradition of the 11th - 13th centuries Muslim world, particularly, those ornamented traditions coming from Central and Western Asia. Henceforth, we find in these inscriptional band that form important and integral part of architectural decoration of the façade of this magnificent tomb

Figure 14 Close view of gavaksa niche

imbued in floral and foliated motifs which is very nicely and wonderfully integrated in the over all aesthetic of the monument. About 40 km south-east of Multan at village KhatiChor, Tehsil Kabirwala, District Khanawal is another tomb decorated with cut bricks and associated with a certain saint named Khalid Walid (Figures 16). The monument overall, is in a much dilapidated stage. The only preserved and the most distinct past of the building is the mehrab-arch built on the western side of the tomb (Figure 17). The entire facing of the mehrab-arch and major parts of its interior have been faced with cut brick panels of different sizes and shapes having striking affinity with the cut brick technique and ornamentation of the Sadan Shaheed tomb. Particularly employment of ghatapallava capital, amalaka and trefoil arch procured by complete and half chandrasalas testify the taste

Figure 15 North Kafir Kot Varandika with holes

of the Ghurid architecture in the local architecture

for fixing wooden rafters

- 110 -


Figure 16 Khalid Walid A general view

Figure 17 Tomb of Khalid Walid Mehrab arch

decoration.

Figure 18 Pattan Minar Front view

centuries. The author based on his studies strongly

Further to the south of Multan in the district

believes that this much dilapidated monument is a

of Rahim Yar Khan is another important brick

true representative of Sekhari variety of Nagara style

monument known as Patan Minar (Vats 1930). This

temple (Figure 18). This category of Nagara style did

monument remained an enigma for the scholars

not exist before 10th century. The earliest example

till recent time. Local people attribute it with the

of this variety of Nagara style is the Nandana temple

period of Alexander the Great. Still other assume

belonging to the 10th and 11th centuries where the

that this could be a Buddhist stupa. According to Mr.

impression of the Sringas on the Sekhara represents

Flood this can be dated between the 9th and 10th

the beginning of Sekhari variety in the Salt Range - 111 -

Farzand Masih

Figure 19 Vishnu temple Deogarh Varandika with Kunjaraka

(Masih 2001). To the estimation of the author

Notes

the superstructure of the Patan Minar with well-

1) Chandar Bhaga in Sinsikrat and Akesines of Greeks.

developed urusringas attached with superstructure

2) The ancient names as recorded by Al-Beruni in his treatise

suggests the date of the monument not earlier than the 11th century. The author is further of the opinion that in addition to Kallar and other temples of the Salt Range, the Patan Minar and the vanished Sun temple of Multan (Farooq 1998) also created in bricks

compiled in AD 1030 are Kasyapapura, Hansapura, Bagapura and Sambapura. Sir A. Cunningham mentions the name of Prahladapura as well. The historians have also recorded the name of Hiranyakasipur for Multan. Further, the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang visited Multan in AD 641 and recorded it a big city of the Kingdom of Chekia or Tse-kia. The famous idol

were most probably the main sources of inspiration

of Multan enshrine in the Sun temple has been mentioned by

for the Ghurid architecture.

all the Arab Geographers and Historians.

Recently, discovery of another funerary monument

3) Published in Magazine section of The Pakistan Times on

with cut brick decoration in the area between Dunia

June 5, 1987.

Pur and Lodhra in Southern Punjab is new addition

4) At present working as Deputy Director of Punjab

in the list of Ghurid monument in southern Punjab

Directorate General of Archaeology, Lahore-Pakistan.

(Engr. Talib Hussain: personal communication). The monument is said to have great correspondence with the Sadan Saheed tomb both in style and decorative details. The discovery of now three Ghurid monuments with unmistakable stamp of the local

5) Former Director General of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Pakistan and a renowned authority on Islamic architecture. 6) A senior professor and former Chairman, Department of Archaeology, University of Peshawar. 7) Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, New York

Hindu architecture vouches for a distinct school of

University, USA.

architecture in south Punjab which unfortunately is

8) Ghata-pallava also known as purnakalasa, purnaghata and

still waiting for an exhaustive study.

mangalakalasa, is one of the eight auspicious symbols of the Indian classical art. It is a symbel of plenty and creativity. This symbol is normally associated with Lakshmi and with over flowing foliage composed of lotus buds, flowers and leaves. In the Salt Range this motif was used for first time in the temples

- 112 -


belonging to the 8th century. In the 10th century temples this

Chaghatai, M. Abdullah (1975) The Ancient Temple at Multan. Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 12:

motive has been used abundantly.

13-21.

In Vedic literature it is the symbol of life, the source of vegetation, a meaning that is still retained. The motif occurred

Cousens, Henry (1998) The Antiquities of Sindh. reprinted in Karachi.

in Indian art almost from its inception and has been used prominently in all periods. From the 5th century, the ghata-

Farooq, Abdul Aziz (1988) Mosque or Khalid Walid’s Tomb

pallava began to be used in architecture, particularly in

(A ghorid Monument, Khanewal District). Journal of

northern India, both as the base and capital of a pillar, and it

the Pakistan Historical Society 36: 243-54.

continued in such use until the 15th century.

Farooq, Abdul Aziz (1998) Sun Temple of Multan. Sohdra Gazette 13: 145-159.

9) Amalaka is a cogged ring stone used as crown of a Nagara temple. It is not only crown of the main Sikhara, but also of

Flood, Finbarr B. (2001) Ghurid Architecture in the Indus

every Manjari or Sruga that leans against the Mulamanjari.

Valley : The Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shahid. Art

Its function and meaning are two fold. It is the crown of the

Oriental 31: 129-166.

superstructure the sheath and the cogged ring around the

Khan, Ahmed Nabi (1987-88) Naked Brick Architecture of

internal pillar of the temple. As a crown it is the load stone

Early Islamic Period of Pakistan: An Analytical study.

which locks together the pile of the sikhara.

Pakistan Archaeology 23: 307-11.

Amalaka is also used as decorative motive, above the shaft

Khan, Ahmad Nabi (1989) The Musallah Mehrabs of

and below the capital. In the Salt Range it has been used in the

Thirteenth-Fourteenth centuries at Kabirwala and

Venukosa to indicate the bhumis of the sikhara. Occasionally, it

Pakpatan. Pakistan Archaeology 24: 239-45.

has also been used in the cavity of gavaksa. (Temple D innorth

Khan, Ahmed Nabi (1990), Islamic Architecture of Pakistan: An Analytical Exposition. Islamabad.

Kafir Kot and sub-shrines in south Kafir Kot) 10) The technique of obtaining trefoil arch can also be

Khan, Shahbaz and Farzand Masih (2000) Kallar - A Brick

observed in the contemporary Hindu temples of western

Temple. Journal of the Punjab University Historical

India.

Society 25: 105-110.

11) The gavaksa is actually a semi-circular opening of a

Masih, Farzand (1998) An Extant Hindu Temple at Nandana. Sohdra Gazette 13: 81-94.

thatched bamboo hut. It assumed a symbolic significance during Mauryan age. Being a semi-circular opening in the

Masih, Farzand (2000) Temples of Salt Range: Detailed

façade it functioned as a window and because it was in the

Analysis of their Architecture and Decorative Designs.

shape of an eye or curve it was designated as gavaksa (or

PhD dissertation submitted to Department of

eye of the cow). In Indian art it is also known as Chaitya

Archaeology, University of Peshawar.

window, horse-shoe kudu etc. It is widely used in architectural

Masih, Farzand (2001) Temples at North Kafir Kot. INDOKOKO-KENKYU 22: 101-122.

decoration in India in almost all periods and almost all regions. According to Coomaraswamy it constitutes a “Key

Meister, Michael W. (1996) Temples along the Indus. Expedition 38(3): 41-54.

for dating the monument”, In Salt Range temples this element has been used frequently and represent different stages of its

Meister, Michael W. and M.A . Dhaky (eds.) (1991) Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture Vol.II Part

evolution clearly which help out to date these temples.

2: North India Period of Early Maturity. American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi.

References Ali, Muhammad Laundkhore (1988) Visit to the Tomb of

Rehman, Abdur (1989) Saif ad-Dawla Mahmud and His Tomb in Zairan. Journal of Central Aisa 12(1): 79-88.

Shaikh Sadan Saheed. Archaeology 1(1): 60-61. Ali, Taj (1991) The Mihrab Inscription of the So-Called Tomb

Talbot, W.S. (1903) An Ancient Hindu Temple in the Punjab. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society : 335-338.

of Khalid Walid near Kabirwala (Khanewal District). Ancient Pakistan 7: 39-46.

Vats, Madho Sarup (1930) Pattan Munara. Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report 1926-27: 108-110.

Ali, Taj (1993) Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Saheed, its decorations. Ancient Pakistan 8: 133-139.

- 113 -

Farzand Masih

- 114 -

A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland

A history of fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland

Roger Blench

Kay Williamson Educational Foundation

Cambridge, UK

E-mail: [email protected] http://www.rogerblench.info/RBOP.htm

ABSTRACT The paper presents an overview of the history of the principal tree fruits grown on the Southeast Asian mainland, making use of data from biogeography, archaeobotany, iconography and linguistics. Many assertions in the literature about the origins of particular species are found to be without empirical basis. In the absence of other data, comparative linguistics is an important source for tracing the spread of some fruits. Contrary to the Pacific, it seems that many of the fruits we now consider characteristic of the region may well have spread in recent times.

INTRODUCTION

empirical base for Pacific languages is not matched for mainland phyla such as Austroasiatic, Daic, Sino-

This study

1)

is intended to complement a previous

Tibetan or Hmong-Mien, so accounts based purely

paper on the history of tree-fruits in island Southeast

on Austronesian tend to give a one-sided picture.

Asia and the Pacific (Blench 2005). Arboriculture

Although occasional detailed accounts of individual

is very neglected in comparison to other types of

languages exist (e.g. Vidal 1962 for Lao), without

crops, yet there is considerable cultural evidence that

comparative lexical databases this does not advance

fruits are significant both in terms of subsistence

the project. However, the diversity of language phyla

and in terms of symbolism. Compared to the Pacific,

on the Southeast Asian mainland will sometimes

archaeobotanical materials from mainland Southeast

allow us to unravel the routes whereby fruit

Asia remain slight and provide almost no pointers

cultivation spread through the analysis of loanwords

as to the history of fruit cultivation (cf. Bellwood

(e.g. Mahdi 1998).

1997; Kyle Latinis 2000; Higham 2002; Glover and

DNA analysis of the affinities of tropical fruiting

Bellwood 2004). Current ethnographic practice is

genera has only just begun, but we may well expect the

important, but recent decades have seen a massive

results to emend or revise radically the conclusions of

growth in the commercial fruit trade, and many

phenotypic analyses, as in the case of the persimmon,

species offered in markets today have spread recently

where Yonemori et al. (1998) showed from the

obscuring a more ‘traditional’ repertoire of tree-crops.

amplified cpDNA of Diospyros spp. in Thailand that

As a consequence, comparative linguistics is a useful

its affinities were quite different from those proposed

tool in understanding the history of fruits. By tracing

in Ng (1975, 1976).

the names of fruits across languages it is possible

The literature on the tropical fruits of Southeast

to gain some idea of their antiquity and the routes

Asia is dominated by work aimed at producers and

by which they have spread. The relatively strong

marketers, principally in the United States. As a - 115 -

Roger Blench

consequence, it is replete with doubtful transcriptions

1976), Chin and Yong (1982), Morton (1987),

of vernacular names and unsupported assertions as

Corner (1988), Eisemann and Eisemann (1988), Piper

to the origin of many fruit-trees. Much of the data

(1989), Verheij and Coronel (1992), Othman and

gleaned from handbooks, even those compiled by

Subardhabandhu (1995), Tirtawinata et al. (1995),

reputable agencies, is simply repeated from earlier

CIFOR (1996), Hutton (1996), Fernandez (1997),

treatises and is without empirical foundation.

Walter and Sam (1999 [2002]), Tate (2000), Puri

In particular, the ‘distribution’ often given does

(2001), Jensen (2001), Subhadrabandhu (2001) and

not clearly distinguish a centre of origin from a

Mazumdar (2004). Some of these accounts are more

translocated nucleus. Admittedly this is a distinction

scientific than others, and many include statements

often hard to make, and there is a considerable

about the origins of fruit species that are highly

literature on the potential for oceanic dispersal of

speculative.

some species. This lack of precision in the sources

The botanical definition of a fruit is broadly the

should be borne in mind when assessing the claims

seed-bearing part of the plant and by this definition

below.

most fruits are small, inedible and often toxic. Nuts

The most significant early writer on useful plants in

are similarly the seeds inside the fruits. This paper uses

this region was G.E. Rumphius (1628-1702) (Figure

a more colloquial idea of a fruit as a plant product

1), whose masterpiece, Herbarium amboinense,

with edible flesh and possibly edible seeds, thereby

was only finally published in 1741-55. Rumphius

including some species with edible nuts. The list

(a Latinisation of Dutch Rumpf ) was the first to

includes fruits which are cultivated at least in some

describe and depict many of the important useful

localities and those which are more than simply

plants of the region and to make notes on their

famine foods. In this paper I have confined the listing

regional distribution. The work of Da Orta (1563)

to fruit-trees, thus omitting for example, the banana,

concerns India, but he makes many useful statements

but also the many trees protected and cultivated for

about the trade in fruits in the region. In the last few

other reasons. Fruit-bearing cultivated and wild vines

decades, there has been an expansion of reference

such as the water-melon are also excluded.

material on Southeast Asian fruits, notably Ng (1975,

NOTES ON INDIVIDUAL SPECIES The Appendix Table lists all the major fruit-tree species, with vernacular names in the principal languages of mainland Southeast Asia, where these can be determined. The following notes provide a brief commentary on these species. Scientific names are not very stable, as witness the recent change of Eugenia spp. to Syzygium spp., so I have tried to use the most authoritative ones available. Bael (Aegle marmelos Correa) The bael grows wild from central and southern India across to the dipterocarp forests of Southeast Asia Figure 1 G.E. Rumphius (1628-1702)

(Morton 1987: 187-190; Sunarto 1992) and may - 116 -


have originated in the Himalayan foothills. Bael

transmission around the region is unrecorded, but in

wood charcoal occurs in Neolithic contexts in the

Thai the pineapple is compared to the jackfruit.

middle Ganges (1900-1300 BC) (Saraswat 2004: 519). The bēl tree is cultivated throughout India,

Soursop (Annona muricata L.)

mainly in temple gardens, is both treated as sacred

Sweetsop (Annona squamosa L.)

and has extensive medicinal uses. The Sanskrit name,

Bullock heart (Annona reticulata L.)

bilva, may itself be derived from a Dravidian language

All three cultivated Annona spp. originate in tropical

(e.g. Tamil vilvam (வில்வம்)). Distinct roots exist for

America, particularly the West Indies and the adjacent

bael in south, south-central and north Dravidian

mainland. The soursop may have been first brought to

(Burrow and Emeneau 1984: 1591, 1725, 3949)

Southeast Asia not by the Spanish but by the Dutch,

pointing to an introduction after the splitting up the

as the Malay name, durian belanda, means ‘Dutch

family into modern branches. The Malay name, bilak,

durian’. There has been some controversy over the

derives directly from Sanskrit and the tree was almost

antiquity of Annona spp. due to excavation reports of

certainly brought to Java with the Hindu presence

its early presence in India (see Saraswat and Pokharia

from the sixth century, when it appears to have spread

1999) but Asouti and Fuller (2007: 77) support the

eastwards to the lesser Sundas. The Thai, Lao and

conventional view of a post-Portuguese introduction.

Vietnamese names are all etymologically related and

Burkill (1936: 167) gives a name, naŋka manila,

it is possible the bael spread independently in this

suggesting that the soursop may also have been

region. The Portuguese early recognised the medicinal

brought across the Pacific by the Spanish. The names

value of the bael and it is first referred to in 1563

for A. reticulata and A. squamosa are intriguing, since

(Burkill 1936: 56).

they relate to the scientific name, Annona, which itself appears to derive from an Amerindian word.

Cashew (Anacardium occidentale L.)

Lonang for A. reticulata simply exchanges the initial

The cashew is native to a wide swathe of Amazonia,

n- for l-. The Thai names are borrowings from Malay,

but the domestic types now grown worldwide

re-analysed as Thai words. Burmese, Khmer and

originate in northeast Brazil, whence the name, taken

Vietnamese terms all recognise these three fruits are

from Tupi caju (Cundall 1995). It was spread by the

from the same family but do not borrow from Malay.

Portuguese throughout the Southeast Asian region,

The Chinese treat the sweetsop as the fān lì zhī, 番荔

but apparently initially as a soil improver. It was later

枝 , or ‘foreign litchi’.

valued for the fruit, and only recently for the nut, which is now a major item of international trade

Bignay, Chinese laurel, currant tree, salamander tree

( Johnson 1973). In Burmese, Khmer and Thai, the

(Antidesma bunius Spreng.)

cashew is compared to the mango, but in Malay it is

The natural distribution of the bignay is from the

treated as a kind of Syzygium sp. (jambu).

Himalayas to northern Queensland, although it is absent in the Malay peninsula and is cultivated rather

Pineapple (Ananas comosus (L.) Merr.)

than wild in much of mainland Southeast Asia.

Like the cashew, the pineapple was transported from

One of the earliest authors to describe it, Rumphius

the Amazon with its Tupi name, nana, which was

(1741), proposed its translocation in prehistory from

borrowed into Portuguese and thence into Malay.

the mainland to the islands. The unrelated names in

It was probably first brought to Southeast Asia in

the main Southeast Asian languages also point to its

the seventeenth century. The exact history of its

ancient establishment throughout the region. - 117 -

Roger Blench

Luk-nieng (Archidendron jiringa ( Jack) I. C. Nielsen)

regarded betel chewing as characteristic of Indochina.

Archidendron jiringa is a cultivated fruit tree occurring

Denham (2004) suggests that areca nuts occurring

wild from southern Thailand into Malaysia and the

at Kuk swamp in New Guinea were part of an early

Indonesian islands. Its exact origin is unknown but

agricultural system. Mahdi (1998) has discussed

it appears to have been translocated in prehistoric

the linguistic evidence for these two plants. Malay

times. It can be eaten raw as a vegetable but has an

pinaŋ for areca is widely reflected in the Austronesian

objectionable smell and so is often boiled several

world, and proto-Chamic is also *pināŋ. Chinese

times before eating. The Burmese name appears to be

bīn láng (槟榔), first attested in 110 BC, is probably

borrowed from Thai.

borrowed from a Western Austronesian language. Figure 2 shows what is most probably an areca palm

Areca nut (Areca catechu L.)

on the Bayon at Angkor in Cambodia, indicating its

The areca nut is most commonly chewed today

importance by the twelfth century.

together with betel pepper (Piper betle L.) but the two plants have very different geographical origins.

Breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis (Parkinson) Fosberg.)

The areca nut occurs across a wide area of Southeast

The breadfruit was domesticated in New Guinea

Asia and the Pacific and also in India, where it may

(Ragone 1997: 18). Seeded breadfruit occurs wild

be translocated (Bavappa and Nair 1978). Areca

only in New Guinea where it is a dominant member

palm is one of the few species for which there are

of secondary lowland forests. Although transmitted

some archaeobotanical materials; betel staining was

widely throughout the Pacific in prehistoric times, it

detected on teeth at the Nui Nap burial in Vietnam

may well have only spread westward in the last few

some 2000-2400 BP (Oxenham et al. 2002). These

centuries. Crawfurd (1820: 413) argued that it has

authors also note that contemporary Chinese sources

spread to Java from the Moluccas as a result of trade in the previous century. The Malay names distinguish between seeded (kelur) and unseeded (sukun) types and the name for the seeded type seems to have been borrowed into Thai and thence into Khmer. Jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus, Lam.) Chempedak (Artocarpus integer Merr.) There are two cultivated jackfruits, Artocarpus heterophyllus, the jackfruit proper, which is native to India and the chempedak which is probably indigenous to the Malay peninsula ( Jansen 1992a). Wood charcoal from the jackfruit has been identified in the central Ganges valley from the Senuwar period II (1300-700 BC) (Saraswat 2004). Despite the repeated claims of an introduction from India to Southeast Asia (e.g. Burkill 1936: 255; Tate 2000) the indigenous names for jackfruit do not support this. The linguistic evidence suggests two separate centres

Figure 2 ? Areca palm on the Bayon

of domestication, one in India, whence the #panas - 118 -


and #katahal roots derive, and another in Southeast 3

Asia (probably the Malay peninsula), representing the nangka/khanun roots. Table 1 shows a conspectus of Asian names for jackfruit; Table 1 Vernacular Asian names for jackfruit India Tamil Telugu Kannada

Attestation palaa பலா panasa halasina hannu

Malayalam chakka

East and SE Asia Attestation Malay nangka Tagalog langka Lao mak mii Thai

khà nˇoon ขนุน

Hindi Marathi Oriya

katahala कटहल Burmese Khmer phanas panasa Vietnamese

pein nei khnaor mít

Sinhala

kos

Chinsese

bō luó mì 菠萝蜜

Bhojpuri Bengali

katahar kãţhal কাঁঠাল

Korean

ba ra mil 바라밀

3

Figure 3 ? Jackfruit on the Bayon

The origin of the bilimbi is probably the Moluccas, but today it is cultivated throughout the region. It easily escapes from cultivation and is found semi-

#panas is originally of probable Dravidian origin (cf.

wild in much of South Asia. The Malay name is

the Telugu name) but would have been borrowed

almost certainly borrowed from names widespread

early into Indo-Aryan, as it is attested in both Sanskrit

in island Southeast Asia and probably borrowed into

and Pali as well as some modern Indian languages. It

Thai, although the ta- prefix is somewhat mysterious.

was also borrowed into Burmese, though probably

Khmer has apparently borrowed the name from

from a modern language such as Oriya rather than

Thai. The spread of the bilimbi across to India with

Pali. The Malay name nangka is not of Sanskrit origin,

the Malay name intact presumably dates from the

and neither are the other regional names. It seems

trade contacts that brought the bael in the opposite

likely that the Thai name is a metathesis of Malay,

direction. The carambola appears to reconstruct in Tai

thus nang + ka becomes kha + non and that this is

languages and may well have been spread originally by

then borrowed into Khmer as khnaor. Lao mi and

its speakers. It seems to have made the same journey

Vietnamese mit are clearly cognate and the likely

as the bilimbi, since not long after the Portuguese

source of the Chinese name (bō luó mì 菠萝蜜 )

became established, Da Orta (1563) recorded

which was in turn borrowed into Korean. The English

it growing in Goa. It must therefore have been

name ‘jack’ is from Portuguese jaca, which in turn

translocated to India considerably before the sixteenth

derives from Malayalam chakka.

century.

The fame of the jackfruit spread early, as it is referred to a Chinese account of Malacca from 1416

Rambai (Baccaurea motleyana Muell. Arg)

and was apparently known to Pliny. The jackfruit was

The rambai originated in Indonesia and Malaysia

probably carried to the East African coast by Indian

and seems to have spread northwards to Thailand

traders, for both Malagasy finésy and Swahili finesi

only recently, where the local name associates it with

appear to derive from a panasa form (perhaps Telugu).

foreigners (perhaps the Portuguese?).

Figure 3 shows a probable representation of either jackfruit or cempedak on the Bayon.

Burmese grape (Baccaurea ramiflora Lour.) The origin of the Burmese grape is uncertain, as it

Bilimbi (Averrhoa bilimbi L.)

is found in cultivation from Nepal to the Andaman

Carambola, star-fruit (Averrhoa carambola Linn.)

islands and into Indonesia. Most researchers guess - 119 -

Roger Blench

that it must be somewhere on the Southeast Asian

fruit. It was also Spaniards who carried seeds to the

mainland or perhaps China, since it is common in

Philippines about 1550 and the papaya diffused both

Yunnan. All the vernacular names are completely

to the remainder of Southeast Asia and to India.

different from one another, suggesting a long

A version of the word papaya still survives in the

establishment in the region.

Philippines, where the fruit is known as kapaya and similar names. Hindi papītā (पपीता) is presumably

Sugar palm, Palmyra palm, Toddy palm

also from the same, ultimately Spanish source. Burkill

(Borassus flabellifer L.)

(1936: 465) explains that the papaya became known

The sugar palm is apparently identical to the African B.

in Bali as gedang castela, ‘Spanish banana’, and the

aethiopum, and its ultimate origin is disputed. It seems

castela element became in turn Malay ketala. The Thai

to be indigenous to Malesia as well as India, to judge

name also appears to refer to the route of the diffusion

by the incidence of wild stands. However, it seems that

of the papaya, deriving from Malacca, the Portuguese

it was only perceived as useful in Southeast Asia as a

trading town.

consequence of the Hindu impact, as the indigenous names derive from Sanskrit. A similar root occurs

Star-apple (Chrysophyllum cainito L.)

throughout Dravidian (Burrow and Emeneau 1984:

The origin of the star apple is uncertain; it was

2)

2599 ) and this was probably borrowed into Sanskrit.

formerly thought to be indigenous to Central America

Curiously, its original use was not those for it is most

but may well be from the Caribbean (De la Cruz

known today, roofing, sugar and toddy, but as dried

1992). It probably spread to the east coast of tropical

leaves for writing material. The Malay name, lontar,

America in pre-Columbian times and was brought

derives from a metathesis of Sanskrit (tāla, ताल, ‘palm’

to Southeast Asia by the Spanish in the sixteenth

+ ron ‘leaf ’) and variants of this occur along the island

century. The Malay name borrows directly from the

chain as far as Timor (Burkill 1936: 350). Moreover,

common Spanish name, while the Thai name looks

indigenous names throughout Southeast Asia and in

suspiciously like a loan from English, so its spread

China are variants on the same lon + tar formulation,

in the region may well be recent. The Khmer name

including the metathesis, arguing that they all derive

means ‘cow’s milk’, referring to the milky fluid exuded

from the same period of contact.

when the fruit is cut open.

Gandaria, Marian plum (Bouea macrophylla Griff.)

Citrus spp.

The gandaria is native to north Sumatra, Peninsular

The taxonomy of wild and cultivated Citrus spp.

Malaysia and west Java (Rifai and Kartawinata 1991)

remains problematic, both due to outcrossing and

and is grown as a fruit tree in Thailand and Sumatra.

habitat destruction leading to uncertain distributional

The Khmer name is apparently borrowed from Thai.

data. Saraswat (1997) reports C. lemon from the late

The date and direction of its spread is unknown.

Harappan (Baran phase) site of Sanghol in Punjab (early second millennium BC) but the species

Papaya (Carica papaya L.)

identification is questionable (Asouti and Fuller

The papaya is probably native to Central America,

2007).

but was carried to other parts of tropical America and the Caribbean by the Spanish in the early sixteenth

Lime (Citrus aurantifolia Swingle)

century (De Oviedo y Valdés 1535; Storey 1976).

Lemon (Citrus × limon (L.) Burm.f.)

Papaya itself derives from an Arawakan word for the

The origin of the lime and lemon remains doubtful - 120 -


but they were probably both developed from the

indica is known in the Garo language as memaŋ

citron (Citrus medica) which may be native to a zone

naraŋ, which could possibly be one of the sources of

from the central Himalayas to Yunnan (Gaoligong

the widespread names for ‘orange’ (e.g. Portuguese

Mountains). That #lim- is root reflected in Malay and

naranja). There is no clear evidence for the date of its

in many Austronesian languages, suggests that it an

spread.

old cultigen. Mahdi (1998) noted the Sanskrit nimbū in the Rājanighant u (1235-1250 AD), although

Sweet orange (Citrus sinensis)

this might have been borrowed from Dravidian, for

Almost all sources agree that the sweet orange was

example Tulu nimbε. It was presumably borrowed

domesticated in China although its ultimate source

into Persian limu, ‫ومیل‬, and thence to English ‘lime’.

may be C. indica, as with the mandarin orange (see

Whether the Thai name, naw, also reflects Malay

above). Although the sweet orange only reached

limaw, is uncertain, as names for the lime fall under

Europe in the fourteenth century, it seems to have

general terms for citrus spp. Nonetheless, the lime is

become widespread in Southeast Asia before that.

a good candidate for the return voyage to the coasts

Chinese chéng ( 橙 ) appears to be the source of

of Southeast India from the Malay peninsular, along

many terms in Southeast Asia, for example Lao kièŋ,

with the noni.

Vietnamese cam, Burmese thung. Others, like the

3

3

generic Khmer kro:c for citrus spp. derive from preKaffir lime (Citrus hystrix D.C.)

existing wild citrus species. One Malay name, limau

The origin of the unfortunately named Kaffir lime

wangkang, appears to refer to a Chinese provenance.

is generally given as Malesia or Southeast Asia but

Paradoxically, Malay limau is borrowed into modern-

beyond that it seems to be uncertain. It is grown in

day Chinese níng méng ( 柠檬 ) (

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