Lifelong learning and development: a southern perspective

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Author: Julia Preece

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Lifelong Learning and Development

Also available in the Continuum Studies in Educational Research Series: Education in Hegel – Nigel Tubbs Childhood and the Philosophy of Education – Andrew Stables Rethinking Citizenship Education – Tristan McCowan Citizenship Education in Japan – Norio Ikeno Learning Communities and Imagined Social Capital – Jocey Quinn Children’s Lives, Children’s Futures – Paul Croll Teaching Creativity – Derek Pigrum

Lifelong Learning and Development A Southern Perspective

Julia Preece

Continuum Studies in Educational Research

Continuum International Publishing Group The Tower Building 80 Maiden Lane 11 York Road Suite 704 London, SE1 7NX New York, NY 10038 www.continuumbooks.com © Julia Preece 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Julia Preece has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: 9781847062918 (hardcover) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Preece, Julia. Lifelong learning and development: a southern perspective/Julia Preece. p. cm. -- (Continuum studies in educational research) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-84706-291-8 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-4411-4334-1 (e-book) 1. Adult education--Economic aspects--Developing countries. 2. Adult education–Economic aspects--Southern Hemisphere. 3. Continuing education–Economic aspects--Developing countries. 4. Continuing education–Economic aspects--Southern Hemisphere. I. Title. II. Series. LC5261.P74 2009 338.4’337491724--dc21 2009003133

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I dedicate this book to my father Peter Preece. He probably does not agree with one word of what I have written but it is partly thanks to him that I made my first journey to Africa some ten years ago, a continent that has captured my heart.

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Contents

Foreword Preface Acknowledgements

ix xiii xv

1. Introduction 2. Postcolonial perspectives 3. Historical and philosophical foundations for lifelong learning: perspectives from the South 4. Development and lifelong learning 5. Globalization – implications for lifelong learning in the South 6. Lifelong learning in the South in the digital age 7. Feminist perspectives on lifelong learning 8. Case studies – Pakistan and India 9. Case studies – Tanzania and Lesotho 10. Lifelong learning and development – moving forward

1 17 33 50 67 84 101 117 135 153

Notes References Index

164 165 179


Foreword

In his recent publication Gentle Action: Bringing Creative Change to a Turbulent World, physicist and philosopher David Peat (2008) puts a powerful but compelling case for gentle action as a more effective, non-invasive way of bringing about positive, engaged and sustainable change. Peat also highlights the many cases in which rigidity and failure to understand complexities have resulted in disastrous results from well-meaning interventions from local to international levels. This book on Lifelong Learning and Development evokes a similar case for engaged social action without any pretensions to providing ultimate solutions. Throughout the book, Julia Preece holds our hands and walks us carefully through a complex array of standpoints: globalization, postcolonial theory, African Renaissance, regional and international development protocols, gender and feminist perspectives, African indigenous philosophies and values, a critique of development, open and distance learning . . . All in an effort to take us into the inside of a case she is determined to make . . . which is a case for the social purpose of lifelong learning. The book acknowledges that lifelong learning is not an easy topic, and has, in many instances been quite an elusive one. Paradigmatic shifts and switches between education and learning have often occurred when many countries in the global South are still locked in higher and more complex battles with the highly invasive, and still overwhelming presence of the western paradigm that continues to determine the apparatus for value-coding in every capillary of their lives. Somewhere between the tensions in citizenship as civic knowledge for electoral purposes, and effective, lived capability to propose and demand action lies the critical intellect of this author who presents us with this theoretical and conceptual critique of the core discourses surrounding and shaping the lifelong learning discourse. Doing this from the perspective of the global South no doubt posits its own challenges at this point in time. In generational terms, the twenty-first century is one in which the voice of human agency is emerging from the

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Foreword

margins, forcing into the mainstream both critical and constructive perspectives that are facilitating the gradual transformation of ethos, ethics and practices. Strong development perspectives on the relationship between the North and the South, between mainstream science systems and the suppressed ‘others’, and a distinct tone of defiance and impatience begins to ring out at the default drive in contemporary practices that endorsed indifference as its core philosophy. In many parts of the global South, there is an emerging realization that new directions in the philosophy and sociology of development, of science, and of intellectual practice today are emerging, not from the academia but from questions raised by grassroots movements, making knowledge an intrinsic part of democratic politics. It is within these emergent perspectives that propositions for indigenous directed partnerships, an integrative paradigm shift, and renegotiation of human agency are being articulated (see Odora Hoppers 2008, Fatnowna and Pickett 2002, Prakash 1995). This cannot make it easy for an academic whose blood identity is not from Africa or the global South. The question then becomes, how does a human being with a different origin enter an arena of evident marginalization and participate fully in the project of human emancipation? To me, the answer lies in Martin Luther King Jr’s assertions that change does not roll in on the wheels of inevitability but comes through struggle. Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable. Every step towards the goals of justice requires sacrifice and struggle, tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals. It is here that we find Preece’s dedicated commitment to stand on the side of the dispossessed, the subaltern, and from there, invest in this profound exploration around the question of lifelong learning and development at this point in time. She of course recognizes the impact that colonization and the inherent violence of dispossession have had on people’s identities, cultures and life experiences. But what she does is to posit this understanding against the complexities of institutional structures, textual representations and power relations that are responsible for reproducing that vicarious domination, and that works to consistently make its true cruelty appear as benevolence under the rubric and pretensions of ‘development’. How then can indigenous values, ways of knowing and seeing enter into the play in a manner that can influence the contemporary moment? The answer to this lies in undertaking a comprehensive and multifaceted exploration in which both the structural and the personal, the philosophical and the pragmatic can be tossed into one stage, and made naked so that the citizen can at last begin to understand their true dimensions. It is only

Foreword

xi

when this mask is removed that authentic contemplation of the possibilities can be undertaken. Postcolonialism then becomes more than post-structuralism. It is simultaneously a political philosophy and a strategic project of re-historicizing the lived worlds of the dispossessed millions and insertion of new texts, registers and discourses. In Julia Preece’s ever conscientious and optimistic eyes, contemporary positions are neither monolithic nor static. They are fluid and ever changing. The challenge for lifelong learning in the global South, is for it to not only recognize the degree to which education systems in the former colonies are still dominated by ideologies, curricular orientations, pedagogies and policies that are compliant with the colonial Metropole but also to undertake systematic efforts to dislodge this default drive. As she has stated, citing Audrey Lorde: The master’s tools can never dismantle the master’s house. In this book, she has definitely made her choice. Revitalization of the mind requires a revitalization of language as the pathway to revitalizing thought and contributing to the ecology of mind in a different dispensation. This book on lifelong learning and development is an exercise in precisely this! Catherine Odora Hoppers

References Fatnowna, S. and Pickett, H. (2002), ‘The place of indigenous knowledge systems in the post-postmodern integrative paradigm shift’, in Odora Hoppers, C. (ed.), Indigenous Knowledge and the Integration of Knowledge Systems: Towards a Philosophy of Articulation. Claremont: New African Books Ltd., pp. 209–236. Odora Hoppers, C. A. (2008), Education, Culture and Society in a Globalizing World: Implications for Comparative and International Education. Keynote address at the British Association for International and Comparative Education annual conference on Internationalisation in Education: Culture, Context and Difference. Kelvin Conference Centre, University of Glasgow. 4–6 September 2008. Peat, D. (2008), Gentle Action: Bringing Creative Change to a Turbulent World. Pari: Pari Publications. Prakash, G. (1995), ‘Introduction: after colonialism’, in Prakash, G. (ed.), After Colonialism. Imperial Histories and Post-Colonial Displacements. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, pp. 3–20.


Preface

My motive for writing this book derives from several different sources. In 2003 Maria Torres wrote a powerful critique of the way lifelong learning appears to be promoted as an educational discourse for the ‘North’ (those advanced industrialized countries that are commonly characterized as OECD countries) while the educational discourse for the ‘South’ (those formerly colonized countries that are at the bottom of World Bank development index league tables)1 is largely confined to basic education. The second stimulus came from my reading of a text from the Southern African Development Community’s Technical Committee on Lifelong Education and Training. Its definition of lifelong learning seemed to offer a distinctive perspective that I felt was missing in documents such as the European Memorandum on Lifelong Learning. A further stimulus came from various literatures related to the African Renaissance and traditional lifelong learning histories of continents like Africa and South Asia. These observations were enhanced by reading the literature that documents ongoing tensions between a broad, social purpose concept of lifelong learning and the narrower skills-for-human-capital focus, manifested throughout academic and policy documents in the ‘North’. Finally, while some of the social trends that have prompted the lifelong learning agenda are identified as relevant beyond the northern hemisphere (see, for instance, Youngman 2002), there are a number of distinctive development issues that require more focused and context specific attention to how lifelong learning should be developed in different regions. Lifelong learning does exist in the South and is constantly changing informally, but it needs to take different forms to enable people to participate more effectively in their own and wider societies. In recent years, there have been some efforts, largely through UNESCO, to begin to formulate ideas about a lifelong learning policy agenda for formerly colonized countries. This debate has been further stimulated as we approach the preparation phases for the sixth International Conference on Adult Education (CONFINTEA VI) to be organized by UNESCO in May 2009.

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However, many of the publications related to countries classified in the Human Development Index as ‘developing’ have been criticized for not providing a conceptual analysis of lifelong learning that is grounded in theoretical or philosophical underpinnings. This book is a response to those concerns. It is based on my own perceptions that the spiritual and philosophical traditions of some southern nations that embrace concepts such as the collective and interconnectedness rather than individualism auger an inherently different vision for lifelong learning. This vision may also resonate with many writers in the global ‘North’. But it may be easier to capture in societies whose philosophical heritage is grounded in a different history. Perhaps there is potential to draw on this heritage to argue for a distinctive perspective for lifelong learning that acknowledges the present realities of globalization and development, but which also recognizes the influence of pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial experiences on current identities. In so doing, maybe a more relevant and self-sustaining vision for lifelong learning can emerge. In writing this book I must, however, acknowledge one obvious caveat. I am a white European. Although I have now either lived or worked in Africa since the year 2000, and listened to arguments and debates at international conferences from the formerly colonized countries, I cannot pretend to truly ‘know’ or speak for the multitude of voices in the global South. This book is an interpretation, an attempt to contextualize and theorize some of the concerns and debates that are currently simmering among the more marginalized populations. In the process of writing, I am conscious that there are tensions between embracing indigenous philosophical world views and the hybrid nature of the contemporary world that evoke many contradictions and questions. I have tried to recognize these tensions, but my focus is primarily on drawing attention to perspectives that are less frequently acknowledged. Finally, a point of semantics. Shorthand terms such as ‘developing countries’ the global ‘North’ and the global ‘South’, ‘low income’ countries, ‘advanced industrialized’ countries all create their own hidden agendas for meaning. In the absence of any universally agreed term for those countries which have been colonized and continue to be subjected to dominance by international donor agencies I prefer to use the terms ‘South’ and ‘North’ or ‘West’ since these are the words that Maria Torres and others from the South use most frequently. These terms have symbolic representation, rather than geographical accuracy. I use the term more in a political sense – to illustrate different perspectives and to highlight the need to recognize diversity and marginalization.

Acknowledgements

A book is never a single author endeavour. I would like to express my gratitude to colleagues in the Department of Adult Education at the National University of Lesotho for generously granting me time, during my first year of appointment, to write most of the chapters. In particular I wish to single out Manthoto Lephoto who kindly read each draft chapter in turn, providing valuable feedback and encouragement. Chapters 8 and 9 would have been impossible without the support of particular individuals. First, Salma Maoulidi from Tanzania who so kindly posted a range of literature that provided the basis for my analysis of the Tanzanian context; and second Shaheen Attiq-ur Rahman from the NGO Bunyad in Pakistan, along with her family and colleagues who shared with me their time, humanity and resources in order to ensure I had a comprehensive understanding of this remarkable project. My appreciation also goes to Shirley Walters of the University of the Western Cape in South Africa and Stanley Mpofu of the University of Zimbabwe who both so willingly agreed to read the full set of drafts before I made my final manuscript submission. Any errors remaining are of my own making. My special thanks goes to Catherine Odora Hoppers, a writing giant in the area of indigenous knowledge and African perspectives, for so unwaveringly agreeing to write the foreword for this book before she had even started to read the chapters. That is trust indeed, and a great honour for me. Lastly I wish to express my thanks to Anthony Hayes of the Professional and Higher Partnership. Without his invitation to produce the book in the first place, coupled with prompt feedback after every chapter, I doubt I would ever have considered such an undertaking. It has been a rewarding experience for me. I have learned a lot and very much enjoyed the writing process.


Chapter 1

Introduction

Lifelong learning (LLL) has been acknowledged as a need and a principle for education and learning systems worldwide, and is being actively embraced by the North for its own societies. However, LLL remains an uneasy topic for national governments in the South and for international cooperation agencies which continue to prescribe narrow basic education ceilings for poor countries. Torres 2003:20

The essence of this book is to respond to the above concern, expressed by Maria Torres in her study of the status and current trends in adult basic education in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Adult education is not the only aspect of lifelong learning, of course, but it is the locus for much of the literature on this topic. In this opening chapter I outline the context and discussion arenas in the South for lifelong learning. I start by briefly summarizing how lifelong learning evolved in the North and some of the semantic tensions surrounding ongoing debates. I then review some lifelong learning discourses in the South, and the core concerns that those debates highlight, including some key conferences where these issues are discussed. I critique the World Bank’s recently articulated agenda for lifelong learning and development vis-à-vis voices from the South that identify the need to respect broader development challenges. In the last section I summarize how the book will position its own agenda for lifelong learning through the theoretical and conceptual positions of the ensuing chapters. My core argument is that in spite of the influence of international aid agencies for pursuing narrow, neo-liberal, market-focused goals for lifelong learning, it should be possible for countries in the South to articulate a coherent vision for their own learning societies that embrace indigenous philosophical world views, but in a way that also recognizes the hybrid nature of the contemporary world. In so doing, perhaps countries in the

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South can have a voice on the world stage that contributes to both theorizing and operationalizing lifelong learning for all.

Lifelong learning in the North The conceptualization and operationalization of lifelong learning has evolved over a number of decades. Literature from Europe claims a long pedigree of ownership over the concept itself, dating back to a British policy document for adult education by the Ministry of Reconstruction in 1919, where education was identified as a necessarily continuing aspect of life. Two key texts, among others, are often cited, starting with Lindeman in 1926 and Yeaxlee in 1929 as being the first people to write about learning for life. More recently two UNESCO commissioned reports: Faure et al.’s (1972) Learning to Be (with a focus on lifelong education ‘for both developed and developing countries’ p. 182) and the DeLors (1996) Report Learning the Treasure Within (denoting the conceptual transition to lifelong learning) are seen as instrumental to progressing this topic during the latter part of the twentieth century. These reports are still cited globally in defence of a broad vision for lifelong and life-wide learning on the grounds of equity and quality of life (see Medel-Añonuevo 2001 for example, in relation to South Asia, and 2006 in relation to Africa). The reports denote learning that takes place from cradle to grave and that occurs across the whole spectrum of life experiences, encapsulated in the De Lors Report concepts: learning to be, to do, to know and to live together. These documents advocate lifelong learning for both ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries. However, Medel-Añonuevo (2006) points out that while the nineties saw a re-emergence of lifelong learning discourses in the North they coincided with a UNESCO world conference Education for All in Jomtien in 1990. This conference introduced a range of goals which came to be known as the EFA goals. They followed the principles of lifelong learning by identifying targets for early childhood education, universal primary education, life skills, literacy and gender equality. However, since many of the targets specifically related to countries receiving international development aid, EFA became the discourse for the South, while lifelong learning was adopted as the discourse for the North. This chapter will refer later to this phenomenon in its analysis of some key conferences. The impetus for these UNESCO documents holds true today. They were based on an identified need for continuous learning to equip people with the resources to deal with a fast changing and uncertain world: the need to

Introduction

3

update skills, knowledge and understanding in response to changing labour markets, new technologies and the increasing economic competitiveness of this globalized world. The UNESCO publications followed a broadly social agenda designed to embrace equity and capture the notion of all kinds of learning for all ages and beyond formal provision, for economic growth and social development. Lifelong learning would be a key instrument for developing a learning society which would embrace new forms of learning and ways to formally recognize that learning. Documents from the Organisation for Economic Community Development (OECD) during the 1970s, (for example OECD 1973) however, promoted the term recurrent education in support of economic growth and particularly the preparation of workers through on-the-job training and the idea of full-time education in later life, though by 1996 the OECD was also using the term lifelong learning. When the European Memorandum for Lifelong Learning came onto the scene in 2000, lifelong learning and its dual relationship to citizenship and employment were synergistically combined. The definition in 2000 was as follows: [A]ll purposeful activity, undertaken on an ongoing basis with the aim of improving knowledge, skill and competence . . . To adjust to the demands of social and economic change and to participate actively in the shaping of Europe’s future. (Commission of the European Communities (CEC) 2000:3) The two purposes are ‘promoting active citizenship and promoting employability’ (p.5). Moreover: ‘high quality basic education for all, from a child’s youngest days forward is the essential foundation’ (p.7). But in spite of the purported dual thrust of page five, page seven elaborates: Basic education, followed by initial vocational education and training, should equip all young people with the new basic skills required in a knowledge-based economy. It should also ensure that they have ‘learnt to learn’ and that they have a positive attitude to learning. The overall emphasis of the Memorandum is strictly European, and in a competitive economic relationship to other strong economies. As a result of this memorandum, all members of the European Union were required to produce their own national policy documents. In the United Kingdom responsibility for lifelong learning was located in the Ministries of Trade

4


and Industry and Education and Employment, thus politically embedding learning in the context of productivity. Although not all European documents shared precisely the same vision for lifelong learning there were indications that economic competitiveness was the main driver for policy agendas. The semantic shift over the years from education to learning implicitly put responsibility for acquiring skills, knowledge and understanding onto the individual rather than the provider, and suggested a move away from the traditionally linear teacher–student relationship. This shift also opened up the notion that learning could take place anywhere, any time, anyhow and that the emergence of learning societies and learning organizations would create different learning relationships between educators, trainers, learners and providers (Edwards et al. 1998). On an academic note Jarvis (1998) points out that while education is a public phenomenon, learning is done privately and happens all the time; as such one cannot technically legislate for learning. Nevertheless some features of how lifelong learning policies in the North have changed the way education and learning are made available can be seen in the policy vocabulary of transferable credit, credit accumulation, national qualifications frameworks, learning centres, Open and Distance Learning (ODL), learning pathways, learners as consumers. Recognition of, and the experience of, learning is no longer confined to the documented outcomes from formal institutions. We are all part of a learning society now. There are several critiques surrounding this evolution. M. Young (2003) is concerned with observations that the link between national qualification frameworks and learning quality is unproven; King (2006, 2007) points out that the word ‘skills’ covers an enormous variety of learning outcomes with no real evidence as to what the skills really achieve or how transferable they are to different contexts. Griffin (2002, 2006) argues that the discourses for learning and learning societies have been articulated as political manipulations to reduce state responsibility for educational provision; and, of course, there is the inherent tension in advocating learning for competitiveness while at the same time espousing the goal of equality, highlighted particularly by Welton (2005). The meanings behind all these concepts are fluid, however. Coffield’s (2000) two volume edited collection explores ten different models for lifelong learning and learning societies. On the one hand, the most dominant, skills growth model is concerned with creating a more flexible, accredited and multi-skilled labour force in order to enhance economic performance. On the other hand personal

Introduction

5

development and social learning models are more popular with adult educators. The latter model, in particular, focuses on encouraging individuals to participate in social life for the common good. This is also a feature of policy debate for lifelong learning, often manifested as social capital2 and as a way of promoting neighbourhood renewal and social cohesion. However, social capital’s interpretation and application in relation to lifelong learning is hotly contested and used by both neo-liberals and transformationalists alike. This has implications for using the idea as a form of social control in development terms. Closely allied to social capital is the interest in lifelong learning for active citizenship. Again, there are several perspectives on how active citizenship should be interpreted. On the one hand a simplistic vision of civics knowledge and understanding about voter rights might be the preferred option of government policy; on the other hand many advocate a more empowering, critical citizenship focus that would enhance people’s understanding of and ability to participate in decision making about their lives.3 All these discussions also take place in academic and policy fora in the South, as evidenced by the Cape Town conference Lifelong Learning, Higher Education and Active Citizenship in 2000 at the University of the Western Cape and reported in the International Journal of Lifelong Education. In spite of these tensions and continued academic arguments for a broader social vision for lifelong learning, especially in relation to adult education and learning, a scan of current policy documents in industryfocused countries suggests that the narrower, vocationalist, skills agenda for employability is winning the day. Concerns about unemployment and economic downturns may even turn a government agenda quite sharply from its traditional approaches to, and philosophies about, learning, as is evidenced in Japan (Okamoto 2001). The above is a simplistic rundown of some of the core debates in literature emanating mostly from the North. However, the ideas are all subject to critique about what exactly is meant by the different users of words such as employability, skills, learning societies, citizenship and so forth. This book is not going to repeat these arguments and discussions since they have already been well covered.4 The above summary serves as a backdrop, however, to the issues that I want to focus on. These are that the dominant agenda of the North appears to be premised on an assumption that the South has nothing to contribute to the lifelong learning debate. Furthermore it seems that largely economistic interpretations of the development needs of the South are influencing international aid agendas for how learning should be construed and for whom it should be provided.

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Finally, it will be argued later in this book that the North’s philosophical heritage and historical past is different from some of the philosophical traditions and historical experiences of continents like Africa and South Asia. These traditions and histories may have implications for how lifelong learning is interpreted or developed in the latter’s countries, while recognizing that they must also be contextualized within the contemporary world. The mission of this book has two goals. I want to argue, first, that it is important to influence the current uncritical assumptions about lifelong learning that the North might bring to bear on the South. Second, the contribution of southern contexts and debates to wider discussions has the potential to influence a more global vision for lifelong learning that embraces all circumstances and situations. Indeed the debate starts with a quote from Torres (2003:34) who expands on the four pillars of the 1996 Delors Report: Learning to be, to know, to do and to live together is not enough. Learning to ‘adapt to change’ is not enough. Learning to change, to proactively direct or re-direct change for human well-being and development, remains a critical challenge and the mission of education and learning systems, especially in today’s highly inequitable world. In the case of Africa, its recent political representation through the African Union, and promotion of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) as a contribution to cultural revivalism, perhaps signifies an opportunity to respond to this call to proactively direct change. The remainder of this chapter looks at some of the lifelong learning discussions taking place in or with the South. Ensuing chapters expand these debates by exploring postcolonial frameworks for analysis, philosophical and historical contexts, contemporary debates on development and globalization, issues to do with gender, the digital divide and its impact on modes of learning.

Lifelong learning in the South The lifelong learning development context for countries in the South has been cited as not so different from that of the rest of the world (Youngman 1998). However, the emphasis and priorities for some of the challenges to be addressed influence where people put their energies. Issues include large-scale poverty especially in rural areas, unemployment, famine, conflicts,

Introduction

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illiteracy, poor access to basic health and other services, the highest incidences of HIV infections in the world, as well as concerns for democracy, gender inequalities, environmental degradation, conflict zones, low productivity, access to, and drop-out rates from, school.5 While these challenges are not confined solely to the South, they represent the basis for development aid and frame their lifelong learning needs. They dominate and submerge more positive features of life in the South and ignore contextspecific agendas. Moreover continents like Africa and South Asia are only conditionally in control of their own development. Their power relationship with the dominant agendas of the North is contingent and subordinate, particularly in terms of policy and expenditure for education. So claims from these countries that lifelong learning existed through traditional education structures long before colonialism (see Chapter 3, for example) are seldom recognized by external funders. Palepu (2001) discusses how disjunctions between grass-roots concerns (including those that connect with traditional values and knowledge systems), and donor attempts to transfer western models to the recipient countries tend to minimize rather than enhance lifelong learning opportunities. Torres (2003:144) points out that even the educational language of international development agencies for countries in the South has the effect of predetermining how policy agendas are formulated. The effect is to create an educational ceiling for countries in the South: Goals formulated in terms of ‘universal primary education’, ‘improving the quality of education’, ‘reducing illiteracy rates’, ‘reducing school repetition’, ‘reducing school drop out’ or ‘preventing school failure’ activate very different mindsets, policies and expectations than goals formulated as ‘universal basic education’, ‘literacy for all’, ‘improving the quality of learning’, ‘ensuring retention in school’, ‘ensuring school success’ and striving towards ‘lifelong learning for all’. Medel-Añonuevo (2001:15), in support of this argument, challenges minimalist expectations for learners in the South: ‘The focus on the learner should not unduly lead to a narrow view of individuals needing to learn so that they should survive’. She points out that the issue of survival has wider implications, so that basic skills learning ‘should be matched by a discussion on social, political and economic structural changes that have to be addressed’. Similarly the concept of literacy is often misunderstood both in relation to lifelong learning, basic learning needs and in relation to its contribution

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to poverty reduction. Literacy is no longer defined simply in terms of the ability to read, write or count. The organization Balid (2007:7) summarizes three main approaches to literacy. The functional approach is most closely associated with a focus on economic issues and benefits, in other words helping people acquire sufficient skills to enhance their income generation abilities. This is the model followed by most government agencies. The transformative approach is concerned with consciousness raising and social transformation, while the socio-culturally situated approach recognizes there are many literacies which are embedded in the learner’s immediate environment. Literacy initiatives build on those pre-existing practices. The most common practical element of both the transformative and socioculturally situated models is what is known as the REFLECT6 method. This draws on the work of the Brazilian activist and educator Paulo Freire who coined the term ‘conscientisation’ (an approach that encourages collective reflection, awareness raising and action to challenge injustices). REFLECT methods aim to help learners critique their circumstances with a view to identifying and solving problems for themselves, thus enabling them to have ownership over their own learning and motivation to go on learning. Archer (2005) defines a number of benchmarks to evaluate literacy in terms of its broader development goals. These include: ‘to boost livelihoods, improve incomes, protect the environment, deliver clean water, fight killer diseases, promote civic participation and democracy, reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS’ (p.2). He emphasises that literacy ‘should be seen as a continuous process that requires sustained learning and application’ (p.3). Acquisition of literacy, does not necessarily, in itself, lead to lifelong learning, but it is a fundamental component of lifelong learning where continued and progressive opportunities for relevant post-literacy activities are provided. Indeed, Torres (2003) includes in the list of today’s basic learning and literacy needs the practical skills of using a computer and searching for information on the internet, as well as acquiring wider social skills such as tolerance, responsiveness to change, critical thinking and problem solving skills. National responses outside Europe and North America to the above demands and contradictions, in terms of lifelong learning policy agendas, have been uneven. Singh (2002) identifies legislation relating to lifelong learning in Thailand, South Korea, the Philippines and Malaysia, although it is inconsistent in its approach and not necessarily grounded in a conceptual basis for lifelong learning. In some cases adult education policies simply claim that adult education is a core feature of lifelong learning. Okech (2004) highlights that Uganda’s

Introduction

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Education Policy White Paper uses lifelong education interchangeably with continuing and further education. Ethiopia’s Adult Education Policy (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia 2006) places adult education in a lifelong learning orientation. Other education policies argue that early years’ education and non-formal education are the foundations for lifelong learning, as in Lesotho’s Education Sector Strategic Plan (Government of Lesotho (GOL) 2005). Lifelong learning, if it is defined, is usually in general terms, such as in the Namibian National Policy on Adult Learning (Ministry of Basic Education, Sport and Culture 2003): Adult learning is part of the wider concept of lifelong learning, which refers to all learning activities undertaken throughout life, in many different venues. The concept covers the continuum of early childhood development, primary and secondary school, higher education, vocational training and adult learning. It provides the basis for comprehensive policies for the development of education and training systems. (p.3) Nafukho et al. (2005) support this broad, holistic approach to lifelong learning as development and also highlight the need to consider lifelong learning in formal, non-formal and informal types of learning, especially since school is no guarantor of initial education in many countries. However, perhaps more significant is the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) Technical Committee on Lifelong Education and Training, formed in 1994. This committee produced its own definition of lifelong learning: A key purpose of lifelong learning is democratic citizenship, connecting individuals and groups to the structures of political and economic activity in both local and global contexts. (cited in Aitcheson 2003:165) The Technical Committee was concerned with positioning Southern Africa within the globalized world, not just its own region. It also recognized the absence of basic education as a guaranteed foundation for lifelong learning across many parts of the region. The definition would therefore have to cover ‘the whole spectrum of basic education, secondary education, higher education, out-of-school education, adult education and skills development’ as well as ‘providing the foundations for lifelong learning through literacy and adult basic education’ (p.164). The differences in this definition from the European Memorandum are ones of priorities and intention. Democratic citizenship is now at the

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forefront; individuals and groups are included in the target audience; finally, people are to be connected to local and global contexts. In many ways this is a more visionary and inclusive understanding of lifelong learning than the one provided for Europe. It is less individualistic, less possessive and more interested in connections than competition. In my paper titled ‘Beyond the learning society: the learning world?’ (Preece 2006) I argued that these interpretations could also be seen to reflect the social situatedness of Africa as standing in a different world view from countries in the North. The philosophical world views of Africa (and indeed South Asia – see Pattanayak 1980 for instance) are more likely to have a spirituality element (as discussed in Chapter 3) and emphasize connectedness rather than individualism, and to include an interest in the transmission of cultural values as part of learning society and lifelong learning. These value systems are discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, as is the historical context for traditional approaches to lifelong learning. These observations do not mean that there is complete resistance within Africa to global influences, indeed there is evidence to the contrary in the behaviours and attitudes of younger generations (Preece and Mosweunyane 2004), but they do suggest that countries in the South would like to be a mutual player in the wider world in a way that might complement and balance the dominant trends. Unlike the European Memorandum this particular SADC definition was not embedded in a political framework. It has not, for instance, significantly influenced the South African Government’s predominantly instrumentalist lifelong learning focus and the committee itself has now ceased to operate because of a financial crisis. The above literature provides a starting point for envisioning a southern vision for lifelong learning that reflects debates emanating from a range of conferences in this part of the world.

Key conferences in the South Lifelong education, and lifelong learning, have been the subject of conference discussions in Africa and South Asia since the 1970s. Many of the conferences have been organized by UNESCO and usually have an adult or higher education focus. The struggle to articulate a balanced vision to embrace both vocationalism and human development was already being articulated in 1975, in Nairobi. This was at a UNESCO sponsored seminar on the structure of adult education in developing countries where the final report highlighted that lifelong education should have an overall goal of improvement in the

Introduction

11

quality of life at ‘individual and group levels’ (p.6) and that it ‘should not be narrowly interpreted as referring only either to national or strictly economic needs but also for individual growth’ (UNESCO 1975:23). It is worth detailing here the plethora of conferences that have mushroomed since the 1990s. They represent a growing interest among countries in the South in a concept of lifelong learning that both recognizes diverse value systems and attempts to place formerly colonized nations on an equal dialogue with their colonizers. As has been stated earlier, the 1990 World Conference on Education for All (EFA) in Jomtien, Thailand set the scene for what was to prove a North-South divide in terms of lifelong visions and targets. At the time it was a milestone in international dialogue on education for development. It was premised on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, asserting the right to education for all and was, in part, a response to the setbacks of the 1980s where many countries in receipt of development aid had been forced to reduce public expenditure on education as a result of imposed structural adjustment policies. The consequence of those policies was a massive deterioration in education provision with consequent increases in poverty and illiteracy among other inequalities. The outcome of the 1990 conference was a World Declaration on Education for All and a Framework for Action to meet Basic Learning Needs, with six targets to reach by the year 2000. Article 1.4 of the declaration placed basic learning needs firmly within a lifelong learning framework: ‘basic education is more than an end in itself. It is the foundation for lifelong learning and human development on which countries may build, systematically, further levels and types of education and training’ (UNESCO 1990:3–4). The Jomtien EFA targets were reaffirmed at the next EFA World Education Forum in Dakar, 2000. Since the targets had not been met, the Jomtien agreement was replaced by the Dakar Framework for Action and once more the education goals were framed within a lifelong learning context, referring to the De Lors (1996) concept of ‘learning to know, to do, to live together and to be’ with a renewed EFA achievement target of 2015. The goals themselves included early childhood care, access to free and compulsory primary education, meeting the learning needs of all young people and adults with appropriate learning and life skills programmes, improving levels of adult literacy, eliminating gender disparities and improving the quality of education. Learning would include participation of civil society, accountability, programmes to promote peace, understanding, tolerance, prevention of violence and conflict, gender equality practices, action to combat HIV/AIDS, harnessing new Information Communication Technologies

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(ICTs), improving the status and professionalism of teachers and learning environments (UNESCO 2000). Prior to this, in 1997, UNESCO organized its fifth conference on adult education, CONFINTEA V, which resulted in a Hamburg Declaration and Agenda for Action. Again adult education was contextualized in the lifelong learning discourse of the: ‘right to education and the right to learn throughout life . . . requiring each and every individual to continue renewing knowledge and skills throughout the whole of his or her life’ (p.4), and requiring all societies to take responsibility to ‘create opportunities for lifelong learning, with provision for recognition and accreditation’ (UNESCO 1997:3). The lifelong learning agenda continued to be wide ranging, with reference to democracy, quality, right to literacy and basic education, gender equality, the world of work, environment, health and population, culture, media and ICTs, rights of different groups, economics and international cooperation. This was followed by a UNESCO world Conference on Higher Education in 1998 at the University of Mumbai, India entitled Lifelong Learning, Active Citizenship and the Reform of Higher Education, specifically relating to a CONFINTEA working group on Adult Education and Universities. The conference produced the Mumbai Statement on Lifelong Learning, Active Citizenship and the Reform of Higher Education, once more framing lifelong learning within a broad framework: We see a key purpose of lifelong learning as democratic citizenship, recognising that democratic citizenship depends on such factors as effective economic development, attention to the demands of the least powerful in our societies, and on the impact of industrial processes on the caring capacity of our common home, the planet. (UNESCO 1998: item 3) In the same year the Conference of Ministries of Education for African Member States (MINEDAF) held their own conference in Durban on Lifelong Education in Africa: Prospects for the 21st Century. The Durban Statement of Commitment placed Africa firmly in the frame for lifelong – as opposed to basic – education: ‘We commit ourselves to an expanded role for education which should be a lifelong process, a continuum which transcends schooling systems and which focuses on the building of a learning society’ (UNESCO 1998a:4). Wider economic agendas, however, stimulated by increasing globalization and the growth of economic competitiveness in the North were being

Introduction

13

offset by growing concerns about poverty in the South. So, while in 2000 the Commission of European Communities produced their Memorandum for Lifelong Learning with a view to enhancing Europe’s economic growth, the United Nations Millennium Summit of 2000 formulated eight international development targets which became known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). These were signed up to by the World Bank, the IMF, Heads of State and other international development agencies. The MDGs deflected attention away from the broader EFA targets of countries classified as ‘developing’. Education goals were reduced – and sealed the shift in international aid – to what has been criticized as a narrow educational focus on universal primary education. Although subsequent conferences followed in the South (such as the 2001 Beijing International Conference on Lifelong Learning: Global Perspectives in Education and the 2002 SADC conference on Adult Basic and Literacy Education in Peitermaritzburg, the 2002 UNESCO and MINEDAF conference in 2002 on Issues and Strategies for the Promotion of Adult Education in the Context of Lifelong Learning, and the CONFINTEA V Mid Term Review in 2003), it has been difficult for the participating countries to re-insert themselves into the dominant, instrumentalist lifelong learning discourses. This may be because the key players have been adult educators; it may be that the adult education interest in a broader and more humanistic agenda has failed to capture the interest of economistic discourses (framed as poverty in the South and economic competitiveness in the North); it may be that the adult education discourse has never been able to give itself a distinctive enough identity for policy makers to be willing to compartmentalize its multifarious agendas. It may be that adult education is too empowering: Promoting lifelong learning in Africa entails the creation of literate societies, the valuing of local knowledge, talent and wisdom, the promotion of learning through formal and non-formal education, and taking the best advantage of the new information and communication technologies and the dividends of globalization (UNESCO and MINEDAF 2002:1). In the lead up to CONFINTEA VI Education Ministries are being asked to prepare reports on their country’s current state of the art in relation to adult learning and education. Within the CONFINTEA guidelines only fleeting reference is made to lifelong learning and the learning society, though it is emphasized that adult education and learning should be a continuous process. The case for a more global vision for lifelong learning has yet to be made substantively. This book hopes to contribute to that case.

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Other visions for lifelong learning and development In spite of the fragmentary nature of initiatives to date, there is growing evidence, as Chapters 8 and 9 elaborate, that governments beyond Europe and North America are generating a renewed interest in the application of lifelong learning to education policies. Its usage is uneven and not clearly defined. This lack of clarity has provided the World Bank with a window of opportunity to position itself to: ‘articulate a comprehensive strategy for education and the knowledge economy. That strategy will then need to be translated into concrete operations in specific countries’ (2003:109). The specific countries, of course, will be those in need of development aid. Lifelong learning, if left to the World Bank will be reduced to a narrowly economistic base: Lifelong learning – from early childhood to retirement – is education for the knowledge economy and it is as crucial in transition and developing economies as it is in the developed world. (2003: backcover) For the World Bank document economic sustainability is the starting point – not human rights. There is little discussion of the notion of lifelong learning itself and barely a reference to adult education literature. Fleeting reference is made on page four to the value of social capital for improving education and health outcomes, increasing tolerance and equity and the decrease of ‘crime and tax evasion’ (!). Moreover technology is seen as the panacea to lifelong learning’s underdevelopment: ‘Once the internet is available to learners in all countries, learners will no longer be at the mercy of poorly qualified teachers’ (p.41), even though this particular approach has been challenged as inappropriate and unrealistic for the felt needs of many rural communities in Africa (for example, Shaba 2008). The main World Bank focus is on acquisition of skills – technical, leadership, communication, maths, science, methodological and analytical (p.22). These concepts contrast sharply with the range of lifelong learning needs identified by other writers. Hoppers (1996) for instance advocates that education should address: peace building, the role of civil society, community involvement, women’s participation in politics and human rights issues and conflict management, social justice, world complexities and sustainable development, as well as economic growth. Torres (2003:134) provides a lifelong learning agenda as follows: Children, youth and adults must learn to survive and preserve their own health, to work, to produce and to earn a decent living; to develop their

Introduction

15

full physical, intellectual and emotional potential; to organize, enjoy and nurture a healthy family; to communicate with others orally, in writing and through other means; to participate in the local and the broader society; to protect nature; to engage in personal and social change and development; to be aware of their rights and obligations; to make informed and responsible decisions; to share and to be useful to others; to be aware of differences and to respect them in all spheres (age, gender, culture, language, religion, ideology); to have a dialogue, to argue and to negotiate, to deal with conflict, to search for and to discriminate information; to direct change and to adapt to change; to take advantage of all education and learning opportunities and means; to enjoy learning, to learn with and from each other, and to continue learning. While such an agenda could arguably be relevant to all nations its broad purpose and perspective for lifelong learning is essential in contexts of conflict, exploitation, ethnic tensions, extreme poverty, poor access to basic necessities, services and social security nets. When those same nations also possess unexploited riches of indigenous knowledge, cultural, spiritual and social values it is important to find ways of harnessing the best of what is already in existence in order to build on and support positive social, as well as economic, growth. It is perhaps inevitable that the World Bank agenda will want to promote neo-liberal policies and to focus on the cost of lifelong learning. But the danger of this agenda that is also framed within a discourse of equity and development means that other voices are silenced and delegitimized. Governments that rely on international aid to promote their agendas for future growth and social cohesion must tailor their plans to the dictates of external agencies who demand an uncritical transfer of their own agendas. This book hopes to provide a theoretical and conceptual critique of some of the development discourses related to lifelong learning and frame those critiques in historical and philosophical perspectives that have particular resonance for formerly colonized countries in the South, with a view to encouraging a relevant but contemporary vision for lifelong learning and development. Chapter 2 introduces postcolonialism as a critical theory for framing lifelong learning debates. Issues of uncritical international transfer and the importance of context in relations between the North and South will introduce Chapter 3 which looks at philosophies and traditional values for lifelong learning emanating from Africa and South Asia, drawing on the ideologies of Nyerere and Gandhi, examples of indigenous knowledge practices and expressions of lifelong learning through proverbs and folk

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tales. Traditional structures and values, the impact of colonialism and the postcolonial period will introduce new revivalisms such as the African Renaissance, its expression through NEPAD and critiques of that. Chapter 4 critiques related discourses of development from postcolonial perspectives while Chapter 5 explores globalization in southern contexts, looking at the role of social capital, interpretations of social justice and the implications of these interpretations for lifelong learning. Chapter 6 deals with current trends for ODL and the implications of this with regard to the digital divide with reference to some current initiatives in low-and middle income countries. Chapter 7 addresses global feminist concerns about lifelong learning, with a particular reflection on southern feminist perspectives. Chapters 8 and 9 critically analyse case studies of lifelong learning policy and practice from Africa and South Asia in the context of the earlier chapters on postcolonialism, development, globalization and gender. Finally Chapter 10 draws some conclusions and suggests policy implications for lifelong learning that take account of the reflections across the book.

Concluding summary This chapter has argued that it is time for formerly colonized countries in the South to contribute to a global vision for lifelong learning. This is argued for two reasons. On the one hand southern perspectives may contribute to strengthening the human and social development core values for lifelong learning that are often hidden in contemporary neo-liberal discourses. On the other hand the wide ranging socio-political democratic challenges in many such countries require more than an economistic vision for learning. An agenda which embraces indigenous values but also frames lifelong learning in a context that interfaces with unequal starting points for initial education is essential if countries in the South are to have the opportunity to develop a level playing field with other parts of the world. This book addresses some key issues to do with historical and philosophical world views, postcolonial critiques of globalization, technology and development and pays attention to issues of gender. Case studies from Africa and South Asia are analysed from these frameworks with a view to producing some policy recommendations.

Chapter 2

Postcolonial perspectives

Introduction In Chapter 1 I argued that the lifelong learning literature is dominated by both policy and academic perspectives from the North. Furthermore there is a dearth of theoretical and conceptual analysis of lifelong learning that elaborates on distinctive philosophical world views of people in the South, particularly among formerly colonized nations. The absence of such literature means that the needs of the South are disregarded in most contemporary lifelong learning discourses. Even when individual African writers, such as Omolewa (2002), argue that their countries have their own historical tradition of lifelong learning, these traditions have been either trivialized or ignored in the history of education that is written by dominant voices in the North (Mulenga 2001). The South – represented primarily by formerly colonized nations who continue to receive development aid from their former colonizers – is therefore in a weak position to influence the dominant literature on education-related issues. This is partly because their voices or not heard or their texts are made invisible, and partly because such nations are already constrained by conditional aid agendas; their unequal power relationship with their former colonial masters means that country policies which depend on external financial support are often heavily compromised – often to the extent that externally influenced policy agendas insufficiently address context-specific socio-cultural, political and environmental concerns (though government policies do not necessarily reflect people’s behaviour, of course). There are now signs that lifelong learning agendas for the South may also be determined externally, using rationales derived from western world views. Influential organizations such as the World Bank and the UK Department for International Development (DFID), operate within a neo-liberal,

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capitalist and market-driven rationale that is more likely to serve the interests of northern economies than the broader interests of their beneficiaries. We already see evidence of this in, for example, the recent World Bank document on lifelong learning. So for countries in the South to challenge dominant perceptions, we need an explanatory theoretical framework that makes sense of their particular historical context. This includes re-narrating the experience of colonization, from the viewpoint of the colonized, and the implications that has had for current development issues in relation to lifelong learning. It means recognizing the impact that colonization had on people’s identities, cultures, their claims to indigenous knowledge, their experiences of racism and the ongoing effects of a relationship that was built on oppression and violation of basic human dignity. This includes understanding the institutional structures, textual representations and power relations that enabled domination to operate so effectively under a banner of benevolence, manifested through discourses of ‘development’. At the same time indigenous values, traditions and practices need to be repositioned in a way that can influence the present. This also means recognizing that the precolonial past cannot, and should not, be recreated in any ‘pure’ sense since the contemporary world is, to a greater or lesser extent, a hybrid of globalized relationships. Nevertheless we need to understand how to identify the structures that created inequalities in the past in order to discover how we may potentially be change agents in our future destinies. This chapter, therefore, offers a theoretical framework that can provide a way of critiquing dominant discursive strategies for lifelong learning, while at the same time creating space for alternative voices. The goal is to make visible what has previously been made invisible. It is a perspective that has been adopted by many writers wishing to ‘re-narrativize’ and challenge dominant literature about formerly colonized nations and their populations.7 It is for this reason that I have chosen to use postcolonial analysis as my main strategy to both critique dominant theoretical positions that impact on countries in the South and provide a platform for articulating an alternative vision that takes account of context and different world views. I start by providing a brief overview of some of the key concepts that are associated with the postcolonialist literature. After outlining how postcolonialism emerged in response to criticisms of earlier theories (dependency and Marxist) I explain the main principles behind postcolonialist theory and its associated links to poststructuralism. This will include reference to feminist perspectives, concepts of development and globalization – all of which are elaborated in later chapters. All theories have their critics, of course, and

Postcolonial Perspectives

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I also attempt to answer some of these concerns. Finally I identify ways in which postcolonialism can help to analyse and reposition lifelong learning and other development texts in southern contexts.

Key concepts Ashcroft et al. (2000) provide a helpful dictionary of the most common terminologies associated with postcolonial studies, which are supplemented here by Loomba (1998) and R. J. C. Young (2003). We start with the word ‘colonialism’ itself whose meaning has changed dramatically since colonialism began 400 years ago as an expansion of Europe. Rather than some form of benign civilizing initiative, colonialism is now revealed as a particularly violent form of dispossession, oppression, control and cultural exploitation resulting from the ‘implanting of settlements on distant territory’ (Ashcroft et al. 2000:46). It is now seen as ‘coterminous with the development of a modern capitalist system of economic exchange’ whereby the colonies were established primarily to supply raw materials to their colonizers. The process of colonialism was predicated on racism, colonialist discourse, imperialism and an essentialist construction of colonized peoples as ‘other’. Other words associated with this process are ongoing attitudes of Orientalism and neo-colonialism whereby the ‘other’ remains subaltern and inferior. Said (1995) coined the term ‘Orientalism’ in 1978 in relation to formal studies of the ‘Orient.’ He explains how knowledge about people and their cultures were represented in opposition to and ‘other than’ the values, beliefs and cultures of the West. Said articulates how this relationship of knowing the ‘other’ is written about and represented through language and media. It is based on a relationship of power and domination whose texts result in hegemony (summarized by Ashcroft et al. 2000:116 as ‘domination by consent’). Racism is an ideology that classifies humans as mentally, culturally and socially inferior according to physical, biological or genetic characteristics. Racism and issues of race can be claimed to form the basis of inequitable power differentials and colonialist discourses that continue to play themselves out in various subtle and not so subtle ways in contemporary society. As we shall see, in the definition of colonial discourse, racism becomes a common-sense thought process that is embedded in Eurocentric learned belief systems and behaviours of the white person. Colonial discourses are behaviours, rationales and texts that assume certain truth values about history, literature and language. They are a ‘system

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of knowledge and beliefs about the world within which acts of colonization take place’ (Ashcroft et al. 2000:42). Loomba (1998) elaborates by emphasizing that knowledge is connected to power relations and how they operate through discourse. Ultimately the colonized may also come to believe in this discourse because it is rationalized as truth and people learn to behave in a way that reinforces this belief system. In Foucault’s (1980) words this becomes a form of ‘disciplinary power’. Colonial discourses, including Orientalism, can have the effect of silencing resistance to dominant versions of truth. Imperialism has been discussed in terms of its pre-emptive stage for colonial rule and also as ‘new imperialism’ in relation to current international forms of global governance (Tikly 2004). Essentially it is a form of colonialism without the physical settlement of one country into distant territory. Loomba (1998:6) argues that direct colonial rule is not necessarily present in imperialism because it is characterized by economic systems of ‘penetration and control of markets’ that create relations of dependency. However, Ashcroft et al. (2000) continue to emphasize the inequalities of this relationship in terms of implied notions of superiority as well as domination. It can, therefore be interchanged with the concept of neo-colonialism. While neo-colonialism indicates a distinction in terms of time (happening after decolonization) it also represents a range of ongoing, controlling behaviours by former colonizing countries and other superpowers that include monetary controls, influences over educational institutions, conditional aid and the spread of global capitalist economies. Finally, the term subaltern is most commonly associated with Gayatri Spivak who refers to the ‘subaltern group, whose identity is its difference’ (1995:27). The subaltern is, by implication, according to Ashcroft et al. (2000) someone of inferior rank. In postcolonialist terms it is also someone who is a member of the former colonized peoples.

Postcolonialism Postcolonialism has became popular since the 1990s with a number of educationists who attempt to move beyond the more economistic focus of other critical theories in Third World politics such as dependency theory and neo-Marxism. Dependency theory has its origins in the academic discipline of Development Studies. As such its focus has largely addressed economic concerns. Dependency theory will be addressed in more detail in Chapter 5 but principally it critiques the human capital, skills deficit approach of


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modernization proponents who assumed that ‘backward’, ‘underdeveloped’ countries simply required an injection of industrialization-related knowledge and skills in order to bring them up to the level of advanced industrialized OECD countries. We can still see the results of modernization theory being applied to education in terms of its policy focus on skills for employability. Dependency theorists argued that countries were being disadvantaged by the modernization agenda due to a range of political and ongoing exploitation factors that perpetuated a state of being in a dependency relationship to the former colonizers for their development needs. Postcolonialists have argued that the simplistic, binary, colonizer–colonized relationship of dependency theorists requires a more complex and nuanced understanding of the power relationships between countries in the North and South, based on a wider range of issues which include culture, language, context and the nature of knowledge. Postcolonialism also moves beyond, but borrows from, neo-marxist notions of production and control through capitalism. The postcolonial analysis argues, for instance, that capitalism’s search for expanded markets is an extension of past colonialisms, and a primary feature of current economic exploitations of the South, manifested in trade agreements, the way raw materials are purchased from the South in order to feed production in the North and then to be returned to the South in the form of goods to be purchased by the latter. The postcolonialist project draws heavily on poststructuralism, in particular Foucault’s notion of power, discourse and knowledge (1980) and his explanation of disciplinary power as a function of individuals and institutions. Since Foucault is so influential for postcolonial analysis I highlight some of his arguments that have been adopted in postcolonial literature.

Foucault: knowledge, power and discourse For Foucault discourse encompasses societal beliefs, attitudes, values, language and behaviours. Concepts of history derive from these discourses. Since they only represent a partial view of history, Foucault’s term ‘historicity’ has been coined to allow re-historicization of history by those whose voices have been silenced in the telling. Policies, rules and regulations of any society follow the dominant discourses of those societies. Such discourses are held in place by a complex network of power relations, to counteract their vulnerability to resistance and change.

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Most people are so embedded in their societal belief systems that they neither question their society’s dominant values nor realize how much they themselves are naturalized into them. So certain behaviours become entirely predictable and unquestioned in their own social environment. Their behaviours are ‘normalized’ (Fairclough 1989, Foucault 1980). This perspective reveals how the colonizer lived and believed in the justification of his or her behaviour and attitudes to the colonized ‘other’. R. J. C. Young (2003) explains, for example, how the westerner views people in the ‘nonwestern world more as a mirror of themselves and their own assumptions than the reality of what is really there’ (p.2). Hickling-Hudson (2006) and Ware (1996) also link this normalization concept to the way ‘whiteness’, for the white westerner, comes to mean normality and superiority to ‘blackness’. Eventually even people on the receiving end of domination can be so controlled by these ‘normalizing’ discourses that they may come to accept or even believe in them (Hall 1996). Foucault called this ‘disciplinary power’. This is a form of self-regulation where people monitor their own belief systems in accordance with external expectations as if they are being watched from an imagined, all-seeing gaze. By policing themselves in this way, it can be argued, people are taking away their own will to resist because they internalize domination as normative and as ‘common sense’. They become players in the dominant ideology: ‘Discourses define what is normal and what is normal is then seen as in need of normalization or conformity to the norm’ (Ramazanoglu 1993:22). This kind of self-surveillance is held in place through institutional structures, conditions and hierarchies where discourses become rationales for maintaining the status quo: ‘Power is a persistent registration of truth’ (Foucault 1980:93). Educational institutions have often been cited as primary mechanisms for reproducing the status quo in favour of the elite. The colonial education system reinforced such hierarchies in favour of the colonizer’s mission. Such an interpretation of power is one way of exploring how colonialism sustained its hold over societies. People’s positions within power relationships are multiple, however. They play different roles according to the social composition of the participants in any interaction. The potentially unpredictable combinations of power relations and discourse interactions (as the mechanisms for power relations) render the possibility of resistant forms of discourse and the possibility of changing power relationships. There are times, therefore, when individuals and groups may find their own sense of personal agency (self-determination) which enables them to move beyond their location of oppression. Individuals and groups also


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acquire personal experiences and memories and attach individualized meaning to those memories. While they may function within a certain dominant discourse, they experience different discourse interactions so each personal experience and understanding of themselves and their world is unique. Chapter 3, for example, explains how the value systems of African nations are manifested in proverbs and folk tales that pass from generation to generation. These have the potential effect of destabilizing the colonial project. The exposition of marginalized experiences among marginalized societies is one way of showing the inadequacy of certain dominant rationales for explaining normality. The work of postcolonialism seeks to do precisely this on behalf of formerly colonized nations, particularly in relation to knowledge. Dominant knowledge is not necessarily a universal truth, but it serves the interests of its institutional members (Foucault 1980:52). Other forms of knowledge are often subjugated and disregarded by those with authority to know (and reinforced through particular uses of language, text and institutional rules). This subjugated knowledge is often privileged to marginalized social groups who have an experientially different view of the world from the dominant. Indigenous knowledge comes under this category of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This is traditional knowledge derived from context-specific experiences, world views and practices. The postcolonial project seeks to reposition indigenous knowledge in order to contribute to a broader understanding of events and thinking generally in the ongoing development of formerly colonized peoples and nations. Again Chapter 3 will address this more fully. Bishop (1995) demonstrates, for instance, that culturally there are different counting systems around the world. But a combination of trade, administration and education discourses of former colonizers universalized a counting system that was beneficial for their purposes. Such alternative, subjugated knowledges, are the potential power bases for resisting the dominant social order. The consequence of recognizing subjugated knowledges can lead to an increased sense of self and more positive learner identity at an individual and collective level. I argue in future chapters that indigenous knowledge needs to be integrated into the lifelong learning agenda for the South.

The postcolonial project Postcolonialists both borrow from and elaborate on Foucault. While Foucault’s conceptualization of power, knowledge and discourse provide

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a useful analytical framework to develop the above definitional positions, it is argued that postcolonialism is a strategic and more political development of poststructualism. Foucault, in essence, represents eurocentric concerns and consequently fails to address the multifarious and context-specific experiences of race, gender, culture and identity. Postcolonialism, therefore, focuses on the issues that directly concern the experiences of colonization and its ongoing effects since the formal process of decolonization. It particularly aims to re-historicize the story of colonialism, deconstruct texts about the South written by the North and insert new texts that reflect knowledges and world views from the South. The aim is to redress the imbalance of whose voice is heard and also explain how contemporary positions are fluid, contestable and ever changing. Postcolonialism is both a critique of the way history has been told and a way of analysing and challenging how formerly colonized peoples are represented, marginalized, made invisible, violated and exploited through media, text, power relationships and actions, in the past and present. Furthermore, the postcolonial era is an integral feature of globalization which necessarily creates new forms of interdependence, transcultural and ‘international workings of multinational capital’ (Loomba 1998:12). This too must be analysed in relation to the historical context of colonialism. The postcolonial project is identified in the literature as representing both a political philosophy and a historical dimension. It has emerged as a reaction to a range of theories which have failed to capture the complexities of the relationship between colonizer and colonized. It also has a comparative element, enabling analysis of a range of interdisciplinary features such as language, politics, history and culture to highlight the multifaceted experiences of the colonized. It specifically privileges issues related to the experience of colonization and explicitly challenges perspectives from former colonizers. But postcolonialism also responds to ongoing neo-colonial texts and forms of imperialism. Colonialism did not cease with the Independence of formerly colonized nations. Colonial behaviour is manifested in the continuing actions, behaviours and attitudes of countries who now distribute various forms of development aid to low income countries. At its simplest, postcolonial in historical terms means ‘since Independence was technically bestowed on countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America’. But this is a technical shift in status, rather than a reality experience for most of those countries. Indeed, it has been argued that many formerly colonized countries are now in a dependency relationship with their former colonizers.


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The ‘post’ in postcolonial therefore has often been likened to ‘the other posts’ such as postmodernism and poststructuralism, in terms of ‘going beyond’ rather than ‘superseding’ the earlier status of colonialism. The history of colonization and how those experiences were told by colonizers has stimulated a desire to rewrite (re-narrativize) those histories from the viewpoint of the colonized. Postcolonialism has therefore emerged as a way of critiquing other dominant western theories such as globalization and development. In particular it challenges the neo-liberal capitalist dimensions of market flows and control of consumerism (Rizvi et al. 2006; Tikly 2004). The political emphasis in postcolonialism exposes the inadequacies and neo-colonialisms of development rationales for developing countries, challenging the assumption that there is only one way to ‘develop’ and that development means only certain things – as defined by international development indicators formulated by the World Bank. These issues are discussed in more detail in Chapters 4 and 5.

Critiques of postcolonialism This postcolonial agenda has also been critiqued for a number of reasons. First, it is argued, postcolonialism is still a theory which is heavily dominated by western influences (Loomba 1998). The very language of English means that postcolonial analysis is always an interpretation, controlled by the language of the colonizer. In Audre Lourde’s famous phrase: ‘The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house’ (1983, reproduced in 2003:25). Furthermore, because of the very nature of today’s globalizing world, and the hybridity of culture and identities, the postcolonial agenda cannot recover the past in any pure sense (Spivak 1990). The past has already been changed and the present is already a fusion with the past. Equally, as Loomba (1998) discusses, every colonial encounter is different, so how can the postcolonial experience be encapsulated in a theoretical position? Moreover, the borrowing of postcolonial analysis from a theory which is heavily eurocentric weakens its value for some. For example, using the concept of ‘difference’ taken from poststructuralism, deflects attention from the more embedded issues of ‘inequality’ within this word. Indeed, the very nature of academic theory that claims to speak on behalf of, or for, the marginalized and dispossessed is a contradiction in terms. Postcolonialism has been criticized for being an abstract language of the

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academic elite diaspora, so the ‘subaltern’ never really speaks. Indeed, how can a white person speak at all on behalf of the colonized? Spivak (1990:62–63) answers this: You will of course not speak in the same way about the Third World material, but if you make it your task not only to learn what is going on there through language, through specific programmes of study, but also at the same time through a historical critique of your position as the investigating person, then you will see that you have earned the right to criticize, and you be heard [sic]. You have to take a certain risk . . . and you will probably be made welcome, and you can hope to be judged with respect. She further explains (p.108) that while one may not be able to speak as if one were in someone else’s shoes (taken from the German word ‘vertreten’) one can attempt to speak on behalf of others as a political representation (encapsulated in the German word ‘darstellung’). From my position as a white westerner, I hope that I have earned the right to be heard and contribute to the debate, albeit without the authenticity of one who has experienced colonization firsthand. Finally, it has been argued, ‘postcolonialism’ does not exist, since the colonial experience is ongoing for many nations around the world (Shohat 1992 in Hall 1996). Even the historical concept of ‘post’ is often challenged, since the time relationship between colonization and cessation of colonization is not always marked by a historical moment and certainly not the same historical moment. Many countries and peoples can claim to have been colonized (including, for example, indigenous populations in relation to Australia and North America and the countries of Scotland, Wales and Ireland in relation to England).

Cultural politics But the difference for postcolonial analysis is that, in Giroux’s terms, it is ‘cultural politics’ (1992:42–43). It takes a strategic position against the more dominant voices and discourses that trivialize or ignore alternative philosophies, life-worlds and meanings. It draws on poststructuralism to demonstrate how western power relations manifest themselves through discourses (institutional structures, internalized behaviours, ideologies and language uses) which are held in place by hegemonic rationalities. But it


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goes further to reposition, challenge and expose those discourses that are claiming to work on behalf of populations and nations in a dependency relationship with those with authority to know – specifically in relation to the experiences of formerly colonized nations. But rather than adopt a binary divide between colonizer and colonized, postcolonialism addresses the ‘in-between’ spaces, the grey areas where identities and relationships are not simply one or the other. The postcolonial space is necessarily one of intersections between cultures. In the postcolonial space discourses and identities are hybrids, words are adopted, used, misused and reinscribed so that nothing is what it seems. As Loomba (1998:241) states: ‘In order to listen for subaltern voices we need to uncover the multiplicity of narratives that were hidden by the grand narratives, but we still need to think about how the former are woven together’. So seeming certainties are destabilized, in terms of knowledge, truth or geographical location. The ‘postcolonial’ may be a refugee, a migrant, a displaced or homeless person, an academic struggling to make sense of research that is de-scribed by the West, a government or organization that is trying to secure or negotiate conditional aid to help it pursue its own goals. The postcolonial may also be someone trying to recapture precolonial values, philosophies and identities in order to position him or herself with dignity in an atmosphere of disrespect, to challenge racism that is expressed as benevolence or welfare or social justice. Context-specific experiences are therefore important to postcolonial analysis, in order to avoid universalizing or essentializing the ‘postcolonial’.

Postcolonial subjectivities In terms of identity a particular feature of the postcolonial subject is explored through the concept of subjectivities and ‘intersubjectivities’. Individuals build up an understanding of how they are expected to relate to others and how they are expected to behave through their exposure to certain discourses. Multiple identities form as a result of exposure to multiple discourses and over time a person builds up an accumulated sense of self. Subjectivity is a term used by poststructuralists to explain how the individual, as both a ‘subject’ (user) and ‘object’ (on the receiving end) of discourses, forms a view of his or her relationship to others. Weedon describes this as: ‘the conscious and unconscious thoughts and emotions of the individual, her sense of self and her ways of understanding her relation to

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the world’ (1987:32). This self-image is a consequence of power relations being played out alongside immersion in certain societal belief systems. Like everything else in the interplay of discourse and power, subjectivities are not only multifaceted but they are also constantly changing. They are an outcome of different social constructions in the context of prevailing political climates. In the postcolonial experience Werbner (2002) relates subjectivity to African contexts which, in contrast to eurocentric emphasis on autonomy and self-determination, places a higher value on the ‘interdependence’ of subjects: ‘Being implicated with significant others has a special importance for their own consciousness (p.2) . . . the self is, of course, the relational self, implicated in interdependence with significant others, both living and dead’ (p.15). In the postcolonial moment: ‘the subjective is implicated in the intersubjective’ (p.2) as a political, moral and existential experience. Werbner’s edited book enables a range of authors to describe particular African contexts where the individual’s identity is intertwined with the consequences of transcultural influences. Subjectivities are constantly in progress, changing, borrowing, exchanging, creating new identities as a result of their cultural heritage and interface with the wider world so that ‘postcolonial agency is a hybrid’. One example by Behrend (2002) in the same book narrates the story of how a Kenyan youth appropriates the colonial practice of taking photographic portraits ‘for control and surveillance’ as a means of shaping new identities for himself by buying American fashion clothes, photographing himself in various poses, then selling the clothes in order to pay for a new set that can be photographed, and so on. Because he is too poor to have more than one set of clothes he uses them to create other forms of existence and also position himself on his own terms in a postcolonial world: ‘Thus Peter and his friends appropriated not only clothes and poses but also a critical and reflexive attitude towards their own social and political situation in Mombasa’ (Behrend 2002:60). While this story may seem rather far removed from a lifelong learning mission, it symbolizes the challenges that many people face in postcolonial situations. On the one hand individuals have to find spaces for re-creating themselves in an environment that can neither claim ownership over the effects of globalization, cultural hybridity or even their own political history without borrowing from their colonizers. On the other hand the story demonstrates how individuals and their relationships can be re-created to form a particular way of appropriating the materials and products that hover seductively over their lives. Lifelong learning is a part of helping


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people make sense of the world around them, a way of critiquing and contributing to social development. By understanding the tensions and conflicts that affect the postcolonial world, and giving space for self-expression, this learning can be channelled to stimulate positive change. So postcolonialism appropriates Foucault’s concepts of discourse and disciplinary power to analyse issues that matter to the colonization experience. It re-narrativizes history; it challenges literature written by the ‘North’ and ‘West’ about the ‘East’ or ‘South’; it exposes hegemonic discourses and behaviours that reveal ongoing and unequal power relations related to policy development, conditional aid, concepts of development; it highlights the inequalities of globalization as a process and a perspective and reveals the hidden agendas of neo-colonial behaviour. It also appropriates aspects of neo-marxist theory in criticizing the role of capitalism through multinational corporations and their ongoing exploitation by the North of raw materials from the South that are used to manufacture and produce goods that are then resold to the South, or exploitation of cheap labour in the South (for example, call centres) to serve the needs of those in the North. Postcolonialism also pays particular attention to feminism and gender, often critiquing the way western feminisms universalize the needs and challenges of women from formerly colonized nations without reference to their specific colonial histories and contemporary contexts.

Feminist postcolonial perspectives Chapter 7 discusses in more detail how feminist perspectives are now addressing lifelong learning issues. But in view of the particular position that women in the South occupy in relation to their gendered and colonized position of ‘other’ it is important to introduce here the issues surrounding intersections of race and gender for formerly colonized women. As will be argued again in Chapters 4 and 7, women of colour reject those western feminisms that universalize women’s oppressions without recognition of African and Asian women’s particular experiences of colonialism: ‘Whereas Western feminists discuss the relative importance of feminist versus class emancipation, the African discussion is between feminist emancipation versus the fight against neo colonialism’ (Holst Petersen 1995:251). Feminist postcolonial literature concentrates on three aspects of marginalization – their shared experience of colonization with their male counterparts; the need to challenge patriarchal oppressions within precolonial,

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colonial and postcolonial eras; and the need to challenge the ‘production of Third World woman in western feminist texts’ (Mohanty 1995:259). So, on the one hand feminist discourses speak on behalf of formerly colonized women to question neo-colonial authoritative discourses such as those of international aid agencies that fail to recognize indigenous knowledges and cultural practices as part of the development mission; on the other hand they identify patriarchal oppressions, such as discriminatory laws about rape or ownership of property, that often conflict with the wider mission to decolonize their nations and reinstate positive African value systems. Their third agenda is to reprioritize those concerns with which the West is obsessed – such as the wearing of the veil by Muslim women or the practice of circumcision or Sati (widow burning) in some cultures. Mohanty points out that it is not that these issues should be ignored, but that they need to be understood with respect to the: ‘complexities and conflicts which characterize the lives of women of different classes, religions, cultures, races and castes in these countries’ (1995:260). Many feminists from the South have written, for example, in defence of women wearing the veil, turning this apparently oppressive concept into one of identity and also exposing the contradictions in attempting to force its removal. R. J. C. Young (2003) summarizes these contentions: The nature of the western response to the veil is to demand and desire its removal, so that strategies of liberation in the name of saving women supposedly forced to wear the veil coincide uncomfortably with the colonial violence of the veil’s forcible removal. (p.86)

Postcolonialism, education and lifelong learning So how does the postcolonial project contribute to a new agenda for education and lifelong learning? From a historical perspective postcolonialism unearths the effects of inequitable and selective education systems. It also shows how most education systems in formerly colonized nations are still dominated by ideologies, curricula, structures, languages, pedagogies and policies of their former colonizers. All these practices have implications for cultural and intellectual development and lifelong learning. While there is a bank of literature that addresses issues surrounding indigenous knowledge the range of texts that specifically apply postcolonial analysis to lifelong learning discourses is scant.


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Mulenga (2001) provides a lengthy review of Julius Nyerere’s contribution to adult education as a philosophy and guiding framework for a lifelong learning agenda in Tanzania and this will be discussed more fully in the next chapter along with the contribution of Gandhi to similar philosophies in India. Lingard and Pierre (2006) undertake a postcolonial analysis of St Lucia’s lifelong learning policy. They frame their analysis within a recognition that the final document was in constant tension with attempting to produce a policy that was owned by the people of St Lucia in the Caribbean, alongside the need to attract sufficient funding from international donors in order to implement the policy. The Ministry terminated an external consultancy to produce the policy in order to conduct a more consultative and locally owned process that would produce a consensus for the final report. But this document is ultimately analysed as a compromise – one which fails to address the concept of indigenous knowledge and which necessarily embraced the human capital rhetoric of lifelong learning in the context of global competitiveness. Nevertheless, the policy is hailed as a partial success in that it strengthened national capital ‘to mediate the effects of donor agencies’ (p.299). Lingard and Pierre (2006:295) describe their analysis as an ‘aspirational politics’ in the face of development discourse challenges. In similar fashion Biccum (2005) analyses in detail some of the promotional literature on development by the UK Department for International Development. He exposes how the vocabulary of poverty and globalization is repackaged and marketed as a modernized version of the ‘nineteenth century civilizing mission’ (p.1005). He demonstrates how DFID’s narrative of development fails to acknowledge the responsibility of globalization for the new era of poverty, by using a discourse which instead suggests a benevolent attempt by the beneficiaries of globalization to ‘help’ the poor. What Biccum highlights is the spaces in-between the literature – what is left out in the narrative reveals more than what is actually said. It is this kind of analysis that enables us to critique lifelong learning texts such as those produced by the World Bank, and also to explore the relationship between texts on development and globalization that interface with learning agendas such as information communications technology, distance learning, health and environmental education concerns and other civilizing missions such as ostensibly emancipatory arguments for women in relation to traditional cultural practices. Issues may include: what counts as knowledge and who owns that knowledge; what other definitions are there for development, what would a gender-sensitive perspective on lifelong learning reveal about policy needs; what are the context-specific goals for lifelong learning for countries in the South; how does the language of the

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North mis-represent the South in its policy documents and descriptions of need? But it is also important to emphasize that postcolonial analysis recognizes the hybrid nature of contemporary society. The aim is to expose western interpretations of oppression on behalf of populations in the South which serve to marginalize and control in the name of welfare and liberation. It also aims to expose western interpretations of welfare and liberation in the name of development and western interpretations of lifelong learning in the name of globalization and social justice. The discourses that are used in the South and North for education, globalization, lifelong learning and development need to be scrutinized for their authoritative claims but also understood in their reality contexts of continued dependency relationships.

Concluding summary This chapter has summarized the main aspects of postcolonial analysis as a way of departing from more Eurocentric theories and providing a multidisciplinary framework for exposing colonialism and neo-colonialisms. It does this through critiquing texts, western world views on matters affecting people in formerly colonized countries and highlighting issues of race, culture, identity, gender, ethnicity and other forms of oppression that are implicated in strategies for development. While trying to avoid reinstating binary divides in opposition to colonial perspectives, postcolonialist analysis may take a strategically essentialist position in order to re-narrativize histories and experiences that remain hidden in dominant discourses. The following chapter identifies the educational, philosophical and cultural histories that were largely erased by the colonial endeavour. They provide the foundations from which will be argued a distinctive vision for lifelong learning in the South, albeit contemporized by current globalization and development contexts.

Chapter 3

Historical and philosophical foundations for lifelong learning: perspectives from the South

I am we; I am because we are, we are because I am A person is a person through other persons Zulu and Sesotho proverbs

Introduction Chapters 1 and 2 have made a number of claims. On the one hand, I have argued that the dominant, neo-liberal, lifelong learning agenda emanates from the North at the expense of the needs and discourses of the South. On the other hand, the tendency of northern donor agencies to focus on a basic education agenda, rather than the wider notion of lifelong learning, for the South reflects a more deeply embedded issue of colonial interference in the affairs of formerly colonized nations. Third, there are indications that there are different philosophical outlooks in the South, for education and lifelong learning, from dominant messages in the North. So it is time for people in the South to have a louder voice in the lifelong learning debate and reverse the unequal relationship between these two hemispheres by extending the platform from which southern ideologies emanate. The postcolonial framework provides a discursive space that reveals how colonialist and neo-colonialist behaviours undermine other ways of knowing which could contribute to formulating alternative visions for lifelong learning. Postcolonial analysis gives us the tools to re-historicize the experiences of formerly colonized peoples and re-narrativize what is important for them. From this position we can then interrogate contemporary discourses for development and globalization that impact on contemporary agendas for education and learning. Considerations of gender and information technology issues will also be part of that interrogation. Before these

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dominant positions can be revisited from alternative standpoints, however, it is necessary to ‘re-narratavize’ (make visible once more) those alternative historical and philosophical perspectives of formerly colonized nations that were largely dismissed, rejected or exploited in the colonial project. It is from understanding these foundations that we can begin to construct a more relevant agenda for the South and offer a more global vision for lifelong learning generally. In attempting this mission Chapter 2 acknowledged that we cannot speak for the so-called subaltern, but we can recognize the damage caused by colonialism. In the process we do not resurrect a precolonial past. This is neither possible nor desirable. We are seeking to make connections that help people to move forward in a way that enables cultural ownership over life’s challenges and solutions. For example Nyamnjoh (2002) argues that culture and tradition are not frozen or stagnant. People are constantly renegotiating tradition with modernity. In doing so they may create new identities and adapt philosophical perspectives but never completely reject their heritage. This chapter begins that process. It starts with a recognition that a few thousand words cannot hope to do justice to the multifarious differences in tradition and behaviour across several continents and their many countries. Their only shared history is the experience of being colonialized. While some reference is made to South Asia, the focus is on literature from African writers. These examples serve to illustrate issues and differences from dominant Eurocentric or North American positions, rather than claim a universal, oppositional perspective for all formerly colonized countries in the South. Nevertheless, in the postcolonial mission to challenge dominant discourses, I draw on some characteristic tendencies that a number of indigenous writers highlight in relation to their precolonial histories, indigenous knowledges and value systems and the impact that colonialism and the ongoing denial of these realities has had on their individual and collective identities. Put simply the basic argument of this chapter is that western philosophical foundations for lifelong learning are premised on capitalist notions of individual fulfilment and wealth creation for profit. While not all westerners subscribe to this perspective it is the basis on which lifelong learning policies are promoted – learning for employability, individualist notions of the self and personal gain. However, this perspective sits uneasily with many African and Asian concepts of the self, its interconnectedness with community and a much more spiritual context for living. These are extreme generalizations but they introduce some of the tensions for the development and globalization agendas that affect a number of populations in the South.

Historical and Philosophical Foundations

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They highlight how western internalized ways of seeing the world come to influence dominant agendas as if they are common-sense universals, but nevertheless remain in tension with alternative world views. This chapter tries to sketch out some of the perceived differences and tensions as articulated by mostly African writers, substantiated by a few examples of how uncritical western transfer of knowledge systems can entangle and alienate potential learning in different cultural environments. It can be argued that education in many formerly colonized countries is characterized by several stages, starting with traditional education systems that were largely transmitted orally. Mission schools began in the 1840s but continue to this day. The period of colonial administration from the 1850s was followed by the process of individual countries gaining Independence between the 1960s and up to the abandonment of apartheid in South Africa during the early 1990s. The post-Independence era comprised development aid policies of the 1970s followed by stringent structural adjustment demands of the 1980s and more recent conditions for development aid in response to globalization issues. We look at some precolonial practices for lifelong learning. At the same time we examine some philosophical perspectives that underpin traditional learning systems and which still impact on contemporary world views in Africa and South Asia. The emphasis is on trying to make sense of the tensions between these differences and those of the northern hemisphere, particularly in relation to concepts of knowledge, being, relationships and the role of spirituality. This is accompanied by a brief summary of the impact of colonialism on education systems as a preface to the challenge by postcolonial writers for an African Renaissance and revival of indigenous knowledge systems.

Precolonial traditional education One of the major concerns of some African and South Asian educationists is to challenge histories of education and lifelong learning that implicitly assume there was no education in their countries before colonialism. For example, Teffo (2000) shows that some scientific inventions were erroneously credited to European nations – such as medicinal properties in herbs and the wheel which actually emanated from Mesopotamia. Teffo also provides evidence of sophisticated iron making in Nigeria and an astronomical observatory in Kenya which is dated at 300 bc. In similar fashion Nafukho et al. (2005) claim that Ethiopia and the Nile valley had written forms of

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education before Europe and that there were advanced centres of learning in Timbuktu and Djienne in the eleventh century. Aside from these claims all indigenous societies practised their own education systems. Where this education is acknowledged by western writers the tendency is to dismiss it as ‘primitive’ without examination of its underlying value systems or purposes. The learning was usually by oral rather than written transmission but was nonetheless organized and purposeful. Teaching was holistic in approach; methods were interactive. For instance, Datta (1984) describes how tribal legends and proverbs were used to pass on cultural heritages, riddles served to test judgement and analysis, tasks were set to encourage initiative. Indeed, as Okech (2004) argues in relation to Uganda, this learning was already lifelong learning since adults and children of all ages participated. It was also life-wide learning in that it took place across society as well as according to chronological age. At the onset of puberty there was a set range of activities for each age group and sex to prepare them for adulthood and societal expectations for behaviour. In many African countries these latter activities were called initiation schools and they are still practised today alongside more formal, westernized systems. Kaschula (2001) explains that songs and poetry were used for political education and, referring to Shona ritual performances in Zimbabwe, the oral nature of the learning was even an ‘unspoken sub-text’ during the colonial period – to give people a sense of identity in their struggle against cooption into the dominant western culture (p.xxi). Pattanayak (1980) also indicates similar approaches in India: ‘India has a long tradition of oral transmission of knowledge: people may have been illiterate but they were not uneducated.’ He cites a number of ‘artisans, literacy geniuses, philosophers, experts in architecture, astrophysics and astronomy’ who were technically illiterate (p.38). There are some variations across the different countries and within societies. Callaway (1975) cites how indigenous education in Nigerian Yoruba society would vary for the offspring of a chief, compared with, say, that of a blacksmith’s son in the war camp of Ibadan. In Yoruba society it was felt that each child was born with an innate destiny so no child would be forced to learn a particular profession, rather they were encouraged to follow their own interests as their natural abilities developed and there were no initiation schools. McWilliam and Kwamena-Poh (1975) explain how Ghana’s holistic apprenticeship system would train individuals for particular professions, ranging from occupations like blacksmith to farmer, doctor, priest, soldier, herbalist, drummer or weaver. Here, for instance, a goldsmith apprenticeship


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might start at age 8 or 9, learning the names of particular tools, followed by a period of observation, perhaps moving from village to village in order to perfect the skills, and learning the significance of each item so that ‘by the end of his course the apprentice had acquired not only the artist’s knowledge of everyday activities, but also an understanding of the history and right use of the language and proverbs of his community’ (p.5). Such traditional education was characterized by the goal to produce useful members of society – educating for good character, health and knowledge about the community’s history and beliefs.

Indigenous knowledge Indigenous knowledge is the name given to traditional knowledge of this nature. It is now an authoritative part of Africa’s Renaissance call and seen as a foundation for the creation of counter-hegemonic discourses against western imperialism. Odora Hoppers (2002) highlights that indigenous knowledge represents a rich and varied cognitive and practical heritage that is ‘more than woven baskets for tourists’. It includes the technologies that create these and other artefacts as well as the process of knowledge generation by ‘resource rich but economically poor local communities’ (p.9). Forde (1975) explains that this type of education was intimately tied to the social life of the people both materially and spiritually, it was multivalent in terms of goals and methods, being both gradual and progressive in order to conform to physical, emotional and mental development. It was holistic and lifelong in nature, not compartmentalized into different subject areas, but essentially relied on nurturing the ability to memorize. So myths, legends, epics, tales, historical poems, proverbs, songs and plays all constituted learning mechanisms. It was an intensely moral upbringing, to build strength and agility, moral character and wisdom – a shared objective by the whole community – hence the proverb ‘it takes a village to raise a child’. Learning about the land, its grasses, its natural resources for healing were all part of understanding our holistic relationship to the earth as humans. Education took place in the home and community and virtually all adults were potential teachers. It encompassed philosophy, arts, maths, astronomy and farming. It included understanding patterns of traditional behaviour such as the relations of reciprocity, a complex etiquette for everyday negotiations and greetings at various times of the day. The interconnected nature of the educational exercise reflected a world view of the

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interconnectedness of persons, their ‘reverence to community of lineage, remote ancestors of oral history, immediate forbears, those who were living and those yet to be born’ (Callaway 1975:28). There is evidence that this philosophical outlook is practised further afield. Sreemathy (2002), from India, supports this notion of oneness with the universe, by citing ancient thoughts from the Sanskrit language: ‘Great men see the universe as one family’ (p.215). The essentially rural and enclosed nature of this upbringing could be criticized for its lack of opportunity for comparison and slowness to respond to change. Similarly, as Ntseane (2006) points out, the issue of gender power relations in male and female roles and responsibilities needs to be seen in modern contexts. Others have argued that the oral nature of the education inevitably included a dynamic contribution to culture as sayings and stories would be adapted through the generations in response to new circumstances. The issue here is not to suggest that such traditional systems should be reinstated instead of more westernized world views, but that the cultural identities and self-respect that emanate from one’s cultural history should be given due recognition. Houtondiji (2002) points out that many indigenous knowledge systems were so marginalized and repressed by colonizers that Africans still hegemonically undermine their own heritage with consequences for their sense of place in society. So traditional knowledge needs to be recognized as valid and even subjected to further experimentation and testing so that it can be developed and integrated into modern societal needs. There is another aspect to this hidden heritage, however. According to a number of African writers, this communalist tradition of lifelong learning reflects some philosophic world views that set African people apart from westernized attitudes to learning and the construction of knowledge itself. While there are potential synergies in these arguments to other world views such as in Asia, for illustrative purposes the focus here continues to be Africa.

African philosophical world views There is some debate over whether a distinctive African philosophy exists. This partly depends on what constitutes philosophy. Philosophy is generally described as an ‘activity of reasoning and reflection on any subject’ (Fordjor et al. 2003:188), or an exploration about the ‘purpose of life, nature of human conduct and complexities of human relationships and experiences’


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(Letseka 2000:181). Janz (1997) argues that for philosophy to be African it must have ‘some expression of the African life world’ (p.225), while Oruka (1991) claims that there are African philosophical tendencies such as ethno-philosophy (a set of shared African-centric beliefs) philosophic sagacity (beliefs of special members, or sages in African communities), nationalist ideological (politically focused philosophy for African liberation from colonialism) or professional philosophy (a more eclectic version that borrows from Europe and Africa). Chukwyudi Eze (1997) argues that there are as many African philosophies as there are nations. He suggests there are some features that are characteristic of, but not necessarily unique to Africa, but the single most important factor that drives African philosophy is the colonial experience and the casting of Africans as a subhuman race by western philosophers such as Hegel and Marx. African philosophy, like postcolonialism, then, emerges partly in opposition to the casting of its continent and its people as ‘other’ or ‘less than’ in the perceptions of dominant discourses. Letseka (2000:179–182) perhaps summarizes most succinctly when he says that the main role of African philosophy is: . . . to speculate about and provide a conceptual interpretation and analysis of human problems and human experience in the African context . . . The task of African philosophy is therefore to speculate about the communality of the individual in the African setting . . . conceptual frameworks for analysing the humanness that botho and ubuntu capture . . . communal ethics on how these ought to impact on human conduct. While not all Africans or generations of Africans share the intensity of these perspectives, there is a sufficient body of literature that characteristically associates African philosophical world views with concepts such as ‘connectedness’, ‘communalism’, ‘interdependency’ and ‘intersubjectivity’. It is from this position that I offer some interpretations and analysis of African conceptions of the interrelatedness of humanity, and their implications for lifelong learning. I explore some of the issues surrounding the commonly associated southern African terms of ubuntu or botho and how they compare with western philosophical viewpoints. I then look at how two prominent figures in Africa and India advocated their concepts of lifelong learning as a challenge to the dominant messages of their colonizers. Finally I begin to discuss the implications for these perspectives and histories for today’s lifelong learning contexts – a discussion which now continues throughout the ensuing chapters.

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Ubuntu Letseka (2000:182) claims that the concept of ubuntu, or botho (roughly translated as ‘humanness’) is fundamental to African socio-ethical thought. It emphasizes the prioritizing of human relationships in terms of giving respect and showing concern for others. This emphasis is predicated on a sense that we are all connected through the spiritual world so that we all have a mutual obligation to respect the living, the dead and those yet to be born. These concepts are expressed through proverbs such as the Nguni proverb umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (from the Zulu language) or the Sotho proverb motho ke motho ka batho (from the Sesotho and Setswana languages) – roughly translated as ‘a person is a person through other persons,’ or: ‘a person depends on others just as much as others depend on him/her.’ The proverbs emphasize the communal embeddedness and connectedness of a person to other persons. So the focus on relationships is more than an external expression of greetings – though these are an important expression of ubuntu in African cultures – but it is a relationship that operates at a soul-level. Ntuli (2002) emphasizes that this cosmic way of seeing the world bears strong similarities to recent western notions of quantum physics and the notion of there being an interconnectedness, a relationship between the spiritual, natural and human world, where human beings and the phenomenal world can be seen as extensions of each other (p.56). Ntuli explains ubuntu as defining the individual ‘in terms of his or her relationship with others . . . individuals only exist in their relationships with others’ so that ‘individual’ signifies a multiplicity of personalities that correspond to the multiplicity of relationships that an individual has. So in ubuntu terms, being an individual means being an extension of others (p.56). And ‘others’ may also include the dead and the yet to be born. The nature of the individual in traditional African thought is paramount to the concept of ubuntu. Teffo (2000) talks about the communal conception of an individual in African settings, so that what happens to an individual happens to the whole group and vice versa, expressed in the proverb cited at the beginning of this chapter: ‘I am because we are and since we are, therefore I am.’ While individual effort is important, it is in the interests of the wider community that it holds most value; hence, the attraction of cooperative community farming rather than commercial farming, which serves to profit a few. The spiritual dimension locates the individual in the presence of a supreme being at the centre of communal life. All activities must promote


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the existence of the community and put its interests before the self. While there is evidence that these values are changing in urban settings and through globalization influences, the influence of ancestors, the extended family and traditional democratic process of decision making remain primary value systems in many African contexts. These values include the duty of everyone to teach and learn, the strong providing for the weak, harmonizing individual interests with community interests. Fordjor et al. (2003) confirm these belief systems, particularly in the context of rural Ghana today. They describe how humanity and society are seen as inseparable from religion and the community so that the individual ‘exists for society and society for the individual’ (p.190). The aims and objectives of traditional Ghanaian adult education were to enable the individual to understand his or her place in the family, the community and nation as a whole. So the individual was valued ‘for what he or she does and not what he or she obtains in life’ (p.189). This has implications for a lifelong learning agenda that might be advocating self-fulfilment rather than community relations. Fordjor et al. argue that there is little mention of community or society in western philosophies. On a more spiritual level Goduka describes how, in her Xhosa culture, truths are explained by the ancestors through proverbs, myths and folk tales which act as educative: ‘easily remembered summaries of important ideas and experiences that are part of the shared cultural knowledge of indigenous communities’ (2000:76): ‘All human beings are connected not only by the ties of kinship and community but also by the bonds of reciprocity rooted in the inherent interweaving and interdependence of all humanity’ (p.71). So this concept of humanism places the community rather than the individual at the centre, but also links the living individual with the past and the future, thus creating a moral obligation to consider and respect all things, living or dead.8 There is therefore more than one vision for society and lifelong learning agendas somehow have to accommodate this. Nyamnjoh (2002) offers a personal experience and interpretation of his Cameroonian proverb which reinforces the Sotho and Zulu proverbs. He offers two interpretations of the proverb ‘a child is one person’s only in the womb.’ Drawing on his own upbringing which was supported by a range of different relatives who held different kinds of responsibilities for the various stages of his education and learning, he explains that individual achievement is not simply credited to the individual, but also to those who made the achievement possible, so that once the individual leaves the mother’s womb he or she also belongs to the wider community without

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necessarily being constrained by that community. But Nyamnjoh also recognized that individuals have multiple identities, particularly in the context of globalization where a multitude of contexts can influence the individual as a child of the community. So there is a second interpretation of the proverb – that a child can grow away from his or her origins, but never completely erases the influence of his or her original community. In this interpretation cultures can build on tradition, merge with new cultures but still remain distinctive: The way forward lies in recognising the creative and instersubjective ways in which Africans merge their traditions with exogenous influences to create modernities that are not reducible to either but superior to both. (p.135) This perspective perhaps symbolizes my own ambition for a lifelong learning agenda that can build on the best from the past in the context of a future that sees beyond dominant western ways of knowing. The combination of indigenous knowledge heritages and their philosophical foundations helps to challenge western philosophies which are based on Cartesian concepts of the individual self – existing separately or independently from the rest of society.

Western knowledge systems and the colonial period Goduka (2000) emphasizes that Cartesian rationality excludes and marginalizes other ways of knowing, because it only recognizes knowledge that has been disconnected from environmental relationships, ‘cultural practices and spiritually centred wisdoms’ (p.63). Other western philosophical viewpoints which have served to build up the dominant agenda for education and lifelong learning include those of Kant. Masolo (1997) describes a Kantian philosophy of the free man as ‘self-directing’, someone who tries ‘to preserve himself and his own distinct nature as an individual . . . to preserve the coherence and continuity of his thought against the flow of the multiple and unconnected ideas which are his perceptions, sensations and imaginations’ (p.290). Western knowledge is fragmented and taught in segments; the individual is a separate entity from his or her surroundings. Western philosophy is therefore able to premise its social values of industry and productivity within a capitalist


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framework that promotes individualism, self-actualization and wealth creation in isolation from social, historical or political circumstances. The western lifelong learning project therefore is premised on assumptions of a universal way of seeing the world, or one superior knowledge system. While the European Memorandum, cited in Chapter 1, embraces a concept of lifelong learning for active citizenship as well as wealth creation, education messages overall focus on the individual rather than the community or collective issues. This can have alienating consequences for development goals as Ntseane (2006) observes when she critiques the way HIV/AIDS prevention messages in Botswana inappropriately target women at the expense of their relationship to their male partners and address individual concerns with death and dying, rather than collective concerns with the impact of the virus on other members of society. Chilisa (2005) raises similar issues about how western research methods and questions position knowledge of HIV/AIDS outside the reference framework of many social groups in Botswana, resulting in inappropriate educational messages and distorted pictures of the pandemic. The SADC definition for lifelong learning, also cited in Chapter 1, suggests that we need to take more seriously this collective, holistic and connected understanding of society within African perspectives. The colonial period essentially transported the education systems and values of the colonizers into the countries that they invaded. The period of colonial rule lasted from the 1850s until the 1960s for most countries and as late as 1994 for South Africa. The colonial discourse of the time was officially a ‘civilizing’ one. The justification for this role was partly embedded in Eurocentric philosophical and ideological standpoints that claimed a universalist ideal of the ‘rational man’ supported by philosophers like Hegel who depicted the African as an inferior savage. African indigenous ways provided, therefore, both a rationale for invasion under the civilizing mission and also a target for destruction and replacement of indigenous values with Eurocentric ideologies. The historical reality, however, of the colonial mission was structured around a capitalist intention to exploit raw materials for trade. Education opportunities were highly selective. So while missionaries rewarded Christian converts with literacy skills in order to read the Bible, a few others received education on a selective basis in order to secure the needs of the colonial administration. In Uganda, for example, Atim and Ngaka (2004) describe how the advent of formal schooling was limited to childhood learning and largely eroded the beliefs that had previously been cultivated

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through traditional education and culture. While some technical expertise was introduced for building brick houses and sanitation, these primarily served the needs of missions: ‘There was neither conscious educational planning to extend technical skills to Ugandans nor formal declaration of educational policies’ (p.22). Instead there were attempts to introduce inappropriate farming methods. Moreover cash crops such as coffee and cotton were introduced as raw materials to serve the European market rather than cater for the needs of the indigenous population. Money was introduced as a: ‘tool for compelling people to work for the colonial government or capitalist enterprises which were the only reliable source of the badly needed cash’ (Babikwa 2004:41). Other legal, political and socio-economic structures systematically destroyed precolonial socio-economic values. In spite of, or perhaps because of, these measures the colonial administration left large sectors of rural populations leading a subsistence peasant life, so that the majority of African countries were very poor at Independence with few qualified doctors or teachers. At Independence, for instance, Tanzania had only two engineers and twelve doctors, with 85 per cent of the adult population illiterate. Botswana had only 40 graduates and was one of the poorest countries in the world. While Atim and Ngaka (2004) do acknowledge some infrastructure improvement for adult education provision in Uganda after World War II, the pattern of development across Africa was uneven. In the majority of cases post-Independence educational development largely followed the systems that had been developed during the colonial administration, primarily because development aid was contingent on this happening. Nevertheless there were initiatives among individual leaders to incorporate more indigenized approaches. Two examples are outlined here, (one of which was initiated prior to Independence). Ultimately both had their limitations in the context of a rapidly changing world and in the face of more dominant development agendas from the North. They nevertheless reflect socialist concepts of lifelong learning that were, arguably, in many ways more imaginative and responsive than efforts in the North over the same periods.

Alternative concepts of lifelong learning from the South Chapters 4 and 5 address more specifically the processes of development after Independence in formerly colonized countries, but the efforts of two key figures need to be highlighted here in relation to culturally and contextspecific visions for lifelong learning. Both were developed in opposition to colonialism, though at very different points in history.


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Mahatma Gandhi, influenced by his experiences in and out of India, developed a strategy of education for rural reconstruction during the 1940s, though his philosophical ideas first emerged prior to 1914. Gandhi’s principles for life were based on four pillars: truth, non-violence, sarvodaya (welfare of all) and satyagraha (non-violent action). These principles encompassed the spiritual, moral, political, economic, social, individual and collective. Although drawing on his extensive travels and recognition of other political and philosophical perspectives, Gandhi never completely rejected his own traditions. He claimed that western civilization had made ordinary Indian villagers poorer and less healthy because their traditional handicrafts skills had been replaced by modern machinery where factory workers slaved in appalling conditions. Gandhi’s goal was to make village communities self-sufficient and self-governing through an education system that was both practical (learning traditional crafts and their productive processes) and moral (based on spiritual communal life, truth and non-violence). He was deeply critical of the colonial system of education and its association with ‘an utterly unjust government’ primarily because it was based on a foreign culture ‘to the almost entire exclusion of indigenous culture’, ignored ‘the culture of the heart and the hand’, and was being delivered through the ‘foreign medium’ of English (paragraph 871 in Bose 1996 ). He, however, believed in a casteless society but combined with the spirituality of ancient India, expressed in the words swaraj and swadeshi. Swaraj, roughly translated, means independence, autonomy or self-rule within a spiritual communal life and swadeshi approximates the notion of self-sufficiency or self-reliance (Burke 2000:2). The translation of truth from the Indian word satya means a form of absolute truth in relation to God and morality, while non-violence from the Indian word ahisma encompasses the concept of active love. Gandhi’s strategy for achieving his revisioning of civilization was through developing self-reliance within village communities. Each village would be self-sufficient for daily living but would also have an interdependent relationship with other villages for mutual exchange: Independence must begin at the bottom. Thus every village will be a republic . . . having full powers. It follows, therefore, that every village has to be self-sustained and capable of managing its own affairs . . . In this structure composed of innumerable villages, there will be ever-widening, never-ascending circles. (cited in Burke 2000:2) Each village would have a school, a theatre, hall and water. Education would be a cooperative relationship between student and teacher where each

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would learn from the other. His focus was on the welfare of people, rather than institutions or systems. It was an openly communalist view in opposition to western competitive materialism. Emphasis would be placed on selflessness and responsibilities rather than rights; wealth would be used for the benefit of wider society rather than individual gain. Gandhi’s vision for education was a lifelong process for both children and adults. Although it was introduced in 1937 as a scheme for educational reform, by Independence in 1966 it was no longer part of India’s five-year education plans, in the context of a new era for development. Gandhi’s vision was in response to the circumstances of the time, particularly in opposition to the perceived destruction of Indian culture and dignity as a result of colonialism. But many of his concepts are reflected in the African philosophical concerns discussed earlier in this chapter. They also bear strong resemblance to the educational philosophy of the Tanzanian philosopher and politician Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Nyerere shared Gandhi’s commitment to education for self-reliance, integrated with a collective system of productive work and the concept of building autonomous, self-sufficient villages. Like Gandhi, Nyerere believed in the worth of every individual irrespective of skin colour or other characteristic. While these notions of equality nowadays do not signify anything extraordinary, in the context of colonialism, they were revolutionary. His vision drew on the values of ubuntu (translated to harambee in Kiswahili) and his educational philosophy was embedded in the Kiswahili concept of ujamaa (roughly translated as familyhood, the traditional element of African society). Again, like Gandhi he was a fervent critic of the way colonial education had cut Africans off from their own history, value system, cultural origins and sense of identity. Ujamaa would be realized through the construction of self-contained village communities, collectivization of agriculture, large-scale nationalization and a focus on rural development. His ideas are encapsulated in the Arusha Declaration of 1967, where he advocated the goals of adult education and education for self-reliance in the context of national development. Education, he stated: has to foster the social goals of living together and working together for the common good. It has to prepare our young people to play a dynamic role and constructive part in the development of a society in which all members share fairly in the good or bad fortune of the group, and in which progress is measured in terms of human well-being, not prestige buildings, cars, or other such things whether privately or publicly owned. Our education must therefore indicate a sense of commitment to the whole community and help the pupils to accept the values appropriate to


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our kind of future, not those appropriate to our colonial past. (Nyerere 1967:6) Adult education within this context was seen as a liberation from ignorance and dependency, raising of consciousness, inspiring a desire for change. It was firmly embedded in the concept of lifelong learning. In Nyerere’s vision ‘education has no end’ (Mulenga 2001:459). Nyerere introduced many practices that were later adopted in western community education initiatives, such as using primary schools for adult education classes, teacher training for adult education and the initiation of a national literacy campaign. Adult literacy rates improved from 15 per cent in 1967 to 91per cent by 1988 and nearly every child was in school. But his overall project failed to capture the required widespread imagination and enthusiasm of village communities. There are several possible reasons for this. Mulenga (2001) suggests that Nyerere (like Gandhi) was too intent on resurrecting lost cultural tradition in the face of the needs of a rapidly changing world. There was therefore a contradiction in his goals to encourage critical thinking and the desire to conform to an idealized past. Perhaps also, the pressures of development agendas from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank during the 1980s added contradictory restraints to his essentially anti-capitalist agenda, so that the early gains of his initiative ultimately deteriorated.

Learning from the past: implications for lifelong learning Louw (2001), among others, acknowledges the contradictions in Africa between the concepts of ubuntu in the face of increasing violence, corruption, poor governance and divisions between ethnicities, genders, the elite rich and mass poor. But he also points out other extraordinary tendencies in African countries where mass civil war has not broken out in the face of wider injustices. He highlights the incidents where reconciliation and consensus have prevented mass destruction of societies – such as the ending of apartheid in South Africa, where Truth and Reconciliation committees encouraged all sides to admit their atrocities to their victims as a means of moving towards peace. A recent power sharing agreement in Kenya, after disputed elections caused ethnic tensions that erupted into riots and mass killings, was made possible, it could be argued, through the spirit of ubuntu. Van Hensbroek (2001) suggests that the concept of ubuntu is perhaps an aspirational concept. The romantic ideology of a golden past for formerly colonized nations is no more real than it has been for any society.

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The difference, however, is that these nations were not allowed to grow on their own terms. Colonialism and ongoing imperialist agendas for educational development create resistances to potential futures because they are not owned by their own peoples. The potential for hybridity, for Africans to ‘merge their traditions with exogenous influences’ (Nyamnjoh 2002:135), is therefore often lost. So what can we extract from these histories, to help us develop a culturally relevant and philosophically supportive lifelong learning agenda for countries in the South and perhaps globally? We have a number of tensions. The global agenda is unashamedly capitalist, the southern tradition is much more concerned with collectivization; tradition in rural areas, where the majority still live, remains strong. Further the language of colonizers is not the language of the colonized. It can be seen throughout this chapter that it has been difficult to translate exact meanings for concepts and words that provide the core of everyday life in diverse cultures. The overriding message from African and Asian writers, however, is the need to be given space to articulate those value systems that resonate with indigenous cultural identities as a starting point for moving forward. This message must somehow be integrated into the world context of development aid and globalization. Ntuli (2002) poses a series of questions for indigenous knowledges that are pertinent to a lifelong learning project for the South. Some of them are replicated here: z z z z

What are the important practices relating to the management of natural resources, agriculture and health? How do they relate to western explanations and concepts? How do people learn, teach and experiment? What changes have taken place in the traditional cosmo-vision? (p.63–4)

To which can be added: what can we adapt and build on for lifelong learning in today’s world? Chapters 4 and 5 explore these issues within current socio-political climates before we look at some more practical and country-specific concerns for lifelong learning in the South.

Concluding summary This chapter has argued that education in the South did not begin with colonialism. Evidence from African and South Asian societies indicate there


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were sophisticated and organized forms of learning, for which the whole community took responsibility. They were largely unwritten and relied on oral transmission and memory for their continuity, but covered the whole curriculum in an integrated way. The focus was on preparation for life within defined cultures and communities. The philosophical foundations for such education were embedded in a world view that saw nature and human beings as having a cyclical relationship between the living, the dead and yet to be born, bound by a spiritual core that sought to harmonize living with the natural environment. Colonialism rejected these value systems and replaced any educational input with a more Cartesian, individualistic and disconnected approach to education under the guise of civilization. Colonial interests primarily served the educational needs of their capitalist administration, so that national development was partial and largely neglected the majority rural communities. At Independence, the colonizer’s formal curriculum and philosophical heritage has continued to prevail across formerly colonized nations with consequent effects on cultural identity, self-esteem and progress. The postcolonial project attempts to redress the imbalance of these interventions by arguing for recognition of both the histories of formerly colonized nations and integration of their aspirational beliefs into current development agendas. The final section of this chapter introduced some questions by Ntuli that may contribute to the development of a lifelong learning agenda for the South and a more global and holistic vision for learning societies.

Chapter 4

Development and lifelong learning

Development is too important for thinking and research to be dominated by ideas and support mainly emanating from orthodoxy within the developed world. The lives and welfare of five billion of the world’s population are at stake, as well as the understanding, cultural enrichment, and harmony in the world as a whole. Orthodox economic thinking and practice and the Washington Consensus are too dominant at present, reinforced by the wealth and operations of the Bank, the IMF and the major aid donors. The world needs broader thinking and research, especially that informed by the realities on the ground, drawing on the perceptions, research and professional skills of all the social sciences and especially from third world professionals reflecting their views of issues and problems in their own countries. Jolly 2007:12

Introduction The concept of ‘development’ implies some form of time-related evolution, growth, progress or maturity. Learning on a lifelong and life-wide basis is therefore more appropriate for development than merely initial or basic education. The above excerpt from Jolly’s keynote address to a recent conference on development suggests that countries in the South should be allowed to take charge of their own development needs – and by implication, one might argue, through a lifelong learning framework. This imperative is so strong that it seems inconceivable there is so little literature that specifically addresses these two concepts together. This is partly because ‘Development’ as a field of study originates primarily from the discipline of Economics. The relatively large body of policy literature that discusses education and development often frames this discussion around the measurable benefits of initial education to development in economistic terms or concentrates on quantifiable issues to do with participation and attainment.

Development and Lifelong Learning

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One exception is the Education for All Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2002) which explicitly recognizes the link between a holistic vision for education for all ages and development in terms of human welfare as well as economic growth (although the report is still primarily a resource for statistical data). The document also mentions lifelong learning but does not make a conceptual link between this and education, or conceptualize lifelong learning at all. Similarly, where lifelong learning and development are interlinked in policy or similar framework documents, the two terms are usually introduced unproblematically, although we shall see that one or two academics, such as Odora Hoppers and Shirley Walters, interrogate their interrelationship. I mentioned in Chapter 2 that lifelong learning contributes to helping people make sense of the world around them, and is a way of critiquing and contributing to social development (sometimes called ‘active citizenship’). I also argued in Chapter 1 that the SADC definition for lifelong learning provided a more context-specific and social focus than the one provided by the European Commission. It is important to recognize these differences as both a resource for critiquing the dominant policy perspective on lifelong learning and also to avoid the uncritical international transfer of perspectives from the North. Because of their colonial histories formerly colonized peoples must recreate their sense of self on their terms and within their own cultural context. So critical analysis is an important part of learning because it facilitates understanding of the tensions and conflicts that affect postcolonial situations. This kind of learning can create space for agency (self-determination) to stimulate positive change. I have further argued that the dominant discourses that are used for education, globalization, lifelong learning and development on behalf of the South need to be scrutinized for their authoritative claims. Often it is the silences in texts (what is left out) that create distorted realities. By revealing contemporary development requirements and possibilities that go beyond the dominant discourses we can move nearer to identifying how lifelong learning can contribute to alternative visions for development, as well as be a feature of the development agenda itself. We have also seen that lifelong learning existed in the South prior to colonialism, as preparation for life in particular contexts but through different world views. Certain world views value interconnections between the living, the dead and those yet to be born. Traditional lifelong learning in most contexts was interrupted by colonialism rather than facilitated – a situation which has continued in the postcolonial period, resulting in a development agenda that is embedded in western/northern principles without

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reference to indigenous values, skills, knowledge and understanding. Although there are some measures to redress this imbalance in future development agendas, such as the NEPAD, this partnership is still subject to ongoing conditionalities imposed by the international aid community that do not sit easily with African philosophical positions. The result tends to be resistance – or at best an ongoing tension – on the part of the general populace in beneficiary countries to external development discourses, rather than a participatory relationship which builds on the best of the past in order to seek a way forward. Following this argument we need to scrutinize the philosophical intent, but also the failures of alternative development paradigms of leaders like Nyerere and Gandhi. They were oppositional visions in the face of overwhelming disintegration of people’s cultural identities, their world views and traditional means of sustainability. Gandhi’s approach was to combine spirituality with practical learning – for community well-being and selfsufficiency by reverting to traditional productivity. His goal was to nurture ‘the culture of the heart and the hand’. Nyerere’s was education for ‘self reliance’ using the Ujamaa concept of village as family. Both Gandhi’s and Nyerere’s philosophy for development and education focused on the collective. This required a commitment to the whole community rather than the individual. The focus was human well-being rather than profit. Their positions contrast starkly with the World Bank and other donor agency concerns with competitiveness, modernization, and marketization. But their ideological downfall perhaps reflects the need for a more hybrid view of development that acknowledges the need to interface with a fast changing and globalizing world. Lifelong learning somehow has to capture southern and context-specific world views within this wider framework. This chapter continues the above arguments by highlighting tensions between those dominant, normative discourses for development from international aid agencies, and southern perspectives. It provides a brief review of the evolutionary process of development discourses since the 1950s and their approach to education and knowledge. It draws particularly on writers such as Escobar, Ferguson, Odora Hoppers and Tikly – all of whom share postcolonialist concerns about the impact of neo-liberal ideologies on formerly colonized countries. A review of recent World Bank attempts to measure social capital as a ‘missing link’ in development agendas precedes some alternative visions for development including the gender dimension. I conclude with some reflections on how lifelong learning (as opposed to initial or basic education per se) can contribute to a culturally sensitive development agenda, before moving onto Chapter 5 which discusses the globalization dimension for lifelong learning.


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Development discourses Rural development projects are to be found scattered liberally across the African continent and beyond; and in nearly every case, these projects seem on inspection to be planned, implemented, and justified in very nearly the same way as they are in Lesotho. What is more, these projects seem to ‘fail’ with almost the same astonishing regularity that they do in Lesotho. Ferguson 1994:8

The way development need is constructed by those with the power to name and control development has become the focus of much attention in recent years. Ferguson conducted a systematic analysis of international development agendas for Lesotho, demonstrating how the language of development texts constructed the country as a development problem by providing images of Lesotho that would match the development agenda of the time. The texts then became a way of controlling the development process itself. Ferguson cites an extract from a World Bank text written in 1975 that described Lesotho as a traditional subsistence peasant society, virtually untouched by economic development, and implying that its migrant labour system only started in recent years even though migration to work in South Africa has been in existence for generations. Yet Ferguson finds an Encyclopaedia Britannica text of 1910 that describes ‘Basutoland’ as ‘one of the greatest grain-growing countries of South Africa’ and as a thriving society (in Ferguson 1994:26). Ferguson points out how Lesotho is actively promoted by the World Bank as a ‘peasant society’ where: ‘the farmers’ are distinguished from one another by their relative receptiveness to ‘new ideas’ and ‘development’ (hence ‘lead farmers,’ ‘progressive farmers,’ etc.). Political parties almost never appear, and the explicitly political role played by ‘development’ institutions such as the Village Development Committees is ignored or concealed . . . (p.66) By using only certain words to describe Lesotho, it is represented as ‘a country with a geography, but no history . . . bureaucracy, but no politics’ (ibid). By removing politics from the concept of development the discourse removes the possibility of a political analysis of the issues that caused ‘under development’ in the first place. In other words the country of Lesotho is given the right deficiencies to meet the proposed solution.

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Ferguson argues that development – the externally imposed project to reform peasant society and expand the capitalist mode of production, rarely achieves its objectives, but it still exists, producing similar results of development failure. Development projects never manage to solve the problem they identified because the problem is being defined in a way that serves predetermined solutions, and ignores other, associated realities: Impediments to development of the national economy are thus located in lack of roads and markets, lack of training and education, lack of agricultural inputs . . . problems which loom largest in other, non-development accounts, such as structural unemployment, influx control, low wages, political subjugation . . . parasitic bureaucratic elites, and so on, simply disappear. (Ibid) Escobar (1995), among others, questions the unquestioned desirability of development as a project that aims to replicate the world of industrialization, including increase of urban communities, agricultural technology, individualistic values and so on. He, too, shows how development theories consistently produce hegemonic discourses that help countries to see themselves as undeveloped and thereby desiring to be developed according to the dictates of those producing the knowledge about development. Furthermore, development discourses, it can be argued, create contradictions and discontinuities of thought through a continuous desire by their agents to dominate those identified as in need of development, as the above example implies. So what are these discourses that have consistently failed to achieve their proclaimed goals, and what do they have in common? Youngman (2000), Tikly (2004) and others have described Development’s evolutionary process and it is summarized here. With the post-World War II reconstruction era of the early 1950s emerged a desire, particularly in North America and Europe, to find new markets and secure cheap raw materials for production. The interest in those countries subjected to colonial rule was based on strategic considerations by industrialized ‘first world’ nations of how to access new resources and prevent such countries from partnering with the emerging communist countries of the ‘second world’. So the ‘third world’ was born. The previously designated primitive, uneducable savage, suddenly became an object for education and development, at least to a level that would enable exchange through domination and exploitation.


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Development became the new hegemonic rationale for colonial interference. Knowledge about poverty was constructed by the West in its own image, with universally applicable solutions. Aid was conditional upon third world countries transforming themselves to be like their first world counterparts, but without being subject to the same benefits that first world countries apply to themselves. For instance, Escobar (1995) reports that when European countries were in need of support to facilitate post-war reconstruction, aid from America to Europe was unconditional and loan free. It has also been claimed that many dictatorial regimes in the South were supported when it suited the strategic interests of the West and North. In other words, the development discourse created space for only certain things to be said and done, and certain significations of meaning attached to words and actions. So ‘villager’ signified someone who doesn’t understand and the ‘Muslim woman’ as someone who is oppressed through ‘the forms of power that have appeared to act not so much by repression but by normalization; not by ignorance but by controlled knowledge’ (Escobar 1995:53). Robinson-Pant (2001) reinforces how this process is still continuing when she describes how current development material for literacy classes uses images that reinforce the dichotomy between ‘developed’ and ‘undeveloped’ peoples and behaviours. She describes how sequential pictures in educational material start by depicting the ‘male white westerner’ as in charge and local people as lacking discipline move to the final picture where villagers become organized and attentive in response to the civilizing westerner (p.313). This, she argues, fails to recognize that different cultures have different ways of organizing themselves as well as different priorities. Odora Hoppers (2001) identifies different development decades where the discourse may change slightly, but always retains the same civilizing mission, in the context of a capitalist economy, to make people believe they are undeveloped. So the 1960s was a decade for modernization theory and central government planning. The answer to development was enhanced physical infrastructure, machinery and export of raw materials. Education would concentrate on giving people the right skills and attitudes for profitbased work. The rationale now was that profit-based economic growth would have a trickle-down effect on the poor, thus developing whole nations. As has already been mentioned, this approach failed to take account of the existing nature of societies. Odora Hoppers (2001:23) gives an example in Ethiopia of the long-term negative effect of 1960s development projects. The initiative cited here

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demonstrates the donor agencies’ self-serving motives for Ethiopia’s ‘development’ needs and the way they were able to exploit support within the country itself: ‘The Awash river . . . was developed in the 1960s to provide irrigation for Dutch, Israeli, Italian and British firms (and for very wealthy Ethiopians) to grow sugar and cotton’. But this: development stopped the August flooding which covered the basin with rich soil and which provided grazing for the Afar people. The tribe was forced into less fertile parts of the valley which became seriously overgrazed. When drought struck the Wollo region in 1972, 25-30% of the Afars died. Dependency theorists emerged during the 1970s. They did not challenge capitalism per se (Offiong 1980 for example) but argued that western capitalism was blocking capital accumulation in formerly colonized nations because industrialized countries were importing raw materials, using them for manufacturing goods and then selling them back to the colonized periphery at profit-making prices which simply impoverished developing nations even more. Although countries such as Tanzania attempted to develop alternative systems, (as outlined in Chapter 3) the numbers were too few to impact on the modernization approach overall. In terms of education, mass literacy campaigns were adopted in many countries along with an expansion of formal schooling. Non-formal education and extension work (community-based, primarily agricultural education for farmers) served as lifelong learning components at this time. It was provided to cater for those without places in the formal system, for those who had already missed out in the past and also as a means of providing extended skills instruction. But the overall, top-down development approach remained problematic. The oil crisis of the 1970s produced a further strain on countries with fragile cash economies and delimited the amount of financial support on offer by international agencies. The development aid answer in the 1980s was to intensify the market and privatization, leading to what has become known as the Washington Consensus, or neo-liberalism. It was argued that government interventions and social welfare support were an impediment to the free market, independency and economic growth. The solution was to cut government spending on public services and allow the market to find its own equilibrium. Poor economic performance in the South was now the result of too much government spending, emphasis on physical infrastructure and social support systems. World Bank and IMF lending


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became conditional on stringent structural adjustment programmes that demanded reduction in spending on public services, greater emphasis on foreign investment and exports and a focus on user fees for essential services such as education and health. Entrepreneurialism, and its associated individualist focus on profit and personal gain, was identified as the basis for growth for poor economies. Since countries in the South were already in debt and were already disadvantaged by the market process that exploited raw materials, the result was a massive increase in poverty, and reduction in educational participation rates with consequences for health and production generally. Non-formal education from this period relied heavily on the spread of civil-society organizations and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) to help plug the gap in public services. The impact of such development policies continues. Jolly (2007), in his keynote address to an international conference on development in Scotland, provides a damning indictment of the outcomes of IMF conditional lending policies. Citing from Barrow and Wha Lee (2005) he states that the IMF has not been effective at promoting economic growth and has had a statistically ‘significant negative effect on economic growth’ (p.5). He pointed out a number of reasons that were given to ‘blame the result on countries themselves’, such as countries ‘were failing to implement correctly or fully’, or there were issues of corruption, instability and war, so that: ‘As time progresses, the reasons given become the consequences of failures of adjustment, self-fulfilling prophecies’ (Jolly 2007:7). The 1990s and early part of the new millennium decade saw what has become known as the ‘post-Washington consensus’ (Tikly 2004:180). This approach still supports the free market but is influenced by two emerging concerns. On the one hand, the increasing threat of terrorism for countries in the North has focused both Europe and North America’s attention on the notion of good governance and security. Bagoyoko and Gibert (2007:10), for instance, highlight the concept of ‘African security’ as a ‘new legitimacy for EU policies in Africa’, based on the concept of three pillars – community (the social environment), common foreign and security policies (military interventions) and police and the judiciary (issues of crime). So, they argue, Europe is now defending itself through a focus on security in Africa, rather than simply on its previous interests around trade. The discourse of security creates an even greater rationale for European interventions and control. On the other hand, recent academic debates and civil-society voices concerning the omission of gender and environmental concerns, and the

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concept of social capital as a missing link in development have introduced new discourses and arguments for economic growth and dominance. Both these positions result in a discursive reintroduction of the need for state interventions. Space does not allow for exploration of all these issues, but since social capital, in northern discourses, has been linked to lifelong learning, and the World Bank became particularly interested in the concept as a new development issue, we will discuss it in a little more depth here.

Social capital The concept of social capital came into its own during the 1990s. Writers such as Fukuyama (1995) identified it as a feature of successful entrepreneurship in Japan and Putnam (2000) saw it as an explanation for the decline of civic virtue in America. It has become an explanatory variable for both neo-liberalists and socialists and has as many critics as protagonists. The World Bank, partly in response to criticism of its neo-liberal recipes for ‘developing countries’ began to identify social capital as the missing link in development agendas, using econometrics to measure social capital per household (see Grootaert 2001, for example). Social capital is broadly defined as ‘social networks, the reciprocities that arise from them, and the value of these for achieving mutual goals’ (Schuller et al. 2000:1). But any concept that deals with relationships is also concerned with power and the inequalities that derive from that. Any network of social groups can be both exclusionary as well as mutually beneficial. Partly for this reason different types of social capital are identified. Research suggests that different kinds of social capital serve different purposes. Field (2005) offers the following distinctions. ‘Bonding social capital’ relates to close community and family ties – something that many African communities have in abundance – though there is evidence that urbanization, new socio-economic demands caused by HIV/AIDS and the formal education system itself are all loosening those ties among younger generations. A study of attitudes to active citizenship rights and responsibilities among post-Independence young adults in Botswana, for instance, revealed that while they still retained their extended family links, Botswana youth would be more inclined to be selective about their community responsibilities and would more freely question the traditional values of their elders than former generations did (Preece and Mosweunyane 2004).


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‘Bridging social capital’ is identified as a situation where people move beyond their immediate social ties and build new links across communities. Field suggests this is likely to create more heterogeneous networks where there is a wider and cross fertilization of knowledge and ideas. The Botswana findings indicated that young people make some use of bonding social capital as they form interest groups that may extend beyond their immediate communities. But it is ‘Linking social capital’ (networks that extend beyond communities into broader institutions and organizations) that is perceived as the most useful for wider exposure to information and knowledge and therefore potential interest in lifelong learning. Field (2005:34) suggests that the wider the network circles, the more loose and open ended they are, with consequences for both formal and less formal learning: ‘It seems probable that looser networks will promote those affective and social competences that are best suited to coping with change and disruption’. The extent, or nature, of which networks serve which purpose and for what ultimate gain, is not easily identifiable, particularly in relation to context. Field explored the relationship between social capital and participation in lifelong learning in Ireland. His results were inconclusive. He suggested that people with broader social connections were probably more likely to be interested in participating in organized learning, though this observation would be subject to other context-specific influences, such as the wellresearched fact that the primary motivator for participation in learning during adulthood is usually linked to extended initial education. This suggests that extended participation in learning may be a key factor in developing the necessary prerequisite to building linking social capital rather than the other way round. This latter factor seems to have bypassed much of the development policy literature which concentrates on universal primary education or at best basic education targets. The World Bank (2003a) interprets the above levels of social capital in terms of macro-, meso- and micro-networks and norms in order to explain how social capital affects well-being and the relationship between social capital and economic gain. It is interesting to see the subtle changes in interpretation that this literature puts on the definition of social capital compared with the more process-focused definition of Schuller et al. (2000). Grootaert’s (2001) focus is on ‘the ability of actors to secure benefits by virtue of membership in social networks or other social structures’ (p.1) (my italics). Criteria such as the ‘impact of local associations on household welfare and poverty; role of associations in the accumulation of assets,

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access to credit’ (p.3) are of greater interest to the Bank than relationships of mutual support in times of crisis, peer influences on learning motivation or civic roles and responsibilities, participation in political decision making etc. Although some research in the South speaks positively about the link between social capital and poverty reduction (such as Ortiz 2007 in the context of Latin America), the variations in what is looked for mean that initiatives to nurture or apply social capital to development tend to be viewed economistically, rather than through a more holistic social development approach. It might be argued, therefore, that social capital is potentially useful to explain how people use their social links to further their own lives. As such it is a contributory factor to understanding how people’s social values form and develop in relation to their personal development, including attitudes to learning. But it remains context-specific and it is not clear how much social capital is a contributor to, or outcome of, development or lifelong learning.

Alternative visions for development Novelli and Popez Cardozo (2008) address a critical feature of development and education in relation to conflict situations. They raise two important points, among others, that are relevant to this and the ensuing chapter. First, there is an urgent need to ensure that education (and by implication lifelong learning) explores conflict within a broad and global context of development and international relations, framed within a critical theory framework. Second, it is important to recognize that not all education has a positive effect on development. They, and many others (for example, Harber 2004) cite a number of situations where education has been used as a weapon for oppression and inequality. So not all forms of education are good for development. It is refreshing, therefore, to note that the UNESCO Education for All Global Monitoring Report (2002) cites Amartya Sen in support of a more holistic view of education and development. While Sen does not address lifelong learning specifically, he provides a political economy approach to constructing some broader visions for education and development within a social justice framework. Development as freedom Development can be seen . . . as a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy. Focusing on human freedoms contrasts with narrower views of development,


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such as identifying development with the growth of gross national product, or with the rise in personal incomes, or with industrialization, or with technological advance, or with social modernization. Growth of GNP or of individual incomes can, of course, be very important as a means to expanding the freedoms enjoyed by the members of the society. But freedoms depend also on other determinants, such as social and economic arrangements . . . as well as political and civil rights. Sen 1999:3

Sen discusses development as either a ‘fierce process’ (which deliberately neglects democracy or social safety nets) or a ‘friendly process’ (which includes concerns with political liberties and social services). Although he prefers the friendly approach he is not advocating an alternative to capitalism. But he does argue for a change of focus to consideration of a range of freedoms that are ‘constituent components of development’ (p.5), rather than simply aiming for the end product of economic growth. This, he says, is because it is the ‘capabilities of people to lead the kind of lives they value’ (p.18) that influence the extent to which they can exercise self-determination to help themselves or contribute to wider development issues. His ‘substantive freedoms’ include participation in politics, education and health care. Major sources of ‘unfreedom’ are poverty, tyranny, poor economic opportunities, social deprivation, neglect of public facilities, repressive states. But the emphasis on ‘leading the lives that people value’ creates space for diversity. Capabilities are the range of things people can do, the knowledge and skills needed to act independently for productivity or personal welfare consumption. Poor education or knowledge about how to challenge inequitable systems perpetuate exclusion and isolation. So capability ‘unfreedom’ creates a dependency role for people who are then locked into a vicious cycle of low skills that prevent better paid employment, thus perpetuating the cycle of need for the next generation. Participation helps to determine the range of things people can be – including participation in social life and inclusion in decision-making processes. Education is a critical feature for participation in all aspects of life. So wherever the right to education is denied, this becomes a social justice issue, which affects people’s life chances in a multidimensional way. Included in this vision is the empowerment of women, where education will increase a woman’s social standing, decision-making power in the family, ability to be independent, knowledge of the outside world, skill in influencing group decisions.

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This vision for development broadens the scope for lifelong learning in that it reflects education as a multidimensional process. But even Sen does not specifically recognize the need for continuous learning to achieve the above freedoms. Moreover he expends a considerable number of words on justifying women’s education for economic purposes or for the healthrelated benefits of reduced fertility. While these may be desirable outcomes (depending on other socio-cultural factors) they do not in themselves address social relations of power and domination which are major concerns of postcolonial analyses and of more recent feminist arguments. Gender Development projects have affected women differently from their male counterparts. One issue is the impact of urbanization and migration of men to cash economies away from home. This means that women work longer in and out of the home and their responsibilities have increased without being given the skills to deal with changes. Furthermore, schools in many instances are not girl friendly environments. Indeed women and girl’s education is often neglected where there is competition for basic human needs. Feminists have been pointing to women’s invisibility in development discourses since the 1970s. In recent years international development agencies have adopted the economic rationale for women’s education also recognizing that women’s earnings are more likely to be used to support the family. This approach fails to recognize the complexity of patriarchal relations and does not address the wider lifelong learning issues already articulated in this book. For instance Parthasarathy et al. (2007) explain how international aid agencies have adopted micro-credit as a ‘magic bullet’ development strategy ‘to solve all the problems of women’. Micro-credit is a form of community-managed bank where small sums of money are collected and shared out as loans on a rotational basis to help women start up small businesses. But the authors point out that this is now offered at the expense of literacy and any awareness raising of the root causes of their poverty, and also without the necessary discussions that enable women to see how the microcredit arrangement itself can trap women into further dependency arrangements since the basic structures that prevent them from accessing credit in the normal way, or the market, remain in place. Gender concerns for development and education were given a major boost in 1995 after the World Conference on Women in Beijing. This conference highlighted the growth of women maintained households and the


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anomaly that while women in most countries of the South constitute a substantial number of agriculture workers, it is usually the men who receive agriculture training. It was also argued that gender concerns with education stretch beyond participation rates. They include issues to do with attitudes, curriculum and gender-sensitive learning environments. The different dimensions of gender-based development theories are discussed by Visvanathan (1997). They follow the above development trends and are also critiqued for emanating largely from the North. So the concept of Women in Development (WID) is closely related to modernization theory which unproblematically depicts traditional societies as male dominated and modern ones as democratic and egalitarian. The WID answer to gender development issues is to introduce legal and administrative changes that integrate women into economic systems. The Woman and Development approach (WAD) follows the dependency theory arguments about capitalism failing to recognize women’s productive as well as reproductive role in society. This argument claims that the introduction of capitalism reinforced the subordination of women’s status in agrarian societies because property was controlled by men. Gender and Development (GAD) developed during the 1980s, with an interest in how women are oppressed in all sectors of society and a focus on women’s rights and power relations between men and women. Chapter 7 will address southern critiques of feminist movements in more detail, but suffice to say for now that during the 1980s voices of women from the South emerged through a number of organizations. One of the most prominent was Developing Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN). This organization critiques the impact of development from the perspectives of women living in the South. The focus shifts to concerns with political consciousness raising, basic rights, equal share of caring for children, grassroots mobilization and transformation of ‘institutions, structures and relations that perpetuate injustice’ (Visvanathan 1997:17–32). The latter approach to gender and development is concerned with intersecting issues to do with class, race, ethnicity and religion and political organization of women, but in a way that encourages men to recognize their shared experiences of domination. So for women, development issues are as much to do with political participation and legal rights as they are to do with maternal, child nutrition or credit issues. Adult and lifelong education, it is argued, stretches beyond adult literacy programmes and must ‘enable women to employ strategies that are helpful to them in their daily lives’ (International Labour Organization (ILO) 1996:318). This includes education and training for sustainable use of resources and protecting the

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environment; support mechanisms for life skills, opportunity for drop-outs to continue education, entrepreneurial skills, self-employment skills, and retraining programmes. So, to accommodate gender concerns, even when development relates to the economy it must be critically contextualized in a lifelong learning framework.

Lifelong learning and development In recent years international aid agencies such as DFID and the World Bank have begun to introduce the concept of lifelong learning into their development agendas, but their representation of the relationship between lifelong learning, knowledge and understanding of wider issues is inconsistent. Where there is a link they relentlessly pursue an economistic agenda. The World Bank’s 2007 document surprisingly recognizes indigenous knowledge and quality of life in the context of social development, but without one reference to lifelong learning. Its 1998 document actively promotes lifelong learning in relation to knowledge, but primarily for its effects on economic productivity: ‘It is lack of knowledge that causes markets to collapse’ (1998:7). It also identifies a deficit model of knowledge for ‘developing countries’: ‘Knowledge about attributes . . . such as quality of a product, diligence of a worker . . . informational problems . . . are fewer and weaker in developing countries’ (ibid). This denies the existence of alternative knowledge systems and creates a false reality of knowledge construction in the South. Jolly supports this observation by referring to the World Bank’s establishment of a Global Development Network in the late 1990s which ignored the fact that ‘the third World research associations had already been in existence and operating with great professionalism for some 25 years’ (Jolly 2007:11). Similarly Odora Hoppers (2001) observes how the Bank fails to look at higher education in the South as a knowledge producer, (and therefore its potential to develop a lifelong learning society), instead preferring to focus on how higher education can cut its costs. A few writers have begun to envision a ‘postdevelopment’ era. Their arguments follow similar tendencies. Escobar (1995) talks of privileging local cultures and knowledges, promoting localized grassroots movements, moving ‘away from western modes of knowing’, encouraging hybrid cultures, looking for other ways of building economies, finding ways of ‘meeting needs that are not strictly for profit and the market’ (p.189). Robinson-Pant (2001) also talks about ‘bottom up grassroots social movements’ and looking


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for ways of forming new knowledge from such movements. This emphasis moves away from universalist approaches, and towards localized, contextspecific solutions to local problems, encouraging reflexivity and critical awareness. It supports initiatives such as REFLECT which adopt a critical literacy approach to development and where literacy is secondary to awareness raising. The approach encourages communities to develop local literacies through shared exploration of concerns which are meaningful to them. Odora Hoppers (2001) calls her vision a ‘post-victimology perspective’, asking for a new vision of education and its link with development by conceptualizing: ‘a future that acknowledges plurality and diversity, a life-giving and life maintaining future’ (p.33). She, like Escobar, asks that education should go beyond serving the interests of capital and questions the basic premise of the development discourse: ‘Are rural people living off local resources really “backward” vis-à-vis urban people in the North who are consuming global energy and natural resources at unsustainable levels?’ (p.35). Her 2006 paper ‘Lifelong Learning and Sustainable Development’ articulates the need to find a way of retaining the best of modernity (gender equality, technology, democratic ideas) while avoiding its defects (secularism, intolerances, injustices, unsustainability). She repeats some of the above arguments, within a lifelong learning framework that engages with reflexive praxis and an ‘expanded citizenship’. By this she means reflection and action for human rights, rather than passive responses to external agendas. She cites the following community-based examples of non-formal education which encourage this approach. In Sri Lanka a rural development project uses adult-educator facilitation techniques to work with indigenous knowledge as the starting point for mutual discussion for change. In India an NGO called Nirantar only introduces literacy with women once they have identified their learning needs subsequent to discussions about wider social and power issues in their lives. In the Philippines a fishing community is given deeper understanding about how to address the consequences of deforestation due to commercial logging and its effects on their depleted fish stocks: ‘The adult education project set out to assist the local people to understand and comprehend what is really going on . . . it took on a multi- and pluri-disciplinary form ranging from health, to social, environmental, and macro-economic awareness’ (p.13). Such approaches, it might be noted, bear strong similarities to traditional lifelong learning of precolonial times, with the added factor of critical awareness in relation to wider global issues and contexts. For Odora Hoppers lifelong learning requires a combined critical literacy approach which

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includes raising awareness of historical forms of disempowerment, challenging hierarchical forms of knowledge transfer, helping people articulate their own visions for the future and also developing networks with other groups to foster social change. These alternative visions for development all require a localized, ongoing, lifelong learning approach to education. The emphasis is on ownership of the learning process and learning to acquire the skills to actively promote change (and includes, in some cases, reconstruction) – rather than becoming passive recipients of top-down initiatives. From a development-aid perspective, of course, there are risks. Decisions and solutions may not fit the dominant capitalist agenda, or the market needs of the North. Potential decisions to acquire skills and knowledge through alternative value systems or exploration of how local resources can be exploited for local development may not produce a desire to ‘catch up’ with the North or West. They also have implications for globalization and international relations. The conundrum of how to intersect the local with the global is the subject of Chapter 5.

Concluding summary This chapter has argued that internationally led development projects bear contradictions and discontinuities that serve neo-liberal agendas of domination and control, primarily from Europe and North America. The effect of external development has meant that the recipient populations do not own their own development process. This results in implementation failures and resistances to change as well as a failure by the developers to recognize indigenous knowledge, skills and understanding that could be the missing link between aid agendas and development achievements. While social capital may be a potential resource for enhancing development, its relationship with lifelong learning needs further examination. Lifelong learning, as a means of making continuous connections with an ever-changing world and developing the critical capacities to effect change from within, is undervalued in development discourses. The challenge is to use continuous learning to integrate locally applicable development with wider and more global relationships. There is also the risk that new approaches to sustainability and development may not serve current capitalist agendas. Chapter 5 discusses how globalization contributes to the development project – as a hindrance to and a potential resource for lifelong learning in the South.

Chapter 5

Globalization – implications for lifelong learning in the South

Introduction As I started to write this chapter I had recently returned from some fieldwork in one of the remote mountainous regions of Lesotho. We had accessed the villages in a four-by-four vehicle. The residents were busy harvesting, primarily through manual labour but with the aid of some oxendrawn carts. We had come to interview the herd boys who had been receiving evening literacy classes after their work in the fields and tending cattle. Each village consisted of a cluster of traditional thatch-roofed rondavels. We conducted our research in one of these rondavels by evening candlelight and wrapped ourselves in blankets to keep out the winter cold. The floor was carpeted with animal skins. This was also how and where the herdboys acquired literacy. During the day I watched people accessing the village standpipe for water, while other children returned home from school via a minibus. Other than that minibus and our vehicle the normal forms of transport were donkeys or horses. We would have to travel for an hour back to the tarred road and a small town in order to get electricity, a signal for our cellphones or other communication technologies. If we drove another four hours back to Maseru, the capital city, we would see multinational companies, crowded traffic, internet and fast foods. This experience provides a poignant resonance with the early pages of Chapter 4. It both reinforces the contradictions of the development agenda that fails to ‘develop’ and provides a stark contrast to the disharmony of postmodernity. The village was largely self-sufficient and sustainable, its members working collectively and in harmony with the natural cycles of their local environment. Yet the herders aspired for more. They wanted literacy and electricity and the opportunity to make choices about their futures; but those choices might, or might not, entail a departure from their traditional lifestyles, depending on their individual ambitions.

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Odora Hoppers (2006a:4) highlights two contradictions in relation to Africa’s place in the globalization agenda: Africa is not only concerned about its marginalization and thereby uncritical assimilation into the existing global order. She is also concerned with injustice IN that global order, and thus her own moral trajectory as she seeks to participate in it. The continent’s struggle clearly articulated in the charters of the African Union is to consolidate and affirm its presence, but also its identity in a world order that has, for centuries worked to compromise it. On the one hand Africa is not perceived by the rest of the world as having anything to contribute to wider global agendas. On the other hand most Africans do not want to become a carbon copy of westernization because, as other chapters have indicated, westernization is perceived as robbing Africans (and countries and populations in similar situations of marginalization) of their identity. Chapter 3 identified indigenous philosophical world views of humanness and connectedness. In different guises these are increasingly becoming aspirations in western discourses that are concerned with the sustainability of the planet and scarce natural resources. The ubuntu spiritual obligation to the living, the dead and those yet to be born, and sense of collective responsibility to share what one has with those who have not, provide antidotes to the consequences of environmental degradation and poverty construction by profiteering multinational companies. The literature on globalization talks of another world from the one mentioned above. It is premised on a notion of constricted time and space brought about by new technologies, fast-moving capital and rapid change, and where events in one region can have significant consequences on distant regions of the globe. An ever increasing, deepening and ‘widening reach of networks of social activity and power’ creates the ‘possibility of action at a distance’ at ever-increasing speed (Held et al. 1999:14). Changing modes of production and new forms of labour create the need for different and continuous learning strategies, articulated through the discourse of lifelong learning. This is a world of competitiveness, constant expansion and market-driven consumerism. While it is described primarily as an economic phenomenon it also impinges on politics and cultures. The sovereignty and power of nation states is seen to be diminishing relative to the power and control of multinational businesses and international agencies of policy and legislation. Consumerism and media technologies affect cultures and identities and disseminate dominant patterns of behaviour across

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the globe. Even education has become a commodity to be sold internationally and in competition with local provision. With a few exceptions, the main globalization literature barely makes reference to ‘developing’ or ‘Third World’ countries since they are largely irrelevant to the global capitalist agenda, except, perhaps, as an exploitation resource for cheap labour or raw materials and, increasingly, a customer base for northern concepts of education. Definitions do not change significantly, though opinions as to the nature, extent or even reality of globalization as a concept can vary. It is experienced as a discourse, a process, a perception and a code word to deflect attention away from neo-colonialist intentions. It is identified as an evil and a good, but rarely explored in relation to marginalized regions like Africa or to lifelong learning. Among the recent exceptions to this is a book by King and McGrath (2002) which specifically addresses both concepts with a view to promoting education, training and development in Africa to help the continent compete in a globalized world. Odora Hoppers (2006a), too, explores the link between literacy and globalization in the form of African learning societies. A few others (for example, Kellner 2000, Tikly 2007) develop critical theory or postcolonial perspectives of globalization. Others (like Rizvi 2000) remind us that some formerly colonized countries, such as Malaysia, have spent a considerable portion of their budget on education and have indeed embraced the globalization concept, while still retaining a distinctive national identity. Chapter 4 noted the development literature that emphasizes the need for localized, community-based learning to ensure relevance and ownership. This chapter attempts to link that debate with the ones concerned with globalization. I summarize some of the core perspectives about globalization and its link to dominant lifelong learning discourses. I then discuss some critiques, constraints and opportunities for countries in the South, particularly in terms of their colonial histories and contemporary development agendas for education. Finally we look at how indigenous practices and value systems, particularly in relation to African world views, might interface lifelong learning with globalization so that nations in the South are players in, rather than victims of, its effects.

Definitions Held et al. (1999) provide a widely used synopsis of the varying positions on globalization under three schools of thought – articulated as hyperglobalists, sceptics and transformationalists.

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Hyperglobalists are largely concerned with an economistic focus but include both neo-liberal advocates and socialist antagonists. They are convinced that we are moving rapidly towards a single global marketplace and a borderless economy as a result of transnational networks of production, trade and finance. They argue that these networks break down the old continental divisions because elites participate across national boundaries and multinational companies draw their labour from all parts of the globe. Similarly mechanisms for global governance are controlled by world organizations such as the World Bank and IMF. Hyperglobalists agree that there are winners and losers in this scenario, exacerbated by the decline in state welfare protection policies, but they disagree on the extent to which this situation should be challenged. For instance, right-wing conservatives argue that there are always winners and losers in capitalist societies. Those who are able to embrace international markets will benefit from increased opportunities and the trickle-down effect will benefit all. Socialists, however, claim that an unregulated market encourages exploitation and fails to protect the poor and vulnerable from abuse of their labour. We can see this, for example, in the increased use of temporary, part-time workers who are not protected by labour laws or pension schemes. Lifelong learning for hypergolobalists will lean towards a homogeneous concept of learning that feeds ideas of convergence. Some people see the emergence of global civil-society movements as a potential antidote to the stranglehold of multinational corporations – a form of globalization ‘from below’. More will be said of this later. Hyperglobalists take a largely ahistorical perspective for globalization and attribute it to a linear process of change brought about by enhanced technology. Sceptics take a more historical view, arguing that world trade flows are changing, rather than dramatically increasing. For instance, as Held and McGrew (2000) point out, during the colonial era some of the advanced capitalist countries actually engaged more with trade in their countries of colonization than they do now. For the sceptics trade is becoming more regionalized and concentrated among advanced capitalist states. Sceptics also question the declining power of national governments – referring more to ‘clash of civilizations’ – manifested, for example, in fundamentalist reactions to western imperialism – rather than global governance. The invasion of Iraq is an example of such polarization. The result is fragmentation of regions (such as in Central and Eastern Europe) and continued North–South inequalities. So while there are distinct phases of intensified interaction between national economies

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and heightened levels of internationalization (such as G7 summits and trade agreements), these are merely reorganizations of patterns that have always existed. Sceptics might perceive lifelong learning as a concept that ignores the needs of the South. Transformationalists suggest that the picture is more complex and globalization cuts across all domains in interconnected ways, including military, legal, criminal and ecological ones. There are historically unprecedented patterns of connectivity but the changes are uneven and also unpredictable. There are discontinuities; globalization fragments as much as it integrates and generates as much conflict as it does cooperation. In this view rapid social, political and economic changes are reshaping societies and nation states so there are new patterns of ‘global stratification, convergence and marginalization’ (Held et al. 1999:8). With the increase of multinational corporations, transnational social movements and international regulations, nation states are having to adapt their role in response to global rules which are not always of their own making. The impact of globalization is not necessarily uniform because it is mediated by internal structures, policies and unequal power relations between nation states. Lifelong learning for transformationalists develops unevenly across the globe and is influenced by a range of external factors such as nations’ relationships with each other and with financial decision makers such as the IMF. For Tikly (2007), among other postcolonialist writers, Transformationalists have not gone far enough in exploring the educational implications of, and some of the tensions inherent in, this vision of globalization. For instance the stratifications are often along lines of race, culture class and gender, thereby repeating old colonial patterns of marginalization. Moreover, he says, the transformationalists insufficiently recognize the continuing impact of historical forms of globalization in the form of colonialism. For instance, formerly colonized nations have been responding to external rules not of their own making for a long time. Among transformationalists the jury is out as to when globalization started or whether it is entirely a westernization phenomenon, though Rizvi (2000) explicitly links the historical evolution of globalization to neo-liberal capitalism and global relations of power and their highly localized impacts. At the same time the discontinuities in global–local relations and the rise in social movements open up possibilities for resistances and for new players and directions. In spite of these various positions there is a general understanding, of some of the key influences on globalization and lifelong learning as well as the negative environmental consequences.

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Economic influences Jarvis (2007) lists a number of driving forces for globalization from the point of view of advanced capitalist countries. These include the liberalization of trade, development of information technology, economic competition from Japan and also the fall of the Berlin wall. The resultant economic discourse makes it seem that there is ‘no alternative’ to global capitalism. The connection between a policy focus on lifelong learning for competitiveness and globalization is attributed to the way industry has changed from a Fordist to post-Fordist mode of production. This change was stimulated partly by the effort to find less energy dependent forms of production in response to the 1970s oil crisis. The microchip became the new raw material. Advances in technology have changed the speed and nature of production and innovation. Fordist models were based on an assembly line of mass production and standardization of goods in order to keep costs down. Large numbers of workers worked in the same location and each took responsibility for a small piece of the production line. They took orders from the same hierarchical management structure and required minimal retraining. Post-Fordist modes of production are said to be motivated by increased competition for profit margins, combined with technological advancement, so that some jobs are now accomplished through the microchip, new jobs have been created that relate to the microchip industry and new means of communication have created the possibility of compiling and disseminating information in such a way that information has become an industry in itself. The desire for cheap labour in order to maintain profit margins and the technological possibility of outsourcing this labour across the world has resulted in a fragmentation of workforces. Lifelong learning is directly related to the need for constant retraining to keep up with rapid changes in production and more dissipated management styles. Workers themselves should now think for themselves, work in teams, be flexible to change and innovation, and have the capacity to learn quickly. These are now the imperatives of a learning society. Yet the outsourcing of labour to countries that are not in a position to reciprocate indicates that the rationale for this is a discourse based on profit, not the need for more creative workers. What is most useful to multinational companies is fragmented workforces that cannot easily unionize themselves or develop organized resistance to challenge their working conditions. Associated with these scenarios Morrow and Torres (2000), among others, point out how education itself now works on the same principle of mobility.

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Distance education (the subject of Chapter 6), for instance, has become a marketable product. As a result electronic literacy itself is a skill that has to be acquired in order to learn further. Chinnammai (2005) expresses concerns about the impact of technological learning systems on the ability of ‘Third World countries’ to both acquire and create knowledge, when they first have to rely on the West to even teach them the new mechanisms for learning in the first place. Indeed, since the 1980s the World Bank reduced its support for higher education in the South, even though, as Hickling-Hudson (2006) states, higher education is widely acknowledged to be an essential feature of lifelong learning. The globalization of education, therefore, is unidirectional, with consequences for control, policy making, curriculum and transmission of culture. Cultural influences Jarvis (2007) describes culture as: all the knowledge, skills, attitudes, beliefs, values and emotions that we, as human beings, have added to our biological base. It is a social phenomenon; it is what we as a society or a people, share and which enables us to live as a society. In order for humanity to survive, it is necessary that we should learn our culture. (p.24) The implication of such a statement for formerly colonized countries is that the erosion of indigenous cultures does untold damage to people’s sense of identity and purpose in life. Fear of losing culture, then, is an emotive feature of globalization, in terms of educational provision as well as lifestyle. Burbules and Torres (2000) attribute cultural influences to the way global media, via cable, satellite, film and internet are transported across the world and into people’s home environments. Nigerian videos, for instance, are played in Malawian homes, and American images are distributed wherever satellite TV is available. While many talk of a homogenization of culture and domination of media influences, there is strong evidence from a number of writers that cultural identity is more complex and fluid than this. Featherstone (1995) discusses two possible ways in which culture, as a naturally dynamic phenomenon may respond to external influences. Either a dominant culture extends outwards and incorporates various different cultures into their dominant one, or there is a ‘compression of cultures’ where, through a process of ‘conquest and unification’, there is assimilation into a common culture (p.6).

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He suggests that hybridization is more likely to be the rule, albeit unevenly so. This is supported by Luke and Luke (2000) who describe how youth in Thailand appropriate clothing and music from different cultures to create their own distinct brand of both. They claim that this is simply a natural organic process: Hybridity, then, is not an invention of postmodernism, globalization, and postcolonial theory. Rather it is a social and cultural formation born out of complex and intersecting histories that often predate direct contact with the industrial and imperial West. (pp.283–4) Globalization processes may intensify the opportunity to create new hybrids but, as the story of Kenyan youths, described in Chapter 2 of this book, indicate, it is an ongoing and often highly personalized process which can express itself as resistance to domination as much as participation in a changing world. Jarvis (2007), too, suggests that as the world becomes more of a global village, local areas are rediscovering what makes them distinctive so they are actively seeking to retain their own language, customs and traditions. These observations must be viewed with caution, however, when we remember that many of the economically poorer countries which are subject to conditional aid are not totally free to define their own agendas. Chinnammai (2005) once more relates this concern to current trends to sell educational provision to countries in the South. He highlights how western style education systems can be a new form of cultural imperialism since their focus is largely on the creation of money rather than preservation of cultures. He stresses that globalization should direct education to studying cultures of the world, rather than its preoccupation with the West. Political influences On a political level global structures such as the United Nations and IMF create international laws and pressures on nation states to sign international agreements, so that the nation state is no longer a sovereign agent but ‘an arbiter attempting to balance a range of internal and external pressures and constraints’ (Burbules and Torres 2000:10). Again, the fact that the majority of countries in the South have always been in this position is sometimes forgotten. The MDGs are a prime example of both pressure to conform and global homogenization of what counts as ‘development’.

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While most of these pressures represent ‘globalization from above’ – that is pressures and influences from the dominant power holders – there is also evidence of what has been termed a ‘globalization from below’ movement of counter-organizations that highlight the negative behaviours of multinational companies and challenge the dominant global order by using globalization instruments (such as technologies of time, space and global reach) to further concepts of democratization and justice. Burbules and Torres (2000) stress that positive political influences include the greater globalization of democracy, an increase in civil societies working at an international level and an expansion of the human rights agenda. As a widely publicized example, Kellner (2000) recounts the story of two British activists who used the internet to take on McDonalds in a libel case to expose their involvement in environmental degradation and unethical advertising practices. Well-known global social movements include such organizations as Greenpeace. Kellner uses these scenarios to highlight the educational potential of technology to challenge the privileging of western cultures and knowledge systems from a critical theory perspective. There are also examples of international educational networks that precisely attempt this at a truly global level. The Non-Governmental Organization, the International Council for Adult Education (ICAE), has a worldwide membership. It organizes, among other things, email conferences that engage adult educators from the South in conversation with other parts of the globe. While the communication is in the European languages of Spanish, English and French, ICAE attempts to reach a wide audience, including Francophone and Anglophone Africa. Hence the preference for email over more complicated internet uses. On a more controversial level, the same technology is used for military action by superpowers and terrorist organizations alike, each with their own brand of political rationality and social justice. Novelli and Lopes Cardozo (2008) point out the contradictions of when the neo-liberal global economy locks out many groups from the benefits of globalization (such as, for example, when the West insists that Iran should not develop its nuclear technology). This simply increases the likelihood of illicit activities among the excluded. Fundamentalist groups are cited as one example. The authors emphasize that not enough attention is paid to how education can be both a victim and perpetrator of conflict. At an environmental level, there are many instances of the negative ripple effects of global practices on periphery populations and societies which are receiving little benefit from actions by the inner circle of globalists.

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Environmental consequences on distant parts of the world Beck wrote as early as 1992 of the high-tech risks of societal behaviours, that are no longer tied to their place of origin, and the pauperization of the ‘Third World’ through transferring hazardous industries to poor countries. Referring more widely to atomic accidents he states: ‘The affects even include those not yet alive at the time or in the place where the accident occurred but born years later and long distances away’ (p.22). One cannot help wondering whether the African principles of considering our connectedness to the dead, the living and those yet to be born would not have some importance in teaching us about learning to live in a globalized world. Beck further points out that scientific knowledge is ephemeral. It is situated within a time, place and hegemonic discourse. For instance, information about toxins is particularly ‘open to social definition and construction’. When it comes to assessing risk, that knowledge itself is political rather than ethical. It is constructed to suit the economic and exploitative purposes of the knowledge providers. He points out how people in formerly colonized countries are forced to accept the ‘invisible threat of death from toxic chemicals’ such as pesticides sprayed on cotton and rice fields, when such a threat is in competition with ‘the visible threat of death from hunger’ (p.42). Examples abound of how delicate ecosystems and resources are threatened and irreversibly damaged by multinational corporations undertaking deforestation. Yearly (2000) emphasizes that countries like Bangladesh are more likely to suffer flooding on a massive scale, or at least more devastatingly in view of their more fragile infrastructure than advanced capitalist societies; similarly African countries are more prone to drought as a result of global warming caused by emissions in far-off lands. As Held et al. (1999) point out ‘the intrinsically global character of these common ecosystems means that spatially separated social actions and networks can become bound together in powerful ways’ (p.378) – again reflecting the African philosophy of interconnectedness. Attempts to address emissions that are contributing to environmental catastrophes, however, are done on terms dictated by the North.

Negative effects of globalization mechanisms and behaviours The unregulated, market-led dynamics of financial flows, with limited social safety nets or state intervention to redistribute wealth has resulted in a concentration of wealth among a rich minority such that the UNDP Human Development Report of 1999 reported that the top 20 per cent enjoy

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82 per cent of the expanding export trade while the bottom 20 per cent benefit from barely more than 1 per cent (in Khor 2001:33). In particular southern materials and resources, including their traditional knowledge systems, are exploited by the North in terms of patenting or extracting raw material for profit. Odora Hoppers (2006a), while acknowledging the potential of greater international connectivity, lists a string of negative consequences as a result of unfettered progress. It has in some cases resulted in heightened nationalism, re-imposition of borders, uneven transformation of finance, currency, trade, employment and social systems, marginalising the poor ‘recasting their deprived condition as a natural collateral damage expected along the path of progress’ (p.13). Globalization has heightened illicit trade in children, women, weapons, drugs and laundered money. Furthermore although the global language is English, less than 10 per cent speak it in the world. This homogenization process ignores indigenous knowledge, even to the extent of patenting sterile hybrid seeds to replace indigenous seeds. Such actions deliberately instil dependency on multinational companies to provide more of the same: ‘transformation of global economies to knowledge economies therefore does not guarantee economic growth with “equity” or respect for diversity either within or between nations’ (p.18). Other inequalities relate to gender, race and ethnicity, particularly for migrants and refugees. Steans (2000) and Manicom and Walters (1997) address issues to do with the division of labour for women in the South. The majority of women in the South work in the informal economy. Globalization has further fragmented the labour force with part-time and home-based work. While this kind of work favours women, it continues to mean their work load is unregulated and often not recognized in the formal economy. Furthermore, the lack of access to finance and credit reduces women’s capitalist ventures to micro-credit systems, further marginalizing them from global flows and denying them opportunity to influence such markets. In terms of race the cultural imperialism of globalized outsourcing of labour can be seen as another form of racism in that it represents a form of subordinated inclusion with potential to inferiorize those that it includes. This is reflective of an extension of colonial practices. Tikly (2007) observes that other forms of ‘new racism’ include western interpretations of cultural conflicts in distant lands that have come to replace biological notions of racial superiority. The importance of lifelong learning for the marginalized in order to raise their consciousness and empower communities to challenge such destructive tendencies is highlighted by most educationists. Yet the dominant

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lifelong learning model for the South on offer by the World Bank is one that simply advocates learning according to western visions of economic growth. The current emphasis is on minimum basic education which inevitably fails to provide the extensive range of learning skills to operate in the globalized world described above, whether for economic growth or something more. The counter-proposals in the education literature vary in their approach to capitalism but all share a concern that education systems for countries in the South must be lifelong and wide ranging – not narrowly confined to a basic literacy scenario – if such countries are to become participants in the network society. Computer literacy in particular has now become an essential resource along with the necessary infrastructure to provide the means for global exchanges. But, as my introductory paragraphs highlighted, the nature of such articulated global involvement is far from global in reality. Policy agendas for lifelong learning need to incorporate opportunities to critically appraise this plethora of influences in order to enhance international tolerance and understanding on all fronts and work towards an ethical and socially just world.

Lifelong learning options Tikly (2007) reminds us that a postcolonial perspective needs to take account of how previous forms of globalization for countries in the South displaced indigenous education, commodified European languages, and only gave a minority of people access to higher levels of education. Lack of education restricted participation in the global labour market. Even boundaries of the nation state were often created by colonial forces. Conditional aid impacts on national policy development, with consequences for local/ global interactions. While no country is immune to external influences, the South has been disproportionately disadvantaged. The majority of academic, as opposed to policy, proposals for lifelong learning in the South include the following features: development of critical awareness in relation to the status quo, the need to make provision for learning opportunities that go beyond basic education and include electronic literacies, and the repeated plea to start at a local level in order to empower individuals and societies to understand and act effectively in a globalized world not of their making. Variations in how this should be done reflect either an acceptance of the capitalist economy as the only way forward – but in recognition of

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context-specific learning needs of micro-enterprises and the informal sector – or, in the case of Africa, the advancement of a more Africanized form of economy. The third strand is to develop the globalized, critical civilsociety movement.

Civil society Tikly’s answer is to build a more effective civil society that will facilitate critical perspectives and self-empowerment. In the African context he suggests we should explore successes within the continent for comparative study. Chapters 8 and 9 will look at some lifelong learning initiatives in this respect. Merriam et al. (2006) focus once more on community empowerment, using adult education principles of creating space to listen to learners, encourage awareness raising of inequities, taking a critical stance and fostering collective learning and action. From a gender perspective Manicom and Walters (1997) and Moghadam (2000) cite transnational networks as a means of creating the possibility for women to gain global perspectives on their local experiences, and advance the status of women legally, personally and economically. Feminist popular education is an example of community-based learning that draws attention to critiquing globalization from a feminist perspective, exploring the gendered nature of poverty and how feminized forms of labour have contributed to economic globalization. This feature of problematizing and addressing the root causes of poverty, discrimination or marginalization is one that resonates across radical adult education movements but has rarely been taken up within a lifelong learning framework. This is discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.

Enterprise Mayoux (2004) and King and McGrath (2002) emphasise the promotion of ‘pro-poor growth’. In Mayoux’s case this means addressing underlying inequalities in power and resources which distort the market for poor entrepreneurs. Amutabi et al. (1997), too, argue for training that addresses the needs of the informal sector, where most people work and live. They also ask for more focus on the interrelatedness of society and human values, rather than human capital – a war cry that resonates across many continents. For King and McGrath (2002) new lifelong learning practices entail starting with the reality that few African countries work in a post-Fordist mode

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of production. They argue for greater attention to education for sustainable livelihoods but within a broader context of understanding globalization and its focus on competitiveness and ‘know how’ skills. They emphasize the need to inculcate abilities of knowing how to learn and access information. The skills necessary for this process include the ability to critique and apply data, analyse causes and relationships, experiment, take personal responsibility for learning, work together and achieve consensus. This is learning that takes us well beyond basic education. They offer two scenarios for economic sustainability. Either African societies should rely on their natural resources and availability of cheap labour (but also run the risk of continued exploitation) or they should take the ‘high road’ and ‘leapfrog into higher technology’, problem-based and transdisciplinary models of learning and work (p.31). It could be argued that this latter approach at least partially reflects traditional African apprenticeship systems, but now situated in a context of technological change and critical thinking in relation to wider society. This approach depends on the degree of local sensitization and sense of ownership over the enterprise. King and McGrath suggest a targeted skills and infrastructure development approach. This, of course, was the colonial technique and resonates unfavourably with a population that already feels marginalized. It may be more appropriate, therefore, to aim for a mass computer literacy campaign on similar lines to the more successful post-Independence literacy campaigns of countries like Mozambique and Tanzania. Odora Hoppers (2006a) singled these countries out for their success because the campaigns adopted pluralistic approaches that encouraged concepts of citizenship and cultural identity. If a similar campaign were linked to local languages and the application of technologies that are adapted to limited electrification systems – and addressed in the context of traditional subsistence existences – sufficient local ownership of the learning process might be possible. For instance, on a smaller scale, Malawian farmers are using their cellphones to communicate with distant contacts in international markets so they know what internationally compatible prices to charge for their products. Africanization Odora Hoppers (2006a) is less specific about how lifelong learning should develop in relation to globalization, but is clear on what the learning should embrace. She points out that the existing ‘flood of information’ in the globalized world must also be relevant for Africa (and by implication for other

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countries in the formerly colonized South). In other words, Africa (and by implication countries in the same position as Africa) should find a way of inserting their own knowledge into world systems: Learning to be and learning to live together from an African point of view represents a total struggle for regaining dignity and respect while contributing new philosophies of human connectedness such as Ubuntu into the common global pot. (p.4) And, critically, of ensuring a policy link between the local and the national or international: The clues to the future cannot be found in the failures and successes of individual village programmes per se . . . it is the degree to which the initiatives feed back into the national vision that can make the difference in terms of their chances of ‘going to scale’. (p.27) It seems that technology has the potential to make this feedback loop – to record critical awareness and provide counter-arguments to dominant development messages. Writers are already in agreement that new educational strategies are needed to counter globalization from above. This entails ‘new literacies’ and ways of recording information; building on the local but using technology to promote that knowledge and understanding in international forums and using an approach to literacy that connects critical thinking to politics, economics and wider social relations. The danger is that a mass technology literacy campaign could become a technical exercise rather than an awareness raising exercise. The way in which Africa and other marginalized countries or societies record, interpret and transmit information will affect their ability to participate in opportunities that globalization brings about or to mitigate the negative effects of globalization. All the evidence of previous successful literacy campaigns has indicated that literacy must be linked with a broader, critically aware, development goal so that its relevance is immediately apparent. In terms of entrepreneurship, rather than emulate dominant practices in the West or North, societies in the South should exploit alternative ways of using capitalism – for example stimulating the development of cooperatives rather than private businesses. Cooperatives are a feature of many community development projects, but they have often been created without the necessary educational input for business management or critical appraisal of markets or other factors that might impinge on maximizing

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their cooperative efforts within their societal contexts. For communities like the mountain village, mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, we need an opportunity to see what people value and how they want to interface with the wider world and why. They can only make those choices from a critical perspective and can only contribute their own voices if they have learned to use appropriate technologies of communication. A critical literacy includes exploring issues of social justice and the right to live in peace, sustainably, in health and without fear of violence. This applies to computer literacy as much as other forms of literacy. However, while countries in the South must take the initiative to make globalization work for them, this cannot be done without cooperation from international donor agencies and a reappraisal of North-South relations. It is the responsibility of countries in the North to critically assess their motives for engaging with ‘developing countries’. Mohamedbhai (2002), in the context of higher education, suggests, for instance, that Northern universities would be more developmentally useful to the South if they were to collaborate, rather than compete with southern institutions for courses and students. Educating people to question simple imposed solutions – to look at how and why exploitation exists and what societies can do about it includes educating the globe. A broader vision for lifelong learning in the context of development for a globalized world requires a greater questioning of how globalization may work for the common good. It may also require developing informed, value-based leadership grounded in sound ethical principles (Preece 2003). A critical resource for this kind of understanding is information literacy using computer technology – a resource that the vast majority of people in the South simply do not have. The digital divide is the subject of Chapter 6 – in a bid to assess how to progress this important agenda.

Concluding summary This chapter has provided a postcolonial perspective on various interpretations of globalization in relation to its negative and positive implications for formerly colonized countries. Advances in global connectivity have created possibilities for hybridization of cultures, identities and economies to offset mass neo-colonization of communities and nations. However, without a lifelong learning perspective that encourages critical appraisal of wider social impacts of unfettered networked societies, and without more equitable

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access to network possibilities, learning will be unidirectional, such that ‘development’ will continue to fail because ownership of the development process will remain with those in control of the globalization agenda. A critical aspect to narrowing the lifelong learning gap between the North and South is the generation of mass computer literacy and access to related technologies. This will create space for alternative philosophies to have a platform on the global stage. But this must also be done in the context of ethical leadership and critical engagement with the North who must reassess their motives for an equitable and socially just world.

Chapter 6

Lifelong learning in the South in the digital age

Introduction In the previous chapter I suggested that ICTs need to be adopted and adapted by countries in the South in a way that harmonizes rather than ignores indigenous values. By using technology as a resource to support local cultures, it is more likely that those cultures will feel able to embrace the changes that inevitably flow from those technologies. I cited the example of Malaysia where there is evidence of a certain synchronicity between access to global forces made possible through technology, and the maintenance of cultural identities, languages and behaviour that are owned at a national level. In spite of success stories from East Asia, a review of at least 65 books and papers on ICT for countries in Africa and South Asia, reveals a highly repetitive list of issues related to the digital divide, with no ‘quick fix’ solutions as to how to bridge the yawning gap between those who have access to cyberspace and those who have not. This chapter focuses on technology in relation to lifelong learning, though the topic is much wider than that of course. In its most general terms, the ability to take part in lifelong learning is linked to the ability to know how to learn, where to obtain information, how to access it and how to use it in a way that builds on existing knowledge and contributes to ongoing development and growth. The lifelong learner is both a recipient, seeker and creator of new knowledge, skills and understanding. By implication the lifelong learner must have the means and know-how to access (and ultimately contribute to) knowledge sources in a variety of forms. In the globalization age this includes being able to learn at a distance from those knowledge sources, in a variety of learning environments. In a lifelong learning context learning should be possible at a time, place and pace to suit the individual.

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This chapter therefore also discusses the implications of ODL provision for learners in the South since this is a fundamental feature of the use of technologies in educational contexts, particularly in relation to the global Education For All agenda. The two concepts are increasingly interrelated as distance learning providers continue to deploy more sophisticated digital communication systems for their learners. Learning at a distance, learning through a variety of media, including those which are technology-based, have been part of both formal and nonformal learning provision for at least 50 years in countries around the globe. The technological difference in recent years is the scale and speed of transmissions that are now possible via the internet and cyberspace. The pace and global reach of this technology poses both a threat and an opportunity for learning, depending on which side of the digital divide one sits.

The digital divide While ICTs are synonymous with the notion of computers and the internet, they encompass a wide range of resources. Telephones, radio, TV, video, tape recordings and fax machines are all forms of technology. Their digital versions emerged more recently. In its simplest form, the digital divide is conceptualized as the gap between the information rich and the information poor, brought about by inequalities in ‘access, distribution, and use of information and communication technologies between two or more populations’ (Wilson 2004:300). This definition can be expanded. Ashcroft and Watts (2005) describe the divide in terms of social (human and physical resources within countries), global (between countries) and democratic phenomena (where people are denied opportunities to participate in public life that is transmitted through ICT). Shade (2002) refers to more complex issues of access where the social infrastructures of societies affects their ability to produce as well as consume information. This reflects on the socio-demographic features of populations such as their economic status, educational background, age, gender, ethnicity, language and location. It also represents the absence of social networks or community groups with whom to interact technologically. Furthermore access includes the availability and affordability of technical infrastructures that encompass electricity, telephone and internet service provider connectivity, satellite facilities, the physical devices of computers and telephone terminals, and software tools of browsers, email systems, and search engines. Shade adds that governance also impacts on the digital

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divide since decisions about ICT availability and operation are political as well as economic. Wilson (2004:300–303) adopts a strategic restructuring model to explore ICT dynamics further. In doing so he distinguishes between the different divides in terms of physical, financial, cognitive, design, content, production, institutional and political access. Physical access relates to geographical proximity and number of landlines per population. Finances are concerned with the ability to pay for services. Cognitive access refers to ICT skills; design includes the relationship between user need and ability of the hardware and software to meet those needs (such as facilities for people with disabilities); while content relates to the actual material content’s relevance and suitability for users (such as language, usefulness of information in relation to context). Wilson considers production in terms of who produces the content. The information ‘superhighway’ is almost exclusively unidirectional from North to South. Polikanov and Abramova (2003) cited later in this chapter make the same point. Institutional access is closely related to this issue and is described by Wilson as the ‘variety of organizational forms and regulations that have emerged around the world as contending groups struggle to structure access to digital content in particular ways’ (ibid) – for example, particular kinds of schools, cyber cafes and other bodies. Finally in addition to political leadership, political access ‘means that the consumer has access to the institutions where the rules of the game are written, rules that govern the subsequent allocation of scarce ICT resources’ (ibid. 303). Wilson makes an interesting distinction between information technology and other applications like mobile phones, distance education or internet telephony. While these are seen as ‘benign’, ICT is much more of a political football: ICT is like land or capital, which has differential impacts when diffused differentially across nations and social groups . . . [M]anagers and beneficiaries of large, state-owned ICT monopolies who understand that liberalized ICT diffusion will threaten their social status and power seek to block the liberal diffusion of these new resources and to maintain control of ICT distribution through their own reliable channels. (Ibid. 4) He catalogues and analyses the interplay between the charismatic leadership of ‘local information champions’ and political and socio-economic relationships in a number of developing country scenarios in the complex struggle to drive forward ICT agendas.


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Wilson also suggests that as technology infrastructure improves in advanced industrialized countries those countries increasingly underestimate the extent of the access challenges for others. This challenge includes the lack of trained personnel to use, teach or maintain ICTs. Furthermore, even when ICT is available the bandwidth is so inadequate that internet connections are frustratingly slow. A variety of statistics emphasizes the extent of some of the above challenges. For instance the World Bank (2006) reports that in 2004 internet users in Sub-Saharan Africa were just 15 per 1,000 compared with 117 per 1,000 in Europe and Central Asia. Sub-Saharan Africa had 103 fixed or mobile phone subscribers, while Europe and Central Asia had 730 per 1,000. Data for 2002 show that in all only 8 per cent of households in lowincome countries had fixed phones, compared with 59 per cent in uppermiddle-income countries (pp.6, 24). For Lesotho ‘less than 1% of the population owns a computer or has access to the internet. Only 8% own a telephone and fewer still have access to electrical power’ (GOL 2005:1). Coupled with these facts internet service providers are expensive and power supplies unreliable in most developing countries even in locations where connectivity exists. For instance a Nigerian academic colleague reported to me in 2008 that electricity supply in Nigeria was operating somewhere between 10 and 60 per cent of the time. Less than ten of the country’s 100 universities (of which eight are private) is likely to access electricity for as much as 60 per cent of the time. It is commonly reported that a computer costs the average American one month’s wages, while a Bangladeshi requires more than eight years’ income. Being able to read is an assumed fundamental requirement of the digital age, though we shall see later that there are examples to challenge this conception. Nevertheless, on a global scale in 2008, 60 per cent of the world continues to be classified as illiterate and half the world lives on less than USD$2 a day. In the whole of Sub-Saharan Africa only 18 per cent have received some form of secondary schooling and 38 per cent of people over the age of 15 have had no formal schooling at all. In Mali, Grace (2004) reported that less than half its adult population can read and more than 70 per cent live on less than one dollar a day. Only a fraction of the population in low-income countries pursues higher education degrees compared with between 30–50 per cent in OECD countries. Even when people are literate, they may not be among the world’s 10 per cent who have sufficient grasp of the English Language to be able to read internet content, 90 per cent of which is in English.

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The list goes on. Wilson (2004) describes how industrialized countries hold 97 per cent of the world’s patents. Tanzania, as an example of SubSaharan Africa’s debt crisis, spends four times more on repaying debts than on education. A primary additional learning issue for this population is that of information literacy. Candy (2002) describes this as being ‘able to recognise when information is needed and have the ability to locate, evaluate and use effectively the needed information’ (p.6). The necessary higher order thinking skills in addition to practical know-how of the technology itself include critical thinking plus ‘capability of distinguishing useful from useless resources, reliable from unreliable sources and sensible from silly knowledge claims’ (p.7). These are literacy skills that reach far beyond basic education. Since the technology is changing all the time, knowing how to use a computer is in itself a lifelong occupation. Some studies specifically address gender issues in relation to technology and learning opportunities in developing country contexts, though the lack of research is also highlighted. There are two main issues reflected in existing studies. First, in many countries only 30 per cent of girls complete primary education compared with 60 per cent of boys. Second, boys outnumber girls in using computers. This trend relates to the gendered nature of classroom behaviour generally. For if access is not controlled in school settings then boys will push to the front and take possession of limited resources. A recent DFID (2004) study also revealed that girls and boys use computers for different motives. Where girls choose to use computers more functionally to achieve certain goals, and to work together, boys are more competitive and enjoy playing with computers as a technology for its own sake. Girls often look for information on reproductive health and sexuality. Since their lives are often more restricted they view the computer as a communication point with the outside world, while boys prefer to download music or pictures. At adult and higher-education level women constitute only 23 per cent of university enrolments. They are more likely to take up computers for open and distance learning, though men use telecentres more than women. A number of writers maintain that this discrepancy in usage reflects women’s workloads and multiple roles which limit their ability to access such centres, including the fact that women are less likely to have disposable income to pay for the facilities. These experiences reflect once more the problematic model of profit-motivated services over ones that focus on social justice motivations. Gulati (2008) takes a more critical look at the way gender issues are inadequately addressed by externally funded technologies. She cites an example


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of a radio programme in Nigeria that intended to provide education to a rural nomadic Fulbe community on animal husbandry. However, the funders failed to recognize either the gendered power relations within their communities for accessing radios or women’s work cycles, so that the programmes did not reach their intended audiences. The challenge to bridge the digital divide is enormous. Some suggest that there are more pressing demands such as ensuring people have basic levels of education, addressing basic living needs and political instability; there are more accessible, reliable and user-friendly resources that can be used in educational projects – such as radio, TV or tailor designed print-based media. A major concern is that money spent on developing ICT is money that is not spent on food, shelter, health care and basic education. Lelliot et al. (2000) even warn that ICT could be negatively used in some countries with unstable democracies as an instrument of repression rather than liberation, particularly in contexts where most of the population has yet to acquire the skills of criticality or self-direction for learning. Already as a learning tool, most information via the internet is not culturally sensitive or relevant to the majority of learner needs in the South. The chicken and egg question here, of course, is that the longer that countries in the South do not engage with ICT, the more removed they are from influencing its content. As is often the case, the South is obliged to learn to use the ‘masters tools in order to dismantle the master’s house’ (from Lourde 2003, cited in Chapter 2). There is also insufficient commitment from the North to facilitate a narrowing of the yawning gap in social inequalities or infrastructure. It is now widely acknowledged that if left to market forces alone, the social justice and development issues of ICT connectivity will not be met. The privatized ICT world is not interested in funding unprofitable connections for remote rural areas, funding the additional training or website material that caters for the language needs of poor communities. A major World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) held in 2003, with a follow-up in 2005 aimed to explore how to overcome the digital divide between countries. The summit failed to come up with a set of principles that would recognize ICTs in the context of social equality, poverty reduction or participatory democracy. Instead the summit reaffirmed the primacy of the market and ignored the political issues associated with the above inequalities. What would a postcolonial analysis of the digital divide in relation to lifelong learning emphasize? Certainly it is a western tool of communication, dissemination, domination and control of information. Responses such as the WSIS serve to reinforce the argument that the West or North has no interest in levelling the playing field of knowledge ownership and power.

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While the dominant industrialized nations compete in the cyber market to engage with ICT production, as opposed to mere consumption, they merely train people in the South as ICT ‘fodder’. In other words a selective few will be minimally trained to operate repetitive computer tasks to serve the global capitalist administration in order to oil the wheels of the market. Northern universities can exploit the few rich elite in formerly colonized nations by offering expensive access to digitally transmitted courses which promote westernized philosophies and agendas. The not so rich can have a secondary opportunity of benefiting from franchised courses that are sold to the South. Since quality is an ideological given for countries in the North, accreditation from these courses enhances the status of the learner, irrespective of the usefulness of the content for development purposes. While the North continues to diffuse its own technology to the South, it deflects attention and resources from pursuing alternative technologies that may interface more adequately with geographical, cultural and infrastructural domains in the South. The language of donor support for such countries emphasizes market-driven ideologies, encapsulated in notions of entrepreneurialism, rather than social justice or poverty reduction. Concepts such as Africanization of technology are simply not explored. So countries in the South continue to import second-hand computers because they cannot afford new ones. Meanwhile organizations in the North even create their own industries to perpetuate this differential in technological support, in the name of charity and good will. It is left to the recipient countries to rationalize this second-hand gift to populations that are grappling to maintain their basic survival needs. It will be seen later that political motivations in the South can also counterbalance this interpretation of the digital divide. There are, however, few in-depth studies on the complexity of constraints in relation to ICT and lifelong learning for developing countries. Adam and Wood (1999) conducted a qualitative study to capture how people make sense of and take advantage of ICT in Sub-Saharan Africa. They looked at the social and technical constraints in terms of key players and stakeholders and also the influence of external factors such as marketing strategies, foreign investment, political and other natural crises. They highlight issues such as donor agency constraints on educational initiatives that are often inappropriate and ignore the fact that lack of attention to indigenous knowledge and capacity building within the continent is a major cause of failing progress. They also highlight the need for sound policies and willingness to tailor ICT to national requirements such as health and agriculture services. Limitations in management understanding and support networks underlie many of the


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more practical limitations of access, connectivity, and technology that has not been designed for hot, humid and dusty environments with unreliable power supplies: What seems to be lacking is awareness of what is possible . . . Any leapfrogging in ICT will depend on the attitudes and abilities of the users and policy makers and the ability of each country to overcome the large number of social, political, technical, infrastructural and economic challenges. (p.314)

Examples of good practice ‘What is possible’ depends on education levels, visionary leadership, and politics as well as economics. There is a plethora of externally funded case studies that cite short-term success stories, and a few isolated examples of more sustained success. A well-publicized success story is the Grameen Bank micro-credit system and phone company in Bangladesh – projects that were directly linked to poverty alleviation goals. They were initiated by Professor Muhammad Yunus who initiated a banking system that would provide smaller loans without the collateral required by commercial banks. He installed cellular phones in 45,000 villages. Individual villagers acquire a small loan from the bank in order to purchase one of the phones and become a village telephone service provider. The initial borrower pays back the loan from income generated by his or her service provision to other villagers. Professor Yunus followed this up with a village computer and internet programme so villagers can now use email for a fraction of the cost of a long distance call and farmers can track market prices over the internet to ensure they receive a fair price for their goods. Another well-known example is the Indian hole-in-the wall project. An internet kiosk was installed in a poor Indian neighbourhood. Illiterate children learnt to use the computer without any instruction. Such projects challenge the claims about attitudinal barriers and the need for a minimum level of basic skills. They indicate that there is potential for addressing the digital divide irrespective of the literacy levels of potential users. Chandrasekhar (2001) describes how a state-wide area network in Andhra Pradesh, India was networked to 23 district headquarters in order to manage village records, monitor public grievances and employee performance in state government. Other wired village projects include an Indian healthcare

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project agreement between the Indian government and Apple computers to enable nurse midwives to collect data and provide health information. Another wired village project provided villagers with agricultural, medical and education information at village facilitation booths, with positive impact on public awareness raising. These projects demonstrate the potential of ICT to help improve governance, empower the poor and improve public services. But they also raise issues of skills, costs, and the need to persuade relevant professions to adopt ICT as a tool. The healthcare project was eventually discontinued due to lack of computers. There are success stories of school-based internet projects. Kawooya (2004) discusses a number of different initiatives to connect schools to the internet. SchooNet Uganda is an externally funded NGO providing schoolbased telecentres. Kawooya argues that this is a more sustainable solution than setting up separate community-based systems. The school has an existing administrative structure that can maintain user access. The majority of community users, however, prove to be people with prior computer knowledge, such as civil servants and medical personnel. The schools are considering using solar energy as an alternative to unreliable electricity supplies. But, as Flor (2001) argues, technological intervention alone will not bridge the digital divide in relation to lifelong learning. Someone has to install relevant content and programme support. Equally, Hawkins (2002) argues, there is a need for ministerial policies, a non-competitive telecommunications infrastructure and community involvement. Wilson’s (2004) extensive analysis of information technology innovation in developing countries revealed that there is a complex dynamics of ‘tangled social, political and economic relationships that are simultaneously local, national, regional, and global’ (p.xii) and which require crosssectoral collaboration if initiatives are to succeed. Wilson examined ICT initiatives in Brazil, Ghana and China. Success stories were invariably driven by ‘local information champions who struggle daily to overcome local apathy as well as entrenched opposition to the revolutionary reforms they propose’ (p.xii). Political leadership was an essential ingredient but so was belief in the value of ICT for betterment. In the case of Ghana’s patrimonial political system two ‘information revolutionaries’ worked together. One was a government minister looking for a competitor to drive down the prices of Ghana Telecom. He supported a private sector individual to build his own ICT industry. The entrepreneur’s political connections, combined with his own technical expertise, paved the way for him to by-pass the national telephone system and set up his own direct international satellite link. So for Wilson, access also means ‘political access’.


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It has been argued by a number of writers that education for all is a prerequisite for developing the necessary discerning skills to be able to travel effectively in cyberspace. Less complicated technologies such as mobile phones, radio, cassettes and TV are more reliable, do not require electricity and can usually be accessed in remote regions. For such populations, open and distance learning which uses accessible, and portable resources is more realistic. It will be seen, however, that distance learning itself is a technical and technological skill which suffers similar constraints of quality and ownership.

Open and distance learning Perraton(2000) defined distance education as ‘an educational process in which a significant proportion of the teaching is conducted by someone removed in space and/or time from the learner’ while open learning is ‘an organized educational activity, based on the use of teaching materials, in which constraints on study are minimised either in terms of access, or of time and place, pace, methods or study, or any combination of these’ (p.13). Increasingly a combination of open and distance learning is offered by educational institutions, so that learners may benefit from some face-toface contact with their tutors, while taking responsibility for learning independently in a more extensive way than those undertaking classroom-based courses. Within these definitional parameters, then, open and/ or distance learning fit into the remit of lifelong learning. One of the most famous, and earliest providers of distance learning was the Open University in the United Kingdom which started in the 1970s. A number of northern universities now market their online courses in the global market place. Several have established satellite institutions in countries which do not have the same level of technology within their own universities. The Malaysian Limkokwing university, for instance, has installed itself in Botswana and Lesotho in apparent competition with the national providers. Other universities may franchise their courses to universities in the South or offer online degrees or courses to anyone who has the means to pay for and access the learning materials. Institutions in the South, however, often use Open and Distance Learning (ODL) for a broader set of reasons than the more limited highereducation focus among advanced industrialized countries. Lephoto (2007), for instance, highlights the interpretation by the Association for Development in the Education of Adults (ADEA) of ODL as a philosophy of learning based on the principles of encouraging access and equity. In the South ODL

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is often a compensatory, or alternative means of basic education for people who are otherwise unable to benefit from the formal system. Distance education is part of extension work for adults engaged in literacy, health or agricultural updating. It has also been widely used as a strategy to upgrade teacher qualifications without having to remove teachers from the classroom. Sometimes learners study the same curriculum as their formal education counterparts, others access targeted equivalent curricula to cater for their particular context. Participants may be non-formal education literacy learners in remote rural areas, farmers learning about new farming techniques or community members gaining up-to-date knowledge about health issues such as HIV/AIDS, malaria or other diseases. Lesotho’s draft policy on ODL, for instance (GOL 2008), includes topics as varied as literacy, teacher education, civic education, consumer and family life education, nutrition, sanitation, professional and managerial skills development, human rights and survival skills. Media may include radio, computers, TV, print or more traditional forms such as drama and songs. Open and distance learning is part of the African Union’s and NEPAD’s commitment to education in Africa. A number of African states have ODL policies. Zambia’s college of Distance Education has been in existence since the early 1970s, The World Bank has funded the African Virtual University and there are similar initiatives for Francophone Africa. India’s five-year plans have referred to ODL since 1986 and India’s Indira Gandhi National Open University is one of the largest open universities in the world. Pakistan runs a People’s Open University to support rural basic education. There are at least 25 open universities across the South and a growing number of universities that have distance education departments. The Canadian based Commonwealth of Learning has a special responsibility for supporting ODL initiatives in developing countries, particularly in the promotion of technology-based teaching. Lephoto (2007) cites a number of free, online resources that have potential adaptation for uses in Africa, such as the Open Educational Resources Movement and Free Open Source Software. Networks such as the Distance Education Association for Southern Africa (DEASA) actively collaborate to develop and promote ODL. Perraton (2000) estimates that between 10 and 20 per cent of all university students study at a distance in developing countries. The number of learners at primary and secondary education levels studying at a distance is also considerable. Lesotho, for example, has a population of approximately two million. Its national Distance Teaching Centre caters for well over 6,000 learners a year for literacy programmes alone, while the country’s university provides for over 2,000 students who study by distance mode at diploma and degree levels.


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The advocates of this mode of learning emphasize its flexibility with regard to time and place. Learners can pace themselves, continue to earn money, which reduces the debt burden of study, and often learn new technological skills in the process. When such learning is linked to the internet, there are opportunities for online discussion groups at different time slots, as well as access to online learning materials. Other advantages are the perceived cost-effectiveness of catering for large numbers without the need for a central study base. Perraton (2000) conducted an extensive analysis of the processes, myths and realities for ODL in resource starved countries. ODL has had a checkered history in competition with formal education particularly in the face of diminishing financial resources, especially during the structural adjustment years of the 1980s and early 1990s. After an initial spurt of activity during the 1970s, primarily through radio, it has relatively recently come back into favour with funding agencies, partly influenced by the international development targets for education which are in danger of not being met in many countries. The educational rationale is that it is potentially possible to substitute teachers with print, broadcasting or other media. Other factors may also come into play in the development of distance learning systems. In Latin America, for example, radio schools were chosen because they were not centrally controlled, and could therefore benefit local political motivations. China, for opposite reasons, developed a centralized and dedicated TV broadcasting system. There are a number of positive outcomes from multimedia ODL initiatives. Televized schooling in Mexico enabled access to education among remote rural communities since the late 1970s. SchoolNet Africa in Zambia is a recently funded alternative high-school programme using print-based and digital satellite TV. Radio has been particularly successful. Siaciwena and Lubinda (2008) identify interactive radio instruction in Zambia that uses community radio stations in six community supported learning centres at basic and high-school levels. The project has increased enrolments and has strong community support. In spite of this and other success stories about the effectiveness of radio, particularly in reaching the rural masses for extension, agriculture or health education, most ODL programmes that are home-grown rely on print-based media. Where computers are available, their most common usage is email. The economic rationale for ODL is that the above teaching strategies reduce the need for capital expenditure on educational buildings, and the potentially large-scale distribution of materials reduces the cost of production: ‘Economies of scale become possible, provided there are enough students to justify the manufacturing cost of the first group and student contact

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is kept down in order to contain the costs of the second’ (Siaciwena and Lubinda 2008:118). Perraton notes, however, two issues which offset these economic arguments. First, the introduction of computer technologies significantly increases cost, especially where there is no basic infrastructure already in place. Second, ODL courses often have high student drop-out or failure rates, thus reducing the economies of scale argument. And, as Lephoto (2007), among others, points out, increasingly, providers are recognizing the need for dedicated learner support mechanisms and at least some face-to-face contact. If ODL is to achieve its full potential, with or without computer technology, it has to address a number of pedagogical challenges.

Pedagogical challenges for ODL Where ODL programmes are certificated, Perraton (2000) and others highlight low completion rates and poor exam performance outcome indicators that suggest the need to address quality assurance, pedagogical and curriculum issues within ODL programmes. On the one hand pre-prepared printed texts may be the only source of learning material that learners use. Most mainstream educators lack the training and expertise to produce well-designed material that has to play the role of facilitator/teacher as well as content dissemination. Programmed instruction, for instance, may provide information but not necessarily social skills or challenge the learner to question. The lack of social interaction to encourage critical analysis or sharing of experiences can delimit higher order capacities such as critical thinking and problem solving. The limited range of media in most ODL programmes also delimits the opportunity to address a range of learning styles. In this respect Yang (2008) suggests that ODL should promote collaborative learning, guided reading, and self-paced learning activities. While the influx of material from overseas may address some technical aspects of online teaching material, however, they usually suffer from what Braimoh and Osiki (2008) identify as neoimperialist, cultural dilution from institutions that are more interested in profit than development or the socio-cultural context of the learners themselves. On the other hand, in terms of using digital media to compensate for lack of face-to-face interaction, learners and teachers have to acquire a new set of skills before they get as far as content matter. As Johnson (2007:458) says, ‘Learning to participate in, and learn from, electronic discussion is


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a challenge in itself’, and this can become particularly difficult when cultures and attitudes to learning may place particular emphasis on the role of teacher as expert.

Addressing the digital divide for lifelong learning in the South If we don’t develop this, we are really going to be behind. Individual cited in Grace 2004:3

There are some (for example Lelliot et al. 2000) who suggest that, for economically poor countries, leapfrogging into the digital age is an inappropriate use of scarce resources. In the face of extreme poverty, hunger, corruption, disease, minimal educational achievements, inadequate citizen participation and other disadvantages this is a defensible position. But technologies have proved themselves to be important resources to combat these very concerns. The issue is not whether technology is a good thing or not – it is whether technology can be harnessed on a sufficient scale to make a significant, positive difference to those countries most in need of its benefits. And how to do this in a way that enhances indigenous identities and ownership rather than exposes vulnerable mass populations in the South to more control and exploitation by those who currently have power and influence, whether from elite pockets of individuals in the South or from dominant systems in the North? As Polikanov and Abramova (2003:51) state: Africans must join the cyberspace as generators of ideas, rather than as mere recipients. Only this full integration will ensure mutually beneficial e-commerce, enhance education and provide for the adequate cultural development of the region. Otherwise, the internet will become a new form of dependence, some sort of cultural imperialism and cyber neocolonialism, which will further deteriorate the position of the African continent in the world. On a macro-level Perraton’s analysis suggests that expansion of ICT is as much about political will as it is about resources. That political will is influenced by capitalist and power considerations that impact on decision makers in both the North and South.

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On a micro-level there is need for more nuanced research that addresses socio-cultural and quality assurance issues in order to capacity build and strengthen arguments for digital literacy on a mass level. Most of the literature concentrates on micro-level development. For instance Vasudeva Rao (2006) argues that ICT introduction works best when it is integrated with more traditional methods and total literacy campaigns as a holistic approach to literacy, consciousness raising and participation through cultural groups, songs, discussion groups, audio-visual aids and much interaction between technology educators and the learners. All this must be in the context of sensitive orientation, cognizance of local cultures, listening to and incorporating local views. Progress must be unhurried and integrated with rural infrastructures at grass-roots level. The practice of developing communally owned facilities where the profit from user payments is ploughed back into local communities could be a cost-effective model for such communities. In other words, it is not necessary to have one PC per person in order to develop ICT technology expertise in the first instance. Similarly, the advancing nature of technology itself means it is already available in wireless form, thus reducing the expensive necessity for telecommunications infrastructures. Coupled with this scenario Dahlman (2007) emphasizes that developing countries need to take charge of their own knowledge creation so that local solutions are found for local problems. He cites an example of developing new agricultural seeds that are adaptable to local conditions, rather than relying on the commercially motivated versions that are offered by external sources. Other suggestions address the private sector directly. So Chandrasekhar and Ghosh (2001) propose that the profitable IT sector should be heavily taxed to pay for infrastructure development. This development could initially focus on equipping particular professions such as the health sector which would then disseminate the benefits of enhanced health capacity among poor communities. In terms of capacity building the focus must be on training teachers and instructors to use ICT and develop their own teaching materials. Educational Institutions and funders from the North would serve the South more effectively if they concentrated their energies on supporting capital investment for technology infrastructure and then enabling southern-based institutions to manage their own educational development, rather than franchising their own northern structures and systems into culturally alien soil.


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Macro-solutions are hard to find in the literature. Importantly IICD (2007) emphasizes that the above identified support must align itself with political awareness raising and financial planning for sustainability. In view of Wilson’s (2004) observations there is a need to find rationales that persuade political decision makers of the economic and social advantages of supporting ICT innovation. Wilson develops an argument for the economic costs of not being connected. This manifests itself in terms of higher costs of good and services, poorer access to information about the market, employment, investments. This approach, he adds, would have to be linked to democratically responsive governance and respect for the rule of law, taking us back to Lelliott et al.’s (2000) concerns. It may additionally be possible to appeal to the self-interests of politicians by arguing for the potential of countries in the South to own their own destiny in terms of knowledge creation. The UNDP (2001) Human Development Report asserts that OECD countries should create more equitable global rules to address the digital divide. This includes recognizing fairer use of intellectual property rights and segmenting the market so that developing countries could obtain technologies more cheaply: ‘[D]eveloping countries should not be forever held hostage to the research agendas set by global market demand’ (p.8). The challenges, therefore, are huge. But they are directly linked to a lifelong learning agenda for the South which takes us far beyond discourses of profit, competitiveness and marketization. They centre on issues of democratization, social justice, human rights and human dignity. A global lifelong learning approach is a critical solution to these changing societal needs. But it must be sensitive to context, enhancing local ownership of content, means and process. It must respond at a level of international consciousness. This latter point was a concern highlighted in the definition for lifelong education emanating from southern Africa, as discussed in Chapter 1.

Concluding summary This chapter has explored some arguments for and against introducing ICTs as a component of lifelong learning into countries in the South. While the infrastructure constraints that impact on the digital divide are enormous, there are indications that politics, power relations and profiteering – emanating from elites in the South as well as traditional concerns with competitiveness in the North – contribute in a significant way to maintaining

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the divide. But this topic also continues the arguments of earlier chapters. That is, a more communal approach to solving problems of resources, a more culturally sensitive and context-driven approach to curriculum development, greater recognition of the potential for home-grown solutions, and a greater social justice perspective from the international community will all contribute to enabling capacity to grow from within. Market-driven agendas divert attention from seeking alternative solutions and fail to address the complexity of how inequalities are created in the first place. The position of women has been a concern for most of the topics discussed so far. The next chapter will address some of those concerns more fully in relation to lifelong learning discourses on a global scale. The subsequent chapters will look in-depth at two case scenarios taken from South Asia and the African continent, with a view to analysing the extent to which southern models of lifelong learning are evolving.

Chapter 7

Feminist perspectives on lifelong learning

We need education that promotes democratic participation and solidarity, values pluralism and guarantees equal opportunities for women and girls of all ages . . . that understands and respects our cultural, ethnic, and sexual orientation, physical disabilities, and lifestyle differences . . . that understands the centrality of gender relations and sexuality in the HIV/AIDS epidemic . . . that develops the capacities of women and men to be environmentally friendly and to feel and act as part of nature . . . that promotes gender justice which considers women and men as equal political and social subjects in the private and public spheres. GEO, ICAE, REPEM, DAWN, FEMNET 2003:33

The above quotation came from a publication by the UNESCO women’s caucus as part of UNESCO’s mid-term review of the international adulteducation conference CONFINTEA, which meets every 12 years. The caucus is formed of different women’s organizations from around the world, but particularly focuses on gender justice for women in the South. The above concerns are not limited to once-only educational provision. They reflect the needs of a lifelong process of raising awareness among men and women, learning to participate in community affairs, learning to be critical and live together as equal citizens. This chapter summarizes and expands the arguments relevant to women’s lifelong learning needs that have already been articulated in earlier chapters. Key issues include access to basic education, the work-home interface, technology and the tensions between northern and southern discourses for women. The chapter focuses on poststructuralist and postcolonial feminisms that highlight various theoretical positions as articulated by women academics in the South. This leads to a discussion of gender as a category of analysis, how gender interfaces with contemporary discourses for lifelong learning among women in the South and how a number of high profile women’s NGOs are moving forward in the struggle for gender

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awareness in development terms. The chapter finishes with some reflections on selective lifelong learning policies and practices that address women’s issues. The core arguments are twofold: on the one hand there is a lifelong learning need to raise public awareness of issues to do with gender justice across all spheres of life; on the other hand women and girls need ongoing learning opportunities to acquire the necessary skills, knowledge and understanding to help them challenge gender injustices and articulate their positions, needs and rights to participate as equal citizens.

Feminists’ lifelong learning concerns The UNESCO (2005) Global Monitoring Report identified that of the 771 million adult illiterates in the whole world the majority live in developing countries. Of these illiterates 64 per cent are women. The female percentage of adult illiterates in Sub-Saharan Africa is 61 per cent, in the Arab States 64 per cent, Central Asia 70 per cent, South and West Asia 64 per cent and in East Asia and the Pacific 71 per cent. Participation rates in tertiary education in most of these areas are reduced to single figures. The dominant feminist and lifelong learning literature is associated with writings from women in the North. Such literature fails to address southern concerns related to racism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, with the implication that women are represented as a unitary category. As was mentioned in Chapter 2 a major concern among southern women is to challenge the ‘production of the Third World Woman . . . in . . . Western feminist texts’ (Mohanty 1995:259), and re-prioritize those particular concerns of oppression (for example, widow burning, circumcision, wearing the veil) about which the West is obsessed in relation to southern women. Mohanty stresses that these issues should not be ignored but they must be understood in context, and in relation to other priorities such as poverty, access to credit and education of any kind. She argues that western feminists fail to capture the complexity of issues which affect the lives of different women in specific societies. In order to change acts of oppression it is important to understand them more effectively in order to adopt appropriate strategies for change. There is a second factor that accounts for the continuing tension between northern and southern views. Unlike the tendency among western and northern feminisms, women in the South prefer not to isolate men from discussions about women and social justice. This is partly in recognition that, as members of nations which have experienced colonialism, and

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continue to experience neo-colonialist interventions, both men and women in the South have suffered oppression and domination; both men and women understand issues to do with power, control and loss of identity in the context of racism and social stratifications. Furthermore, women in the South argue very strongly that in view of the patriarchal nature of most societies, it is essential that men take responsibility for understanding and addressing unequal and unjust gender power relations. Men and women must work together to tackle all forms of oppression and build dialogue in order to enhance understanding of the roles that men and social institutions play in oppressing women. So feminist discourses in the South play a dual role – to question neocolonial discourses, especially those that fail to recognize indigenous knowledges and cultural practices in relation to development, but also to challenge patriarchal oppressions that are enshrined in various laws and attitudes. This entails a more nuanced understanding of the tensions between patriarchal oppressions, the processes of decolonization itself and the need to maintain positive cultural values among those which may sometimes conflict with the feminist agenda for reform. A major mission for women in the South, within these tensions, is to get their voice heard. Chapter 4, for instance, highlighted that the denial of girls’ and women’s right to education is a social justice issue which affects their life chances in multidimensional ways. The feminist vision for lifelong learning in the context of development regards education as a multidimensional process, where education and ongoing learning will increase a woman’s social standing, decision-making power in the family and ability to be more independent, broaden her knowledge of the outside world and help her to acquire leadership skills. The right to lifelong learning for women in the South also starts with the right to literacy and basic education with ongoing opportunities for post-literacy. Furthermore Chapter 6, in relation to technology and the digital divide, showed that the low basic education completion rates, and multiple workloads of women and girls means that they often have limited access to computers or other technological advancements. In spite of tensions of focus between the North and South, however, feminist literature around the world resonates with many of the principles of postcolonialist perspectives. For instance feminists are generally concerned with struggles to occupy a historical space for women, issues of identity, how women are positioned and position themselves, the construction of knowledge, voice and authority. Feminist teaching styles favour pedagogies that challenge the status quo and engage in critical analysis in relation to power,

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oppression and domination. Like postcolonialist literature, feminist pedagogies aim to privilege alternative – and in this case – women’s experiences, recognize diversity, and enable women to critique normative assumptions about identity and roles. In opposition to male-dominated versions of knowledge and public space as the arena for knowledge and debate, they validate women’s experiences in the home and highlight the interconnectedness of public (outside the home) and private (family) lives. Black feminists in particular challenge notions of lifelong learning which claim to be about self-direction, autonomy and independence. Instead they position alternative models of lifelong learning that embrace interdependence and degrees of autonomy, which recognize commitment to others, rather than individualism. All these concerns resonate with postcolonialist thinking and reflect a greater reality for many women who play a central role in family upbringing, and for whom independence is often a matter of degree rather than an absolute position.

Poststructuralist and postcolonial feminisms Poststructuralist feminisms recognize the individual experience of oppression and privilege and how those experiences constantly change according to context. They recognize the intersection of multiple power relations and discourses (of class, race, disability, ethnicity, caste etc.) and the complex disadvantages those intersections can produce. By looking at the use of language, agency and resistance in particular contexts poststructuralist feminisms engage with the nuances and subtleties of power and how we all contribute to the norms of our societies through these discourses. Through this kind of analysis we see the significance of social context and its impact on self-esteem, identity and voice. Similarly, the concept of how knowledge is framed is also challenged. Black feminist writers such as Hill Collins (1990) discuss knowledge for black women in terms of ‘motherwit’ and ‘wisdom’. Many of these forms of knowledge draw on experiential understanding and intuition, rather than notions of objectivity and scientifically proven knowledge. They also recognize the role of emotion as a means of reinforcing or affirming truth and reality, since, it is argued, there is no such thing as pure objectivity. All knowledge is context-specific and framed by world views. There are only ‘regimes of truth’ as explained by Foucault (1980) and discussed in Chapter 2. Pedagogical styles that encourage this kind of learning and knowledge creation include sharing stories and feelings and confronting those storytellers with a view to


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raising consciousness and effecting social change (hooks 1994). Such teaching explicitly rejects the notion that emotions interfere with applying logic or gaining an accurate understanding. Indeed recognition of emotions and their impact enables us to highlight contradictions in seemingly objective knowledge. This can be done partly by recognizing our positionality in terms of class, race, disability or other social category both as teacher and learner. We can then work with these different positions through a shared critique of our experiences and understandings. Through this degree of openness we enable the marginalized to have an equal voice and demonstrate their authority in producing legitimate knowledge. McEwan (2001:94) adds the anti-colonial stance that we should, in particular: [D]estabilise the dominant discourses of imperial Europe, including ‘development’. These discourses are unconsciously ethnocentric, rooted in Western cultures and reflective of a dominant, Western world-view. There is now a considerable ‘Third World’ feminist literature that both builds on and reinscribes poststructuralist positions. I identify them here as postcolonial feminisms since they share the same political goal – to reposition women whose central experience has been one of colonialism. Postcolonial feminisms focus on the ongoing struggle against colonial interference, racisms and the micropolitics of work, home and family but from the perspective of women. These feminisms embrace analytical frameworks that take account of colonial histories and contemporary postcolonial experiences. Postcolonial feminisms seek to challenge oppressive cultural practices without rejecting their cultures and they seek to engage men and women to work together for positive change. Mohanty et al. (1991) produce a compendium of writers from the ‘nonEuropean Third World’ who critique the conventional meanings that are attached to feminism. Their central issue is the association of feminism with cultural imperialism and a narrow definition of gender that has been framed by middle-class white experiences in the West. Mohanty (1991:11) points to the fundamental difference for ‘women of colour’ as ‘the contrast between a singular focus on gender as a basis for equal rights, and a focus on gender in relation to race and/or class as part of a broader liberation struggle’. In other words, especially for women in the former colonies, there are additional forms of oppression that need to be taken into account when examining gender relationships. For example, as was highlighted by Ntseane (2006)

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in Chapter 3, western style messages for HIV/AIDS prevention have assumed that women simply need to be given the message: ‘Say “no” to men – you have the power.’ But this position ignores cultural interpretations about the causes and origins of HIV/AIDS. It also fails to recognize that men and women need to explore together how they can find shared solutions. So the message divides, rather than unites men and women in the fight against AIDS. It assumes HIV/AIDS is simply a gender power issue (in Chilisa and Preece 2005). Feminists who want to signify their rejection of northern or western ideologies in feminisms use alternative terminologies. The concept of ‘womanism’ therefore may be used by Asians and Africans. Africans will also use the terms Africana womanism and African feminism. Africana womanism is a term often used by women of African origin, both diasporic and indigenous. Its focus is on explaining how colonial ideologies have imposed western patriarchal gender discrimination on societies that did not, prior to colonialism, necessarily identify with such power differentials. For example, Mohanty (1991) and Ntseane (1999) highlight that women in third-world countries have played a far more equal role in the production of food and livelihoods than middle-class white women. This perspective challenges the common assumptions that are made in western feminisms about public (outside the home)/private (inside the home) divides for gender roles. The Africana womanist position is explained by Yaa Asantewaa Reed (2001) in a discussion with Hudson-Weems. HudsonWeems argues that from the perspective of Africana womanism the solution to gender inequality is seen as already lying within African philosophy: Essentially the Africana womanist position is that the framework for a world free of patriarchal oppression already exists within the traditional African philosophical worldview – if only the Africana woman will claim it. (Hudson-Weems in Yaa Asantewaa Reed, 2001:175) This implies that indigenous philosophies, for example the concept of ubuntu, rather than cultural practice, should be the starting point for repositioning gender power relations. Similar arguments could be made for Asian cultures and philosophies. African feminism is defined by Mekgwe (2003:7) as a discourse that: [T]akes care to delineate those concerns that are peculiar to the African situation. It also questions features of traditional African cultures without


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denigrating them, understanding that these might be viewed differently by the different classes of woman. Feminist positions are often defended through the use of proverbs and folk tales. Dube (1999) refers to a Setswana myth, about a hen scratching the ground for a lost needle, as a way of highlighting the complexities, dangers and possibilities of defining feminist endeavours in postcolonial Africa. Yaa Asantewaa Reed (2001:169) draws on the well-known African proverb ‘it takes a village to raise a child’ as demonstration that men and women together come from a communal past where responsibilities are collective. Mohanty (1991:10) summarizes these arguments as follows: Third world feminists have argued for the rewriting of history based on the specific locations and histories of struggle of people of colour and postcolonial peoples, and on the day-to-day strategies of survival utilised by such peoples. Issues that affect women in relation to lifelong learning include migration and urbanization and increased working hours for women as they take part in the market economy as well as their continued responsibility for home matters. This means that traditional lifelong learning patterns in the community are disrupted and younger generations do not receive the forms of community education that they used to. At the same time women do not receive new learning opportunities to deal with these socio-economic changes. Chapter 5 pointed out that globalization processes have feminized certain forms of low-wage labour through increasing part-time and homebased work, resulting in poor regulation and less opportunity for formalized training. The majority of women in the South work in the informal economy, further removing them from training opportunities, marginalizing their work status and ability to access finance so that they are prevented from competing in the wider market. Ntseane (1999) for instance reports the comments of one female worker’s entrepreneurial efforts in the informal economy: As an entrepreneur, I feel that the training we receive does not address our felt needs. I request . . . closer cooperation between our trainers and us to ensure that we will tell them what we really need. I don’t know how to write but every time I attend training workshops I am given books and

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pencils and asked to keep records. Of course when they visit they don’t find anything in their book. That is why they say we are not interested. (p.78) Ntseane points out that: [T]rainers in particular have to understand why women are in business, what their problems are, and how they think they might be helped. Business concepts are new in the culture that has a history of sharing and group solidarity . . . there is a lack of programs that allow women to transform . . . awareness into strategic gender needs, such as developing their position in society into action, aiming to create more rights for women, and creating control for resources. (Ibid) Dyer (2001) also shows in Lesotho that where women are employed outside the home, it is in low-paid, exploitative conditions where male-dominated union support for improving women’s working conditions, career advancement or training is weak. Feminism is not a fixed position. While its central theme is women’s experiences of gender power relations, there are many ways of addressing this issue. Indeed there is a tendency for many women in the South to talk about ‘gender’ rather than feminism.

Gender Gender in lifelong learning discourses among southern activists was reconfigured as ‘gender learning justice’ during the 1990s. This theme has been gathering momentum since then. Conferences where gender and education issues have been highlighted include the World Conference on Education for All in Jomtien 1990; the World Conference on Population and Development in El Cairo 1994; the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing 1995, CONFINTEA V in 1997 and its mid-term review in 2003, the World Conference Against Racism, Xenophobia and All Forms of Discrimination in Durban 2001, plus other world social forums throughout the new century. Perhaps the most common reason for using gender as the framework for analysis is to demonstrate that the issue of power relations is a shared one between men and women: Gender is a concept that deals with the roles and relationships between women and men. These roles and relationships are determined by sociocultural, religious, political and economic factors, not by biology. In other


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words, gender refers to socially constructed roles and responsibilities assigned to women and men in a given location and the social structures that support them, all of which are subject to change over time. (Pant 2003:7) Gender refers to the interaction between men and women and draws our attention to those issues that have brought about unequal relations. Thus the concept of gender helps to focus on lifelong learning that encourages attention to issues of curriculum – how stereotypes, language and images perpetuate power differentials. Gender analysis enables us to see the specificity of context as a ‘tool for both understanding the local context and promoting gender equality’ (ibid: 10). Learning contexts that encourage critical awareness raising can use gender analysis to reveal how relations between men and women impact on who has access to and control over resources, how learning programmes differentially affect men and women (such as the timing and location of courses as well as content or classroom behaviour). It is also a tool for identifying socio-cultural opportunities and constraints for improvement. Gender is the focus of analysis in Thetela’s (2002) description of ‘sex discourses and gender constructions’ in her study of police interviews with rape victims conducted through the language of southern Sotho. Her discussion is concerned with the way that gendered use of language constrains the woman’s ability to accurately describe her experience of rape. Women and men in some societies are expected to use different vocabulary in relation to sex. This expectation reinforces gender power imbalances and impacts on the way the legal system deals with rape cases: I use evidence from this study to suggest that one of the key issues in examining language and the law in southern Africa is that of the relationship between language, culture and the police interview rooms and courtrooms since these institutions are not only legal domains but also domains where cultural power relations are contested. (Thetela 2002:180) Thetela identifies the southern Sotho words that women are expected to use to describe sexual intercourse compared with the ones that men use. For women the language of sexual behaviour is less explicit, and as result conveys the impression that sexual behaviour is always a benign, accepting activity for the woman. Consequently she is not empowered to use the vocabulary that more accurately describes the process of rape. Words that women are expected to use include ho arolelana dikobo, meaning ‘to share blankets’; ho bapala, meaning ‘to play’; ditaba tsa motabo, meaning ‘activities

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of motabo’ (a form of snuff). In the police interview, Thetela describes how the interaction between police officers and the rape victim, in terms of the behaviour and language that each uses, conveys an image that the woman has no case to claim she has been raped. The victim, in her description to two male police officers, is embarrassed to use explicit words because it is not culturally acceptable. The following interview translation shows how a police officer chides her, when she asks if her mother can explain for her what happened: Look here young woman, you are the complainant, and not your mother, or was she present when the two of you were having sex? An allegation of rape is a very serious matter and not a joke. Tell us in his own words as he said them. (p.183) Thetela (2002) explains that the police officer’s access to different vocabulary enables him to overlay the victim’s reluctance to use embarrassing words in describing the rape by: use of the swear word kota [meaning sex] . . . , by means of which he holds both the victim and the alleged rapist equally responsible. This allegation does not only embarrass the victim, but also discursively reproduces rape as a non-criminal activity. (p.184) Such context-specific nuances can only be captured at micro-level analysis and need to be addressed through participatory teaching methods with dialogue and discussion. The Beijing Women’s Conference in 1995 was a watershed for progressing the agenda for gender reform. The strategy to address the wide-ranging nature of gender concerns is called gender mainstreaming. Two years after the conference the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) defined gender mainstreaming as: The process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies and programmes, in any area and at all levels. It is a strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women as well as of men an integral part of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated. (ECOSOC 1997, in ILO 2002)


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The definition is founded on the principle that men and women have different needs which should be recognized in all walks of life but recognition requires concrete actions and appropriate policy behaviour. There are now several international women’s organizations that have taken advantage of globalization’s technologies to organize themselves to promote gender mainstreaming and address gender learning justice issues across the world.

International women’s organizations One of the leading promoters of women’s organizations and their activities is the ICAE, based in Uruguay. ICAE is an international NGO that formed in 1973. It is a global network that now connects with regional and national networks in more than 75 countries and has consultative status with UNESCO. It links women, organizations and educators working with grassroots women from all over the world to promote learning as a tool for active and informed participation. The ICAE women’s programme played a major part in the Beijing conference to mobilize the agenda for equality and empowerment of women and to raise consciousness of marginalization, patriarchal structures and oppression. ICAE also played a significant part in encouraging civil-society organizations to lobby their governments for representation in the CONFINTEA VI country reports on adult education and lifelong learning. In 2000 ICAE formed a Gender and Education office (GEO). This office plays an educative and lobbying role. Its main aim is to highlight and analyse the educational dimension of gender-oriented activities. It works with civil-society organizations and governments through workshops and publicity. The GEO holds international seminars focusing on women’s right to education and to strategise and provide space for advocacy in the struggle for women’s rights. A monthly electronic magazine ‘Voices Rising’ provides regular updates on international events, issues and concerns to do with public policy, reproductive rights and democracy in relation to lifelong learning issues. The Popular Education Network of Women (REPEM) is a regional network of activists and academic women in Latin America and the Caribbean, specializing in women’s adult education. It has been in existence since the 1980s. It works closely with ICAE and GEO and since 1994 its focus has been on advocacy and leadership development. The network works for

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social, economic and gender justice through national, regional and global organizations. It aims to influence public policy on gender and education issues, promote women’s leadership, citizenship and empowerment, and influence social and economic policies at government level. GEO and REPEM worked together at the CONFINTEA conference in 1997 to increase the visibility of women’s issues for lifelong learning. They also formed a women’s caucus at the Beijing conference in 1995 and again at the World Summit for Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Geneva in 2000 to highlight a broader, lifelong learning vision for women’s education. The Asian South Pacific Bureau for Adult Education (ASPBAE) also concentrates on advocacy work and women’s empowerment, with a focus on poverty eradication, gender justice and sustainable development. One of their concerns is to highlight the need for quality education that challenges inequalities for women: Access to education is not enough. Advocacy for women’s education also requires advocacy for education that is of high quality and is relevant to the lives of women. Education of poor quality does not change the status of women. Education must help women to be critical of their situation. Teaching methods must be participatory, otherwise it will reinforce hierarchies. (Khan and Mohamed 2003:60) Moghadam (2000) identified 1985 as a turning-point in national women’s groups and the emergence of global feminism. One of the best-known feminist networks to emerge during that period was DAWN. Based in Fiji it represents a wide range of feminist groups from the South. The network focuses on biases and deficiencies in international development agendas. Other women’s organizations that support and promote women’s rights, education and lifelong learning issues, include the African Women’s Development Communication Network (FEMNET), the Asian Women’s Resource Exchange (AWORC) – an internet-based women’s information services and network and The United Nations Development fund for women (UNIFEM) based in the Arab states.

The future for lifelong learning for women in the South [W]omen have to be everywhere. Some of us must work at the local level and others at the global level. The challenge is to create linkages between these two levels; that is to say, to improve our capacity for articulation. Eccher 2003:40


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So what are the prospects for a more gender-sensitive lifelong learning agenda for women in the South now? What impact have these organizations had on progressing the lifelong learning agenda for women? At one level the above organizations have made women’s issues much more visible. International aid agencies such as the World Bank and DFID in the United Kingdom highlight the relationship between education for women and improved health and welfare indicators for families. But these are based on economic arguments rather than social justice issues. The concern of women’s organizations is to point out that critical education (rather than the mechanisms of literacy alone, for instance) has the potential to raise awareness of gender power relations and gender justice. Such learning is more likely to address the discrimination that denies women their agency and self-determination or freedom to enjoy the life they want to enjoy. Demand is growing for culturally sensitive and relevant learning that recognizes the indigenous knowledge and heritage of nations and their various ethnic groups; learning that facilitates women’s access to educational opportunities that will lead to women’s equal participation in society. Some progress has been made but with limitations. The Beijing conference in 1995 resulted in the Beijing Declaration and Programme for Action (PFA), identifying education as one of twelve critical areas of concern for women. GEO-REPEM developed 11 indicators to monitor equity and access of young and adult women to formal education. These included women’s sexual education, training and citizenship participation and education for pregnant women or mothers. The indicators were used across a range of countries, with follow-up actions, including leadership training workshops for women. The PFA education goals were supported by the Dakar World Education Forum in 2000 which produced four educational targets relevant to women’s education. The United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) ensured agreement from 173 countries in 2003 that educational provision should extend beyond primary education, and included measures to compensate women’s livelihood and care needs so that they have equitable and relevant learning opportunities. These targets and agreements, however, were superseded by the MDGs which produced far fewer women-focused agendas – in spite of widespread recognition of the relationship between poverty and women’s education. The MDGs ignore the complexity of structural, attitudinal and legal constraints for women. Instead they provide more general targets for universal primary education and poverty reduction. The only explicit reference to

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women’s empowerment is subsumed under the goal to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education. Adult education is not considered as a development goal at all. As a result few country poverty reduction plans address gender-specific indicators for poverty reduction or women’s literacy needs. Even the CONFINTEA 1997 Agenda for the Future goals have been critiqued for their focus on ‘accommodation’ and ‘adaptation’ – where learners remain largely passive recipients of education – rather than a focus on ‘transformation’ – where learners would be enabled to reconceptualize their situation and effect change against discrimination and injustice (Hlupekile Longwe 2003:11–24). So, much work is still to be done, but the visible presence at international fora has made some progress. With such active political engagement across the international NGO world, has lifelong learning policy and practice in the South become more gender-sensitive?

Analysis of policy and practice There is plenty of evidence at local levels to show the positive impact of literacy and post-literacy classes on women’s social and economic empowerment and the impact of increased knowledge and understanding of health issues on family nutrition and well-being. Where these programmes have included consciousness raising to challenge oppressive or unfair employment practices the outcomes have been remarkable. Chunkath (1996), for instance, describes the impact of a post-literacy project in India among women working in stone mining quarries. A Government decision to grant quarry leases to the women resulted in considerable opposition from contractors and other villagers. Women undertook literacy classes to enable them to understand simple accounting processes and the literacy tutors set up a women’s support group to help them through the interim phase of resistance, harassment and threats by the wider community: The women slowly gained in confidence and were able to ‘handle’ conflict-ridden situations. They stood up to the contractors and middlemen and asserted their rights. They went to the banks and deposited money, they went to the government offices to get their permit slips, and they took decisions about how their money could be spent. (p.123) A more recent UNESCO publication (Pant 2003) explores good practice examples of basic education and lifelong learning in the Asia Pacific Region,


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in the form of Community Learning Centres (CLCs). These are non-formal institutions managed largely by NGOs, religious institutions and other community members in an attempt to promote gender equality through ‘holistic lifelong education’ (p.1). One example is cited from China – three poor townships in the counties of Longsheng, Tiandong and Rongshui Miao. Educational activities were integrated with cultural activities that reflected national arts, cuisine, history and architecture. Training via distance education, workshops and demonstrations covered a wide range of agricultural productions alongside literacy classes. Women were used as trainers and a cascade model of training was encouraged among the beneficiaries. Women also set up credit cooperatives. Local government departments collaborated with women’s organizations and schools and training was provided flexibly at times that coincided with the natural cycle of work needs. Key features of the programme’s contribution to the lifelong learning needs of the people included the combination of vocational and technical skills training with literacy, plus an integration of these activities with the cultural concerns which encouraged women to participate. Chapter 8 discusses in more detail, in this respect, another organization, Bunyad, in Pakistan. But in general Pant emphasizes some key features for a ‘successful CLC’ as involving a participatory approach that mobilizes community resources, engages in strong partnerships with other local organizations and focuses on capacity building the local community. Successful attention to gender equality is the outcome of an integrated literacy and skills training approach that starts with a commitment to gender equality, establishes partnerships with local groups working with gender equality issues, develops learner-led and gender-sensitive teaching and learning materials and monitoring systems, capacity builds local people, develops credit and marketing facilities, involves women in decision-making structures and as role models and caters for other domestic and child care needs. On a more macro, national level Mehran (1999) draws on a UNICEFdevised empowerment framework to assess the extent to which Iran’s lifelong learning policy and practice facilitated the development of a ‘new Muslim woman’ (p.202) or whether the policy merely entrenched traditional beliefs and practices towards women. She grounds her analysis in the Muslim lifelong learning proverb ‘Seek knowledge from the cradle to grave,’ from which the Iranian government demonstrates its commitment to enhancing lifelong educational opportunities for its population. Since female literacy rates started from a very low base in the 1980s, the focus of lifelong learning for women has been primarily literacy training.

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The UNICEF Framework for Equality and Empowerment of Women measures five levels of empowerment, starting with ‘welfare (meeting basic needs); access (to resources and means); consciousness raising (gaining awareness of the problem); participation (in decision making); and ultimately control (high level participation and planning)’ (p.204). Mehran examines the nature of provision availability, and the language and images of standard textbooks for literacy and post-literacy training to explore how many of the empowerment levels are addressed. She concludes that the first and second levels of empowerment are adequately covered, since access and literacy levels have increased. However a gender analysis of the reading materials reveals a mixed picture in terms of consciousness raising, where the majority of images and texts reinforce traditional stereotypes for Iranian men and women and division of labour, but which no longer necessarily reflect the reality of many women’s lives in Iran. However, the post-literacy readers indicate ‘a conscious and deliberate effort has been made to introduce independent women whose identity and character have been formed due to their own toil and struggle in life’ (p.212) alongside attempts to address taboo subjects and myths about gender roles and behaviours. Nevertheless there is no evidence to suggest that women are being encouraged to engage at a level of critical analysis or active participation and control in literacy classes. Progress for women’s issues, therefore, can be painfully slow.

Concluding summary This chapter has reviewed the theoretical position on lifelong learning for women in the South from a mainly postcolonialist perspective. This position highlights the need to understand southern women’s issues in context, in order to avoid misrepresenting those issues. Much work has been done during the last ten to fifteen years to raise awareness in public fora of the need to address women’s educational concerns in a holistic lifelong learning context. While international development targets do highlight the relationship between basic education and improved development indicators for women, there is less emphasis on gender justice and human rights issues or on the notion of lifelong learning as a gender-specific project. Selective examples of good practice and analysis of policy indicates some progress is being made but women need to be constantly vigilant in making women’s issues visible among decision makers. Again the argument for a holistic approach to lifelong learning is emphasized.

Chapter 8

Case studies – Pakistan and India

While the majority of content in this book has referred to African writers, philosophies and concerns, some references have also been made to South Asia. This chapter takes a case study approach towards two separate scenarios where lifelong learning is specifically identified as a primary aim of either practice or policy or both. In the first instance I look at an NGO, called Bunyad in Pakistan. In the second instance I focus on the State of Kerala in India. Their contexts and policies are outlined. I analyse in turn to what extent the two case studies appear to address the lifelong learning issues related to philosophy, development, gender, globalization and technology described in earlier chapters. The sources of information for these case studies are mainly policy documents and reports, including the latest, state-of-the-art CONFINTEA VI country reports. During a brief personal visit to Bunyad I additionally obtained research reports, the organization’s own extensive literature on its philosophy and practice including annual reports. For Kerala, although I did also briefly visit the State recently, I have drawn primarily on policy documents, national and state reports together with a recent, substantive and detailed review of Kerala’s literacy and lifelong learning approach (Clayton 2006).

Pakistan The Pakistan Ministry of Education’s preparatory report (Saleem 2008) for the CONFINTEA VI meeting in 2009 provides country-wide statistics and information in relation to adult education. Lifelong learning is not mentioned in this document. Bunyad is identified in this report as a key provider of non-formal education in the Punjab province of Pakistan. Geographically Pakistan has borders with China, India, Afghanistan and Iran. Its terrain varies from high mountainous regions in the north and

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west to irrigated plains and deserts across the East including the provinces of Punjab and Sindh. Urdu their main language is spoken by 75 per cent and the rest speak local languages. English and Urdu are the country’s official languages. The vast majority (96.3 per cent) follow Islamic religions. Pakistan operates a federal structure of four provinces plus some federally administered tribal areas and units of districts. Education policy is formulated at federal government level with implementation at provincial education department level. Pakistan is placed on the Human Development Index in the position of 138 out of 177 countries. Literacy rate is now officially estimated at 55 per cent, of which the female percentage is 42 per cent, reducing to as low as 14 per cent in rural areas. While the numbers living below the official poverty line has decreased in recent years to one quarter of its population and population growth has slowed to 1.9 per cent by 2005, the overall population of 159,061 million (Saleem 2008) translates into a significant number of 40 million living below the poverty line and 56 million adults who are illiterate. Just over 65 per cent live in rural areas and the life expectancy of males and females is 64 and 66 respectively. Labour force participation is quoted at 30.2 per cent, indicating that the majority of inhabitants live through subsistence farming. The education system is three tier – starting at primary (divided into two age levels 5–10 and 10–13), secondary school (ages 13–15) and higher secondary (ages 15–17). Adult literacy officially starts at age 15 and higher education from age 18. There are also vocational schools at higher education level. The medium of instruction at primary level is Urdu or in the local language. Participation at primary level is officially universal, though child labour is rampant, particularly among industries such as carpet weaving, soccer ball and surgical instrument making. Participation is estimated as 66 per cent (of which 82 per cent are male). By secondary level gross enrolment is only cited as 40 per cent and a mere 4 per cent of the total population participate in higher education. There are large gender disparities at all levels of participation. Women’s economic activity is largely unrecognized even though women take responsibility for the family farm which includes activities such as livestock tending, weeding, planting and threshing rice, alongside other household chores and maintenance of large families (Attiq-ur-Rahman 2006). Gender violence and abuse is also rife, particularly among poor families. Although adult literacy was highlighted as early as 1970 in Government education policies it was not until 1990, International Literacy Year, that substantial funding was provided. In December 1992 the national education

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policy pledged to achieve a literacy target of 50 per cent by 1995 and 70 per cent by 2002 (Saleem 2008). The current Draft National Education Policy 2008 (cited in Saleem 2008) supports the expansion of education at elementary and adult literacy levels, with plans to launch a large-scale non-formal education basic education programme and develop minimum quality standards and equivalence scheme between formal and non-formal curricula. However, there is no separate budget for adult literacy and Bunyad’s literature points out that less than 10 per cent of the whole education budget is set aside for adult and community education. The Punjab is the third most densely populated province containing 56 per cent of the population across 35 districts. The CONFINTEA report cites the literacy rate of the Punjab as 73 per cent, though Bunyad documentation suggests this figure is lower. The Punjab has a literacy and non-formal education department, headed by the Secretary of the Government, and the head of each district is the Executive District Officer Literacy (EDO literacy). Literacy centres and non-formal basic education schools in the Punjab are run by NGOs under the supervision of the EDO Literacy. The CONFINTEA report states that NGOs hire the services of literacy and non-formal basic education (NFBE) teachers and receive some funding from the literacy department for monitoring. The Bunyad literature frames its activities within a lifelong learning ethos with the aim of building self-reliance, using literacy as the starting point.

Bunyad Literacy is the beginning of a lifelong continuing education process Attiq-ur-Rahman 1998:9 There are a number of evolving definitions for literacy in the Pakistan policy documents. Bunyad provides its own three definitional levels for literacy as follows: Basic level: ‘learners learn how to read and write their name, alphabets, and how to count’ Middle level: ‘learners display basic reading and writing skills and compute simple mathematical problems’ Self-learning level: ‘learners read and write at their levels and apply their literacy to everyday life’ (Bunyad 2006:13).

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Bunyad Literacy Community Council was founded in 1994 as a non-profit organization with the overall aim of social development ‘amongst the poorest of the poor’ using literacy and education of women as its starting point. Poor families are usually agricultural labourers or tenants, carpenters, street vendors, servants, drivers or workers in carpet weaving factories. Bunyad is now a provincial level NGO which has received international recognition for its activities (Attiq-ur-Rahman 1998:5). The scale of this operation is significant. Bunyad works in more than 20 districts and 2,000 villages and, by 2006, it had successfully enhanced the literacy levels of more than 400,000 children and adults. An equally significant number of people have benefited from post-literacy and continuing education activities, including developments in social, political, health, environmental education and income generation. The organization has a vision and mission statement, a devolved management structure that reaches down to district and village levels and operates a number of separately funded projects that embrace a multisectoral approach to poverty reduction. Bunyad envisions ‘a literate, enlightened, tolerant and just society in which all individuals enjoy the rights and opportunities to realize their full potential in striving to attain both individual and collective goals’ (Bunyad 2006:3). Its mission is ‘empowerment of underprivileged, marginalized groups particularly rural women and children through literacy, education and economic empowerment to improve the standard of life and enhance their capacity to be self-dependent’ (ibid). The headquarters is now the Institute of Community Education (ICE) – a central training resource and hub for materials production, with its own formal school, resources for training in new technologies and agriculturerelated activities, a central research base that hosts internships from local universities, initiates fund raising and new projects. Agricultural products from the institute’s 8-acre site are also sold as a means of helping to finance the organization’s running costs. Bunyad develops its own readers to supplement the Government prescribed basic education learning materials. The aim of this supplementary material is to address life skills and empowerment needs (health, hygiene, sanitation, farming, reproductive health, gender awareness raising, civic education, human rights, recreation, community development). These materials are supported by a library, newspaper and website. The programme’s development structure is centred around a staged community development approach that starts with needs analysis, sensitization and the formation of village and family education committees – focusing


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on mobilizing entire communities, appointment and training of teachers as facilitators and community change agents, including initial teacher training in non-formal education methodology (usually a teacher is a locally identified woman with primary education certificate). The approach includes monitoring, evaluation, ongoing teacher training, assessment and certification of learning outcomes, partnerships with NGOs and other community-based organizations. Learning activities and timing of classes are negotiated with local communities so they are relevant and fit in with daily and seasonal life cycles. The end result is a CLC. The CLCs are responsible for mobilizing communities, providing relevant learning opportunities to local development needs, improving income generating opportunities, quality of life and creating a learning atmosphere for participants so they will be motivated to continue learning. Literacy teachers are pivotal in this process since they are both community animators and educators. Post-literacy learning materials are an important feature of maintaining motivation to continue reading and seek information. Bunyad produces a newspaper that provides news as well as educational information on relevant development topics. It has also introduced ICT training, a Library and a website of information resources and reading materials covering a range of development topics ranging from health to agriculture to civic information. All this is duplicated on CD for those who do not have access to the internet. During my visit to one rural school the community was in the process of linking an electricity wire from one of their houses so that computers could be used in the classrooms. Income generation is an important stimulation for lifelong learning. Microcredit schemes are developed alongside relevant business and accounting skills to facilitate sale of goods and expansion of micro-businesses; these programmes are supplemented with human rights, gender awareness and confidence building courses. Goods produced in these micro-credit schemes can be exchanged between villages, thus creating a network of small entrepreneurs. The majority of micro-businesses are livestock related. Others include embroidery, goat farming, agriculture a small shop or transport business. In a few cases a school is a business. In 15 per cent of the learning centres, the community has generated sufficient income to pay for the running cost of their non-formal schools, including the salary of their teacher. Decentralized information and resource bases are called BERTIs – Basic Education Research Training Initiatives – that have responsibility for a number of village-level CLCs. The BERTI aims are ‘to promote human and

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community development through lifelong learning and provide opportunities without discrimination of caste, creed, age and sex’ (Bunyad 2006:26). The BERTIs provide guidance and counselling, awareness raising of rights and mobilization of communities to support non-formal education for outof-school children, youth and illiterate adults. In effect, a one-stop shop for community-based needs, but framed within the context of education. Many are now networked to the Web. They concentrate on capacity building, have their own teams of trainers in non-formal primary and basic education and are managed by a committee of local people with representation from community leaders and the CLCs for which they are responsible. Some BERTI’s have become self-sustainable through income generation activities and small payments from community members. Attiq-ur-Rahman (2002) cites one effective BERTI in Muzzfargarh: . . . who from a small group went on to construct their own schools, supervised 250 centers of . . . [basic education] program, disburses loans to marginalized neo literate women, physical disabled physiotherapy to local children, construction of latrines in 30 family houses, on a revolving loan basis, has a small library. Teacher trainings collecting information, giving awareness raising issues to their loaning centres are all part of the work of this BERTI who from oblivion has become an independen[t] NGO serving its community. (p.39) The ultimate aim is for all CLCs and BERTIs to become self-sustainable. Thus the Bunyad vision is for a ripple effect of ever widening circles of self-reliant and sustainable communities, generated through basic and post-literacy, then continuing education leading to self-directed lifelong learning for individual and community development including financial sustainability from the products of local enterprises: Lifelong learning not only depends on literacy skills. It also rests on the provision of resources and opportunities for further and continuing learning. The richer the learning environment, the greater will be the opportunity for conscious commitment of lifelong learning and being willing to take full advantage of the learning opportunities and choices of society which requires that people be autonomous learners depending on their own strength. (Attiq-ur-Rahman 1998:18) Within these communities additional targeted projects may include those specifically addressing child labour, or, in urban areas, street children’s


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needs. Part of the aim of these projects is to raise the consciousness of employers as well as families of the hazards of child labour and persuade all the stakeholders of the benefits of an educated child for future prosperity. Successes have included children who have been allowed by their employers and families to spend some time in school while still working to support the family’s income needs, and creating a safer working environment for the children. By this approach, Bunyad hopes to convert child labour into child work ‘by which not only the child continues working in a healthy environment and learning skills but also gets rights like education’ (Bunyad 2006:14). The challenges behind this initiative have been enormous. Attiq-urRahman (2002:5), the founder of the organization highlighted, for instance, some socio-political cultural hurdles in the form of a feudal landowner system that controls its peasantry and is not necessarily motivated to change the status quo: Decision making undertaken by a handful on the lives of millions can be seen in our rural area in a most frightening form. Where the omnipotent large land holder manipulates all the state machinery and takes on political preview, not allowing schools to function in his area, hampering power sharing with the people, is seen in all its glory in Muzzafargarh district of Punjab where Sardar Kakar Jatoi gave over 415 squares of land in a trust for the development of education in his district. After his death it was quickly usurped by the large landholders who quickly distributed the said land to the favourites for ‘voting’ purposes rather than for education. An impact study by Noor and Tarrar (2002) indicated, too, that there were many resistances from political groups and men wishing to maintain the status quo and who were against the idea of female education, even in the Education Department itself which ‘looked with disdain’ on non-formal education as a methodology and were initially ‘suspicious and unhelpful’ (Executive summary). How do Bunyad’s philosophy and activities compare with the vision for a southern concept of lifelong learning as articulated in this book? Bunyad’s approach to lifelong learning and development There are some striking resemblances between Bunyad and Gandhi’s own philosophy of education for rural reconstruction. The education curriculum on offer is both practical and moral in its broadest sense, and concerned

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with the collective as well as the individual. The concept of village selfsufficiency and interdependence with neighbouring villages is also reminiscent of Gandhi’s philosophy, as is his focus on education for self-reliance. As with Gandhi, Bunyad is aiming at a bottom-up approach to independence. The extent to which villages are capable of managing their own affairs perhaps depends on wider political and socio-cultural forces, but the BERTIs and CLCs are envisioned as providing the practical and information resources to facilitate social harmony and elimination of the causes of poverty. Bunyad, however, is also aware of its context in an ever-changing world. So ‘development’ takes on gender awareness and technological change as clear targets. Programmes target women and girls because they are marginalized, but also because they are the preservers of culture and transmitters of values for the next generation. It is commonly accepted that if you educate a mother, then you educate the family. Practical literacy and skills are combined with awareness raising of gender issues to both the female learners and the wider community. Indeed, in recognition that women’s needs will not be addressed without first sensitizing the male community and family leaders, an ongoing process of dialogue and persuasion is an integral feature of all learning initiatives. Community preparation for the ensuing learning opportunities is a carefully crafted process which can take many months. Skills activities are not ‘add-on’ extras but embedded in the literacy and other learning activities, all of which are negotiated and provided on the basis of perceived need for livelihood improvement. At the same time communities are constantly motivated to progress, so as not to be satisfied with minimum achievements. So information technology and the opportunities that provides for global, as well as local, networking is built into the overall consciousness raising of the Punjab’s connection to a globalized world. The website information in Urdu and English makes Bunyad’s presence also visible to that wider global world. The size and scale of Bunyad’s operation, and the work of a few core individuals, has meant that there are measurable achievements in people’s lives, such that some have progressed into activities that stretch beyond their immediate villages. As a model for lifelong learning and development-as-empowerment, which addresses the reality of poverty and illiteracy, while at the same time creating possibilities for continuous progression, Bunyad scores highly. It is making a difference in adverse circumstances. Its focus on human welfare and quality of life stretches beyond instrumental notions of literacy or lifelong learning. It interprets development according to Sen’s (1999)


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definition of the concept as an expansion of freedoms ‘to live the life that people want to enjoy’. By involving higher education institutions the lifelong learning loop is maximized, with future potential for open and distance learning. This project and its achievements, however, highlight the enormous challenge to provide a holistic development model of lifelong learning that can influence policy makers. Bunyad is heavily dependent on the vision and energy of its founding leader. It is also still heavily dependent on a patchwork of funding sources, all of whom still have their own agendas, thus making it difficult for the organization to weave a constant path of progression that meets learner development needs. The concept of lifelong learning is not evident in Pakistan’s national policy plans – which indicates there is not yet a policy understanding of the relationship between literacy, development and context for lifelong learning. The goal of self-reliance, when it is starting from such a minimal resource base, takes a long time. Bunyad itself estimates a minimum of five years per learning centre before tangible signs of independence can bear fruit. Lifelong learning, in this context is still fragile. The next case study shows what is possible when initiatives are underpinned by political will and support. Kerala’s continuing education centres bear many resemblances to Bunyad’s BERTIs and CLCs, though they are framed within a context of unusually high literacy levels as a result of several national and state-wide campaigns, initial funding support from the Indian Government as well as on going state-level support.

India India’s report for CONFINTEA VI (Government of India (GOI) 2008) has multiple references to lifelong learning, which situates it in a very different political context from Pakistan. India has a total population of 1,165,577,000. It is ranked 128 out of 177 countries on the UNDP Human development index for 2008, and 122 according to the CONFINTEA report. Adult literacy is calculated at 61 per cent (men at 73 per cent and women at 48 per cent) and life expectancy is age 64. The school system is three tier, as for Pakistan. Attendance at secondary school is identified as 54 per cent for males and 46 per cent for females. Population growth rate is at 1.7 per cent. Its National Policy on Education, modified in 1992 (GOI 1998) emphasizes education in the context of ‘strong commitment to humane values and social justice’ . . . ‘international cooperation and peaceful co-existence’ (pp.4–6). Its 1992

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revisions include a focus on ‘lifelong education’ . . . ‘universal literacy’ . . . ‘open and distance learning’ . . . ‘women’s participation in vocational, technical and professional education’ (pp.6–8) and a cultural heritage that values learning: Our ancient scriptures define education as that which liberates – that is it provides the instruments for liberation from ignorance and oppression. In the modern world, it would naturally include the ability to read and write, since that is the main instrument of learning. Hence the crucial importance of adult education, including adult literacy. (p.11) The document lays the foundations for post-literacy and continuing education, including skills upgrading but also framed by ‘conscientisation’ and ‘critical awareness’ (GOI 2008:7). These are words rarely associated with government policy for learning. Policy implementation is devolved to individual states supported by a combination of national and state budgets. Adult literacy is defined under the National Literacy Mission as ‘functional literacy’ with the following all encompassing characteristics that include awareness of national and global issues, action for change as well as skills for work and life: z z

z z

Achieving self-reliance in literacy and numeracy; Becoming aware of the causes of their deprivation and moving towards amelioration of their condition through organization, and participation in the process of development; Acquiring skills to improve economic status and general well-being; Imbibing the values of national integration, conservation of environment, women’s equality and observance of small family norms etc. (cited in GOI 2008:71).

India’s overall approach to literacy and lifelong learning is a holistic venture: ‘literacy programmes cannot and should not be implemented in isolation and exclusion of other developmental programmes’ (GOI 2008:75). Kerala’s continuing education programmes are cited a number of times as good practice in the CONFINTEA report.

Kerala State Kerala, a fertile and densely populated state in the far south-west of India, has a population of 31,841,374. Its terrain includes coastal waters and


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a network of rivers and ‘backwaters’. The majority (60 per cent) are Hindu, with 20 per cent Muslim and 20 per cent Christian religions. A predominance of cash crops include coconut, rubber, pepper, cardamom, nuts, coffee, tea, spices, rice and tapioca and there is a growing tourist industry. Kerala ranks top among India’s 15 biggest states with literacy figures estimated to be around 90 per cent in rural and 93 per cent in urban areas, although women’s literacy is reduced to 86.8 per cent in rural areas, where the majority still live. Life expectancy is higher than India’s average, at 67.2 for men and 72.4 for women. Attendance at primary school is 97 per cent with drop-out rates at only 1 per cent till grade 8. While in India the majority only receive four years of education, the norm in Kerala is between seven and ten years. It is described by Clayton (2006:76) as a ‘social welfare state, providing free schooling, health care, financial support for the unemployed and working poor’. While 13 per cent still live below the World Bank’s poverty line of less than $1 a day, it has the highest literacy rate across all the Indian states and high levels of civic participation. Although some tribal villages and coastal areas are still extremely poor, with low education levels, and child labour still exists, Clayton (2006) summarizes the main ingredients for Kerala’s relatively high literacy rate as benefiting from a combination of positive popular support for education in principle, supported by a left-wing government, substantive land reforms (land redistributed from large landowners to landless labourers) and large state investments in the education system. Clayton (2006:20) cites from Raman (2005) the significance of landownership for motivation to literacy: When every family owns a piece of land, no matter how small, they have a sense of belonging . . . They can plan for the future, and education of their children becomes a part of that planning . . . If you live by the roadside, what tomorrow do you have to think about? An interesting feature of Kerala’s pre-Independence era was the establishment of 47 rural libraries with the slogan ‘read and grow’ (Pillai 2003). By 1977 the Kerala State Library Council was formed and it now has responsibility for 6,000 libraries. In every village libraries acted as community centres hosting arts and sports clubs, women’s groups, a nursery and children’s section, radio and television as well as books. The Kerala State Government has alternated, since Independence in the late 1950s, between Congress and communist-led coalitions, most of whom have prioritized education and health. Approximately 37 per cent of the State’s annual budget is spent on education and health. Its model of

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development emphasizes the social rather than economic dimension and several of the State’s eight universities maintain a strong commitment to literacy and adult education beyond the normal remit of degree-level work. The Kerala State Higher Education Council’s (2007) draft includes among its goals ‘inculcating in the learner certain core competencies and skills that would promote lifelong learning, living together and living productively both in society and within the self’ (p.4). The document recognizes the needs for skills and income generation, but emphasizes that ‘society also needs thinkers, dreamers, philosophers, scientists, artists, policy makers, administrators, politicians, statesmen and others to facilitate the onward march of civilization’ (ibid). Building on the library council’s work a structure for lifelong learning is now institutionalized across the state. Kerala is divided into 14 districts with councils (panchayats) at three levels which subdivide into district, block and village (or grama) panchayats. At village level panchayats are represented by elected villagers from each ward. Panchayats make decisions about development schemes including education, and have responsibility for mobilizing communities and coordinating activities at their respective levels. Communities may lobby panchayats to provide what they want. Each panchayat has a standing committee for education which includes primary, non-formal and adult education. The village education committee acts as a support group for their community-owned Continuing Education Centre (CEC). The centres are run by a trained, ‘prerak’ and assistant ‘prerak’ who act as resource persons and motivators for the community, including encouraging nonliterates to attend classes and other individuals to progress to higher levels of learning or employment. The aims of the CECs are to facilitate smooth transitions from literacy to post-literacy and continuing education phases in an integrated way. Activities and resources include a compulsorily available literacy and postliteracy programme. There is also a library and reading room, group discussions, vocational skills and updating courses, extension facilities for other departments (such as agriculture, fisheries, forestry) for whom education is not their core business but where education constitutes a component of their work. Other activities include sports and leisure, information centre, income generation courses and a range of adult education programmes. The Equivalency programme is for adults and out-of-school children who wish to extend beyond elementary literacy up to standard ten (junior secondary). The Quality of Life Improvement programme comprises programmes designed to enhance the well-being of citizens and addresses topics such as health, population, environment, legal, citizenship, development schemes,


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employment opportunities. The Individual Interest programme provides courses in response to community interests relating to social, cultural, spiritual, physical or artistic pursuits. Monthly meetings monitor progress and serve as a forum for new ideas. Each CEC serves 2–2,500 people, of whom 500–1,500 may be neo-literates. A second tier of CEC, a nodal CEC, operates in similar fashion to Bunyad’s BERTIs in that it has a monitoring, supervision and training relationship to the village-level CECs. An example of how preraks and CECs can work for the interests of the community is given in a UNESCO case study (Unescobkk 2008) which describes the implementation of an agricultural literacy programme for poor, lower caste women who were studying a level-one equivalency course. The prerak complained to the municipality that some people were illegally holding 2.5 hectares of fertile land. The municipality retrieved the land and gave it to the CEC. The women were each given a timetable and fixed area of land. Their produce was sold at the CEC and prompted the demand for an agriculturally relevant literacy programme. The outcome of this programme resulted in further production and sales for the CEC and its community members. The Indian government supports CECs fully for their first three years, then equally shares funding with Kerala State for the following two years. Thereafter the CECs are sustained by a combination of State support, local membership fees ( a corpus fund) and income generation activities. There are 3,500 CECs and 500 nodal CECs of which 10 per cent are run by NGOs. Nair (2002) claims that the sequence of events leading up to this holistic, integrated and grassroots-led approach to lifelong learning is embedded in a history of socio-political movements and communist inspired freedom struggles since the 1950s which have created a culture of civic participation. These movements included the rural libraries already mentioned, trade union movements, youth organizations and NGOs. Even in 1970 literacy levels in Kerala were estimated at more than 80 per cent and the state was therefore not included in India’s mass literacy campaign of this time. A key motivator for literacy that still plays a part in current initiatives is KANFED (Kerala Association of Non-formal Education) which emerged in 1977 as an offshoot of the library movement. It led various literacy programmes such as the Farmers Functional Literacy Programme and a Rural Functional Literacy Programme. KANFED targeted marginalized and vulnerable populations, produced its own reference books, books for neo-literates, a fortnightly newspaper and monthly wallpaper as well as other reference books. A Literacy Forum was founded in 1981 for those interested in adult literacy and allied areas.

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Prompted by KANFED, Kerala introduced a State Resource Centre in 1993 to provide technical and academic support to non-formal and continuing education programmes, including training and learning materials and research. KANFED played a prominent part in promoting the goal for total literacy in the state of Kerala. They were lead players in Kerala’s first national campaign to this end in 1991, along with the establishment in 1990 of the Kerala State Literacy Mission Authority (KSLMA). This campaign included door-to-door contact, mass mobilization of volunteer teachers, high-profile and sustained publicity through songs, plays, mass media, poems, paintings, folk art, local newspapers, religious bodies, universities and public gatherings. As with Bunyad’s efforts, human rights and critical consciousness raising were an integral part of its programme, along with increasing people’s understanding of Kerala’s changing socio-economic context (Clayton 2006). The initial campaign was followed up in 1999 with the implementation of the current CECs’ lifelong learning approach, with support from India’s National Literacy Mission. The KSLMA works in collaboration with panchayats and universities to provide training, monitoring, research and development, involving other departments such as fisheries and health. Another prominent organization is the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP) which started in the 1980s as a voluntary organization to popularize science and now has 40,000 members. They contributed to the total literacy campaigns and had a specific aim to improve the quality of life of ordinary people and make science accessible and useful. Amidst ongoing motivational publicity KSSP engages with a number of development concerns in order to help poor people. It has contributed to income generation and cost-saving initiatives such as soap making and construction of cheap thermal cookers. It has helped to train volunteer literacy facilitators and involved the grassroots to provide ideas about how to successfully publicize literacy campaigns. Other contributing organizations include a people’s college, Mitrakiketan, which provides formal and non-formal education, the Quilon Social Service Society which operates in coastal areas with adult education as one of its activities, the Shramik Vidya Peeths (SVPs) which provide literacy and vocational training courses, including income generating programmes for workers and their families, and the Laubach Literacy Trust which runs a training centre and library with primers and follow-up books for neo-literates. A recent Information Technology Policy (Government of Kerala (GOK) 2007) follows similar aspirations for improved quality of life to those already identified. Unlike the dominant messages of ICT for economic


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competitiveness, here ICT is seen in a more holistic context ‘in sustaining the democratic ethos of the Indian society and ensuring a high level of transparency and accountability in governance’ while also acting ‘as a catalyst for the all-round economic prosperity and social uplift of its people’ (p.3). Significantly, if we remember Wilson’s (2004) comments about the political and territorial nature of the ICT ‘haves’ as discussed in Chapter 6, Kerala’s policy aims to ‘encourage the wilful participation of the digitally privileged sections in the efforts to prevent the less privileged sections from getting marginalized in the transformation process’ (p.4). Its ICT policy takes cognizance of the need for local identity and relevance: ‘ICT can be of value only when locally relevant content is made available in local languages’; this is singled out as a ‘high priority’ (p.6) and referred to again in relation to indigenous knowledge: ‘protection of traditional knowledge is a priority area’ (p.10). Clayton (2006) highlights that E-literacy campaigns have already become part of Kerala’s lifelong learning agenda since 2005, though it was not evident from this review whether any of the above organizations were appropriating ICT for wider networking. Although Kerala still has large numbers of unemployed and poor people, who may or may not be literate, and women’s status and access to the employment market is not equal to men’s, Keralites’ life chances and choices are wider than those, for instance, in Pakistan or the rest of India. One benefit of enhanced education means that many of Kerala’s educated population migrate to the Gulf states and contribute to the economic needs of families back home, so that the number of households with poor people is reduced (Clayton 2006). Voter participation is high and educational participation is almost equal between male and females. Kerala therefore also scores highly in relation to most of the concerns of this book. Kerala’s approach to lifelong learning and development What Kerala has shown is that to achieve a longer life span, to prevent starvation deaths, to avoid child labour or begging, it is not necessary to have a large per capita income. What you need is a society devoid of major conflicts, universal school education, equality for females and respect for individual dignity. Those who are trying to emulate Kerala should note the need for social changes rather than putting faith in hastily devised economic/educational plans . . . Varghese 1998 cited in Clayton 2002:23 While Clayton (2006) articulates concerns that the bureaucracy of Kerala’s lifelong learning structure is beginning to override the enthusiasm and

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momentum of earlier literacy campaigns, Kerala State’s mode of operation presents an alternative image of lifelong learning that is grounded in social development, rather than economic competitiveness, and is making a conscious effort to retain its distinctive cultural identities even when interfacing with the effects of globalization. Environmental awareness campaigns, for example, resulted in mass resistance to the building of a new expressway and to campaigning against Coca Cola’s excessive use of groundwater. It might be argued that this lifelong learning focus is simply an evolutionary stage in the dominant skills agenda. There are similarities in the above CEC structures to a number of continuing education sector initiatives in the 1980s in Britain, for instance. But those were not grounded in a lifelong learning discourse that is concerned with continuous updating. Here, in Kerala, that discourse is part of its people-centred development strategy to facilitate grass roots led growth and ownership of that process within a wider globalized world. The communist tendencies of progressive governments facilitate this ethos and allow for the growth of social welfare as a prerequisite to economic welfare. By implication this paves the way for more communally owned and socially relevant knowledge and advancement. It is noticeable that the CECs are not funded by international donor agencies, so that policy initiatives are more likely to be informed by home-grown activism than externally imposed goals. The long tradition of literacy has created a platform for engagement in dialogue and access to a variety of communication media and new literacies. The proposal for mass e-learning campaigns and the focus on transmitting local knowledge through local languages will continue to pave the way for a distinctive identity and sense of ownership of that technology. The targeting of women and vulnerable groups and inclusion of gender awareness programmes at CECs reflects a general focus on the social goals of lifelong learning. Global consciousness and interactions are addressed by the KSSP, for example, through its people’s science movement. Another form of interaction with the wider global world is evident in ongoing migration to the Gulf for work. Tourism is a growing industry and websites that advertise Kerala as a tourist destination create an essential first step to linking with the global world. The Indian Tata tea industry is a multinational corporation that plays its part in the global market, but also donates computers to learning centres. Perhaps one indication of how Kerala is appropriating global influences to its own ends is in the way that western religions are hybridized. So, for example, the Kerala practice of Christianity adopts a mix of Hindu and Christian traditions so that there is an Indian brand of Christianity. Similarly Hindus will celebrate Christmas as a festival by


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singing carols with home made musical instruments and dressing up as Father Christmas to collect donations from house to house on Christmas eve. There are indications, therefore, that development is taking place at Kerala’s pace and in a way that does not necessarily annihilate its own identity. Efforts to address issues of social justice and equality include challenging cultural traditions and practices of gender injustice, but through social frameworks that allow local ownership of decisions. A comparative analysis of Pakistan’s NGO Bunyad and Kerala’s State policy approach highlights what is possible with political will. Both initiatives share common empowerment goals embedded in a devolved and accountable governance system. Both start from the premise that literacy is the basis for lifelong learning. Both pursue that goal through a range of continuing education initiatives, targeted projects, an emphasis on local ownership and persuasion to participate, an approach that is multidisciplinary, multisectoral and integrated with learning for practical application, stimulating motivation for self-learning. Both operate a decentralized, everexpanding circle approach to participation and leadership. Both see ICT as an essential tool for communication and access to wider sources of knowledge – and also as a source for creating and disseminating local knowledge, local identities and life values. That does not mean life values cannot evolve, but they must do so from a position of informed understanding, not coercion or exploitation from external capitalist agendas. The difference in scale between the two case studies lies in the nature of national and state or provincial governance, manifested most starkly in the land reformation scheme of Kerala and its social welfarism.

Concluding summary These two case studies have revealed holistic, needs led approaches to lifelong learning in the context of development agendas that start with literacy as the basis for individual and community empowerment. Grassroots leadership is an essential component for motivating learners. But this must be supported by seamless progression of opportunities and continuous opportunities to use a range of literacies that have perceived, relevant and tangible outcomes for quality of life improvement. Economic development is an integral corollary to other social and political activities which retain a strong link with community values. Once trust is established then communities can be encouraged to broaden their horizons and make connections between what they already know and what they would like to know for personal and

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social betterment. But the Kerala example indicates that to make a difference on a grand scale, political will and wealth redistribution are also essential ingredients. These cases do not represent perfect worlds. But they do indicate that human ownership of development that focuses on felt needs is an important ingredient which takes precedence over economic competitiveness. Chapter 9 will look at current lifelong learning policy and practice in Tanzania, the homeland of Nyerere, and the endeavours of a small, lowincome country, Lesotho.

Chapter 9

Case studies – Tanzania and Lesotho

This chapter returns to Africa to look at how effectively two highly indebted low-income countries are managing to employ a concept of lifelong learning that embraces their context-specific development needs, cultural and philosophical heritage. The focus in both countries is on their national policy agendas, though I also take a closer look at some examples of good practice. I chose the United Republic of Tanzania for the first case study since this was the homeland of Africa’s most famous proponent of adult and lifelong learning, Julius Nyerere. The sources of information for both case studies include the state-of-theart reports for CONFINTEA VI written in 2008, journal articles, national vision and education sector strategic plans, and policy documents for poverty reduction, ICT and gender.

Tanzania The United Republic of Tanzania consists of its mainland country on the East coast of Africa formerly known as Tanganyika, and three neighbouring islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia, known as Zanzibar for devolved governance purposes. The Republic was formed in 1964, three years after Independence from British colonialism. With a population of some 40 million, its landscape comprises ‘tropical coastal areas, a dry central plateau and semi-temperate fertile, rolling highlands’ (Yule 2001:663). Yule highlights that Tanzania can boast the Great Rift Valley, Africa’s deepest lake (Lake Tanganyika) and the continent’s highest mountain (Kilimanjaro). Although there are 126 ethnic groups with their own language and culture the two official languages are Kiswahili and English. The majority of the population is rural, and approximately 80 per cent work in the agricultural sector. The main religions are Christianity and Islam alongside indigenous beliefs. The main income generating products are cash crops such as cotton, coffee,

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tea, cloves, sisal, cashew nuts, sugar and seeds. Although the same party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, has controlled Tanzania since Independence there have been a number of different presidents. Bhalalusesa (2004) reports that at Independence only 15 per cent of the population knew how to read and write and only a quarter of the schoolage population was enrolled in school. Meredith (2005) adds that during the prime of Nyerere’s Arusha Declaration and ujamaa (familyhood) regime between 1967 and 1974, socialist nation building policies increased participation in basic schooling to 95 per cent and literacy increased to 75 per cent. Four out of every ten villages had access to clean tap water, three out of every ten had clinics. During the next eight years, however, the average standard of living fell by 50 per cent. Opinions differ as to why Nyerere’s policies ultimately failed to sustain these early benefits. Meredith (2005) claims that Nyerere’s efforts to maintain a socialist agenda in the face of increasingly global capitalism were unsustainable and not supported by the majority of the Tanzanian population. Yule (2001) suggests that partly as a result of droughts, increasing oil prices and involvement in the war of neighbouring Uganda, the country’s early successes gradually faded so much that by the mid-1980s in the face of decreasing literacy, school attendance levels and a declining economy, the Tanzanian government succumbed to structural adjustment pressures from the IMF and World Bank. Whatever the combination of reasons, the impact of structural adjustment restrictions on government spending resulted in an even more rapid decline into poverty, retrenchment of government paid workers, decreasing standards of health and education and rapid rise in the cost of living. By 1993 only 48 per cent of 6–13-year-olds were in school (Yule 2001:664). Currently (UNDP 2007/2008) Tanzania ranks 159th out of 177 countries on the Human Development Index with an adult literacy rate of 69.4 per cent. While primary school enrolments stand at 96.1 per cent, secondary school enrolments are only 13.1 per cent (MoEVT 2007). Few schools have computers or internet access, most schools have no electricity. Of the population 32.5 per cent are classified as poor, and life expectancy is only 51 years for men and 54 years for women. The UNDP (2007/8) estimates that only 63.8 per cent of the population have a probability of living beyond the age of 40. The year 1995 marked the beginning of a new Education and Training Policy for Tanzania, a change in direction from centralized to decentralized governance and the unravelling of many of Nyerere’s socialist principles for nationalization of the economy and communal ownership of land.

Case Studies – Tanzania and Lesotho

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However, Nyerere’s legacy of a commitment to adult education has ensured the basis of a lifelong learning policy approach to education that has always embraced learning beyond the international development agenda focus on primary education. Primary schools, for instance, are used as dual purpose sites for adult education and literacy classes. Equally the country’s longterm peace and social cohesion may also be attributed to some of Nyerere’s early philosophies and concern with national unity. The Education and Training Policy was followed by Tanzania’s Development Vision 2025 document (Republic of Tanzania (ROT) 1997), its Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper in (ROT) 2000, Education sector Development Programmes in 2004, including an Adult and Non-Formal Education SubSector Medium Term Strategy (Ministry for Education and Culture 2004), and an Information and Communication Technology Policy in 2007. As with the CONFINTEA VI report, these documents all embrace the concept of lifelong learning. Although the CONFINTEA report frames its adulteducation policies within Nyerere’s original vision for ‘arousing popular consciousness for change’ and ‘having a liberating function’ the language of the Vision 2025 document reflects overt influence of neo-liberal discourses from international donor agencies. The indications are that the Tanzanian government is not in control of its own agenda. Indeed, indigenous knowledge and traditional cultural values are barely visible in this document. Vision 2025 We are standing at the threshold of the 21st Century, a Century that will be characterised by competition, . . . advanced technological capacity, high productivity, modern and efficient transport and communication infrastructure . . . we must, as a Nation . . . withstand the expected intensive economic competition ahead of us. (United Republic of Tanzania (URT) 2000: Foreword)

The words ‘competition’ and ‘competitiveness’ occur at least 11 times in the first section alone. The menu of similar words includes entrepreneurship, growth, dynamic economy, high productivity, creativity, market-led economy, economic development. Early development policies are dismissed because they were ‘not in consonance with the principles of a market led economy and technological development’ (Introduction). The need to nurture a ‘competitive development mindset’ is now placed alongside Nyerere’s ‘self-reliance culture’. The few legacies of earlier visions are

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enshrined in phrases such as ‘distribution in society must be equitable . . . all social relations which manifest and breed inequality . . . will have been reformed’ (section 1.2.1). Only Nyerere’s concepts of ‘self-reliance’, ‘national unity and social cohesion’ in an ‘environment of democracy and political and social tolerance’ are included in the future vision. A process of ‘creating wealth’ (section 1.2.3) is now required. The aspired for ‘welleducated and learning society’ must embrace the ‘competitive spirit’ regionally and internationally. The Arusha declaration is critiqued for insufficiently addressing the ‘complexity and dynamic character of policies and incentive structures which were necessary to effectively drive the development process . . . based overly on state-control’ (section 2.0). The stage is set, therefore, for a donor-led form of capitalism, with the goal that this approach should ultimately reduce ‘donor dependency’ and a ‘defeatist developmental mindset’. The document is openly self-critical of past endeavours, referring to their outcomes in terms of concepts such as ‘apathy’, ‘erosion of trust and confidence’, ‘failures in governance and organization’, ‘corruption and other vices’. In exchange the future predicts a ‘strong and competitive economy’, ‘active and competitive player in the regional and world markets’, ‘reversing current adverse trends’ (section 3.3) with ‘recognition of individual initiative and the private sector’ (section 4). Interestingly, the context for education and continuous learning then embraces many of the words of the Arusha Declaration itself, such as ‘promoting attitudes of self development, community development, confidence and commitment to face development challenges . . . ownership of the development agenda . . . spirit of self reliance . . . appreciate and honour hard work’ (section 4.1) – but this time with ‘competitiveness’ as one of the ‘driving forces’. Decentralization is a core procedural approach in the Vision. The subsequent Education Sector plans reflect this new style of governance, but with less fervour for competitiveness, indicating that the writers had greater control over their development agenda. Lifelong learning is enshrined in the development programme for adult and non-formal education with a clear overriding goal to eradicate poverty, increase literacy and ensure education opportunities for out-of-school children and youth: The provision of quality education to this target group will contribute to the creation of a lifelong learning society, improvement of people’s livelihoods, an increased awareness and prevention of HIV/AIDS, gender and environmental issues, good governance, sustained social and economic


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development of the country and to poverty eradication. (Ministry for Education and Culture 2004:vi) Post-literacy and continuing education are core components of the plan with the intention that these are delivered through institutions ranging from tertiary (Institute of Adult Education and Tanzania Institute of Education 2004) to more localized providers (folk development colleges), and including vocational training centres. Management of this provision is on similar lines to Kerala’s structure. That is, district-level officers train and monitor provision that is provided through wards and villages, which use locally available buildings such as primary schools as centres for adult and continuing education. Committees at village, district and national levels work with grass-roots organizations to capacity build and monitor programmes. Village committees have responsibility for sensitizing communities to avail themselves of the education provision and oversee the day-to-day functioning of adult and non-formal education. The aim is to foster a sense of ownership, empowerment and commitment to sustainability of the learning process under the principle of lifelong learning. Tertiary institutions provide research, learning materials and training at certificate and diploma levels in adult education, as well as law, health, and management including the use of open and distance learning modes. A recent Information and Communication Technology Policy (MoEVT 2007) has been initiated with a view to bridging the digital divide and enabling Tanzanians ‘to participate in the knowledge economy effectively’ (p.1). A staged implementation approach across the whole education sector includes libraries, adult, nonformal and vocational education centres, again framed within the goal to improve teaching and lifelong learning. There is a strong government relationship with civil society with increasing understanding of what methodologies work towards enhancing lifelong learning. Tanzania’s concept of literacy embraces this wider concept. It is defined holistically as: The acquisition and use of reading, writing and numeracy skills in the development of active citizenship, improved health and livelihoods and gender equality. (MoEVT Tanzania and Zanzibar 2008:48) Literacy levels have fluctuated over the years. According to Yule (2001) a succession of post-literacy initiatives during the 1980s managed to revive literacy levels to 90 per cent by 1990. They fell again to 70 per cent by 1995 but were reported by the MoEVT Tanzania and Zanzibar (2008) to have

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risen to 84 per cent in 1997. Some of the reasons for the failure of these literacy programmes are attributed to too much centralization, lack of sufficient attention to context-specific curricula, poorly trained teachers and insufficient integration of literacy programmes with other development initiatives. By 1994 Yule described a new, community development, model for literacy, based on principles of community participation, building on indigenous knowledge and development of local resources within a lifelong learning framework. Civil society is a recognized contributor to provision. Two initiatives that were piloted in the voluntary sector have been adopted by the Ministry in recognition of their contribution to the country’s determined efforts to achieve its universal education and literacy targets. Their common denominator – and similarity to the case studies of South Asia – is a participatory, community-led approach to learning and development. The first initiative is called Integrated Community Based Adult Education (ICBAE). ICBAE A fundamental criticism of top-down development initiatives, particularly in relation to education is that they fail to engage with the expressed needs of communities. Tanzania’s government policy recognizes the need for context and participation driven learning opportunities. Former functional literacy programmes that were restricted to improving vocational skills and failed to motivate learners have now been replaced with a learner-centred, community-based approach. Bhalalusesa (2004) describes how the government’s ICBAE initiative was piloted in 1995, using the Freirian REFLECT model of learning circles and discussion forums, targeted specifically at women and girls. ICBAE’s goal was to enable youth and adults to obtain literacy, vocational and life skills, drawing from specially designed teaching manuals on agriculture, micro-economics, health, simple bookkeeping and socio-political studies. Income generation was the necessary entry point for learning literacy. Levira and Gange (2007) report that literacy levels in the pilot areas increased from 75 per cent to 88 per cent over a period of three years. The learning circles or discussion forums were usually facilitated by a local primary-school teacher; they would discuss village problems, share how to resolve practical issues and literacy would be acquired through the practical implementation of local solutions. Some examples range from the construction of a new road that created an access route for sale and transport of crops to production of bricks for sale and construction of


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new houses. Although on a small scale, income generation projects have included piggery, carpentry, fish ponds, and poultry keeping, which in turn have generated sufficient funds to purchase items such as uniforms and exercise books and improve hygiene, nutrition and health (MoEVT Tanzania and Zanzibar 2008). Revolving loan funds on the model of microcredit schemes enable community members to start such businesses. Other outcomes have included enhanced gender awareness, increased confidence and understanding of self-help. ICBAE’s lifelong learning approach includes opportunities for distance learning, using radio education and rural newspapers, again on similar lines to that provided in Kerala. While the success of these initiatives is dependent on quality of facilitator training, ongoing technical support and the degree of interaction with other sectors such as health and agriculture, the use of discussion forums is identified by Komba (2002) as a popular medium for nurturing other forms of learning such as fostering a democratic political culture and civic values. The second initiative was designed for out-of-school children and youth, and entitled Complementary Basic Education in Tanzania (COBET). COBET Alongside the ICBAE approach for adults UNICEF funded an initiative for complementary basic education for out-of-school children and youth. Levira and Gange (2007) highlight that this form of non-formal education ‘opens doors to other forms of education’ such as distance learning, vocational training and a return back to mainstream secondary education. By 2007 COBET had accommodated 466,018 learners, of whom 53 per cent were girls (ibid:262). The aims of COBET are cited by UNICEF (2006) as delivering an accelerated school curriculum that includes life and survival skills, flexible timetabling to accommodate the lifestyles of out-of-school children and youth, and to sensitize communities and parents ‘to be receptive and appreciative of educational and other rights of all children’ (p.1). Like ICBAE and REFLECT the emphasis is on participatory curriculum development and encouraging people to become ‘agents of their own social change’ (p.2). It is also based on the 1990 national education Task Force Report’s stipulated desire to ‘enable every child to understand and appreciate his or her human person, to acquire values, respect and enrich our common cultural background and moral values, social customs and traditions as well as national unity, identity, ethic and pride’ (UNICEF 2006:6). Preparation for

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the world of work is integral to this, but within a context of engendering self-confidence and initiative. The COBET curriculum includes vocational skills and arts/crafts and a broader personal and social development programme entitled ‘personality development’ which has now been adopted in mainstream schools as well. Income generation is actively encouraged, with reported small-scale economic benefits on similar lines to ICBAE – such as repairing bicycles, drawing and selling pictures, selling charcoal, making and selling furniture (UNICEF 2006:35). Girls are reported to have increased their knowledge of family planning, strengthened their negotiating skills and self-esteem, although ‘rampant gender inequality’ still exists (p.49). Other outcomes included an overall improvement in behaviour, sense of responsibility, increased understanding of nutrition and cooking for a balanced diet, conservation awareness and knowledge of modern farming methods. The UNICEF evaluation of COBET (2006a) highlights the need for more coordinated linkages between COBET and other civil society and private organizations and also the need for more emphasis on ‘community and life relevant’ learning experiences. Nevertheless: The COBET curriculum which is not only learner centred but also interactive and participative allows learners to be critical, to think scientifically and to participate and make decisions on public affairs and social demands. (p.79) Completers are encouraged to either attend mainstream secondary school or other vocational training options. The MoEVT Tanzania and Zanzibar (2008) states that 23 per cent of COBET participants are reintegrated into the formal system. An equivalent alternative learning centre is provided in Zanzibar for drop-outs and ‘non-enrolled’ school age learners. The nature of Zanzibar’s geography and population means that the centre is designed as more of a one-stop learning resource so that adult learning includes computer skills, law, medicine, accountancy, training workshops and other seminars on a daily basis on similar lines to the BERTIs and Community Learning Centres of Bunyad and in Kerala respectively.

Discussion The concept of lifelong learning for citizenship, life skills and income generation is a core feature of Tanzanian policy. It is interpreted within the


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context of a holistic, multisectoral approach for adults and children. In this respect it reflects the community-led focus of the South Asian examples in Chapter 8. The principle of community participation and ownership follows through other initiatives in Tanzania, as is evidenced by the Mkombozi Centres for Street Children. Government reports which pre-date the Vision 2025 more clearly embrace Nyerere’s vision for traditional values and cultural identity. Tanzania’s Vision 2025 document is indicative of external influences on how the communitarian approach is expected to interface on a more global level. Indeed the change of name from Ministry of Education and Culture to Ministry of Education and Vocational Training is also indicative of this shift in focus. Later documents reflect a tension between the need to attract support for educational development, while attempting to retain cultural distinctiveness. Reference to indigenous knowledge and ujamaa are noticeably absent from current lifelong learning concepts, though the methodological approach of grassroots-led learning seems secure. Plans for enhanced technology are realistic, advocating a staged approach, which continues to be heavily dependent on donor support; hence, the need to frame lifelong learning goals within the broader economic and competitive framework. There is no evidence of this new discourse filtering through to village-level activities. Education plans are more interested in achieving educational parity and participation in decision making. The extent to which a self-reliance that moves away from donor dependency can be realized perhaps depends on how far Tanzania can continue to scale up its localized goals in terms of cultural identity in the face of external pressures to conform to the dominant economistic agenda for lifelong learning. The second African case study is of one of the continent’s smallest and least populated countries, Lesotho.

Lesotho The Kingdom of Lesotho is a landlocked, mountainous country surrounded by South Africa, in the south-east of the continent. Situated 1,000 metres above sea level, it is one of the coldest regions in the global South, with temperatures normally ranging from –5 degrees in winter to a mere 28 degrees in summer. The capital Maseru is situated in the lowlands to the west, while the highlands in the east extend to more than 2,500 metres above sea level. A formerly colonized country under British Protectorate, Lesotho gained its Independence in 1966, though it has always been in the shadow of

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South Africa and South Africa’s own political history. According to Lephoto et al. (1996) the Christian missionaries in 1833 introduced the first weekly newspapers to promote literacy for the purpose of disseminating religious and development news. Churches even today play a large part in the education provision of the country and control the majority of schools, though the Government pays teacher salaries. Lesotho suffered a generation of political discord and upheavals before reverting to a parliamentary democracy in 1998. Although its population is only 2 million, at least as many Basotho (Lesotho citizens) live outside the country and a large minority of male wage earners (35 per cent) still commute to South Africa for work, though this number has decreased sharply since the late 1990s. UNICEF’s (2008) country statistics indicate that the population is almost entirely homogeneous with almost everyone speaking the national language of Sesotho, though a few communities to the East have Khosa or Zulu as their first language. Only 0.03 per cent are non-Sotho in origin. The main religion is Christian (80 per cent) with some 20 per cent practising indigenous beliefs. Of the economy 86 per cent is subsistence agriculture and 14 per cent industrial. Agricultural production consists of corn, wheat, pulses, sorghum, barley and livestock, while industries include food beverages, textiles, handicrafts, tourism, apparel assembly and construction. Traditional, labour intensive farming practices prevail and this includes shared crop farming, whereby communities assist each other at harvest and ploughing times to maximize production. Arable land is decreasing due to soil erosion and climate change. Natural resources are primarily water, sand, clay and stone, with some diamonds. Unemployment officially stands at 46 per cent, with 35 per cent identified as living on less than $1 a day. Lesotho suffers from one of the highest HIV prevalancies in the world with official figures identifying the prevalence rate as 23.2 per cent and a consequent life expectancy of only 34.5 years (UNICEF 2008). Less than 8 per cent had access to electricity and only 8 per cent had telephone lines in 2005 (GOL 2005a). While road networks are improving it is not yet possible to drive all the way through the mountainous regions on tarred road. While Lephoto et al. (2000) report that in 1976 literacy levels were only 28 per cent for females and 48 per cent for males, adult literacy rates are now high, compared with Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, at an overall figure of between 82 and 85 per cent. Unusually, and due to cultural practices of herding animals in the remote regions for boys and young men, female school attendance and literacy rates are higher than those for males. While primary education has been free since 2000, secondary education is


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fee paying. The impact of this is evident in the net enrolment rates for primary (82 per cent male, 88 per cent female) as compared to those for secondary level (16 per cent male and 27 per cent female). Tertiary education accommodates approximately 2 per cent of primary school entrants (GOL 2004). The Kingdom’s Poverty Reduction Strategy (GOL 2004) highlights the need for at least a decade of schooling and a curriculum that includes entrepreneurial and life skills. However, the country has insufficient secondary schools to cater for the majority of school leavers and the standard Cambridge syllabus at secondary level remains academic. The 2006 UNDP human development index ranked Lesotho as 149 out of 177 countries, though the 2007/8 report raised the country’s ranking to 138. Policy documents Although, like Tanzania, Lesotho is classified as a least developed poor country its more fragile history of political Independence, its sovereignty and more homogenous ethnic composition have perhaps influenced Basotho’s concern for national unity and resistance to attempts to redefine their future. So, for instance, the Poverty Reduction Strategy emphasizes that ‘preservation and promotion of culture is an integral part of the battle against poverty and conflict’ (p.79) and the monarchy is regarded as a unifying, apolitical feature for the country. Indeed the Government’s Vision 2020 document (GOL 2001) offers a very different tone to its ambitions, compared with its Tanzanian counterpart: By the year 2020 Lesotho shall be a stable democracy, a united and prosperous nation at peace with itself and its neighbours. It shall have a healthy and well-developed human resource base. Its economy will be strong, its environment well managed and its technology well established. (p.1) Rather than focus on words associated with competition and modernization, the document expends its vocabulary on creating a sense of unity and peace. It emphasizes ‘cherished norms and values that will enhance a sense of belonging, identity and pride in every Mosotho . . . common cultural heritage . . . political tolerance . . . state of unity’. The focus is on the Sotho greeting ‘khotso’, meaning ‘peace’ and reinforced through concepts such as ‘truthfulness’, ‘love’, ‘tolerance’, ‘justice’, ‘living in harmony’, ‘fair distribution of income and wealth’. Where modernization is mentioned it is

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done so with a view to ‘integration of tradition and modern health practices’ (p.5). Lifelong learning is, nevertheless, associated with vocational and entrepreneurial education, but embedded in a desire to exploit ‘locally available and natural resources’ to facilitate ownership of the development process, and maintenance of cultural values through a ‘mandatory cultural day in schools’ (p.8). The language of the document is less compliant with external images of growth. For instance ‘threats’ not only include ‘increasing competition from international markets’, but also ‘donor conditionalities’; and further reference to structural adjustment policies is couched in the phrase: ‘It is a challenge for Lesotho to sustain internationally accepted prudent levels in terms of debt service ratio’, thus leaving the reader in no doubt that these are externally imposed ideas of management, rather than homegrown ones. Concerns about increasing levels of poverty and declining life expectancy figures, declining natural resources and the need to integrate Lesotho into a globalized world economy are highlighted in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper 2004/5–2006/7, (GOL 2004) but here again there is still indication of some resistance to the free market agenda of international aid agencies in relation to the need to support the poor through essential services: Total reliance on the private sector for such services would result in suboptimal service delivery. GOL recognises that there will be cases where it is necessary to engage directly in the economy, providing non-commercial services which confer social benefits. (p.xi) Similarly, decentralization is qualified as a ‘home grown model of decentralization’. Subsequent education policy documents reflect a recognition of the need for both formal and non-formal provision. The final draft of the National Policy Document on Adult and Non-formal Education in Lesotho (Braimoh 2000) is still awaiting official policy status. Nevertheless the CONFINTEA VI country report states that ‘this draft is always referred to and used for planning purposes’ (UNESCOM 2008:4). The final draft provides the most holistic interpretation yet of Non-Formal Education (NFE) in a lifelong learning context: The guiding principle of adult and non-formal education is to foster good and meaningful life to all citizens by developing an informed and


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skilled citizenry through the provision of non-formal education programmes and support running throughout one’s life. Non-formal education is a catalyst of development which can be used in the dissemination of information, promotion of new required skills, introduction and facilitation of change and the articulation of innovative drive within any organized society for the ultimate achievement of illiteracy and poverty reduction and the enhancement of improved standards of living. (Braimoh 2000:16) NFE activities would include literacy and numeracy, continuing education, including lifelong education, community education, business and vocational education, professional and managerial skills development as well as guidance and counselling. Programmes, in addition to contributing to ‘meaningful rural development’ would, in line with the Vision 2020 document (GOL 2001): ‘serve as a tool for the advancement of love, justice, respect for human rights and peace’ and ‘promote positive cultural values and a disciplined moral society’ (p.24). The goal would be to ‘reinforce the nation’s capacity for change’ but implicitly embedded within a sense of ownership of the development process. The scene is set, therefore, for a holistic learning environment. There is some indication that this NFE draft policy was discouraged by the World Bank. A reading of the World Bank implementation report (2004) on its education sector development loan to Lesotho, highlights that the policy was not achieved because of ‘insufficient consultation’ or ‘priority’ and: Besides, the draft policy called for a full-fledged NFE department within the Ministry and for the Department to play a significant role in the coordination and provision of NFE services. The Ministry was cautioned not to take over services that are already being provided by NGOs and other private sector providers. (p.13) Yet the NFE document itself emphasized wide consultation and high priority for NFE – reinforced by the Education Sector Strategic Plan which dedicated a whole chapter to NFE. It may be, therefore, that World Bank priorities deflected attention away from the broader NFE vision thus ensuring a reduced role for the Ministry with subsequent consequences for how NFE (and by implication lifelong learning) would be implemented. Government responsibility for LLL and NFE in the Sector Plan (GOL 2005) was reduced to a coordination role primarily for literacy whereas the NFE policy document advocated for an NFE department and a wider lifelong

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learning remit. This tension between NFE, lifelong learning and literacy perspectives is evident throughout the Education sector Strategic Plan, and in particular its chapter 9. For instance chapter 9 is titled ‘Lifelong Learning and Non-formal Education’. The chapter repeats the draft policy aims for NFE to ‘foster good and meaningful life to all citizens by developing an informed and skilled citizenry’ (p.88). NFE is seen as a ‘catalyst of development’ and with the aim of achieving the ‘stimulation of a lifelong learning society’ (ibid). Budget headings under lifelong learning include new lifelong learning centres, literacy and numeracy surveys, health materials and courses. Lifelong learning absorbs a 15 per cent share of sub-programmes in the special programmes recurrent costs budget. In spite of this promising rhetoric, however, lifelong learning and its life skills sub-programme ‘which is an integral part of NFE’ is framed as focusing on ‘adult literacy’ (ibid). Literacy is defined in the CONFINTEA 2008 report (UNESCOM 2008) as: A person is literate who can with understanding both read and write a short simple statement on his everyday life. A person is functionally literate who can engage in all those activities in which literacy is required for effective functioning of his/her group and community and also for enabling him/her to continue to use reading, writing and calculation for his/her own and the community’s development (cited in UNESCO 2004). (UNESCOM 2008:26) This literacy focus reduces NFE’s potential as a more developmental programme, and the hoped for NFE department is given an explicit role ‘primarily to coordinate NFE while non-governmental providers shall offer NFE programmes [and] . . . shall source funds for their own activities’ (GOL 2005:90). The ultimate result is lack of clarity on precisely what NFE is expected to provide beyond functional literacy and on precisely the role that Government could play in enhancing its relationship to lifelong learning. The absence of a department on the scale promoted in the draft policy means that the NFE inspectorate, represented through one person, is unable to do much more than monitor existing provision. Performance indicators in the Strategic Plan for lifelong learning and NFE are articulated as ‘established learning centres in all districts’, ‘staff training programmes’ (p.165) and ‘functional literacy with life and survival skills’ (p.167) which include traditional apprenticeship programmes, income generation projects, programmes


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to address primary health care and HIV/AIDS. The wider remit of environmental awareness, citizenship, ICT and gender sensitivity are not specific targets, though the government has produced gender and ICT policies, along with a draft Open and Distance Learning Policy as follows. Recent legislation in 2006 and 2008 has addressed legal anomalies whereby Basotho women were always socially constructed as minors, irrespective of age, occupation or marital status, particularly in relation to land acquisition or access to credit. The Gender and Development Policy (GOL 2003) framed its agenda with reference to the Beijing Platform for Action. It aims to conserve positive, but mitigate negative, aspects of Basotho culture, and infuse ‘gender and economic empowerment issues into the curricula’ of all educational programmes (p.13). Lesotho’s ICT policy (GOL 2005a) refers to the ‘leapfrog’ concept for adopting technology as a resource for equal opportunities, environmental awareness, food security, good governance, tourism, health, commerce, and enhanced living standards. Lifelong learning is mentioned in the policy document and ICT literacy is seen as part of ‘core curricula’. In this respect ICT once more follows the Government’s attempt to develop a broad and holistic image of learning for the nation. Similarly the draft Open and Distance Learning Policy (2008:6) refers to NFE in terms of ‘civic education, consumer education, rural development, population and family life education, health, nutrition, sanitation education including HIV and AIDS, professional and managerial skills development’ – clearly embracing lifelong learning and emphasizing that ODL programmes must support the promotion of functional literacy, but broadening access to the ‘population at large’, including teacher upgrading. So how does Lesotho manage its lifelong learning and non-formal activities in practice? Three examples are cited here. Lifelong learning and NFE providers The National University of Lesotho (2007) includes in its mission statement a commitment to widening access and lifelong learning. The Institute for Extra Mural Studies (IEMS) is the open and distance learning arm of the university and has regional learning centres in four districts located in remote rural and mountain areas of the country. Diploma and degree programmes are studied on a part-time and distance basis at IEMS and most of these centres. Community-based workshops and training programmes are also coordinated by IEMS, thus reaching a populace that is either unable to attend university full time or which is seeking personal development beyond

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literacy levels. The entry requirements for diploma-level programmes are junior secondary school level and participants are often those of all ages who were unable to obtain a full-time place in other forms of tertiary education. Facilities in the regional centres are poor, however, and ICT is limited off the main campus, even at IEMS which is located near the city centre. Programmes include adult education, community development, business and entrepreneurial education, and mass communication studies. In the adult education programme, participants are taught to develop postliteracy materials to cater for the wider needs of an increasingly educated population. Non-formal education provision is available in distance mode through the Government funded Lesotho Distance Teaching Centre (LDTC). Here out-of-school children, youth and other adults can upgrade their school qualifications with the potential to reinstate themselves back into the formal system if they so desire. In addition the LDTC provides gender-sensitive literacy workbooks and related vocational skills workbooks for its own literacy development programme. These books are used by other, smaller programmes run by the voluntary sector. These activities are conducted in remote areas for adults who missed out on formal schooling for a variety of reasons and children and youth who are unable to take advantage of free primary education for a variety of reasons. This includes children who are recruited to herd animals for poor farmers or who are orphans and who are hired out by their guardians, or other children who are vulnerable due to sickness, neglect or family poverty. A major non-governmental provider is Lesotho Association for Nonformal Education (LANFE) which acts as an umbrella organization for smaller providers but also plays a key role itself in literacy and vocational skills provision in areas where the LDTC does not operate. Both LANFE and LDTC have recently incorporated vocational skills elements into their literacy programmes. These vocational skills activities specifically encourage the development of locally sourced materials such as grass, clay and animal horns into potentially marketable products. Unlike LDTC, the funding for LANFE’s initiative was time limited, resulting in the cessation of funded literacy classes – and its associated monitoring activities – within less than two years. Since even BUNYAD’s own scheme in Pakistan highlighted the need for three to five years of continued support before sustainability could be contemplated, this initiative had little chance of surviving beyond its funding limit. A recent evaluation of these NFE activities (Preece et al. 2009) suggests that (as in Tanzania) the learners gain in several ways from these literacy programmes. On the one hand the newly acquired skills enable the learners


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to generate small amounts of income by selling locally or to tourists. They thereby enhance the quality of their own life in terms of buying small items such as soap and candles. The lack of resources to provide a more developed business skills component in the NFE programmes prevents beneficiaries from building up marketing and accounting knowledge that might reduce poverty on a large scale. The study revealed, however, a number of wider social and community benefits in the programmes. For the herd boys, many of whom were orphans, the non-formal schools gave them a focus and sense of belonging where they felt cared about and in turn began to care for others with a consequent improvement in their general social behaviour. Similarly the adult learners found a new focus in life, began to participate in community committees and spend their time on functional activities rather than drinking or causing disturbances in their villages. Learning in these contexts offered wider citizenship gains even when these were not a planned part of the programme. While the study suggested that these programmes were unequivocally welcomed, the learners wanted to develop their business skills. Another concern was the level of educational attainment of the literacy facilitators themselves. Most had either only reached primary school or at best junior secondary school levels, thus impeding their ability to develop their own learners, though provision for the facilitators to obtain further educational qualifications was provided free of charge by the LDTC, if the facilitators could access this learning opportunity.

Discussion In spite of a relatively high literacy rate, lifelong learning seems to be at an evolving stage for Lesotho. The country’s policies, including its draft policies reflect a people-centred and culturally aware approach to lifelong learning and to development – one that is trying to walk the thin line between conforming to international donor conditionalities, maintenance of cultural identity and pride, recognition of the need to participate in the wider global market and a recognition of the role that ICT might play in helping the nation to move forward incrementally. Lesotho’s advantages are its universal local language and small population size plus recent political stablility. Its disadvantages are poor infrastructure in terms of road and electronic networks, harsh winter climatic conditions and a geographical location which renders it in a subservient relationship to South Africa. A major impediment to development is the impact of HIV and AIDS which is wiping out community support structures and reducing productivity

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among the age group that would normally be the foundation for sustainability. Lifelong learning in the form of literacy and progression to basic education qualifications is well-embedded. A further lifelong learning progression path is available via IEMS and other tertiary ODL programmes, but not always matched by infrastructure support. What Lesotho does not appear to have – as is suggested in the literature (Lephoto et al. 1996, UNESCOM 2008) – is a broad overall lifelong learning vision or strategic coordination of its separate policies – particularly with a view to integrating lifelong learning with development. This results in fragmented progression opportunities, and uncoordinated approaches to seeking funding. The more holistically articulated goals in the NFE draft policy are not clearly implemented and it seems that external donor agendas, such as those articulated by the World Bank earlier in this chapter, may have contributed to steering attention away from a government-led approach.

Concluding summary Both case studies show evidence of donor-led interference in policy development with the result that there is less, rather than more, coordination of practice. In Tanzania there is a closer relationship between government funds, practice and voluntary sector initiatives, sometimes resulting in enhanced curricula in state provision and there is a sense that lifelong learning is enshrined in a broader vision. In Lesotho the differently funded agencies work together by sharing expertise, but the link with government policy and potential long-term funding is less evident. While Lesotho places greater emphasis on its traditional heritage, this is not articulated philosophically, perhaps inevitably in view of donor dependency. The concept of sustainability, so evident in the Kerala model is harder to find in both of these African countries, principally because of an apparently lower resource base and less infrastructure support. Prospects for lifelong learning therefore are more fragile in these two case studies. Equally, prospects for global interaction, while embedded in Tanzanian Vision 2025 rhetoric, still seem tangential, particularly at an economic level. In the light of the market collapses of high income countries throughout the North during 2008 – and its ripple effects around the globe – the final chapter will add some additional reflections on the implications of a neo-liberal rationale for development that may have consequences for lifelong learning.

Chapter 10

Lifelong learning and development – moving forward

Introduction As I prepared to write this chapter, two major events were capturing the world’s attention. The first was the most severe global economic crisis in living memory. ‘Giants of the business world’ were crumbling or being bought out, with substantial state interventions by leading economic nations to nationalize or part nationalize their financial institutions. Hundreds of billions of dollars were being injected into companies to try and stabilize a free market that was now in free-fall (News.bbc.co.uk 2008). The result in November 2008 was a financial summit that for the first time involved emerging market countries such as China, India, Argentina, Brazil and others in an effort to reform financial structures, including institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF, and reform country financial regulations. For the first time in history the management of the global economy was no longer in the hands of the elite few and the free market was no longer benefiting the leading industrialized nations. This event, in terms of lifelong learning, challenges those ‘no alternative’ to global capitalism discourses discussed in Chapter 5. The philosophy of the very institutions that have dictated their capitalist agendas for lessadvanced industrialized nations are proving to be inadequate. Equally the enormity of funds that were made available to shore up this financial catastrophe stands in stark contrast to the paucity of aid commitments to countries whose populations are starving and struggling, at least partially, from unfair trade regulations and other exploitative labour initiatives that were engineered by the world’s leading economies. The need for a lifelong learning agenda that looks beyond profit could not be more apparent. The second major event that attracted the world was the American presidential election. On 5 November 2008 an African-American became the president elect for the United States of America. Although there is no

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apparent connection to either the above-mentioned crisis or to lifelong learning, this appointment had a significant impact on the psyche of almost every African. On the morning of the election results I was attending a less headline-newsworthy, but nevertheless important, event for those committed to adult and lifelong learning. The occasion was the African regional preparatory conference in Kenya for CONFINTEA VI, a global event organized every 12 years by UNESCO to stimulate policy commitments to adult education and learning. The conference was attended by ministerial representatives from across the continent and opened by Kenya’s president, less than a year after the country’s own strife-torn and disputed elections. The president proudly announced the ‘wonderful news’ that a ‘son of Kenya, a son of Africa’ had become president elect of the United States of America, signifying hope for the future and that ‘anything is possible’. It is on that note of optimism that I attempt to synthesize the conceptual arguments of the previous chapters in this book with some of the practical needs and visions that have been articulated by recent CONFINTEA VI regional preparatory reports. A central argument of this chapter is this. Many of the calls for reform of dominant lifelong learning discourses are shared across regions in the North and South. Indeed the following quotation by Jarvis (2007:202), a well-known European writer on lifelong learning, highlights this very point: We do need a learning society – one in which the agenda and curriculum are wider than we have at present and in which learning really is for active citizenship, social inclusion and personal fulfilment and in which employability takes its right place. We do need lifelong learning that asks questions about the future of humanity and the future of the planet and these should be seen as important as employability and more important than corporate profit . . . where people matter more than profit. However, there are two considerations that make it imperative that the South speaks for itself on this subject. On the one hand, it is not appropriate for the North to speak on behalf of the South, irrespective of the extent to which north-south arguments overlap. This simply reinforces the age-old imperialist divide. The South therefore needs its own platform within the lifelong learning literature. This both strengthens those arguments articulated by northern writers but also creates space for the second consideration – that the South has something distinctive to contribute to the debate, both in terms of philosophical value systems and as a reinforcement of the

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articulated need to address wide-ranging development issues such as environmental concerns, conflict, citizenship, health, poverty and social cohesion. The contents of this book reflect in particular this latter point.

Core elements of the argument for a southern lifelong learning perspective In chapter 1 I outlined the growing concern that the MDGs and their narrow focus on primary education for countries in the South has deflected funding and policy attention away from a broader vision for lifelong learning. This is in spite of the South’s historical interest in the relationship between lifelong learning, adult education and development which was articulated in the 1970s. Where lifelong learning is advocated in current discourses, there is a tendency for country-level policies to be manipulated by international aid agendas that define lifelong learning narrowly in terms of skills for economic, human capital purposes. Since many formerly colonized countries in the South are dependent on international aid for the promotion of their education plans, such externally imposed discourses impact on the political will and practical implementation of a lifelong learning concept that could respond to immediate societal and cultural needs for positive identities as well as enable societies to act positively for change within wider global contexts. I have used a postcolonial analytical framework to both expose the discontinuities of normative development discourses and provide space for the articulation of alternative perspectives that privilege those knowledge and value systems that are often suppressed by ongoing colonial interference. This includes understanding the institutional structures, textual representations and power relations that enable domination to operate so effectively through the discursive label of ‘development’. Postcolonial analysis shows how education systems in formerly colonized countries are still dominated by ideologies, curricula, structures, languages, pedagogies and policies of their former colonizers. An understanding of the tensions and conflicts that affect the postcolonial world ensures that a more culturally and socially relevant lifelong learning agenda can develop, one which privileges the experiences of the South and informs the North’s agenda for a more socially sensitive lifelong learning discourse. This approach recognizes that the contemporary world is, to a greater or lesser extent, a hybrid of globalized relationships. Therefore we should not attempt to re-create a precolonial past, rather we should build on the value

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systems that gave societies their identities in order to facilitate their role as change agents for their own futures. I have drawn on examples of indigenous lifelong learning to demonstrate that this concept is rooted in social value systems. I have also argued that philosophical perspectives that embrace concepts of connectedness, communalism, interdependency and subjectivity are potential resources for emphasizing a more holistic interpretation of lifelong learning than the dominant, instrumental focus on skills enhancement. This more holistic interpretation would embrace the notion of communal embeddedness and connectivity of a person to other persons rather than the western concept of the individual self existing separately or independently from others. While these positions are not geographically or socially fixed, they indicate tendencies towards philosophical differences that are more common in African and Asian societies. They have a potentially profound influence on how and why we learn. Although previous efforts to promote this philosophy, such as through Nyerere’s Ujamaa concept in Tanzania, ultimately failed, this, it is argued, is at least in part, because they were in constant tension with international aid conditionalities that promoted a different philosophical world view and also failed to interrelate sufficiently with the inevitable processes of change. It is apparent, however, that current, externally imposed development agendas are also not working. Lifelong learning has to somehow capture a more hybrid view of development that embraces more context-specific world views. The growing literature offers more nuanced perspectives for development. For example Amartya Sen (1999) articulates development in terms of participatory and capability freedoms. Escobar talks about a ‘post-development’ era which encourages hybridities that derive from local cultures and knowledges and seek economic development that does not necessarily focus on profit and the market. All these arguments move away from universalist approaches and towards localized, context-specific solutions to local problems, using a facilitative educational approach that encourages learning through reflexivity and critical awareness. Indeed the concept of ‘social enterprise’ (a system of community-based enterprises where profit is ploughed back into community needs) as ‘a new model for poverty reduction and employment generation’ (title page) in disadvantaged areas is now being advocated by the UNDP (2008). The challenge for a development approach to lifelong learning, however, is to use continuous learning to integrate local initiatives with wider and more global relationships. While local approaches to sustainability may not always wish to embrace current (or future) capitalist agendas, they need to avoid isolation from the global world.


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A further challenge in this respect is the fact that the dominant world players do not perceive continents like Africa as having anything to contribute to wider global agendas (though the current global economic crisis may be shifting this perception for some countries). Similarly populations from Africa, Asia and Arab States, for example, do not want to become a carbon copy of Westernization since the West (or North) is perceived as robbing such marginalized populations of their identity. Although globalization impinges on all aspects of society, including culture and politics, it is largely associated with international capital and new forms of production, resulting in a policy focus on lifelong learning and constant skills retraining. Yet the unevenness of technological advancement and spread of multinational companies contributes to the fragmented nature of globalization. International laws and agreements have been created by a small minority of advanced industrialized nations. One example of the impact of these agreements on formerly colonized nations is the MDGs. These goals signify both pressure to conform to, and a cultural homogenization of, what counts as ‘development’. Learning according to the MDGs for ‘developing countries’ is reduced to universal primary education and basic literacy. The wider vision of learning as lifelong and relevant for all ages and levels is thereby silenced for developing countries. The flip side of development that is nurtured by the global North is that the North’s development impacts on delicate ecosystems and resources in the very countries at whom the MDGs are targeted. For example, African countries are more prone to drought as a result of global warming caused by emissions in far-off lands. The absence of a lifelong learning focus on environmental awareness and sustainable development means that those in the South are unable to articulate an informed position on the subject and therefore its impact on their lives, and those in the North are not sufficiently challenged to engage reflexively on the impact of their actions on vulnerable societies. Promoters of alternative visions for lifelong learning in the South often emphasize community-based learning that fosters collective learning and action, the role of civil society and popular education, facilitation of networks and confronting discrimination and inequalities. Others advocate a sustainable livelihoods approach that interacts more directly with entrepreneurialism and exploration of how globalization works. Mbigi (2005), in the context of Africa, argues for an African entrepreneurship leadership that engages with national identity: ‘It is not by accident that the most enterprising groups, such as the Jews, Indians, Japanese and Chinese, have deep cultural roots and a distinct cultural identity’ (p.4). He asks for people in leadership positions ‘to root their strategies in African cultural belief systems

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and thought’ (p.5). Odora Hoppers contributes to this critical stance by specifically addressing the insertion of indigenous knowledges into world systems and the contribution of ‘new philosophies of human connectedness such as ubuntu into the common global pot’ (2006:4). All these approaches share a more or less critical perspective, and all require skills, knowledge and understanding that stretches beyond the basic literacy content of primary education. I have added my own arguments that technology itself is a potential resource for disseminating on a global level various southern-owned counter-arguments to dominant development messages. This, however, entails educating for ‘new literacies’, using technologies to connect critical thinking to politics, economics and wider social relations in international forums. Equally, entrepreneurship should not simply imitate the North. Cooperatives that recycle profit into development needs could be advocated on a larger scale than their current focus on small-scale community-based enterprises. I have also argued, however, that while countries in the South must take the initiative to make globalization work for them, this cannot be done without cooperation from international donor agencies and a re-appraisal of North–South relations. Case studies from two South Asian and two African countries revealed widely differing stages of ownership over the lifelong learning process. It was apparent from these four examples, however, that the conditionalities attached to international aid were determining the nature of lifelong learning, making it difficult for countries to own their own agenda. Where local ownership of lifelong learning was established, the outcome was holistic and communitarian, rather than individualistic and competitive. A more generalized interpretation of lifelong learning through the medium of adult education has recently been made available throughout 2008 in the form of regional preparatory reports that will feed into the pending global CONFINTEA VI event in Brazil in May 2009. Such reports are available as civil-society reports and regional syntheses of country reports from ministries. Their focus is inevitably on practical concerns and the need for political and financial commitment from governments. It is worth summarizing their highlights here, as an indicator of emerging trends of thought.

Recent preparatory reports for CONFINTEA VI The international NGO Asia South Pacific Bureau for Adult Education (ASPBAE) highlights the vast disparities of access to even the most basic provision for many countries in the South. The ASPBAE briefing paper


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(2008) cites the 2008 Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2007) statistics which reveal that there are still 101 countries that are far from achieving universal literacy and that South and West Asia’s literacy rates are languishing at a mere 59 per cent of their population. Associated with these low literacy rates are poor figures for mortality, nutrition and reproductive health, poverty and gender inequalities. Nevertheless the paper argues that literacy must be seen within a framework for lifelong learning, particularly since literacy lapses into illiteracy if opportunities for continuing education and the creation of literate environments are not sustained. Similarly the paper argues for ‘adult education that promotes critical thinking, understanding of human rights, tolerance, social awareness, civic consciousness and responsibilities’ (pages unnumbered) and a commitment to ongoing learning throughout life. The African regional synthesis of national CONFINTEA reports (Aitchison and Alidou 2008) reiterates concerns about the relatively low political and financial status given to adult education and lifelong learning. The authors state that few African countries have ratified adult-education policies though many may have existed for years as unratified draft policies. The tendency is for any legislation to focus narrowly on literacy or basic education, though national qualifications frameworks are also emerging as an application of lifelong learning. The report emphasizes once more that literacy alone is inadequate in addressing the scale of the problem and literacy programmes should in any case be holistically linked to life skills or community development initiatives as well as post-literacy activities. The equivalent Latin American and Caribbean final regional report (UNESCO ILL 2008) once more emphasizes that ‘literacy is the necessary but not sufficient point of departure which allows each and every person, in the twenty-first century, to continue and supplement their learning throughout life and thus exercise their rights as citizens’ (p.2). This report also reiterates the need to address the North-South divide for lifelong learning discourses. The African Civil Society Report (African Platform for Adult Education 2008) first refers us back to the 1976 Nairobi conference where adult education was once more framed ‘in the context of lifelong education’ and then moves forward to the African development process of 2001 via the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). Here they express concern that adult education and lifelong learning are narrowly confined by NEPAD to specific teacher education projects for maths, science and technology education. This report poses a number of policy challenges: How to develop policies that are framed within a lifelong and lifewide learning perspective that is embedded in development frameworks;

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How to address the needs of marginalized learners; What kind of partnerships need to be in place for all stakeholders to work together; and How to ensure relevance in the form of indigenous knowledge, participation, monitoring and evaluation. (pp.17–19). A feature of these reports, as well as other writers on behalf of lifelong learning, is the multisectoral nature of adult and lifelong learning and the failure of policy to recognize the linkages with other sectors such as health and agriculture. Moreover it is interesting to observe the various regional titles for each CONFINTEA preparatory conferences. They give an insight into where regional interests lie. The Latin American and Caribbean conference, for instance was titled From Literacy to Lifelong Learning: Towards the Challenge of the 21st Century. The Asia Pacific title was Building Equitable and Sustainable Societies in Asia and Pacific: The Challenge to Adult Learning. In Africa the title was The Power of Youth and Adult Learning for African Development. Only the European, North America and Israel conference included competition in its title: Adult Learning for Equity and Inclusion in a Context of Mobility and Competition. While all these reports campaign strongly for political commitment to adult and lifelong learning, including effective monitoring, research, funding allocations and engagement with civil society as well as other partners they do not attempt to ground political commitment within cultural or philosophical frameworks. This is particularly noticeable in the African Civil Society Report that urges a more integrated relationship with NEPAD and African culture without elaborating on what this means. Perhaps this is expecting too much of lobbyists that are struggling at a practical level to secure any kind of support for the most basic of provision. It might be argued, however, that without this broader vision, the South continues to be a recipient, rather than a key player, in setting new agendas for lifelong learning.

What the South can contribute to the debate This begs the question – what can the South contribute to the debate on lifelong learning? At one level writers are seeking to find a way in which lifelong learning can interface with the traditions and needs of different cultural contexts. Walters (2007), for instance, in the context of South Africa, explores whether there are generic ingredients that can apply across societies in


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relation to the concept of ‘learning regions’, as a geographical expression of lifelong learning in action. The concept of learning region facilitates a theoretical focus on community development and learning as societal change mechanisms. She suggests that there are potentially generic outcome ingredients, such as high participation, partnerships and networking, accessibility of guidance and counselling resources, even having a focus on the ‘interconnectedness and interdependence of the local and global’ (p.278). However, it is more difficult to identify a common framework for lifelong learning because ‘building a learning region in the end is no doubt a political project’ (p.289) constrained by different concepts of, and conditions for, development as well as cultural and environmental conditions, particularly in development contexts when participation is on ‘terms set by others’. Mbigi (2005) takes an African Renaissance perspective. He offers an African philosophical interpretation of the Delors (1996) pillars for lifelong learning. By linking the pillars to indigenous value systems and traditions he offers a way of expressing these generic frameworks through an African lens. So the pillar ‘learning to know’ is understood as the: ‘capacity to reflect on one’s life experiences, and use the lessons to create and manage opportunities’ (p.141). Such a position can be supported by proverbs that embrace reflectivity and the wisdom of continued learning or seeking knowledge. ‘Learning to do’ is linked to indigenous African leadership training models which emphasized learning by doing through experience and the management of rituals and ceremonies. ‘Learning to live together’ is identified as the ‘heart and soul of the African philosophy of Ubuntu’. Through this one learns an appreciation of others and our interdependence on each other. Finally ‘Learning to be’ is understood within the traditional African community-based learning to develop character and discipline: ‘Education should seek to develop not only the full potential of a person but also all the multiple intelligences of a given individual’ (p.145). Each of these interpretations provides different but reasonable justification for incorporating lifelong learning as a policy concept in the South. There is another perspective, however – where the South might actually contribute to and enhance current discourses, particularly in the context of CONFINTEA’s global conference on adult education and learning which is being framed within the context of lifelong learning. Some of the southern philosophies, value systems and ways of being that might contribute to broadening concepts of lifelong learning include the following: A holistic perspective – where, for example, African and Asian lifelong learning traditionally embraces all ages, levels and types of learning for

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character, community and nation building and for self-reliance. Although its roots are in traditional structures, the concept of lifelong learning is also embedded in proverbs, myths, rituals and songs that focus on human relations as the starting point. This contrasts starkly with a starting point of competitiveness. Associated with this is the second conceptual contribution; Connectedness – a value system that embraces the belief that we are all connected and so our actions have an impact on future lives as well as those in the present, whether near or far. Also they have an ongoing relationship with those that have already passed. The implication of such a concept is that we have an obligation to all those around us on a global, social and spiritual scale. Spirituality is not a popular dimension of dominant lifelong learning discourses, though it is a feature of debate (see English et al. 2003 and Hunt 2006 for example), yet it opens up and widens the dimension of humanity as a core element for lifelong learning. Intergenerational connectedness is core to our sustainable existence. A central feature of sustainable communities is recognition of the third contribution; Communitarianism – where everyone has a social responsibility towards the welfare of his or her neighbours, ensuring that no-one goes without. This concept also connects with the fourth contribution; Indigenous knowledge systems – which engage with local environments and customs that are traditionally based on a need for survival with limited resources and to ensure the land is available for future generations. Indigenous knowledge systems provide the ingredients for integration with new knowledge systems in the context of changing societies. These value systems are not practised universally by individuals in the South, of course. Otherwise we would not be engaged in so many conflicts and social injustices. (In itself this situation begs the question: Why do we not focus on lifelong learning values that address these problems?). But such values are a potential foundation on which to build a new, more collaborative lifelong learning agenda that may connect with a greater sense of relevance to many people, not just those in the South. They provide a framework for discussion and debate and a contribution to those northern discourses and academic critiques of instrumentalism and individualism. They provide an opportunity for re-narrating visions for development and disseminating alternative visions for global competitiveness. The challenges are huge. But they are directly linked to a lifelong learning agenda for the South which takes us far beyond discourses of profit, competitiveness and marketization. They centre on issues of democratization,


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social justice, human rights and human dignity. A global lifelong learning approach must be sensitive to context, enhancing local ownership of targets, means and processes. It must respond at a level of international consciousness. The current global downturn suggests that individualism and competitiveness without ethically informed sustainability and social conscience will not produce cohesion, equality and peace. A new lifelong learning discourse does not entail total rejection of existing discourses, but it facilitates hybridization and provides opportunities to contemplate that ‘anything is possible’ in our dream for a better world.

Notes

1

2

3 4

5

6

7

8

The UNDP officially classifies the following countries as ‘developing’: Sub Saharan Africa, Arab States, Asia and Pacific, Latin America, Caribbean, Cyprus and Turkey (Torres 2003:37). Social capital has been defined as consisting of ‘social networks, the reciprocities that arise from them, and the value of these for achieving mutual goals’ drawing attention to ‘the importance of social relationships and values such as trust in shaping broader attitudes and behaviour’ (Schuller et al. 2000:1). See for example, Enslin et al. (2001), Welton (2005) and Maruatona (2006). See for example, Holford et al. (1998), Field and Leicester (2000), Field (2002, 2005), Edwards et al. (2002) and Jarvis (2004). A number of writers highlight these issues, such as Torres (2003), Walters (1999), Archer (2005), Atchoarena and Hite (2001), Palepu (2001) and Oduaran (2000). REFLECT stands for Regenerated Frierian Literacy through Empowering Community Techniques. The REFLECT approach was developed by the Non-Governmental Organization ACTIONAID using a combination of the theory of Paulo Freire and the group methods of Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) to combine the literacy process and the empowering process through people-centred grass roots development. Relevant texts include: Spivak (1995), Bhabha (1995), Said (1995), Hickling-Hudson (2006), Chilisa (2005) wa Thiong’o (1995) for example. Buruma and Margalit (2005:7) show similar sentiments for South Asia: ‘To a devout Muslim, politics, economics, science and religion cannot be split into separate categories’. The West’s world views in these contexts can represent the rootless, greedy city, lack of respect for faith and the ‘antithesis of the self sacrificing hero’ (p.11).

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Index

Adam, L. 90 adult education 9, 47 Africa 44, 47, 57, 68, 79, 80, 90, 94, 135–52, 154, 157, 160 African feminism 106 African philosophy 38–42 African renaissance 161 Africanization 80 Aitcheson, J. 159 America 154 ASPBAE (Asia and South Pacific bureau for Adult Education) 112, 158 Atim, D. 43 Attiq-ur-Rahman, S. 118, 119, 120, 122, 123 AWORC (Asian Women’s Resource Exchange) 112 Bagoyoko, N. 57 Bangladesh 76, 91 Beck, U. 76 Behrend, H. 28 Beijing conference 113 Biccum, A. 31 Botswana 44 Braimoh, D. 96, 146, 147 Bunyad 117, 119–25, 150 BERTIs 121–2, 124 CLCs 121, 124 gender 124 lifelong learning 122, 123–4 literacy 119, 124 non-formal education 123 technology 124 see also Pakistan

Burbules, N.C. 74, 75 Burke, B. 45 Candy, P.C. 88 CEDAW (United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women) 113 Chandrasekhar, C.P. 91, 98 China 95, 115 Chinnammai, S. 73, 74 Chukwyudi Eze, E. 39 Chunkath, S.R. 114 citizenship 5, 9, 65 civil society 79, 140, 157, 159 Clayton, P. 127, 130, 131 CLCs (Community Learning Centres) 115, 121, 124 Coffield, F. 4 colonialism 19, 24, 34, 48, 49 CONFINTEA 12, 13, 101, 108, 111, 114, 117, 125, 146, 148, 154, 158, 160, 161 connectedness 10, 40, 156, 158, 162 cooperatives 81 cultural politics 26 culture 73 Dahlman, C. 98 DAWN (Developing Alternatives with Women for a New Era) 63, 112 dependency 20, 56, 61, 62, 63, 77 development 50–66, 67 dependency theory 56 discourses 53–5

180 development (Cont’d) as freedom 60–1 gender and 63 lifelong learning and 131, 153–63 modernization theory of 55 women and 63 women in 63 DFID 31, 64, 88 digital divide 84, 85–91, 97 discourses 22, 30, 58, 154, 162, 163 development discourses 53–5, 155 discourse 21, 29, 57, 65 feminist discourses 103 economic crisis 153 EFA (Education For All) 11, 13 empowerment 115–16 enterprise 79–80 Escobar, A. 54, 55, 64, 156 Ethiopia 35, 55–6 European Memorandum 3 Featherstone, M. 73 feminisms 29, 102 Africana womanism 106 postcolonial 105 poststructuralist 104 womanism 106 see also gender feminists 29, 102, 103–4 FEMNET (African Women’s Development Network) 112 Ferguson, J. 53–4 Field, J. 58–9 Forde, T.J.L. 37 Fordjor, P.K. 41 Foucault, M. 21, 23, 24 Gandhi 45–6, 52, 124 Swadeshi 45 Swaraj 45 gender 29, 38, 62–3, 64, 77, 88, 101, 103, 105, 108–11, 113 analysis 109

Index Conferences 108 and development 63 mainstreaming 110 MDGs 113 see also Bunyad; feminisms; India; Kerala; Lesotho; Pakistan; Tanzania GEO (Gender and Education Office) 111, 112 Ghana 36, 41, 92 globalization 67–83, 157, 158 cultural influences 73–4 economic influences 72–3 environmental consequences 76 hyperglobalists 69–70 political influences 74–5 sceptics 70–1 transformationalists 71 Goduka, I. 41, 42 Grameen bank 91 Griffin, C. 4 Grootaert, C. 59 Gulati, S. 88 Hegel 43 Held, D. 70–1, 76 Hickling-Hudson, A. 22 higher education 73, 82, 88 see also Kerala; Pakistan HIV/AIDS 8, 43, 106, 138, 141, 149, 151 Houtondiji, P.J. 38 hybridity 25, 48, 74 hybridisation 74, 163 hybridities 156 ICAE (International Council for Adult Education) 75, 111 ICT 85, 86–7, 89, 90, 91, 92, 97, 98, 121, 131, 149, 150, 151 IMF 56, 57 imperialism 20 India 36, 38, 44–5, 91, 94, 114, 125–6 Kerala 126–34 lifelong learning 126

Index literacy 126 policy 126 post-literacy 126 indigenous knowledge 37–8, 77, 113, 131, 140, 160, 162 individualism 10, 42 Iran 116 Japan 5 Jarvis, P. 72, 73, 74, 154 Johnson, H. 96 Jolly, R. 50, 57, 64 Kant 42 Kaschula, R.H. 36 Kawooya, D. 92 Kellner, D. 75 Kenya 35, 47, 154 Kerala 126–34 CEC 129, 132 gender 132, 133 higher education 128 KANFED 129, 130 KSLMA 130 KSSP 130 lifelong learning 131 literacy 127, 128, 129, 130, 133 panchayats 128 post-literacy 128 prerak 128, 129 King, K. 79–80 knowledge 23, 31, 77, 98, 104–5 Western knowledge 42–3 see also indigenous knowledge Latin America 95 learning region 161 learning society 3, 4, 10, 12, 72 Lelliott, A. 89, 97 Lephoto, H.M. 93, 94, 144 Lesotho 53, 67, 94, 108, 143–52 gender 149 ICT 149, 150, 151 IEMS 149–50, 152

181

LANFE 150 LDTC 150, 151 lifelong learning 146, 147–8, 149, 151–2 literacy 144, 148, 150, 151 non-formal education 146–8, 150–1 policy 145, 146, 149, 152 post-literacy 150, 159 poverty 145, 146 Vision 2020 145–6 Letseka, M. 40 Levira, B. 141 lifelong learning 1, 14, 48, 51, 65, 72, 78, 82, 93, 122–4, 126, 131–2, 138, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154 conferences 10–13 and development 64–6, 153–63 in the digital age 84–93 feminist perspectives 101–16 in the North 2–6 policy 5, 9, 114, 115, 125, 137 and postcolonialism 30–1 in the South 6–10, 78, 97 Lingard, B. 31 literacy 8, 62, 81, 115, 118, 133, 159 computer- 78, 82 critical- 65, 82 information- 82, 88 post- 116, 120, 126 see also Bunyad; India; Kerala; Lesotho; Pakistan; Tanzania Loomba, A. 25 Lourde, A. 25 Louw, D.J. 47 Luke, A. 74 Mcwilliam, H.O.A. 36 Malaysia 84 Mali 87 Mbigi, L. 157, 161 MDGs 13, 74, 113, 155, 157 Medel-Añonuevo, C. 2, 7 Meredith, M. 136 Mesopotamia 35

182 Mexico 95 micro-credit 62, 121, 141 MINEDAF 12, 13 Mohamedbhai, G. 82 Mohanty, C.T. 30, 102, 105, 107 Mozambique 80 Mulenga, D.C. 31, 47 Nair, T.S. 129 neo-colonialism 20 neo-liberalism 56 NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) 6, 159, 160 Nigeria 87, 89 non-formal education 56, 57, 65, 121, 123, 141, 146–8 Novelli, M. 60, 75 Ntseane, P.G. 38, 105, 107–8 Ntuli, P.P. 40, 48 Nyamnjoh, F.B. 34, 41–2, 48 Nyerere, M.J. 46–7, 52, 136 Ujamaa 46, 52, 136 see also Tanzania Odora Hoppers, C.A. 37, 55, 64, 65, 68, 80–1, 158 OECD 3 Okech, A. 8, 36 open and distance learning (ODL) 93–7, 149 pedagogical challenges 96–7 Orientalism 19, 20 Oruka, H.O. 39 Pakistan 94, 117–19, 125 Bunyad 119–25 gender 118 higher education 118, 125 literacy 118, 119 policy 125 poverty 118 Palepu, R. 7 Pant, A. 114, 115

Index Parthasarathy, S.K. 62 Pattanayak, D.P. 36 Perraton, H. 93, 94, 95, 96 philosophy 38 African philosophy 38–42 Ubuntu 39–40 Western philosophy 42–3 policy 157, 159–60 see also India; Lesotho; lifelong learning; literacy; Pakistan; Tanzania Polikanov, D. 97 postcolonialism 20–1, 24–5, 27–9 feminist postcolonial 29 and lifelong learning 30–1 poststructuralism 21 poverty 55 see also India; Lesotho; Pakistan; Tanzania Preece, J. 150 racism 19, 77 race 29 Ramazanoglu, C. 22 REFLECT 8, 65, 141, 164n. 6 REPEM (Popular Education Network of Women) 111–12 Robinson-Pant, A. 55, 64 SADC (Southern Africa Development Community) 9, 10 Said, E. 19 self-reliance 45, 46, 52, 124, 126, 138, 142, 162 Sen, A. 60–1, 156 see also development Shade, L.R. 85 Siaciwena, R. 95 social capital 5, 58–60, 66, 164n. 2 spirituality 10, 45, 162 Spivak, G.C. 26 Sreemathy, T.K. 38 structural adjustment 57, 136

Index subaltern 20, 34 subjectivities 27, 28 intersubjectivities 27 Tanzania 44, 80, 88, 135–43, 152 Arusha Declaration 136, 138 COBET 141–2 gender 141 ICBAE 140–1 lifelong learning 137, 138, 139, 141, 142 literacy 136, 139 Nyerere 136 policy 136, 140, 142, 152 post-literacy 139 poverty 136 Ujamaa 136 Vision 2025 137–8, 143, 152 technology 72, 75, 81, 82, 83, 87, 90, 96, 98, 124, 158 gender issues 88 Teffo, L.J. 35, 40 Thetela, P.H. 109–10 Tikly, L. 71, 77, 78 Torres, M. 1, 6, 7, 14 Ubuntu 39–40, 46, 47, 68, 106, 161 Uganda 36, 43, 92

183

UNDP 76, 99, 125, 136, 145, 156 UNESCO 2, 3, 10, 12, 51, 60, 101, 102, 114, 154, 159 UNICEF 141, 142, 144 UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund for Women) 112 Van Hensbroek, P.B. 47 Vasudeva Rao, B.S. 98 Visvanathan, N. 63 Walters, S. 160 Washington consensus 56 post-Washington consensus 57 Weedon, C. 27 Werbner, R. 28 Wilson III, E.J. 86–8, 92, 99 World Bank 14, 15, 17, 53, 58, 59, 64, 73, 78, 87, 147 WSIS 89 Yang, J.F. 96 Yearly, S. 76 Yule, A. 136, 139 Zambia 95 Zimbabwe 36

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