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THE
HISTORY OF ROME MOMMSEN
THE
BY
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THE GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE LIBRARY Halsted VanderPoel Campanian Collection
THE
HISTORY OF ROME MOMMSEN
THE
BY
THEODOR MOMMSEN TRANSLATED WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR BY
WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON,
D.D., LL.D.
PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
A NEW EDITION REVISED THROUGHOUT AND EMBODYING RECENT ADDITIONS VOL. V
LONDON RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET $3ubltsf)ers in
rtrinarg to $?cr fffiajcstg tljc
1894
turn
JHE GETTY CENTER LIBRARY
CONTENTS BOOK FIFTH THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY Continued
CHAPTER THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
....
CHAPTER THE
VII
3
VIII
JOINT RULE OF POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
CHAPTER DEATH OF CRASSUS
PAGE
.
107
IX
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
150
CHAPTER X BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA, PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAPTER
RELIGION, CULTURE, LITERATURE,
INDEX
.
193
.
305
XI
THE OLD REPUBLIC AND THE NEW MONARCHY
CHAPTER
.
.
XII
AND ART
.
........ ......
443
519
COLLATION OF PAGING OF OTHER EDITIONS FOR VERIFYING
REFERENCES
589
NOTE OF CORRECTIONS [Mr. Rice Holmes, in his recent exhaustive monograph on Caesar's Conquest of Gaul, points out (at p. 326) that in my translation of the undernoted passage I have made some serious miscalculations when dealing with Dr. Mommsen's estimates of area expressed in German
How
sqtiare miles.
I
should have
fallen
into such
errors
in this
can hardly explain ; for in other cases I have made the needed conversions with approximate accuracy. But the blame cerinstance
I
me ; and, while I cannot but regret the occurrence of the mistakes and their continued presence in this revised form of the
tainly lies with
book, I tion to
W.
am the more indebted to Mr. Holmes them and thereby enabled me to insert
for this
having drawn attennote of corrections.
P. D.]
,,
,,
line 25,
for 200 read 42. Wales should probably be Valais.
,,
,,
line 26,
for 245 read 52.
,,
,,
line 34,
Vol. V.
,,
N.B. crown 8vo
p.
p.
12, line 23,
13, line
The same edition,
February 1900.
for 9000 to 10,000 read 42,000 to 46,000. l8,for 1350 read 6400.
corrections apply to Vol. IV. p. 217 of the original to Vol. IV. p. 227 of the demy 8vo edition.
and
BOOK FIFTH THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY Continued
VOL. v
134
CHAPTER
VII
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
WHEN
the course of history turns from the miserable
tony of the political selfishness, which fought in the senate-house and in the streets of the
its
mono- The battles
capital,
to the
matters of greater importance than the question whether the first monarch of Rome should be called Gnaeus, Gaius, or Marcus,
we may
well
be allowed
on the threshold of
an event, the effects of which still at the present day influto look round us for a ence the destinies of the world
moment, and to indicate the point of view under which the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of Great Britain, are to be apprehended in their bearing on the general history of the world. By virtue of the law, that a people which has grown into a state absorbs its neighbours who are in political nonage, and a civilized people absorbs its neighbours are in intellectual nonage by virtue of this law, which universally valid
of gravity
and
as
much
who is
as
a law of nature as the law
the Italian nation (the only one in antiquity
which was able to combine a superior political development and a superior civilization, though it presented the latter only in an imperfect and external manner) was entitled to
reduce to subjection the Greek states of the east which were ripe for destruction, and to dispossess the peoples of
west,
4
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
BOOK v
lower grades of culture in the west Libyans, Iberians, Celts, Germans by means of its settlers ; just as England with equal right has in Asia reduced to subjection a civilization of rival standing but politically impotent, and in America and Australia has marked and ennobled, and still
continues
to
mark
and
ennoble,
countries with the impress of
its
extensive
nationality.
barbarian
The Roman
had accomplished the preliminary condition
aristocracy
for this task f required
the union of Italy
;
the task
itself
never solved, but always regarded the extra-Italian conquests either as simply a necessary evil, or as a fiscal It is possession virtually beyond the pale of the state.
it \
/
the imperishable glory of the Roman democracy or monto have correctly apprehended for the two coincide archy
What realized this its highest destination. the irresistible force of circumstances had paved the way for, through the senate establishing against its will the and vigorously
foundations of the future in the east
;
Roman dominion in the west as Roman emigration to the
what thereafter the
which came as a public calamity, no doubt, provinces but also in the western regions at any rate as a pioneer of a higher culture pursued as matter of instinct ; 'the creator
Roman democracy, Gaius Gracchus, grasped and began to carry out with statesmanlike clearness and deciThe two fundamental ideas of the new policy to sion. of the
reunite the territories under the
power of Rome, so
far as
they were Hellenic, and to colonize them, so far as they were not Hellenic had already in the Gracchan age been practically recognized by the annexation of the kingdom of
and by the Transalpine conquests of Flaccus but more arrested their application. The Roman state remained a chaotic mass of countries
Attalus
:
the prevailing reaction once
without thorough occupation and without proper limits. Spain and the Graeco-Asiatic possessions were separated from the mother country by wide territories, of which
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
5
barely the borders along the coast were subject to the Romans ; on the north coast of Africa the domains of
Carthage and Gyrene alone were occupied tracts
even of the subject
like oases
;
territory, especially in Spain,
-
large
were
but nominally subject to the Romans. Absolutely nothing was done on the part of the government towards concen-
and rounding off their dominion, and the decay of seemed at length to dissolve the last bond of connection between the distant possessions. The demotrating
the fleet
cracy no doubt attempted, so soon as it again raised its head, to shape its external policy in the spirit of Gracchus Marius in particular cherished such ideas but as it did
not for any length of time attain the helm, its projects were It was not till the democracy practically unfulfilled. took in hand the government on the overthrow of the left
Sullan constitution in 684, that a revolution in this respect First of all their sovereignty on the Mediter-
70.
occurred.
ranean was restored that
like
of
Rome.
the most vital question for a state Towards the east, moreover, the
boundary of the Euphrates was secured by the annexation of the provinces of Pontus and Syria. But there still remained beyond the Alps the task of at once rounding off the Roman territory towards the north and west, and of gaining a fresh virgin soil there for Hellenic civilization and for the yet unbroken vigour of the Italic race. This task Gaius Caesar undertook. It is more than an error,
it
is
an outrage upon the sacred
spirit
dominant in
to regard Gaul solely as the parade ground on which Caesar exercised himself and his legions for the impending civil war. Though the subjugation of the west history,
was
for
Caesar so
far
a means to an end that he laid the
foundations of his later height of power in the Transalpine wars, it is the especial privilege of a statesman of genius that his
means themselves
needed no doubt
are ends in their turn.
for his party
Caesar
aims a military power, but
Historical
^
'
ce
of the
"
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
BOOK v
he did not conquer Gaul as a partisan. There was a direct political necessity for Rome to meet the perpetually threat-
ened invasion of the Germans thus early beyond the Alps, and to construct a rampart there which should secure the
1
But even this important object peace of the Roman world. was not the highest and ultimate reason for which Gaul When the old home had was conquered by Caesar.
become too narrow
Roman
for the
burgesses and they were
danger of decay, the senate's policy of Italian conquest Now the Italian home had become saved them from ruin. in
\in
its
once more the
turn too narrow;
under the same fashion only
state
languished
social evils repeating themselves in similar
on a greater
It
scale.
was a
brilliant idea,
a
grand hope, which led Caesar over the Alps the idea and the confident expectation that he should gain there for his fellow-burgesses a new boundless home, and regenerate the state a second time by placing Caesar [61.
m
Spam.
it
on a broader
basis.
The campaign which Caesar undertook in 693 in Further a gp nj may be in some sense included among the enterprises which aimed at the subjugation of the west. Long as Spain i
had obeyed the Romans,
its
western shore had remained sub-
stantially independent of them even after the expedition of Decimus Brutus against the Callaeci (iii. 232), and they had not even set foot on the northern coast ; while the predatory
which the subject provinces found themselves continually exposed from those quarters, did no small injury raids,
to
to the civilization and Romanizing of Spain. Against these the expedition of Caesar along the west coast was directed. He crossed the chain of the Herminian mountains (Sierra
bounding the Tagus on the north ; after having and transplanted them in part to the plain, he reduced the country on both sides of the de
Estrella)
conquered
their inhabitants
Douro and
arrived at the north-west point of the peninsula,
where with the aid of a
flotilla
brought up from Gades he
'
occupied
Brigantium
(Corunna).
By
this
means
the
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
peoples adjoining the Atlantic Ocean, Lusitanians and Callaecians, were forced to acknowledge the Roman supremacy, while the conqueror was at the same time careful to
'
render the position of the subjects generally more tolerable
by reducing the tribute to be paid to Rome and regulating affairs of the communities.
the financial
But, although in this military and administrative d'ebut of the great general and statesman the same talents and
same leading ideas are discernible which he afterwards evinced on a greater stage, his agency in the Iberian peninthe
sula was
more
much
too transient to have any deep effect ; the especially as, owing to its physical and national
peculiarities,
nothing but action steadily continued for a
considerable time could exert any durable influence there. more important part in the Romanic development of Gaul,
A
the west was reserved by destiny for the country which stretches between the Pyrenees and the Rhine, the Medi-
terranean and the Atlantic Ocean, and which since the
Augustan age has been especially designated by the name Gallia of the land of the Celts although strictly speaking the land of the Celts was partly narrower, partly much more extensive, and the country so called never formed a
national unity,
and did not form a
political unity before
For this very reason it is not easy to present Augustus. a clear picture of the very heterogeneous state of things which Caesar encountered on
his arrival there in 696.
53.
In the region on the Mediterranean, which, embracing The approximately Languedoc on the west of the Rhone, on the east
Dauphine" and Provence, had been for sixty years a province, the Roman arms had seldom been at rest
Roman
had swept over it. In 664 Gaius Caelius had fought with the Salyes about Aquae Wars Sextiae, and in 674 Gaius Flaccus (iv. 93), on his march to
since the Cimbrian invasion which
Spain, with other Celtic nations.
.
When
in the Sertorian
war the governor Lucius Manlius, compelled
to hasten to
[90.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
8
BOOK v
the aid of his colleagues beyond the Pyrenees, returned defeated from Ilerda (Lerida) and on his way home was
vanquished a second time by the western neighbours of the
Roman province, the Aquitani (about 676 ; iv. 283^), this seems to have provoked a general rising of the provincials between the Pyrenees and the Rhone, perhaps even of
78.
Rhone and
those between the
t
make
his
Spain
(iv.
Alps.
Pompeius had
to
way with the sword through the insurgent Gaul to 293), and by way of penalty for their rebellion gave
the territories of the Volcae-Arecomici and the Helvii (dep. Card and Ardeche) over to the Massiliots ; the governor
|
!
Manius Fonteius (678-680) carried out these arrangements and restored tranquillity in the province by subduing the
76-74.
Vocontii
(dep.
insurgents,
and
protecting Massilia from the the Roman capital Narbo which liberating Despair, however, and the financial em-
Drome),
they invested. barrassment which the participation in the sufferings of the Spanish war (iv. 298) and generally the official and nonofficial
exactions of the
Romans brought upon
not allow them
i
did
" by the pacification
688
66.
as well as
Rome on
"
to
that Gaius Piso undertook there in
by the behaviour of the Allobrogian embassy
occasion of the anarchist plot in 691
63.
in
61. (
and which soon afterwards (693) broke
into
Calugnatus the leader of the Allobroges in ;
Bounds.
the Gallic
be tranquil; and in particular the canton of the Allobroges, the most remote from Narbo, was in a perpetual ferment, which was attested
provinces,
.'
who had
(iv.
480),
open
revolt.
this
war of
fought not unsuccessfully, was conquered at Solonium after a glorious resistance by the governor Gaius Pomptinus. despair,
at first
Notwithstanding all these conflicts the bounds of the territory were not materially advanced; Lugudunum
Roman
Convenarum, where Pompeius had settled the remnant of the Sertorian army (iv. 304), Tolosa, Vienna and Genava .were still the most remote Roman townships towards the
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
west and north.
But
at the
same time the importance of (Relations '
these Gallic possessions for the mother country was continually
on the
The
increase.
:o
Rome.
glorious climate, akin to
that of Italy, the favourable nature of the
soil,
the large and
commerce
rich
region lying behind so advantageous
with
its
Italy,
which much older possessions, such as those in Spain,
for
mercantile routes reaching as far as Britain, the intercourse easy by land and sea with the mother country, Gaul an economic importance for to southern rapidly gave
had not acquired in the course of centuries ; and as the Romans who had suffered political shipwreck at this period sought an asylum especially in Massilia, and there found once more Italian culture and Italian luxury, voluntary emigrants from Italy also were attracted more and more to " the Rhone and the Garonne. The province of Gaul," it was said in a sketch drawn ten years before Caesar's " full of merchants ; is it swarms with Roman arftval, burgesses.
No
native of Gaul transacts a piece of business
Roman ; every penny, that passes from one hand to another in Gaul, goes through the account books of the Roman burgesses." From the same without the intervention of a
description
it
appears that in addition to the colonists of
Narbo there were Romans cultivating land and rearing as to which,! cattle, resident in great numbers in Gaul; it must not be that overlooked most of the prohowever, vincial land possessed
by Romans, just
like the greater part
of the English possessions in the earliest times in America, was in the hands of the high nobility living in Italy, and those farmers and graziers consisted for the most part of their stewards slaves or freedmen. It
is
easy to understand
how under such circumstances
and Romanizing rapidly spread among the natives. These Celts were not fond of agriculture but their new masters compelled them to exchange the sword civilization
;
for the plough,
and
it
is
very credible that the embittered
Incipient
Romanizing.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
10
BOOK v
resistance of the Allobroges was provoked in part by
some
In earlier times Hellenism had also to such injunctions. a certain degree dominated those regions ; the elements of a higher culture, the stimulus to the cultivation of the vine 1 olive (iii. 315), to the use of writing and to the
and the
The coining of money, came to them from Massilia, Hellenic culture was in this case far from being set aside Massilia
by the Romans;
]
than
influence
it
lost;
gained
and even
through in the
them more
Roman
period
Greek physicians and rhetoricians were publicly employed in the Gallic cantons. But, as may readily be conceived, Hellenism of the
Gaul acquired through the agency same character as in Italy; the dis-
in southern
Romans
the
tinctively Hellenic civilization
Greek mixed A !
great
culture,
numbers.
gave place to the Latinowhich soon made proselytes here in
The
" Gauls in
the
breeches," as
the
inhabitants of southern Gaul were called by way of contrast to the "Gauls in the toga" of northern Italy, were not indeed like the latter already completely Romanized, but
they were even now very perceptibly distinguished from the "longhaired Gauls" of the northern regions still
The
unsubdued.
them
semiculture becoming naturalized
furnished, doubtless, materials
their barbarous Latin,
enough
and people did not
among
for ridicule
fail
of
to suggest to
" any one suspected of Celtic descent his relationship with " the breeches ; but this bad Latin was yet sufficient to
enable even the remote Allobroges to transact business with the Roman authorities, and even to give testimony in the Roman courts without an interpreter.
While the Celtic and Ligurian population of these regions in the course of losing its nationality, and was
was thus 1
There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ordinaryGreek alphabet. It
runs thus
:
ffeyo/iapot ovi\\oveos
fuffoffiv v(fii)rov.
The
last
rootmovj vafiavyaru tiupov
word means
' '
' '
holy.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
11
languishing and pining withal under a political and economic oppression, the intolerable nature of which is sufficiently attested
by
their hopeless insurrections, the decline of the
hand in hand with the naturalsame higher culture which we find at this period in Italy. Aquae Sextiae and still more Narbo were considerable townships, which might probably be named by the side of Beneventum and Capua; and Massilia, the best organized, most free, most capable of self-defence, and most native population here went
izing of the
powerful of its
all
the Greek cities dependent on
rigorous aristocratic
to
government
Rome, under
which the
Roman
conservatives probably pointed as the model of a good urban constitution, in possession of an important territory which
had been considerably enlarged by the Romans and of an extensive trade, stood by the side of those Latin towns
Rhegium and Neapolis stood Beneventum and Capua.
as
in
Matters wore a different aspect,
Roman
frontier.
The
Italy
by the side of
when one crossed
great Celtic nation, which
the Free Gaul.
in the
districts already began to be crushed by the Italian immigration, still moved to the north of the Cevennes in its It is not the first time that we time-hallowed freedom.
southern
meet
it
:
the Italians
had already fought with the
offsets
and
advanced posts of this vast stock on the Tiber and on the Po, in the mountains of Castile and Carinthia, and even in the heart of Asia Minor; but stock was
first
Celtic race itself
had on
its
it
was here that the main
The very core by their attacks. settlement in central Europe diffused
assailed at
its
chiefly over the rich river-valleys
and the pleasant
hill-country of the present France, including the western districts of
Germany and
Switzerland,
and from thence had
southern part of England, perhaps even Great Britain and Ireland ; l it formed here
at least the
occupied at this time
all
1 An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the
]
j
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
12
more than anywhere
else a broad, geographically
BOOK v compact,
In spite of the differences in language mass of peoples. and manners which naturally were to be found within this wide territory, a close mutual intercourse, an innate sense of fellowship, seems to have knit together the tribes from Rhone and Garonne to the Rhine and the Thames ;
the
whereas, although these doubtless were in a certain measure in Spain and in the modern locally connected with the Celts Austria, the mighty
mountain
barriers of the
Pyrenees and
the Alps on the one hand, and the encroachments of the Romans and the Germans which also operated here on the other, interrupted the intercourse and the intrinsic connection of the cognate peoples far otherwise than the narrow
arm of the sea interrupted the relations of the continental and the British Celts. Unhappily we are not permitted to trace stage by stage the history of the internal development of this remarkable people in these its chief seats ; we must
be content with presenting historical culture
and
at
least
some
political condition, as
it
outline
of
its
here meets us
in the time of Caesar. Popuiation.\ )
Gaul was, according to the reports of the ancients, comparatively well peopled.
Certain statements lead us to infer
some 200 persons to a proportion such as nearly holds at present in the Helvetic canton about for Wales and for Livonia that in the Belgic districts there were
the square mile
245 \
l ;
it
is
probable that in the
Thames borrowed from
districts
which were more
such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been transfcoced from the Brittones settled on the Sonime below Amiens first to an The English Kld coinage English canton and then to the whole island. was also derived from the Belgic and origTrmtry identical with it. 1 The first levy of the Belgic cantons exclusive of the Remi, that is, of the country between the Seine and the Scheldt and eastward as far as the vicinity of Rheims and Andcrnach, from 9000 to 10,000 square miles, is reckoned at about 300,000 men in accordance with which, if we regard the proportion of the first levy to the whole men capable of bearing arms specified for the Bellovaci as holding good generally, the number of the Belgae capable of bearing arms would amount to 500,000 and the whole Belgic cantons
;
;
population accordingly to at least
2,000,000.
The
Helvctii with
the
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
cultivated than the Belgic
Helvetian, as
number
rose
among still
Gaul
and
less
13
mountainous than the
the Bituriges, Arverni, Haedui, the
higher.
Agriculture was no doubt prac-
'Agriculture
even the contemporaries of Caesar were l^ajfa^Qf surprised in the region of the Rhine by the custom of cattle, 1 manuring with marl, and the primitive Celtic custom of
tised in
for
preparing beer (cervesia) from barley is likewise an evidence of the early and wide diffusion of the culture of grain but it
Even
was not held in estimation.
south
it
was reckoned not becoming
in the
more
civilized
for the free Celts
to
In far higher estimation among the handle the plough. Celts stood pastoral husbandry, for which the Roman landholders of this epoch very gladly availed themselves both of the Celtic breed of cattle, and of the brave Celtic slaves skilled in riding
and
familiar with the rearing of animals. 2
if we assume adjoining peoples numbered before their migration 336,000 that they were at that time already dislodged from the right bank of the Rhine, their territory may be estimated at nearly 1350 square miles. Whether the serfs are included in this, we can the less determine, as we do not know the form which slavery assumed amongst the Celts ; what Caesar relates (i. 4) as to the slaves, clients, and debtors of Orgetorix tells ;
rather in favour of, than against, their being included. That, moreover, every such attempt to make up by combinations for the statistical basis, in which ancient history is especially deficient, must be
received with due caution, will be at once apprehended by the intelligent reader, while he will not absolutely reject it on that account. 1 "In the interior of Transalpine Gaul on the Rhine," says Scrofa in
Varro,
De R. R.
i.
7, 8,
"when
I
commanded
where neither the vine nor the
there, I traversed
some
nor the fruit-tree appears, where they manure the fields with white Pit-chalk, where they have neither rock- nor sea-salt, but make use of the saline ashes of certain burnt wood instead of salt." This description refers probably to the period before Caesar and to the eastern districts of the old province, such as the country districts,
olive
of the Allobroges subsequently Pliny (H. N, xvii. 6, 42 seq. ) describes at length the Gallo-Britannic manuring with marl. 2 The Gallic oxen especially are of good repute in Italy, for field labour " forsooth whereas the Ligurian are good for nothing (Varro, De R. R. ii. Here, no doubt, Cisalpine Gaul is referred to, but the cattle5, 9). Plautus already husbandry there doubtless goes back to the Celtic epoch. " It is mentions the "Gallic ponies" (Gallici canterii, Aul. iii. 5, 21). not every race that is suited for the business of herdsmen neither the " Bastulians nor the Turdulians the (both in Andalusia) "are fit for it Celts are the best, especially as respects beasts for riding and burden " (Varro, De R. R. ii. 10, 4). (iumenta) ;
'
'
;
;
;
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
14
Particularly
in
the
northern
Celtic
husbandry was thoroughly predominant.
districts
BOOK v pastoral
Brittany was in In the north-east
Caesar's time a country poor in corn. dense forests, attaching themselves to the heart of the
Ardennes, stretched almost without interruption from the
/German Ocean to the Rhine and on the plains of Flanders and Lorraine, now so fertile, the Menapian and Treverian herdsman then fed his half-wild swine in the impenetrable ;
Just as in the valley of the Po the Romans the production of wool and the culture of corn supersede the Celtic feeding of pigs on acorns, so the rearing of oak-forest.
/
I
made
sheep and the agriculture in the plains of the Scheldt and the Maas are traceable to their influence. In Britain
\
even the threshing of corn was not yet usual; andui its more northern districts agriculture was not practised,
and the rearing of cattle was the only known mode of turning the soil to account. The culture of the olive and rich which vine, yielded produce to the Massiliots, was not yet prosecuted of Caesar. Urban
/
life.
beyond the Cevennes
The Gauls were from
the
first
in
disposed to
the
time
settle
in
and the Igroups 68/Helvetic canton alone numbered in 696 four hundred of of single homesteads. But there y these, besides a multitude were not wanting also walled towns, whose walls of alternate ;
were open villages
there
everywhere,
I
Romans both by their suitableness and by the elegant interweaving of timber and stones in their construction ; while, it is true, even in the towns of the layers surprised the
Of Allobroges the buildings were erected solely of wood. such towns the Helvetii had twelve and the Suessiones an equal
number
districts,
;
such as
whereas at
among
all
events in the
more northern
the Nervii, while there were doubt-
population during war sought protection morasses and forests rather than behind their walls,
less also towns, the
in the
and beyond the Thames the primitive defence of the wooden
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
15
barricade altogether took the place of towns and was in war the only place of refuge for men and herds.
In close association with the comparatively considerable development of urban life stands the activity of intercourse by land and by water. Everywhere there were! The river roads and bridges. navigation, which streams like the
invited,
Rhone, Garonne, Loire, and Seine, of themselves But far more was considerable and lucrative.
Not remarkable was the maritime navigation of the Celts. that first nation the to all were the Celts, appearance, only regularly navigated the Atlantic ocean, but
we
find that the
of building and of managing vessels had attained among them a remarkable development. The navigation of the art
peoples of the Mediterranean had, as may readily be conceived from the nature of the waters traversed by them, for
a comparatively long period adhered to the oar
war-vessels of the Phoenicians, Hellenes,
;
the
and Romans were
oared galleys, in which the sail was applied only as an occasional aid to the oar; the trading vessels alone were in the epoch of developed ancient civilization at all times
1 On the other hand the properly so called. Gauls doubtless employed in the Channel in Caesar's time,
"sailers"
as for long afterwards, a species of portable leathern skiffs, which seem to have been in the main common oared boats,
but on the west coast of Gaul the Santones, the Pictones, and above all the Veneti sailed in large though clumsily
which were not impelled by oars but were with leathern sails and iron anchor-chains; and provided they employed these not only for their traffic with Britain, built
1
ships,
We are
led to this conclusion by the designation of the trading or as contrasted with the "long" or war vessel, and the similar contrast of the "oared ships" (MKUTTOI vijes) and the "merchantmen" and moreover by the smallness of the crew in (6\Kd8es, Dionys. iii. 44) the trading vessels, which in the very largest amounted to not more thaTT 200 men (RKein. Mus. N; F. xi. 625), while in the ordinary galley of
"round"
;
three decks there were employed 170 rowers Phoen. ii. 3, 167 seq.
(ii.
174).
Comp. Movers,
interc
Crassus was sent in the following year (698) to Aquitaniaj |g with instructions to compel the Iberian tribes dwellingj
The task was nott there to acknowledge the Roman rule. without difficulty ; the Iberians held together more compactly than the Celts
and knew better than these how
learn from their enemies.
The
to
beyond the Pyrenees, sent valiant a the Cantabri, contingent to their especially threatened countrymen ; with this there came experienced tribes
officers
trained under the leadership of Sertorius in the
Roman
fashion,
principles of the
who introduced
Roman
as
art of war,
far
and
as
possible
the
especially of en-
campment, among the Aquitanian levy already respectable
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
6o
from
\
its
numbers and
who
led the
and
after
its
valour.
Romans knew how
to
But the excellent surmount
some hardly-contested but
BOOK v officer
all difficulties,
successful battles he
induced the peoples from the Garonne to the vicinity of the Pyrenees to submit to the new masters. Fresh violations
of the
Rhine-
boundary by the Germans.
56-55
The
U
si petes
and Tencteri.
One
of the objects which Caesar had proposed to himhad been in substance, with the subjugation of Gaul exceptions scarcely worth mentioning, attained so far as it self
could be attained at
all
by the sword.
But the other half
of the work undertaken by Caesar was still far from being satisfactorily accomplished, and the Germans had by no means as yet been everywhere compelled to recognize the
Rhine as their limit. Even now, in the winter of 698-699, a fresh crossing of the boundary had taken place on the lower course of the river, whither the Romans had not
The German tribes of the Usipetes and Tencteri whose attempts to cross the Rhine in the territory of the Menapii have been already mentioned (p. 37), had at
yet penetrated.
opponents by a feigned in crossed the vessels retreat, belonging to the Menapii length, eluding the vigilance of their
an enormous host, which is said, including women and children, to have amounted to 430,000 persons. They still in the of and Cleves but region Nimeguen ; lay, apparently, it
was said
that, following
the invitations of the Celtic patriot
party, they intended to advance into the interior of Gaul ; and the rumour was confirmed by the fact that bands of their
horsemen already roamed as far as the borders of the But when Caesar with his legions arrived oppoto them, the sorely-harassed emigrants seemed not
Treveri. site
desirous of fresh conflicts, but very ready to accept land from the Romans and to till it in peace under their
While negotiations as to this were going on, supremacy. a suspicion arose in the mind of the Roman general that the Germans only sought to gain time till the bands of \horsemcn sent out by them had returned.
Whether
this
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
suspicion was well founded or not,
we cannot
61 tell
;
but
by an attack, which in spite of the de facto suspension of arms a troop of the enemy made on his vanguard, and exasperated by the severe loss thereby sustained, confirmed in
it
Caesar believed himself entitled to disregard every consiWhen on the second morning
deration of international law.
the princes and elders of the
Germans appeared
Roman camp
the attack
to apologize for
made
\
in the
without
knowledge, they were arrested, and the multitude anticipating no assault and deprived of their leaders were their
suddenly fallen upon by the Roman army. man-hunt than a battle ; those that did not
swords of the
none but the
Romans were drowned
in the
It
was rather a
under the Rhine ; almost fall
divisions detached at the time of the attack
escaped the massacre and succeeded in recrossing the Rhine, where the Sugambri gave them an asylum in their The behaviour of territory, apparently on the Lippe.
Caesar towards these German immigrants met with severe just censure in the senate ; but, however little it can
and
be excused, the German encroachments were emphatically
checked by the terror which it occasioned. Caesar however found it advisable to take yet a further Caesar on He was not ^nk o^ step and to lead the legions over the Rhine. without connections beyond the river. The Germans at the Rhine, the stage of culture which they had then reached, lacked any national coherence though from other causes
as yet
ized
among
subject .interior,
the
German
this
tribes,
had
recently been
It
them
like the
Gauls from the Suebian
was not Caesar's design seriously to respond to would have involved him in endless
suggestion, which
enterprises
;
but
it
seemed
\
made
and tributary by a powerful Suebian canton of the and had as early as 697 through their envoys en-
treated Caesar to free rule.
in political distraction they
fell nothing short of the (on the Sieg and Lahn), the most civil-
The Ubii
Celts.
;
advisable, with the view of pre-
57.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
62
BOOK v
venting the appearance of the Germanic arms on the south of the Rhine, at least to show the Roman arms beyond it.
The
protection which the fugitive Usipetes
and Tencteri
had found among the Sugambri afforded a
suitable occa-
In the region, apparently between Coblentz and
sion.
Andernach, Caesar erected a bridge of piles over the Rhine and led his legions across from the Treverian to the
Ubian
\
Some
territory.
mission
smaller cantons gave in their subwhom the expedition
but the Sugambri, against
;
was primarily directed, withdrew, on the approach of the Roman army, with those under their protection into the In like manner the powerful
interior.
Suebian canton
which oppressed the Ubii presumably the same which subsequently appears under the name of the Chatti districts immediately adjoining the Ubian terribe evacuated and the non-combatant portion of the
caused the tory to
people to be placed in safety, while all the men capable of arms were directed to assemble at the centre of the canton.
The Roman accept this
general
had neither occasion nor
challenge;
his
object
desire to
partly to reconnoitre,
produce an impressive effect if possible upon the Germans, or at least on the Celts and his countrymen at partly to
home, by an expedition over the Rhine
was substantially
remaining eighteen days on the right bank of the Rhine he again arrived in Gaul and broke down the
attained
after
Rhine bridge behind him (699). There remained the insular Celts. From the close connection between them and the Celts of the continent,
55.
Expcdito
5
;
.
Britain.
especially the maritime cantons,
that they
had
ance, and that
|
patriots,
at least if
readily
be conceived resist-
they gave at any rate an honourable asylum in
in his native land. ]
may
they did not grant armed assistance to the
their sea-protected isle to every '
it
sympathized with the national
for the present, at
one who was no longer
This certainly involved a danger,
any
rate for the future
;
it
seemed
safe
if
not
judi-
:
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
63
if not to undertake the conquest of the island itself any rate to conduct there also defensive operations by offensive means, and to show the islanders by a landing on
cious at
arm of the Romans reached even across The first Roman officer who entered Brittany,^
the coast that the the Channel.
,
Publius Crassus, had already (697) crossed thence to the? "tin-islands" at the south-west point of England (Stilly islands); in the
summer of 699 Caesar himself with
57. ;
55.
only
two legions crossed the Channel at its narrowest part. 1/ He found the coast covered with masses of the enemy's
and
onward with his vessels ; but the British war-chariots moved on quite as fast by land as the Roman/' galleys by sea, and it was only with the utmost difficulty^ troops
sailed
'
Roman soldiers succeeded in gaining the shore id the face of the enemy, partly by wading, partly in boats^ under the protection of the ships of war, which swept the beach with missiles thrown from machines and by the hand.
that the
In the
first
islanders
alarm the nearest villages submitted
;
but the
soon perceived how weak the enemy was, and
1 The nature of the case as well as Caesar's express statement proves that the passages of Caesar to Britain were made from ports of the coast between Calais and Boulogne to the coast of Kent. more exact determination of the localities has often been attempted, but without success. All that is recorded is, that on the first voyage the infantry embarked at one port, the cavalry at another distant from the former eight miles in an easterly direction (iv. 22, 23, 28), and that the second voyage was made from that one of those two ports which Caesar had found most convenient, the (otherwise not further mentioned) Portus Itius, distant from the British coast 30 (so according to the MSS. of Caesar v. 2) or 40 miles ( 320 stadia, according to Strabo iv. 5, 2, who doubtless drew his account from From Caesar's words that he had chosen "the shortest Caesar). (iv. 21) crossing," we may doubtless reasonably infer that he crossed not the Channel but the Straits of Calais, but by no means that he crossed the latter by the mathematically shortest line. It requires the implicit faith of local topographers to proceed to the determination of the locality with such data in hand data of which the best in itself becomes almost useless from the variation of the authorities as to the number ; but among the many possibilities most may perhaps be said in favour of the view that the Itian
A
=
port (which Strabo
I.e.
is
which the infantry crossed
probably right in identifying with that from in the first voyage) is to be sought near Amble-
teuse to the west of Cape Gris Nez, and the cavalry-harbour near Ecale (Wissant) to the east of the same promontory, and that the landing took place to the east of Dover near Walmer Castle.
i
I
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
64
how he
did not venture to
move
far
BOOK v
from the shore.
The
and returned only which had been left
natives disappeared into the interior
threaten the 5
camp
;
and the
fleet,
the open roads, suffered very considerable first tempest that burst upon it. The
to in
damage from the
Romans had
to
reckon themselves fortunate in repelling the attacks of the barbarians till they had bestowed the necessary repairs on the ships, and in regaining with these the Gallic coast bad season of the year came on.
^before the
Caesar himself was so dissatisfied with the results of
this
expedition undertaken inconsiderately and with inadequate 55-54f means, that he immediately (in the winter of 699-700)
ordered a transport 54.
and
fleet
of
800
sail
to
be
fitted
out,
the spring of 700 sailed a second time for the Kentish coast, on this occasion with five legions and 2000 in
The
cavalry.
also
on the
forces of the Britons, assembled this time
shore, retired before the
mighty armada without
risking a battle ; Caesar immediately set out on his m^rch into the interior, and after some successful conflicts crossed
the river Stour; but he was obliged to halt very much against his will, because the fleet in the open roads had been again half destroyed by the storms of the Channel. Before they the drawn the beach and the extensive ships up upon got
arrangements made for their repair, precious time was which the Celts wisely turned to account.
The
Cassivd-
brave
ruled in what
is
lost,
and cautious prince Cassivellaunus, who now Middlesex and the surrounding district
formerly the terror of the Celts to the south of the '
Thames, but now the protector and champion of the whole nation had headed the defence of the land. He soon saw that nothing at all could be done with the Celtic infantry against the Roman, and that the mass of the which it was difficult to feed and difficult to general levy control
dismissed
was only a hindrance to the defence he therefore it and retained only the war-chariols, of which ;
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
65
he collected 4000, and in which the warriors, accustomed to leap down from their chariots and fight on foot, could be employed in a twofold manner like the burgess-cavalry Rome. When Caesar was once more able
of the earliest
he met with no interruption to
to continue his march,
but the British war-chariots
moved always
in
front
it
;
and
alongside of the Roman army, induced the evacuation of the country (which from the absence of towns proved no great difficulty), prevented the sending out of detachments,
The Thames was
and threatened the communications. apparently between
crossed
above London
by the Romans
Kingston ;
they
and
moved
)
Brentford/
forward, but
i
the general achieved no victory, the soldiers made no booty, and the only actual result, the submission of the Trinobantes in the modern Essex, was
made no
real progress
less the effect of
a dread of the
between
hostility
;
this
Romans
canton and
than of the deep
Cassivellaunus.
The
!
danger increased with every onward step, and the attack, which the princes of Kent by the orders of Cassivellaunus the Roman naval camp, although it was repulsed, The taking by storm an was urgent warning to turn back. in which a multitude of British a of tree-barricade, great
made on
cattle fell into the
hands of the Romans, furnished a passadvance and a tolerable
:
able conclusion to the aimless
Cassivellaunus was sagacious enough not to drive the dangerous enemy to extremities, and promised, as Caesar desired him, to abstain from disturbing pretext for returning.
v
the Trinobantes, to pay tribute and to furnish hostages ; nothing was said of delivering up arms or leaving behind a
-Roman
garrison,
and even those promises were,
it
may be
presumed, so far as they concerned the future, neither given nor received in earnest. After receiving the hostages Caesar returned to the naval it
would
conquer
camp and thence
to Gaul.
If he, as
had hoped on this occasion to the scheme was totally thwarted partly by
certainly seem, Britain,
VOL. v
138
I
;
}
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
66
BOOK v
the wise defensive system of Cassivellaunus, partly chiefly by the unserviceableness of the Italian oared in the waters of the
North Sea
;
for
certain that the
is
it
and fleet
j
1
stipulated
object
tribute
was never
of rousing
the
But the immediate
paid.
islanders
out
of their
haughty
and inducing them in their own interest no longer to allow their island to be a rendezvous for continental security
emigrants
seems certainly to have been attained
;
at least
no complaints are afterwards heard as to the bestowal of such protection.
The work
The ^
of "the' patriots.
of repelling the Germanic invasion and of
But it is subduing the continental Celts was completed. often easier to subdue a free nation than to keep a subdued one
in subjection.
The
rivalry for the
hegemony, by which
more even than by the attacks of Rome the Celtic nation had been ruined, was in some measure set aside by the conquest, inasmuch as the conqueror took the .hegemony to himself. Separate interests were silent ; under the com-
mon
oppression at any rate they felt themselves again as and the infinite value of that which they had ;
one people
with indifference gambled away
freedom and nationality
when they possessed
was now, when
it
was too
it
late,
But was it, appreciated by their infinite longing. With indignant shame they confessed to then, too late ? themselves that a nation, which numbered at least a million fully
of
men
capable of arms, a nation of ancient and well-founded
warlike renown, had allowed the yoke to be imposed upon The submission of it by, at the most, 50,000 Romans.
the confederacy of central Gaul without having struck even a blow ; the submission of the Belgic confederacy without having done more than merely shown a wish to strike ; the heroic fall on the other hand of the Nervii and the Veneti, the sagacious and successful resistance of the Morini, and all that in each case of the Britons under Cassivellaunus
had been done or neglected, had
failed or
had succeeded
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
67
spurred the minds of the patriots to new attempts, if possible, / more united and more successful. Especially among the.\ Celtic nobility there prevailed
every
moment
rection.
Even
an excitement, which seemed
must break out
into a general insurbefore the second expedition to Britain in
as
if it
the spring of 700 Caesar had found it necessary to go in person to the Treveri, who, since they had compromised
|>4.
themselves in the Nervian conflict in 697, had no longer appeared at the general diets and had formed more than
57.
Germans beyond the Rhine. had contented himself with carrying
suspicious connections with the
At
that time Caesar
men
the
of most note
among
the patriot party, particularly
Indutiomarus, along with him to Britain in the ranks of the Treverian cavalry-contingent ; he did his utmost to over-
look the conspiracy, that he might not by ripen norix,
it
into insurrection.
who
for Britain,
likewise
strict measures But when the Haeduan Dum-
was present
hostage, peremptorily refused to instead,
in
the
army destined
nominally as a cavalry officer, but really as a
Caesar
embark and rode home
could not do otherwise than have him
pursued as a deserter
;
he was accordingly overtaken by the
him and, when he stood on his defence, was cut down (700). That the most esteemed knight of the" 54. most powerful and still the least dependent of the Celtic cantons should have been put to death by the Romans, was division sent after
a thunder-clap for the whole Celtic nobility ; every one who was conscious of similar sentiments and they formed the saw in that catastrophe the picture of what great majority
was
;
in store for himself.
If patriotism
and despair had induced the heads of the and self-defence now drove
Celtic nobility to conspire, fear
In the winter of
insurrectlon
'
the conspirators to strike. 700701, with 54-53. the exception of a legion stationed in Brittany and a second in the very unsettled canton of the Carnutes (near Chartres), the whole Roman army numbering six legions was en-
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
68 in
camped
The
the Belgic territory.
scantiness
BOOK v of the
had induced Caesar to station his troops in six apart than he was otherwise wont to do
supplies of grain farther
camps constructed
different '\
in the cantons of the Bellovaci,
The fixed Ambiani, Morini, Nervii, Remi, and Eburones. camp placed farthest towards the east in the territory of the from the
Eburones, probably not
far
modern Tongern), the
strongest
of
later all,
Aduatuca (the consisting of a
legion under one of the most respected of Caesar's leaders
of division, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, besides different detachments led by the brave Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta 1
and amounting together to the strength of half a legion, found itself all of a sudden surrounded by the general levy of the Eburones under the kings Ambiorix and Catu-
The
volcus.
men
attack
absent from the
came so unexpectedly, that the very camp could not be recalled and were
cut of by the enemy ; otherwise the immediate danger was not great, as there was no lack of provisions, and the assault,
which the Eburones attempted, recoiled powerless Roman intrenchments. But king Ambiorix
from the
informed the in
camps and that
Roman commander
all
the
Roman
similarly assailed
several corps did not quickly set out that Sabinus
1
that
on the same day, the Romans would undoubtedly be lost if the Gaul were
had the more reason
and to
a junction ; haste, as the
effect
make
That Cotta, although not lieutenant-general of Sabinus, but like him was yet the younger and less esteemed general and was probably
legate,
directed in the event of a difference to yield, may be inferred both from the earlier services of Sabinus and from the fact that, where the two are named together (iv. 22, 38 ; v. 24, 26, 52 vi. 32 otherwise in vi. 37) Sabinus regularly takes precedence, as also from the narrative of the catastrophe itself. Besides we cannot possibly suppose that Caesar should have ;
;
camp two officers with equal authority, and have made no arrangement at all for the case of a difference of opinion. The five cohorts are not counted as part of a legion (comp. vi. 32, 33) any more than the twelve cohorts at the Rhine bridge (vi. 29, comp. 32, 33), and appear to have consisted of detachments of other portions of the army, which had been assigned to reinforce this camp situated nearest to the Germans. placed over a
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, viz
69
Germans too from beyond the Rhine were already advanchim ; that he himself out of friendship for the Romans would promise them a free retreat as far as the nearest Roman camp, only two days' march distant. Some things in these statements seemed no fiction ; that the little canton of the Eburones specially favoured by the ing against
'
Romans (p. 54) should have undertaken the attack of its own accord was in reality incredible, and, owing to the difficulty of effecting a communication with the other far -distant camps, the danger of being attacked by the whole mass of the insurgents and destroyed in detail was by no means to
be esteemed
slight
;
nevertheless
it
could not admit of
and prudence required the capitulation offered by the enemy and
the smallest doubt that both honour
them
to reject
to maintain the post entrusted to them.
Yet, although in of war numerous voices and especially the voice of Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta supported
the council
weighty
commandant determined to accept the proThe Roman troops accordingly of Ambiorix. posal marched off next morning; but when they had arrived
this view, the
at a
narrow valley about two miles from the camp they
found themselves surrounded by the Eburones and every outlet blocked. They attempted to open a way for themselves
by force of arms
;
but the Eburones would not
any close combat, and contented themselves with discharging their missiles from their unassailable posienter into
mass of the Romans. Bewildered, as seeking deliverance from treachery at the hands of the traitor, Sabinus requested a conference with Ambiorix ; it tions into the dense if
was granted, and he and the were first disarmed and then
commander
officers slain.
accompanying him After the
fall
the Eburones threw themselves from
of the
all
sides
once on the exhausted and despairing Romans, and broke their ranks ; most of them, including Cotta who had
at
already been wounded,
met
their death in this attack;
a
I
/
!
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST who had succeeded
small portion,
BOOK v
in regaining the aban-
flung themselves on their own swords during The whole corps was annihilated. the following night. This success, such as the insurgents themselves had
doned camp, Cicero attacked.
hardly ventured to hope for, increased the ferment among the Celtic patriots so greatly that the Romans were no longer sure of a single district with the exception of the Haedui and Remi, and the insurrection broke out at the
most diverse
First of all the
points.
Eburones followed
Reinforced by the levy of the Aduatuci, embraced the opportunity of requiting the gladly
their victory.
up
who
done to them by Caesar, and of the powerful and unsubdued Menapii, they appeared in the territory of the Nervii, who immediately joined them, and the whole injury still
host thus swelled to 60,000 the
in the
who commanded
there,
Cicero, /"
a
moved forward
Roman camp formed
had with
his
Quintus
weak corps
especially as the besiegers, learning constructed ramparts and trenches, testudines moveable towers after the Roman fashion, and
difficult
from the
and
to confront
Nervian canton.
position,
foe,
showered
fire
-
and burning spears over the strawThe only hope of the besieged
balls
covered huts of the camp.
on Caesar, who
rested
legions in his winter
But
Gaul
lay not so very far off with three
encampment
in the region of
Amiens.
a significant proof of the feeling that prevailed in for a considerable time not the slightest hint reached
the general either of the disaster of Sabinus or of the perilous situation of Cicero.
At length a Celtic horseman from Cicero's camp
Caesar proceeds his relief.
t
ceeded
in
stealing
through
the
enemy
to
Caesar.
suc-
On
receiving the startling news Caesar immediately set out, although only with two weak legions, together numbering
about
7000, and
nouncement
400 horsemen
the insurgents to raise
;
nevertheless
the an-
was advancing sufficed to induce It was time ; not onethe siege.
that Caesar
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
tenth of the Caesar,
71
men in Cicero's camp remained unwounded. whom the insurgent army had turned,
The
against
deceived the enemy, in the way which he had already on several occasions successfully applied, as to his strength
;
under the most unfavourable circumstances they ventured an assault upon the Roman camp and in doing so suffered a defeat.
It
that
nation,
is
singular,
but characteristic of the Celtic
consequence of
in
this
one
lost
battle,
or
perhaps rather in consequence of Caesar's appearance in person on the scene of
conflict, the insurrection, which had commenced so victoriously and extended so widely, The Nervii, suddenly and pitiably broke off the war.
Menapii, Aduatuci, Eburones, returned to their homes. forces of the maritime cantons, who had made pre-
The
parations
for
The
same.
assailing
the Eburones,
legion
in
Brittany,
did
the
whose leader Indutiomarus
the clients of the powerful neighbouring chiefly induced to that so successful
had been
canton, attack,
the
Treveri, through
had taken arms on the news of the
disaster
of
the territory of the Remi with the view of attacking the legion cantoned there under the command of Labienus ; they too desisted for the present
Aduatuca and advanced
from continuing
the
into
struggle.
Caesar not unwillingly
~\
postponed farther measures against the revolted districts not to expose his troops which till the spring, in order
had
much
j
the whole severity of the Gallic and with the of only reappearing in the field view winter, when the fifteen cohorts destroyed should have been resuffered
to
placed in an imposing manner by the levy of thirty new The insurrection mean-i cohorts which he had ordered. while
pursued
its
course,
although
there
was
for
the
moment
a suspension of arms. Its chief seats in central Gaul were, partly the districts of the Carnutes and the
neighbouring Senones (about Sens), the latter of whom drove the king appointed by Caesar out of their country ;
/
insur-
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
72
partly the
BOOK v
region of the Treveri, who invited the whole and the Germans beyond the Rhine to
Celtic emigrants
take part in the impending national war, and called out their whole force, with a view to advance in the spring a territory of the Remi, to capture the of and to seek a communication with the Labienus, corps on Seine Loire. The deputies of these the and insurgents
second time into the
three cantons remained absent from the diet convoked by Caesar in central Gaul, and thereby declared war just as
openly as a part of the Belgic cantons had done by the on the camps of Sabinus and Cicero.
attacks
The
winter was drawing to a close
when Caesar
set
out
with his army, which meanwhile had been considerably reThe attempts of the inforced, against the insurgents. Treveri to concentrate the revolt had not succeeded
;
the
agitated districts were kept in check by the marching in of
Roman in
troops,
and those
First
detail.
the
in
open rebellion were attacked
Nervii were
routed
The Senones and Carnutes met
person.
by Caesar in same fate.
the
The Menapii,
the only canton which had never submitted Romans, were compelled by a grand attack simultaneously directed against them from three sides to renounce their long-preserved freedom. Labienus meanwhile was preparing the same fate for the Treveri. Their first attack had been paralyzed, partly by the refusal of the adjoining German tribes to furnish them with mercenaries, to the
partly
by the
fact that
Indutiomarus, the soul of the whole
movement, had fallen in a skirmish with the cavalry of But they did not on this account abandon Labienus. their projects. With their whole levy they appeared in front of
Labienus and waited
for the
German bands
that
were to follow, for their recruiting agents found a better reception than they had met with from the dwellers on the Rhine,
among
['especially,
as
the warlike tribes of the interior of Germany, it would appear, among the Chatti. But
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
when Labienus seemed to
march
as
if
73
he wished to avoid these and
off in all haste, the Treveri attacked the
Romans
!
even before the Germans arrived and in a most unfavour-
1
able spot, and were completely defeated. Nothing remained ^ for the Germans who came up too late but to return,
nothing
the
for
Treverian
canton
but
to
government reverted to the head of the
submit;
Roman
Cingetorix, the son-in-law of Indutiomarus.
its
party
After these
expeditions of Caesar against the Menapii and of Labienus against the Treveri the whole Roman army was again. With the view of united in the territory of the latter.
rendering the Germans disinclined to once more crossed the Rhine, in order
come if
back, Caesar
possible to strike
i
i
j i
an emphatic blow against the troublesome neighbours ; but, as the Chatti, faithful to their tried tactics, assembled not on their western boundary, but far in the interior, apparently at the Harz mountains, for the defence of the land,
he immediately turned back and contented himself
with leaving behind a garrison at the passage of the Rhine. Accounts had thus been settled with all the tribes that
Retaliatory
took part in the rising; the Eburones alone were passed l^inst^he over but not forgotten. Since Caesar had met with the (Eburones. of Aduatuca, he had worn mourning and had sworn that he would only lay it aside when he should have disaster
avenged
his soldiers,
who had not
fallen in
honourable
had been treacherously murdered. Helpless and passive the Eburones sat in their huts and looked on, as the neighbouring cantons one after another submitted to war, but
the
Romans,
till
the
Roman
cavalry from the Treverian
advanced through the Ardennes into their land. So little were they prepared for the attack, that the cavalry had almost seized the king Ambiorix in his house; with
territory
f
great difficulty, while his attendants sacrificed themselves
on
he escaped into the neighbouring thicket. At the legions soon followed the cavalry.
his behalf,
Ten Roman
(
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
74
M same
time a
summons was
to hunt the outlawed
I
iconcert with
the
with
call,
issued to the surrounding tribes
Eburones and
Roman
the
including
HOOK v
soldiers
even
pillage their land in
not a
;
an
few complied
audacious
band
of
Sugambrian horsemen from the other side of the Rhine, who for that matter treated the Romans no better than the Eburones, and had almost by a daring coup de main The fate of the surprised the Roman camp at Aduatuca.
However they might hide themand morasses, there were more hunters
Eburones was dreadful. selves in forests
than game. Many put themselves to death like the grayhaired prince Catuvolcus ; only a few saved life and liberty,
but
among
these few was the
man whom
the
Romans
sought above all to seize, the prince Ambiorix; with but This execution ifour horsemen he escaped over the Rhine. which had canton the transgressed above all the against
53.
3.
;
i
Second
in-
surrection.
was followed
in the other districts by processes of The season for clemency treason against individuals. high At the bidding of the Roman proconsul the was past.
/rest i
1
eminent Carnutic knight Acco was beheaded by Roman lictors (701) and the rule of the fasces was thus formally Opposition was silent ; tranquillity everyinaugurated.
where prevailed. Caesar went as he was wont towards the end of the year (701) over the Alps, that through the winter he might observe more closely the daily-increasing complications in the capital.
The cu i a ted.
The
sagacious calculator had on this occasion miscalThe f} re was smothered, but not extinguished.
stroke,
under which the head of Acco
by the whole Celtic position
The
nobility.
At
this very
was
felt
moment
the
fell,
of affairs presented better prospects than ever. winter had evidently failed
insurrection of the last
only through Caesar himself appearing on the scene of now he was at a distance, detained on the Po by ;
action
the imminence of
civil
war,
and the Gallic army, which
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
75
was collected on the upper Seine, was far separated from If a general insurrection now broke its dreaded leader. out in central Gaul, the
Roman army might be surrounded, Roman province be over-
and the almost undefended old
beyond the Alps, even if him
run, before Caesar reappeared
the Italian complications did not altogether prevent from further concerning himself about Gaul.
Conspirators from all the cantons of central Gaul The assembled ; the Carnutes, as most directly affected by the j
execution of Acco, offered to take the lead. in
day
winter
the
of
701
702
the
On
Carnutic
a set
knights
/
53-52.
Conconnetodumnus gave at Cenabum the signal for the rising, and put to death in a (Orleans) Romans who happened to be there. The most the body vehement agitation seized the length and breadth of the Gutruatus
and
great Celtic land selves.
the patriots everywhere bestirred themstirred the nation so deeply as the f The government of this .The the Arverni. ;
But nothing of
insurrection
community, which had formerly under its kings been the first in southern Gaul, and had still after the fall of its principality
occasioned
v
by the unfortunate wars against
Rome
418) continued to be one of the wealthiest, (iii. most civilized, and most powerful in all Gaul, had hitherto the governing
common
an attempt to induce vain.
The
against the itself;
Even now the patriot party council was in the minority; to join the insurrection was in
Rome.
inviolably adhered to in
it
attacks of the patriots were therefore directed
common
and the more
council and the existing constitution so, that the change of constitution
which among the Arverni had substituted the
common
council for the prince (p. 19) had taken place after the victories of the Romans and probably under their influence. The leader of the Arvernian patriots Vercingetorix, one
of those nobles
almost
regal
whom we meet
repute in and
with
beyond
among his
the Celts, of
canton,
and a
yWrcingctorix-
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
76
BOOK v
sagacious man to boot, left the capital and the country people, who were as hostile to the ruling oligarchy as to the Romans, at once to re-establish the Arvernian monarchy and to go to war with Rome. stately, brave,
.
summoned
\
The
multitude quickly joined him ; the restoration of the throne of Luerius and Betuitus was at the same time the declaration of a national war against
Rome.
The
centre
of unity, from the want of which all previous attempts of the nation to shake off the foreign yoke had failed, was
now found
new self-nominated king of the Arverni. became for the Celts of the continent what Vercingetorix in the
was
Cassivellaunus
for
the
insular
strongly pervaded the masses that he, man to save the nation.
The
Spread of the insur-
west from the
mouth of
Celts; if
the
feeling
any one, was the
the Garonne to that of the
Seine was rapidly infected by the insurrection, and Vercingetorix was recognized by all the cantons there as
rection.
commander- in -chief; where the common council made any ;
multitude
the
difficulty,
movement;
only
a
few
compelled it to join the such as that of the
cantons,
Bituriges, required compulsion to join it, and these perThe insurrection found haps only for appearance' sake. a less favourable soil in the regions to the east of the
Everything here depended on the Haedui
upper Loire.
and these wavered. canton
The
patriotic party
;
was very strong
but the old antagonism to the leading of to the most the Arverni counterbalanced their influence in this
;
serious detriment of the insurrection, as the accession of
cantons, particularly of the Sequani and on the accession of the Haedui, was conditional Helvetii, and generally in this part of Gaul the decision rested with
the
eastern
them.
While the insurgents were thus labouring partly
induce
the
cantons
that
still
hesitated,
especially
to
the
Haedui, to join them, partly to get possession of Narbo one of their leaders, the daring Lucterius, had already
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
77
appeared on the Tarn within the limits of the old province the Roman commander-in-chief suddenly presented himself in the depth of winter, unexpected alike by friend He quickly made the and foe, on this side of the Alps. necessary preparations to cover the old province, and not only so, but sent also a corps over the snow -covered Cevennes into the Arvernian territory ; but he could not
LAppear-
^^
r
j
,
/
\
remain here, where the accession of the Haedui to the Gallic alliance might any moment cut him off from his
army encamped about Sens and Langres. With all secrecy he went to Vienna, and thence, attended by only a few horsemen, through the territory of the Haedui to his troops, The hopes, which had induced the conspirators to declare themselves, vanished
;
peace continued in
i
I
i
Italy,
and Caesar
folly
under such The
stood once more at the head of his army.
But what were they to do? circumstances to
arms
;
for these
let
the matter
It
was
come
had already decidedly
to the decision of
irrevocably.
They
might as well attempt to shake the Alps by throwing stones at them as to shake the legions by means of the Celtic bands, whether these might be congregated in huge masses or sacrificed in detail canton after canton.
Vercingetorix He adopted a system despaired of defeating the Romans. of warfare similar to that by which Cassivellaunus had
The Roman
saved the insular Celts.
be vanquished;
but
Caesar's
infantry was not
cavalry
consisted
exclusively of the contingent of the Celtic nobility,
to-4
almost
and was
It was possible practically dissolved by the general revolt. for the insurrection, which was in fact essentially composed
of
th.e
Celtic nobility, to develop such a superiority in this
far and wide, burn destroy the magazines, and endanger the supplies and the communications of the enemy, without his being able seriously to hinder it. Vercinge-
arm, that
it
could lay waste the land
down towns and
villages,
torix accordingly directed all his efforts to the increase of his
Galllc
of war.
Plan
.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
BOOK v
infantry-archers who were according to of fighting of that time regularly associated with it. He did not send the immense and self- obstructing masses of the militia of the line to their homes, but he did
cavalry,
the
and of the
mode
not allow them to face the enemy, and attempted to impart to them gradually some capacity of intrenching, marching, and manoeuvring, and some perception that the soldier is /
not destined merely for hand-to-hand combat. Learning from the enemy, he adopted in particular the Roman
system of encampment, on which depended the whole secret of the tactical superiority of the Romans ; for in
consequence of advantages
of
it
the
every
Roman
corps combined of a fortress with
garrison 1 advantages of an offensive army.
It
is
all all
the the
true that a system
completely adapted to Britain which had few towns and to its rude, resolute, and on the whole united inhabitants was not absolutely transferable to the rich regions on the Loire and their indolent inhabitants on the eve of utter political i
I
dissolution.
Vercingetorix at least accomplished this much,
that they did" not attempt as hitherto to hold every
town
with the result of holding none ; they agreed to destroy the townships not capable of defence before attack reached
them,
but
fortresses.
to defend with all their might the strong At the same time the Arvernian king did what
he could to bind to the cause of their country the cowardly
and backward by stern severity, the hesitating by entreaties and representations, the covetous by gold, the decided opponents by force, and to compel or allure the rabble Beginnin: of the straggle.
high or low to some manifestation of patriotism. Even before the winter was at an end, he threw himself 1 This, it is true, was only possible, so long as offensive weapons chiefly aimed at cutting and stabbing. In the modern mode of warfare, as Napoleon has excellently explained, this system has become inapplicable, because with our offensive weapons operating from a distance the deployed In Caesar's time position is more advantageous than the concentrated. the reverse was the case.
~^C
CHAP,
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
vn
.
79
on the Boil settled by Caesar in the territory of the Haeduf, with the view of annihilating these, almost the sole trustThe news worthy allies of Rome, before Caesar came up. of this attack induced Caesar, leaving behind the baggage
and two legions in the winter quarters of Agedincum than he would (Sens), to march immediately and earlier
He doubtless otherwise have done, against the insurgents. sorely-felt want of cavalry and light infantry in
remedied the
some measure by gradually bringing up German mercenaries, instead of using their own small and weak ponies were furnished with Italian and Spanish horses partly bought, partly
who
procured by requisition of the officers. Caesar, after having by the way caused Cenabum, the~ capital of the Carnutes,
which had given the signal
and
moved
laid in ashes,
for the revolt, to
be pillaged
over the Loire into the country of
He
thereby induced Vercingetorix to of the town of the Boii, and to resort siege Here the new mode of warfare likewise to the Bituriges. the
Bituriges.
abandon the
I
By order of Vercingetorix more than of the Bituriges perished in the flames on twenty townships one day ; the general decreed a similar self-devastation as was
first
to
be
tried.
to the
neighbour cantons, so
by the
Roman
far as
j
they could be reached
foraging parties.
According to
his
intention,
Avaricum (Bourges), the
Caesar
and strong capital of the Bituriges, was to meet the ^ same fate ; but the majority of the war-council yielded to j rich
the suppliant entreaties of the Biturigian authorities, and{ resolved rather to defend that city with all their energy. Thus the war was concentrated in the first instance around
Avaricum.
Vercingetorix placed his infantry amidst the morasses adjoining the town in a position so unapproachable, that even without being covered by the cavalry they
needed not to
fear the attack of the legions.
cavalry covered
all
tion.
The
Celtic
the roads and obstructed the communica-
The town was
strongly garrisoned,
and the connec-
f
i
J
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
8o
between
tion
open.
it
and the army before the
to induce the Celtic infantry to fight stirred
walls
Caesar's position was very awkward.
from
not
was kept
The
attempt
was unsuccessful
unassailable lines.
the town trenched
front of
in
soldiers
its
BOOK v
it
his
fought,
the
Bravely
and
;
as
besieged vied with them in ingenuity and courage, and they had almost succeeded in setting fire to the siege apparatus The task withal of supplying an army "lof their opponents.
of nearly 60,000
men
with provisions in a country devastated
and wide and scoured by far superior bodies of cavalry became daily more difficult. The slender stores of the Boii far
the supply promised by the Haedui appear ; the corn was already consumed, and the But the soldier was placed exclusively on flesh-rations.
were soon used up
;
failed to
moment was approaching when
the town, with whatever
contempt of death the garrison fought, could be held no Still it was not impossible to withdraw the troops longer. secretly
by night and destroy the town, before the enemy
occupied
it.
Vercingetorix
made arrangements
for
this
purpose, but the cry of distress raised at the moment of evacuation by the women and children left behind attracted
Romans ; the departure miscarried. the following gloomy and rainy day the Romans scaled the walls, and, exasperated by the obstinate defence, The spared neither age nor sex in the conquered town.
the attention of the Avaricum conquered
On
jample stores, which the Celts had accumulated in
it,
were
With the capture success had been
'welcome to the starved soldiers of Caesar. of Avaricum (spring of
702), a
first
achieved over the insurrection, and according to former experience Caesar might well expect that it would now dissolve,
and
that
it
would only be requisite to deal with the cantons After he had therefore shown himself with
individually.
in the canton of the Haedui and had by imposing demonstration compelled the patriot party in a ferment there to keep quiet at least for the moment, he his
this
whole army
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
81
divided his army and sent Labienus back to Agedincum, JCaesar des that in combination with the troops left there he might at
^
his
the head of four legions suppress in the first instance the ,movement in the territory of the Carnutes and Senones, who on this occasion once more took the lead while lie ;
himself with the six remaining legions turned to the soutli and prepared to carry the war into the Arvernian mountains, the proper territory of Vercingetorix.
Labienus moved from Agedincum up the
left
bank of
Labienus
the Seine with a view to possess himself of Lutetia (Paris), the town of the Parisii situated on an island in the Seine,
and from
this well -secured
insurgent country to reduce
position in the it
heart of the
again to subjection.
But
behind Melodunum (Melun), he found his route barred by the whole army of the insurgents, which had here taken
up a position between unassailable morasses under the Labienus retreated leadership of the aged Camulogenus. a certain distance, crossed the Seine at Melodunum, and moved up its right bank unhindered towards Lutetia;
Camulogenus caused this town to be burnt and the bridges leading to the left bank to be broken down, and took up a position over against Labienus, in which the latter could neither bring him to battle nor effect a passage under the
t
eyes of the hostile army.
The Roman main army in its turn advanced along the down into the canton of the Arverni. Vercingetorix
Allier
attempted to prevent it from crossing to the left bank of the Allier, but Caesar overreached him and after some 1 days stood before the Arvernian capital Gergovia. 1
Ver-
This place has been sought on a rising ground which is still named Gergoie, a league to the south of the Arvernian capital Nemetum, the modern Clermont and both the remains of rude fortress-walls brought to light in excavations there, and the tradition of the name which is traced in documents up to the tenth century, leave no room for doubt as to the Moreover it accords, as correctness of this determination of the locality. with the other statements of Caesar, so especially with the fact that he pretty clearly indicates Gergovia as the chief place of the Arverni (vii. 4). ;
VOL. V
139
Caesar
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
82
cingetorix, however, doubtless
in
even while he was confronting
had caused sufficient stores to be Gergovia and a fixed camp provided with
Caesar on the collected
BOOK v
Allier,
strong stone ramparts to be constructed for his troops in front of the walls of the town, which was situated on the
summit of a pretty steep hill start, he arrived before Caesar
j
;
and, as he had a sufficient at
Gergovia and awaited the
[attack in the fortified camp under the wall of the fortress. Caesar with his comparatively weak army could neither Fruitless blockade. regularly besiege the place nor even sufficiently blockade it
he pitched
;
his
camp below
the rising ground occupied
by Vercingetorix, and was compelled
to preserve
an attitude
was almost a victory for the insurgents, that Caesar's career of advance from triumph to triumph had been suddenly checked on the Seine as on as inactive as his opponent.
It
In fact the consequences of this check for Caesar were almost equivalent to those of a defeat. The Haedui, who had hitherto continued vacillating,
the Allier.
The Haedui
now made
preparations in earnest to join the patriotic of men, whom Caesar had ordered to the body party Gergovia, had on the march been induced by its officers to
,
waver. ;
1
;
(.declare
begun
for
in the
the insurgents; at the
canton
itself to
same time they had
plunder and kill the Romans had gone with two-thirds of
settled there. Caesar, who the blockading army to meet that corps of the Haedui
which was being brought up to Gergovia, had by his sudden appearance recalled it to nominal obedience ; but it
was more than ever a hollow and
fragile relation, the
continuance of which had been almost too dearly purchased by the great peril of the two legions left behind in front of Gergovia. !
availing
We
For
Vercingetorix,
himself of Caesar's
rapidly
and
resolutely
departure, had during
his
shall have accordingly to assume, that the Arvcrnians after their defeat were compelled to transfer their settlement from Gergovia to the neighbouring less strong Nemetum.
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
83
absence made an attack on them, which had wellnigh
ended
in their being overpowered,
and the
(
Roman camp
Caesar's unrivalled celerity alone being taken by storm. averted a second catastrophe like that of Aduatuca.
Though
the
Haedui made once more
might be foreseen
that,
prolonged without
result,
on the
selves
if
fair promises, it the blockade should still be
they would openly range them-
side of the insurgents
and would thereby accession would
it; compel Caesar interrupt the communication between him and Labienus, and expose the latter especially in his isolation to the Caesar was resolved not to let matters greatest peril.
to
come
raise
for
their
however painful and even dangerous from Gergovia without having accomplished his object, nevertheless, if it must be done, rather to set out immediately and by marching into the canton of the
it
to this pass, but,
was to
retire
Haedui
to prevent at any cost their formal desertion. Before entering however on this retreat, which was far/ Caesar d from agreeable to his quick and confident temperament, he before
made
yet a last attempt to free himself from his painful Gergovia.
While the bulk of the perplexity by a brilliant success. garrison of Gergovia was occupied in intrenching the side on which the assault was expected, the Roman general watched
his opportunity to surprise another access less In conveniently situated but at the moment left bare. reality the Roman storming columns scaled the camp-wall,
and occupied the nearest quarters of the camp; but the whole garrison was already alarmed, and owing to the small distances Caesar found it not advisable to risk the second assault on the retreat
;
but the
city-wall.
foremost
He
legions,
gave the signal for
carried
away by the
impetuosity of victory, heard not or did not wish to hear, and pushed forward without halting, up to the city-wall, some even into the city. But masses more and more
dense threw themselves in front of the intruders
;
the fore-
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST most
fell,
legionaries
BOOK v
the columns stopped ; in vain centurions and fought with the most devoted and heroic
courage ; the assailants were chased with very considerable loss out of the town and down the hill, where the troops 1
i
Renewed
by Caesar
stationed
greater
the
plain
received
them
and
The expected
700 soldiers that had fallen, including 46 centurions was the least part of the misfortune suffered. The imposing position of Caesar in Gaul depended
insurrec-
essentially
tion.
in
mischief.
capture of Gergovia had been converted into a defeat, and the conthere were counted siderable loss in killed and wounded
prevented
this
on the halo of victory
began to
grow
pale.
The
him ; and around Avaricum,
that surrounded
conflicts
Caesar's vain attempts to compel the enemy to fight, the of the city and its almost accidental bore a stamp different from that of the storm capture by
resolute defence
wars, and had strengthened rather than of the Celts in themselves and the confidence impaired the their leader. new system of warfare the Moreover, earlier
Celtic
making head against the enemy in intrenched camps under the protection of fortresses had completely approved itself at
the
first
Lutetia as well as at Gergovia.'
Lastly, this defeat,
which Caesar in person had suffered from the
crowned their success, and it accordingly gave as it were the signal for a second outbreak of the insurrection. The Haedui now broke formally with Caesar and entered Celts,
Rising of the
Haedui.
Their contingent, which with Caesar's army, not only deserted from it, but also took occasion to carry off the depots of the army of into
was
union with Vercingetorix.
still
Caesar at Noviodunum on the Loire, whereby the chests and magazines, a number of remount-horses, and all the hostages furnished to Caesar, fell into the hands of the Rising of the
It was of at least equal importance, that on news the Belgae, who had hitherto kept aloof from the The whole movement, began to bestir themselves.
insurgents. .
this Helgae.1
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
85
powerful canton of the Bellovaci rose with the view of attacking in the rear the corps of Labienus, while it confronted at Lutetia the levy of the surrounding cantons of central Gaul.
arms
;
with
it
of
Everywhere
else too
men
were taking to
the strength of patriotic enthusiasm carried along even the most decided and most favoured partisans
Rome, such
as
Commius king
of the Atrebates,
account
of his
Romans
important privileges for
faithful
services
hegemony over the Morini. tion ramified
The
even into the old
who on
had received from the his community and the threads of the insurrec-
Roman
province they perhaps not without ground, of inducing the Allobroges themselves to take arms against
cherished
the
the
Romans.
With the
of the districts the
:
hope,
Suessiones,
single exception of the
Remi and
dependent immediately on the Remi of Leuci, and Lingones, whose peculiar/
{
was not affected even amidst this general en-/ thusiasm, the whole Celtic nation from the Pyrenees to the Rhine was now in reality, for the first and for the last time, isolation
arms for its freedom and nationality ; whereas, singularly enough, the whole German communities, who in the former In fact, struggles had held the foremost rank, kept aloof. in
the Treveri, and as
it
would seem the Menapii
also,
were
prevented by their feuds with the Germans from taking an active part in the national war. It
retreat
was a grave and decisive moment, when after the from Gergovia and the loss of Noviodunum a
council of war was held in Caesar's headquarters regarding the measures now to be adopted. Various voices expressed
themselves in favour of a retreat over the Cevennes into
Roman
now lay open on all sides in urgent need of the was certainly that from had been sent Rome legions primarily for its this But timid strategy Caesar protection. rejected
the old
province, which
to the insurrection
and
suggested not by the position of
affairs,
but by government-
Caesar's
pla"
]
/
\
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
86 /
fear
of
He
responsibility.
contented
himself with calling the general levy of the Romans settled in the province to arms, and having the frontiers guarded On the other hand by that levy to the best of its ability.
;
Caesar unites
with Labienus.
and
instructions
BOOK v
\
/
set out in the opposite direction and advanced forced marches to Agedincum, to which he ordered by The Celts naturally Labienus to retreat in all haste.
he himself
endeavoured to prevent the junction of the two Roman armies. Labienus might by crossing the Marne and marching down the right bank of the Seine have reached Agedincum, where he had left his reserve and his baggage ; but he preferred not to allow the Celts again to behold the retreat of
the
Roman
He therefore instead of crossing the Seine under the eyes of the deluded left bank fought a battle with the hostile
troops.
Marne crossed
enemy, and on its in which he conquered, and among many others the Celtic general himself, the old Camulogenus, was left
forces,
field. Nor were the insurgents more successful in detaining Caesar on the Loire ; Caesar gave them no time to assemble larger masses there, and without difficulty
on the
dispersed the militia of the Haedui, which alone he found at that point Position of the
insurgents at Alesia.
Thus
the junction of the two divisions of the
army was
The
happily accomplished. insurgents meanwhile had consulted as to the farther conduct of the war at Bibracte
(Autun) the capital of the Haedui ; the soul of these consultations was again Vercingetorix, to whom the nation was enthusiastically
attached
after
Particular interests were not,
the
Haedui
still
it
the is
victory true,
of
Gergovia.
even now
silent
;
in this death-struggle of the nation asserted
their claims to the
hegemony, and made a proposal
national assembly to substitute a leader of their
in the
own
for
But the national representatives had not merely declined this and confirmed Vercingetorix in the supreme command, but had also adopted his plan of war
Vercingetorix.
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
without alteration.
It
87
was substantially the same as that at Avaricum and at Gergovia.
on which he had operated
As the base of the new
position there was selected the
Mandubii, Alesia (Alise Sainte Reine near Semur in the department Cote d'Or) 1 and another strong city of the
Imentrenched camp was constructed under its walls. mense stores were here accumulated, and the army was ordered thither from Gergovia, having its cavalry raised by resolution of the national assembly to 15,000 horse. Caesar with the whole strength of his army after it was reunited at
Agedincum took the
with the view of
direction
of
Besanon,
now approaching
the alarmed province from an invasion, for in fact bands of
and protecting it insurgents had already shown themselves in the of the Helvii on the south slope of the Cevennes.
territory
Alesia
lay almost on his way ; the cavalry of the Celts, the only arm with which Vercingetorix chose to operate, attacked
him on the route, but to the surprise of all was worsted by the new German squadrons of Caesar and the Roman infantry drawn up in support of them. Vercingetorix hastened the more to shut himself up in Alesia; and if Caesar was not disposed altogether to renounce the
offensive,
no course was
left
to
him but
Caesar "1
for
the third time in this campaign to proceed by way of attack with a far weaker force against an army encamped under a
and well-provisioned fortress and supplied with immense masses of cavalry. But, while the Celts had Siege of esia hitherto been opposed by only a part of the Roman legions, well-garrisoned
*
j
the whole forces of Caesar were united in the lines round Alesia,
ceeded
and Vercingetorix did not succeed, as he had sucat Avaricum and Gergovia, in placing his infantryj
under the protection of the walls of the
fortress
and keeping
1 The question so much discussed of late, whether Alesia is not rather be identified with Alaise (25 kilometres to the south of Besan9on, dep. Doubs), has been rightly answered in the negative by all judicious inquirers.
to
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
88
I
his external
BOOK v
communications open for his own benefit by he interrupted those of the enemy. The
his cavalry, while \
/ Celtic cavalry, already discouraged
by that defeat inflicted on them by their lightly esteemed opponents, was beaten The line by Caesar's German horse in every encounter.
;
of circumvallation of the besiegers extending about nine miles invested the whole town, including the camp attached \to
it.
Vercingetorix had been prepared for a struggle walls, but not for being besieged in Alesia ; in
under the
that point of view the
accumulated
stores, considerable as
they were, were yet far from sufficient for his
army
which
was said to amount to 80,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry and for the numerous inhabitants of the town. Vercingethis
could not but perceive that his plan of warfare had on occasion turned to his own destruction, and that he
was
lost unless
torix
the whole nation hastened up to the rescue
The existing provisions were when the Roman circumvallation was closed, sufficient for a month and perhaps something more at the last moment, when there was still free passage at least for of
its
blockaded general.
still,
;
horsemen, Vercingetorix dismissed his whole cavalry, and sent at the same time to the heads of the nation instructions to call out all their forces Alesia.
He
himself,
sponsibility for the
and lead them
resolved
to the relief of
to bear in person the re-
plan of war which he had projected in the fortress, to
and which had miscarried, remained .'
share in good or evil the fate of his followers.
made up /
He on
I
his
mind
at
once to besiege and
to
But Caesar be besieged.
prepared his line of circumvallation for defence also outer side, and furnished himself with provisions for
its
a longer period. The days passed ; they had no longer a boll of grain in the fortress, and they were obliged to drive out the unhappy inhabitants of the town to perish miserably
between the entrenchments of the Celts and of the Romans, :
pitilessly rejected
by both.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
At the
last
89
hour there appeared behind Caesar's
lines Attempt a
the interminable array of the Celto-Belgic relieving army, said
amount
to
250,000 ihfantry and 8000
to
reliefi
cavalry.
From
the Channel to the Cevennes the insurgent cantons had strained every nerve to rescue the flower of their
and the general of their choice the Bellovaci alone had answered that they were doubtless disposed to fight against the Romans, but not beyond their own patriots
The
bounds.
and the double
first
relieving
line,
assault,
which the besieged of Alesia made on the Roman/
/
conflicts
troops without
was repulsed; but, when
was repeated, the Celts succeeded line of circumvallation ran
after a day's rest at a spot
it;
where the
over the slope of a
hill
and
in filling up the could be assailed from the height above trenches and hurling the defenders down from the rampart.
Then Labienus,
the nearest cohorts
sent thither by
Caesar, collected
and threw himself with four
legions the eyes of the general, who himself appeared at the most dangerous moment, the assailants were driven back in a desperate hand-to-hand conflict,
on the
foe.
Under
and the squadrons of cavalry
that
came with Caesar
the fugitives in rear completed the defeat. It was more than a great victory ; the fate of Alesia, and indeed of the Celtic nation, was thereby irrevocably
The
decided. at
Celtic army, utterly disheartened, dispersed
once from the battle-field and went home.
Vercinge-
might perhaps have even now taken to flight, or at least have saved himself by the last means open to a free man ; he did not do so, but declared in a council of war torix
he had not succeeded in breaking off the alien he was yoke, ready to give himself up as a victim and to avert as far as possible destruction from the nation by
that, Since
bringing
it
on
his
own
head.
This was done.
The
Celtic
the solemn choice of the delivered their general whole nation over to the enemy of their country for such
officers
]
taking Alesia capltl
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
90
BOOK v
Mounted on his punishment as might be thought fit steed and in full armour the king of the Arverni appeared
j
Roman proconsul and rode round his tribunal ; then he surrendered his horse and arms, and sat down in before the
on the steps
silence
52.
Vercinge-
|
executed,
i
I
at Caesar's feet (702).
Five years afterwards he was led in triumph through tne streets of the Italian capital, and, while his conqueror was offering solemn thanks to the gods on the summit of the Capitol, Vercingetorix was beheaded at of high treason against the Roman nation.
its
foot as guilty
As
after a
day
of gloom the sun may perhaps break through the clouds at its setting, so destiny may bestow on nations in their decline yet a last great man.
Thus Hannibal stands
at the close
of the Phoenician history, and Vercingetorix at the close of the Celtic. They were not able to save the nations to
which they belonged from a foreign yoke, but they spared an inglorious fall. last remaining disgrace
them the
Vercingetorix, just like the Carthaginian, was obliged to contend not merely against the public foe, but also and
I
/
above
\
all
egotists .
;
against that anti-national opposition of
and
startled cowards,
wounded
which regularly accompanies
a degenerate civilization ; for him too a place in history is secured, not by his battles and sieges, but by the fact that
he was able to furnish
in his
own person a
centre
and
nation distracted and ruined by the And yet there can hardly rivalry of individual interests. be a more marked contrast than between the sober towns-
rallying -point
to a
man
of the Phoenician mercantile city, whose plans were directed towards one great object with unchanging energy throughout fifty years, and the bold prince of the Celtic land, fall
whose mighty deeds and high-minded one brief summer.
within the compass of
self-sacrifice
The whole
ancient world presents no more genuine knight, whether as regards his essential character or his outward appearBut man ought not to be a mere knight, and least ance.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
of
all
the statesman.
91
was the knight, not the hero, who
It
disdained to escape from Alesia, when for the nation more depended on him than on a hundred thousand ordinary It was the knight, not the hero, who gave brave men. himself up as a sacrifice, when the only thing gained by that sacrifice was that the nation publicly dishonoured itself and with equal cowardice and absurdity employed its last
breath in proclaiming that
its
great historical death-
How very struggle was a crime against its oppressor. different was the conduct of Hannibal in similar positions !
It
is
impossible to part
from the noble king of the Arverni
without a feeling of historical and human sympathy ; but a significant trait of the Celtic nation, that its greatest
it is
man was after all merely a knight. The fall of Alesia and the capitulation enclosed in
it
were
fearful
of the army The
blows for the Celtic insurrection
;
but blows quite as heavy had befallen the nation and yet The loss of Vercingetorix, the conflict had been renewed.
With him unity had come to however, was irreparable. the nation ; with him it seemed also to have departed. We do not find that the insurgents made any attempt to continue their joint defence and to appoint another generalissimo; the league of patriots fell to pieces of itself, and every clan was
Romans
left
to
fight
or
come
to
terms with the
pleased. Naturally the desire after rest too had an interest in bringCaesar everywhere prevailed. an war to end. the Of the ten years of his quickly ing as
it
governorship seven had elapsed, and the last was called in question by his political opponents in the capital ; he could only reckon with some degree of certainty on two more
summers, and, while his interest as well as his honour required that he should hand over the newly-acquired regions to his successor in a condition of tolerable peace and tranquillity, there was in truth but scanty time to bring
about such a state of things.
To
exercise
mercy was
in
!
last
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
92
BOOK v
more a necessity for the victor than for the and he might thank his stars that the internal dissensions and the easy temperament of the Celts met him in this respect half way. Where as in the two most this case
still
vanquished
;
eminent cantons of central Gaul, those of the Haedui and there existed a strong party well disposed to the cantons obtained immediately after the fall of Alesia a complete restoration of their former relations with f
Arverni
Rome,
\Rome, and even
their captives,
20,000
in
number, were
released without ransom, while those of the other clans
passed into the hard bondage of the victorious legionaries. 'The greater portion of the' Gallic districts submitted like the Haedui and Arverni to their fate, and allowed their with the
|
52-5\.\ i
with the
punishment to be inflicted without farther But not a few clung in foolish frivolity or
inevitable
resist-
ance.
sullen
despair to the lost cause, till the appeared within their borders.
Roman
troops of execution
Such expeditions were in the winter of 702-703 undertaken against the Bituriges and
:th*e
Carnutes.
More serious resistance was offered by the Bellovaci, who in the previous year had kept aloof from the relief of Alesia
on
they seem to have wished to show that their absence day at least did not proceed from want of
;
that decisive
The Atrebates, Ambiani, courage or of love for freedom. and other Belgic cantons took part in this struggle ;
jCaletes,
the brave king of the Atrebates Commius, whose accession to the insurrection the Romans had least of all forgiven, and against whom recently Labienus had even directed an atrocious attempt at assassination, brought to the Bellovaci 500 German horse, whose value the campaign of the pre-
vious year had shown. The resolute and talented Bellovacian Correus, to whom the chief conduct of the war had fallen,
waged warfare
as Vercingetorix
with no small success.
had waged
it,
and
Although Caesar had gradually brought up the greater part of his army, he could neither
CHAP,
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
vu
93
bring the infantry of the Bellovaci to a battle, nor even it from taking up other positions which afforded
prevent
better protection against his
Roman
horse, especially the
most severe enemy's
losses in various
cavalry,
Commius.
But
skirmish with the
especially after
augmented Celtic
forces
while the
;
contingents,
combats
at the
of
German
the
suffered
hands of the cavalry
of
Correus had met his death in a
Roman
foragers, the resistance here too
was broken; the victor proposed tolerable conditions, to which the Bellovaci along with their confederates submitted.
The
Treveri were reduced to obedience by Labienus, and incidentally the territory of the outlawed Eburones was
once more traversed and
Thus the
laid waste..
last resist-
ance of the Belgic confederacy was broken. The maritime cantons still made an attempt to defend on themselves against the Roman domination in concert with their neighbours on the Loire. Insurgent bands from the and other Carnutic, Andian, surrounding cantons assembled
on the lower Loire and besieged
in
Lemonum
the
oire '
(Poitiers)
the prince of the Pictones who was friendly to the Romans. But here too a considerable Roman force soon appeared against them ; the insurgents abandoned the siege, and
between themand the enemy, but were overtaken on the march and defeated; whereupon the Carnutes and the other retreated with the view of placing the Loire selves
revolted cantons, including even the maritime ones, sent in their submission.
The
resistance was at
an end
;
save that an isolated and
in "
here and there upheld the national bold Drappes and the brave comrade in
leader of free bands
The
banner.
still
arms of Vercingetorix Lucterius, after the breaking up of the army united on the Loire, gathered together the most
men, and with these threw themselves into the mountain-town of Uxellodunum on the Lot, 1 which strong resolute
1
This
is
usually sought at
Capdenac not
far
from Figeac
;
Goler has
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
94
amidst severe and
fatal conflicts
BOOK v
they succeeded in
suffi-
In spite of the loss of their leaders, ciently provisioning. of whom Drappes had been taken prisoner, and Lucterius
from the town, the garrison resisted to the till Caesar appeared in person, and
had been cut
off
uttermost
was not
under
it
;
his orders the spring
their water
from which the besieged derived
was diverted by means of subterranean
drains,
that the fortress, the last stronghold of the Celtic nation,
To
fell.
distinguish
the last champions of the cause of
freedom, Caesar ordered that the whole garrison should have their hands cut off and should then be dismissed, each
one
to his
an end
home.
at least to
Caesar,
who
felt
it
all-important to put
open resistance throughout Gaul, allowed
king Commius, who still held out in the region of Arras and maintained desultory warfare with the Roman troops 51-50.
there down to the winter of 703-704, to make his peace, and even acquiesced when the irritated and justly distrustful
man I
I/ '
(
haughtily refused to appear in person in the It is
/camp. way allowed himself to be satisfied with a merely nominal submission, perhaps even with a de facto armistice, in the less accessible districts of the north-west
Thus was Gaul
Gaul subdued. 58-51.
tne
Rn ine
and north-east of Gaul. 1
or, in other words, the land west of
an(j nort h of the Pyrenees
after only eight years of conflict
Hardly a year 49.
Roman
very probable that Caesar in a similar
rendered subject
(696-703)
to the
Romans.
after the full pacification of the land, at the
beginning of 705, the Roman troops had to be withdrawn over the Alps in consequence of the civil war, which had
now
at length broken out in Italy, and there remained nothing but at the most some weak divisions of recruits in
Luzech to the west of Cahors, a site which had been previously suggested. 1 This indeed, as may readily be conceived, is not recorded by Caesar himself but an intelligible hint on this subject is given by Sallust (Hist. recently declared himself in favour of
;
9 Kritz), although he too wrote as a partisan of Caesar. are furnished by the coins.
i.
Further proofs
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
95
Nevertheless the Celts did not again rise against Gaul. the foreign yoke ; and, while in all the old provinces of the empire there was righting against Caesar, the newly-acquired country alone remained continuously obedient to its con-
Even the Germans did not during those
queror.
decisive
years repeat their attempts to conquer new settlements on As little did there occur in the left bank of the Rhine.
Gaul any national insurrection or German invasion during the crises that followed, although these offered the most If disturbances broke out anyfavourable opportunities. where, such as the rising of the Bellovaci against the
Romans
in 7 08,' these
movements were so
isolated
and so
\ j
/
46.
unconnected with the
complications in Italy, that they! without material difficulty by the Roman were suppressed state of peace was most probably, this governors. Certainly just as
was the peace of Spain
for centuries,
purchased by
provisionally allowing the regions that were most remote and most strongly pervaded by national feeling Brittany,
the districts on the Scheldt, the region of the Pyrenees to withdraw themselves de facto in a more or less definite
manner from the Roman
allegiance.
Nevertheless the build-
however scanty the time which he found for ing of Caesar it amidst other and at the moment still more urgent labours, however unfinished and but provisionally rounded off he may have left it in substance stood the test of this fiery trial,
as respected both the repelling of the
the subjugation of the Celts. As to administration in
chief,
the
Germans and
territories
newly
acquired by the governor of Narbonese Gaul remained for the time being united with the province of Narbo ; it was not till Caesar gave up this office (710) that two new 1 were formed out proper and-^dgic'a" which he conquered. That the individual
ibliiys-^-Gatil
of the territory cantons lost their political independence, was implied in the very nature of conquest. They became throughout tributary 7
Organiza tloa
44.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
96
Roman
to the
(
Roman community.
was, of course, not that
BOOK v
Their system of tribute however
by means of which the nobles and
financial aristocracy turned Asia to profitable account
;
but,
Spain, a tribute fixed once for all was imposed on each individual community, and the levying In this way forty million sesterces (of it was left to itself. as
was the case
in
(^400,000) flowed annually from Gaul into the chests of Roman government; which, no doubt, undertook in
the
return the cost of defending the frontier of the Rhine. Moreover, the masses of gold accumulated in the temples
of the gods and the treasuries of the grandees found their way, as a matter of course, to Rome ; when Caesar offered his Gallic gold throughout the Roman empire and brought such masses of it at once into the money market that gold as compared with silver fell about 25 per cent., we may
guess what sums Gaul lost through the war. The former cantonal constitutions with their hereditary kings, or their presiding feudal-oligarchies, continued in the
Indulgence existing
arrange-
,
I
main
and even the system of which made certain cantons clientship, dependent on others more powerful, was not abolished, although no doubt with to subsist after the conquest,
the loss of political independence its edge was taken off. The sole object of Caesar was, while making use of the dynastic, feudalist,
existing
and hegemonic
divisions,
to
arrange matters in the interest of Rome, and to bring everywhere into power the men favourably disposed to the i
'.
Caesar spared no pains to form a Roman extensive rewards in money and specially in confiscated estates were bestowed on his adherents, and foreign rule.
party in Gaul
places in the in
their
influence.
;
common
council and the
first
offices
of state
them by Caesar's were procured Those cantons in which a sufficiently strong and
cantons
for
trustworthy Roman party existed, such as those of the Remi, the Lingones, the Haedui, were favoured by the bestowal of n freer
communal
constitution
the right of alliance, as
it
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
and by preferences
was called
The
matter of hegemony.
seem
to have
as possible
97
;
in the regulation of the national worship and its priests
been spared by Caesar from the outset as far is found in his case of measures such
no trace
in later times by the Roman rulers against the Druidical system, and with this is probably connected the fact that his Gallic wars, so far as we see, do not at all
as were
adopted
bear the character of religious warfare after the fashion
which formed so prominent a feature of the Britannic wars subsequently.
While Caesar thus showed to the conquered nation every allowable consideration and political,
and
spared
religious institutions as far as
patible with their subjection to
their
was
Rome, he did
at all so,
com-
not as
renouncing the fundamental idea of his conquest, the Romanization of Gaul, but with a view to realize it in the
He did not content himself with most indulgent way. same the circumstances, which had already in great letting part
Romanized the south
likewise in the north;
province, produce their effect but, like a genuine statesman, he
sought to stimulate the natural course of development and, moreover, to shorten as far as possible the always painful
To say nothing of the admission of a period of transition. number of Celts of rank into Roman citizenship and even of several perhaps into the
Caesar
Roman
senate,
it
was probably
who
introduced, although with certain restrictions, the Latin instead of the native tongue as the official language within the several cantons in Gaul, and
Roman
who introduced
the
monetary system on the footing of reserving the coinage of gold and of denarii to the Roman authorities, while the smaller money was to be instead of the national
coiaed by the several cantons, but only for circulation within thejcantonal bounds, and this too in accordance with the
Romaic ^tandard.
We may
smile at
introduc-
national,
the Latin
jargon,
which the dwellers by the Loire and the Seine henceforth VOL. v 140
izing of the
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
BOOK v
1
employed in accordance with orders ; but these barbarisms were pregnant with a greater future than the correct Latin of the capital. Perhaps too, if the cantonal constitution in Gaul afterwards appears more closely approximated to the Italian urban constitution, and the chief places of the
canton as well
as
marked prominence
the
common
councils attain a
more
than was probably the case in the original Celtic organization, the change may be referred to No one probably felt more than the political heir Caesar. of Gaius
in
it
Gracchus and of Marius, how desirable in a it would have
military as well as in a political point of view
been to establish a series of Transalpine colonies as bases of support for the new rule and starting-points of the new If nevertheless he confined himself to the civilization.
German horsemen in Noviodunum to that of the Boii in the canton of the and (p. 45) Haedui (p. 44) which latter settlement already rendered
settlement of his Celtic or
Roman colony in the war with the reason was merely that his 79) farther plans did not permit him to put the plough instead bf the sword into the hands of his legions. What he did in
quite
the services of a
Vercingetorix
(p.
later years for the old
Roman
province in this respect, will
be explained in its own place ; it is probable that the want of time alone prevented him from extending the same system to the regions which he had recently subdued. The
cata-
strophe of the Celtic nation.
All
was over with
the
Celtic
nation.
Its
political
had been completed by Caesar; its national dissolution was begun and in course of regular progress. This was no accidental destruction, such as destiny somedissolution
times prepares even for peoples capable of development, but a self-incurred and in some measure historically necessary 1 Thus we read on a semis which a Vergobretus of the Lexovii (Lisieux, dep. Calvados) caused to be struck, the following inscription : Cisiambos Cattos vercobreto ; simissos (sic) publicos Lixovio. The often scarcely legible writing and the incredibly wretched stamping of these coins are in excellent harmony with their stammering Latin.
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
catastrophe.
The
whether we view
99
very course of the last war proves this, When the as a whole or in detail.
it
establishment of the foreign rule was in contemplation, only mostly, moreover, German or half-German single districts offered energetic resistance.
When
the foreign rule was
actually established, the attempts to shake
it
off
were either
undertaken altogether without judgment, or they were to an undue extent the work of certain prominent nobles, and were therefore immediately and entirely brought to an end with the death or capture of an Indutiomarus, Camulogenus,
The sieges and guerilla warfare, Vercingetorix, or Correus. in which elsewhere the whole moral depth of national itself, were throughout this Celtic struggle of a peculiarly pitiable character. Every page of Celtic of the few Romans the of one confirms severe history saying
struggles displays
who had barians
the judgment not to despise the so-called
bar-
that the Celts boldly challenge danger while future,
In the mighty but lose their courage before its presence. vortex of the world's history, which inexorably crushes all peoples that are not as hard and as flexible as steel, such a nation could not permanently maintain itself; with reason the Celts of the continent suffered the same fate at the
hands of the Romans, as their kinsmen in Ireland suffer to our own day at the hands of the Saxons the fate
down
of becoming merged as a leaven of future development in a On the eve of parting from politically superior nationality. this
remarkable nation we
may* be
allowed to
call attention
Traits c 011
to the fact, that in the accounts of the ancients as to the and
on the Loire and Seine we find almost every one of the characteristic traits which we are accustomed to recognize Celts
as
marking the
Irish.
in the culture of
Every feature reappears
the fields
11
to
the Celts
:
the laziness
the delight in tippling and we may recall that sword of
;
brawling; the ostentation Caesar hung up in the sacred grove of the Arverni after the victory of Gergovia, which its alleged former owner
Irish.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
ioo
BOOK v
at the consecrated spot and ordered the sacred property to be carefully spared ; the language full of comparisons and hyperboles, of allusions and quaint turns ; the droll humour an excellent example of which
viewed with a smile
was the
rule, that
if
any one interrupted a person speaking and very visible hole should be cut,
in public, a substantial
as a measure of police, in the coat of the disturber of the peace ; the hearty delight in singing and reciting the deeds )oi past ages, /
and the most decided
gifts
of rhetoric and
no trader was allowed to pass, before poetry ; the curiosity he had told in the open street what he knew, or did not know, in the shape of news and the extravagant credulity which acted on such accounts, for which reason in the better regulated cantons travellers were prohibited on pain of severe punishment from communicating unauthenticated
reports to others than the public magistrates piety,
which sees
counsel in
all
in the priest
things
;
;
the childlike
a father and asks for his
the unsurpassed fervour of national
and the closeness with which those who are fellowcountrymen cling together almost like one family in feeling,
opposition to strangers ; the inclination to rise in revolt under the first chance-leader that presents himself a,nd to form bands, but at the same time the utter incapacity to preserve a self-reliant courage equally remote from presumption and from pusillanimity, to perceive the right time for waiting and for striking a blow, to attain or even barely to any organization, any sort of fixed military or
tolerate
It is, and remains, at all times and all same indolent and poetical, irresolute and fervid,
political discipline.
places the
inquisitive, credulous,
amiable, clever, but
in a political
thoroughly useless nation ; and therefore fate has been always and everywhere the same.
point of view
its
But the fact that this great people was ruined by the Romank Transalpine wars of Caesar, was not the most important result of that grand enterprise ; far more momentous than developThe of
merit.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vn
101
the negative was the positive result.
a doubt that,
if
semblance of
life
of peoples,
as
It hardly admits of the rule of the senate had prolonged its for some generations longer, the migration
it
is
at
a time
when
would have occurred four
called,
hundred years sooner than
it
j
{
did,
and would have occurred
the Italian civilization had not
become
on the Danube, or in Africa Inasmuch as the great general and statesman
naturalized either in Gaul, or
and Spain.
j
Rome
with sure glance perceived in the German tribes the rival antagonists of the Romano -Greek world; inas-
of
much
as with firm
aggressive defence
men
to protect
hand he established the new system of down even to its details, and taught
the frontiers of the empire by rivers or
ramparts, to colonize the nearest barbarian tribes along the frontier with the view of warding off the more remote, and to recruit the Roman army by enlistment artificial
from the enemy's country; he gained Italian culture the interval
for the Hellenico-
necessary to civilize the west
it had already civilized the east. Ordinary men see the fruits of their action ; the seed sown by men of genius
just as
Centuries elapsed before men undergerminates slowly. stood that Alexander had not merely erected an ephemeral
kingdom
in the east, but
had carried Hellenism
centuries again elapsed before
men
to Asia
;
understood that Caesar
had not merely conquered a new province for the Romans, but had laid the foundation for the Romanizing of the It was only a late posterity that regions of the west. perceived the meaning of those expeditions to England
and Germany, so inconsiderate in a military point of view, and so barren of immediate result. An immense circle of peoples, whose existence and condition hitherto were known barely through the reports mingling some truth with much fiction of the mariner and the trader, was disclosed by this means to the Greek and Roman world. "Daily,"
it
is
said in a
Roman
writing of
May
698, "the
56.
'
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
102
BOOK v
and messages from Gaul are announcing names of cantons, and regions hitherto unknown to us."
letters
peoples,
This enlargement of the historical horizon by the expeditions of Caesar beyond the Alps was as significant an event in the world's history as the exploring of America by European bands. To the narrow circle of the Mediterstates were added the peoples of central and northern Europe, the dwellers on the Baltic and North seas ; to the old world was added a new one, which thence-
ranean
forth
What
was influenced by the old and influenced it in turn. the Gothic Theodoric afterwards succeeded in, came
being already carried out by Ariovistus. so happened, our civilization would have hardly stood in any more intimate relation to the Romano-Greek very
near to
Had
it
That there is a than to the Indian and Assyrian culture. of and the Hellas Rome with connecting past glory bridge
modern history ; that Western Europe Romanic, and Germanic Europe classic ; that the names of Themistocles and Scipio have to us a very different the prouder fabric of
is
sound from those of Asoka and Salmanassar attractive to the literary
own garden
all
this is
;
that
Homer
Vedas and Kalidasa botanist, but bloom for us in our the work of Caesar; and, while
and Sophocles are not merely
like the
the creation of his great predecessor in the east has been almost wholly reduced to ruin by the tempests of the
Middle Ages, the structure of Caesar has outlasted those thousands of years which have changed religion and polity for the human race and even shifted for it the centre of civilization
itself,
and
it
stands erect
for
what we may
designate as eternity.
complete the sketch of the relations of Rome to the peoples of the north at this period, it remains that we
To
The 165
oiTthe
Danube.
cast a glance at the countries
which stretch to the north
of the Italian and Greek peninsulas, from the sources of the Rhine to the Black Sea. It is true that the torch of
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
CHAP, vii
103
mighty stir and turmoil of which probably prevailed at that time there, and peoples the solitary gleams of light that fall on this region are, like history does not illumine the
a faint glimmer amidst deep darkness, more fitted to beBut it is the duty of the wilder than to enlighten. historian to indicate also the gaps in the record of the history of nations
;
he may not deem
beneath him to
it
mention, by the side of Caesar's magnificent system of defence, the paltry arrangements by which the generals of the senate professed to protect on this side the frontier of the empire.
North-eastern Italy was
still
as before
posed to the attacks of the Alpine
Roman army encamped
at
Aquileia
(iii.
tribes.
in
424)
left
ex- Alpine
p
The
695,
strong and the
'
59.
triumph of the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, Lucius Afranius, lead us to infer, that about this time an expedition to the Alps took place, and this
that
we
find
it
the
may have been in consequence of Romans soon afterwards in closer
But that even connection with a king of the Noricans. was at all on this side, is not secure subsequently Italy
shown by the sudden assault of the Alpine barbarians on the flourishing town of Tergeste in 702, when the Transalpine insurrection
had compelled Caesar
to divest
62.
upper
Italy wholly of troops.
The district
turbulent peoples also, who had possession of the along the Illyrian coast, gave their Roman masters
constant employment. The Dalmatians, even at an earlier period the most considerable people of this region, enlarged their power so much by admitting their neighbours into their union, that the number of their townships rose
from twenty to eighty. When they refused to give up once more the town of Promona (not far from the river Kerka),
which they had wrested from the
Caesar
after the battle of Pharsalia
against
them
;
but the
Romans
Liburnians,
gave orders to march were in the first instance
niyria.
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
104
LOOK v
worsted, and in consequence of this Dalmatia became for some time a rendezvous of the party hostile to Caesar, and the inhabitants in concert with the Pompeians and with
the pirates offered an energetic resistance to the generals of Caesar both by land and by water. Mace-
Lastly
Macedonia along with Epirus and Hellas lay in and decay than almost any other part of
greater desolation
Roman
Dyrrhachium, Thessalonica, and Bysome trade and commerce; Athens attracted travellers and students by its name and its philosophical school; but on the whole there lay over the formerly populous little towns of Hellas, and her seaports once swarming with men, the calm of the grave. But if the
|
the
empire.
had
zantium
Greeks
still
stirred
not,
the
inhabitants
of the
hardly
Macedonian mountains on the other hand continued after the old fashion their predatory raids and feuds ; for instance about 697698 Agraeans and Dolopians overaccessible
57-56. 54.
ran the Aetolian towns, and in 700 the Pirustae dwelling Drin overran southern Illyria. The
in the valleys of the
The Dardani on the neighbouring peoples did likewise. northern frontier as well as the Thracians in the east had 78-71.
no doubt been humbled by the Romans in the eight years' from 676 to 683 ; the most powerful of the
conflicts
Thracian princes, Cotys, the ruler of the old Odrysian kingdom, was thenceforth numbered among the client kings of
Rome.
Nevertheless the pacified land had
as before to suffer invasions from the north
and
east.
still
The
governor Gaius Antonius was severely handled both by the Dardani and by the tribes settled in the modern
62-61.
Dobrudscha, who, with the help of the dreaded Bastarnae brought up from the left bank of the Danube, inflicted on him an important defeat (692-693) at Istropolis (Istere,
far from Gaius Octavius fought with better Kustendji). fortune against the Bessi and Thracians (694). Marcus 57-56. Piso again (697698) as general-in-chief wretchedly mis-
not
60.
CHAP, vii
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
105
managed matters; which was no wonder, seeing that for money he gave friends and foes whatever they wished.
The Thracian Dentheletae (on
the Strymon) under his far and wide, and Macedonia governorship plundered even stationed their posts on the great Roman military leading from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica; the people in Thessalonica made up their minds to stand a siege from them, while the strong Roman army in the
road
province seemed to be present only as an onlooker when the inhabitants of the mountains and neighbouring peoples levied contributions from the peaceful subjects of Rome.
Such attacks could not indeed endanger the power of The new fresh disgrace had long ago ceased to occasion But just about this period a people began to concern.
Rome, and a
acquire political consolidation beyond the Danube in the wide Dacian steppes a people which seemed destined to play a different part in history from that of the Bessi and the Dentheletae. Among the Getae or Dacians in primeval
times there had been associated with the king of the people a holy man called Zalmoxis, who, after having explored the
ways and wonders of the gods in distant travel in foreign
and having thoroughly studied in particular the wisdom of the Egyptian priests and of the Greek Pythagoreans, had returned to his native country to end his life lands,
as a pious hermit in a cavern of the
He
"holy mountain." remained accessible only to the king and his servants,
and gave
forth to the king
and through him
to the people
his oracles with reference to every important undertaking.
He was regarded by his countrymen at first as priest of the/ supreme god and ultimately as himself a god, just as it isl said of Moses and Aaron that the Lord had made Aaron \ the prophet and Moses the god of the prophet. This \ had become a permanent institution ; there was regularly associated with the king of the Getae such a^ god, from whose mouth everything which the king ordered proceeded
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
106
BOOK v
This peculiar constitution, in or appeared to proceed. which the theocratic idea had become subservient to the
f
,
apparently absolute power of the king, probably gave to the kings of the Getae some such position with respect to their subjects as the caliphs
^
and one
result of
it
had with respect
was the marvellous
to the
Arabs
;
religious-political
^reform of the nation, which was carried out about this time by the king of the Getae, Burebistas, and the god Dekaeneos. The people, which had morally and politically i
fallen into utter
decay through unexampled drunkenness, were metamorphosed by the new gospel of temperance and valour; with his bands under the influ-
was as
;
'.
it
ence, so to speak, of puritanic discipline and enthusiasm king Burebistas founded within a few years a mighty kingdom, which extended along both banks of the Danube
and
reached
southward
far
into
;
Noricum.
No
taken place, and no one could
tell
Thrace,
Illyria,
and
Romans had yet what might come out of
direct contact with
the
which reminds us of the early times of much it needed no prophetic gift to foretell,
this singular state,
Islam
;
but this
that proconsuls like Antonius
contend with gods.
and Piso were not
called to
RULE OF POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
CHAP, viii
CHAPTER
107
VIII
THE JOINT RULE OF POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
AMONG
the democratic chiefs,
who from
the time of the Pompeius
consulate of Caesar were recognized officially, so to speak, f as the joint rulers of the commonwealth, as the governing position " triumvirs," Pompeius according to public opinion occupied It was he who was called by the decidedly the first place. " " Optimates the private dictator ; it was before him that
Cicero prostrated himself in vain ; against him were directed the sharpest sarcasms in the wall-placards of Bibulus, and the most
envenomed arrows of the
talk in the saloons of the
This was only to be expected. According to before the public Pompeius was indisputably the
opposition.
the facts first
general of his time
;
Caesar was a dexterous party-
and party -orator, of undeniable talents, but as notoriously of unwarlike and indeed of effeminate tempera-
j
leader
ment.
Such opinions had been long current;
it
could
not be expected of the rabble of quality that it should trouble itself about the real state of things and abandon once established platitudes because of obscure feats of
heroism on the Tagus.
Caesar evidently played in the of the the mere adjutant who executed for his part league chief the work which Flavius, Afranius, and other less capable instruments had attempted and not performed. Even his governorship seemed not to alter this state of things.
Afranius had but recently occupied a very similar
i
THE JOINT RULE OF
io8
BOOK V
position, without thereby acquiring
several provinces at
any special importance ; once had been of late years repeatedly
placed under one governor, and often far more than four legions had been united in one hand ; as matters were again quiet beyond the Alps and prince Ariovistus was recognized by the Romans as a friend and neighbour, there
was no prospect of conducting a war of any moment there. It was natural to compare the position which Pompeius had obtained by the Gabinio-Manilian law with that which Caesar had obtained by the Vatinian
;
but the comparison
did not turn out to Caesar's advantage. Pompeius ruled over nearly the whole Roman empire ; Caesar over two
Pompeius had the
provinces.
soldiers
and the treasures
of the state almost absolutely at his disposal ; Caesar had only the sums assigned to him and an army of 24,000
men.
It
was
left
to
Pompeius himself
time for his retirement
;
Caesar's
to
fix
the point of
command was
secured to
long period no doubt, but yet only for a limited term. Pompeius, in fine, had been entrusted with the most important undertakings by sea and land ; Caesar was sent to the north, to watch over the capital from upper Italy and to take care that Pompeius should rule it undis-
him
for a
turbed. Pompeius and the
i
capital.
Anarchy.
But when Pompeius was appointed by the coalition to he undertook a task far exceeding pe his powers. Pompeius understood nothing further of ruling than may be summed up in the word of command. ruler of the capital,
/
The waves
of agitation in the capital were swelled at once
by past and by future revolutions; the problem of ruling which in every respect might be compared to this city without an armed the Paris of the nineteenth century force
was
infinitely difficult,
and
for that stiff
and
stately
Very soon matters altogether reached such a pitch that friends and foes, both equally inconvenient to him, could, so far as he was concerned, do
pattern -soldier
insoluble.
POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
CHAP, vin
109
what they pleased ; after Caesar's departure from Rome the coalition ruled doubtless still the destinies of the world, The senate too, to but not the streets of the capital.
]
whom
there still belonged a sort of nominal government, allowed things in the capital to follow their natural course; partly because the section of this body controlled by the coalition
lacked
the
instructions
of the
regents,
partly
because the angry opposition kept aloof out of indifference or pessimism, but chiefly because the whole aristocratic corporation began to feel at any rate, if not to comprehend, For the moment therefore there was its utter impotence.
nowhere
Rome
any power of resistance in any sort of a real authority. Men were living nowhere government, in an interregnum between the ruin of the aristocratic, and at
the rise of the military, rule ; and, if the Roman commonwealth has presented all the different political functions
and organizations more purely and normally than any other in ancient or modern times, it has also exhibited political with an unenviable clearness. anarchy a strange coincidence that in the same year's, in which Caesar was creating beyond the Alps a work to last for
disorganization It is
ever, there
was enacted
in
Rome
one of the most
extra-
vagant political farces that was ever produced upon the The new regent of the stage of the world's history.
commonwealth did not rule, but shut himself up in his house and sulked in silence. The former half- deposed government likewise did not in
private
amidst the
rule,
confidential
but sighed, sometimes circles of the villas,
sometimes in chorus in the senate-house. The portion of the burgesses which had still at heart freedom and order was disgusted with the reign of confusion, but utterly without leaders and counsel it maintained a passive attitude not merely avoiding aloof, as far as possible,
On
the other
all
political
from the
activity,
political
but keeping
Sodom
hand the rabble of every
sort
[i
itself.
never had
:
THE JOINT RULE OF The anarchists.
The number Demagogism became quite
days, never found a merrier arena.
better
of
BOOK V
little
great
men was
legion.
a trade, which accordingly did not lack its professional the threadbare mantle, the shaggy beard, the insignia long streaming hair, the deep bass voice ; and not seldom it was a trade with For the standing declamagolden soil. tions the tried gargles of the theatrical staff were an article
much
in
c
l
request
;
Greeks and Jews, freedmen and
slaves,
were the most regular attenders and the loudest criers in the public assemblies ; frequently, even when it came to a vote, only a minority of those voting consisted of burgesses
constitutionally entitled to
a
in
letter
do so. " Next time," it is said we may expect our lackeys to
" of this period,
outvote the emancipation-tax." The real powers of the day were the compact and armed bands, the battalions of
anarchy raised by adventurers of rank out of gladiatorial Their possessors had from the slaves and blackguards. outset been mostly
numbered among
the popular party
;
who alone understood democracy, and alone knew how to
but since the departure of Caesar,
how
to impress the
all discipline had departed from them and it, Even every partisan practised politics at his own hand. now, no doubt, these men fought with most pleasure under the banner of freedom ; but, strictly speaking, they
manage
were neither of democratic nor of anti-democratic views; in itself indispensable banner, they inscribed on the as it happened, now the name of the people, anon that
or that of a party -chief; Clodius for or instance fought professed to fight in succession for the
the
of
senate
ruling democracy, for the senate,
and
for Crassus.
The
leaders of these bands kept to their colours only so far as as in they inexorably persecuted their personal enemies the case of Clodius against Cicero and Milo against 1
pro
This
is
the
meaning of cantorum
Sest. 55, 118).
convitio contiones celebfare (Cic.
POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
CHAP, vin
Clodius
in
while their partisan position served them merely
as a handle in these personal feuds.
We
might as well
seek to set a charivari to music as to write the history of this political witches' revel; nor is it of any moment
enumerate all the deeds of murder, besiegings of houses, acts of incendiarism and other scenes of violence within a great capital, and to reckon up how often the to
gamut was traversed from hissing and shouting to spitting on and trampling down opponents, and thence to throwing stones and drawing swords.
The rascality
performer in this theatre of political was that Publius Clodius, of whose services, as
principal
already mentioned
(iv.
517), the regents availed themselves Left to himself, this influential,
against Cato and Cicero. talented, energetic and partisan pursued
Clodius.
in his
trade
really
exemplary
during his tribunate of the people (696) 58.
an ultra-democratic
policy,
gave the citizens corn
restricted the right of the censors to stigmatize
gratis,
immoral
burgesses, prohibited the magistrates from obstructing the course of the comitial machinery by religious formalities, set aside the limits
which had shortly before" (6 90),
for the 64.
purpose of checking the system of bands, been imposed on the right of association of the lower classes, and re" street-clubs " established the (collegia compitalicia) at that time abolished, which were nothing else than a formal
subdivided according to the streets, and with an almost military arrangement of the whole free or slave
organization
proletariate of the capital.
If in addition the further law,
which Clodius had likewise already projected and purposed to introduce when praetor in 702, should give to freedmen
and
to slaves living in de facto possession of
same
political
freedom the
rights with the freeborn, the author of all
these brave improvements of the constitution might declare his work complete, and as a second Numa of freedom and equality might invite the sweet rabble of the capital to see
52.
THE JOINT RULE OF
ii2
him
BOOK v
high mass in honour of the arrival of the
celebrate
democratic millennium in the temple of Liberty which he had erected on the site of one of his burnings at the Palatine. Of course these exertions in behalf of freedom did not exclude a
traffic in
decrees of the burgesses
;
like
Caesar himself, Caesar's ape kept governorships and other
and small on sale for the benefit of his fellowand sold the sovereign rights of the state for the benefit of subject kings and cities. At all these things Pompeius looked on without stirring.
posts great citizens,
Quarrel of
*5 "
1
-^ he did not perceive
with*
Clodius.
i
.himself,
his
how
seriously
opponent perceived
he thus compromised
it.
Clodius .had
jhardihood to engage in a dispute with the regent of
the
Rome
on a question of little moment, as to the sending back of a captive Armenian prince ; and the variance soon became a formal feud, in which the utter helplessness of Pompeius The head of the state knew not how to was displayed. his own weapons, If he had been far with less wielded dexterity. A only tricked by Clodius respecting the Armenian prince, he offended him in turn by releasing Cicero, who was pre-
meet the partisan otherwise than with
I
'
eminently obnoxious to Clodius, from the exile into which Clodius had sent him ; and he attained his object so that
thoroughly, [
implacable
foe.
he
converted
If Clodius
made
his
opponent
into
an
the streets insecure with
the victorious general likewise set slaves and work; in the frays which ensued the general was worsted by the demagogue and defeated in naturally the street, and Gaius Cato was kept almost constantly
his bands,
pugilists to
in his garden by Clodius and his comrades. not the least remarkable feature in this remarkable
under siege It is
that the regent and the rogue amidst their in courting the favour of the fallen governvied quarrel ment ; Pompeius, partly to please the senate, permitted spectacle,
Cicero's recall, Clodius
on the other hand declared the
CHAP, vni
POMPEIUS AND CAESAR
Julian laws null
and
void,
113
and called on Marcus Bibulus been unconstitutionally
publicly to testify to their having
passed.
Naturally no positive result could issue from this imbroglio of dark passions; its most distinctive character
was
just its utterly ludicrous
want of object.
Even a man
of Caesar's genius had to learn by experience that demo-
was completely worn out, and that even no longer lay through demagogism. way It was nothing more than a historical makeshift, if now, in the interregnum between republic and monarchy, some
cratic agitation
to the throne
the
whimsical fellow dressed himself out with the prophet's mantle and staff which Caesar had himself laid aside, and the great ideals of Gaius Gracchus came once more upon the stage distorted into a parody ; the so-called party from which this democratic agitation proceeded was so little
such in
reality,
that
afterwards
falling to it in the decisive
it
had not even a
struggle.
It
part
cannot even be
means of this anarchical state of things the desire after a strong government based on military power had been vividly kindled in the minds of those who
asserted that by
were indifferent to
politics.
Even
apart from the fact that
such neutral burgesses were chiefly to be sought outside of Rome, and thus were not directly affected by the rioting in the capital, those
by
such
motives
minds which could be at had been already by
all
influenced
their
former
experiences, and
especially by the Catilinarian conspiracy, converted to the principle of authority; but thoroughly those that were really alarmed were affected far more
emphatically by a dread of the gigantic crisis inseparable from an overthrow of the constitution, than by dread of the mere continuance of the at bottom withal very superficial
which in
anarchy in the
capital.
historically deserves notice
The
only result of
it
was the painful position
which Pompeius was placed by the attacks of the VOL. v 141
THE JOINT RULE OF
ii4
BOOK v
Clodians, and which had a material share in determining his farther steps. 1 ''
and understood taking the occasion compelled by the change of his position towards both Clodius and Caesar to The irksome and depart from his previous inaction. disgraceful situation to which Clodius had reduced him, as
Little
Pompeius
m
'
to the
Gallic 5
Caesar.
iti at i
ve
>
Pompeius
liked
ne was vet on
this
could not but at length arouse even his sluggish nature to But far more important was the change hatred and anger. which took place in his relation to Caesar. While, of the
two confederate regents, Pompeius had utterly failed in the functions which he had undertaken, Caesar had the skill to all
i
(
|hem by Pompeius. if great sacrifices, only he might avoid for the present open variance with the supreme governing board. When the 50.
senate (in the spring of 704) at the suggestion of Pompeius requested both him and Caesar to furnish each a legion
the legion lent
(p. 167) and when agreeably Pompeius demanded back from Caesar to him some years before, so as to send it
to Syria, Caesar
complied with the double demand, because
for the
impending Parthian war
to this resolution
neither the opportuneness of this decree of the senate nor
demand of Pompeius could in themselves be disputed, and the keeping within the bounds of the law and of formal loyalty was of more consequence to Caesar than a few thousand soldiers. The two legions came without the justice of the
delay and placed themselves at the disposal of the government, but instead of sending them to the Euphrates, the
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
CHAP. IX latter
kept them at Capua in readiness for Pompeius
183
and
;
the public had once more the opportunity of comparing the manifest endeavours of Caesar to avoid a rupture with the perfidious preparation for war by his opponents.
For the discussions with the senate Caesar had succeeded in purchasing not only
one of the two consuls of the
Lucius Aemilius Paullus, but above
all
^C
year,
the tribune of the
people Gaius Curio, probably the most eminent among the l many profligate men of parts in this epoch ; unsurpassed in refined elegance, in fluent
and clever
oratory, in dexterity
of intrigue, and in that energy which in the case of vigorous but vicious characters bestirs itself only the more powerfully amid the pauses of idleness ; but also unsurpassed in his dissolute
life,
his debts
in his talent for borrowing
were
and in his estimated at 60,000,000 sesterces (^600,000) moral and political want of principle. He had previously offered himself to be bought by Caesar and had been rejected
;
the talent, which he thenceforward displayed in
on Caesar, induced the latter subsequently to the price was high, but the commodity was worth the money. Curio had in the first months of his tribunate of the (Debates 6 people played the independent republican, and had as such f^/of thundered both against Caesar and against Pompeius. He t*esar and his attacks
buy him up
availed himself with rare skill of the apparently impartial F position which this gave him, when in March 704 the proposal as to the filling up of the Gallic governorships for the next year came up afresh for discussion in the senate ; he completely approved the decree, but asked that it should
same time extended to Pompeius and his extracommands. His arguments that a constitutional ordinary state of things could only be brought about by the removal of all exceptional positions, that Pompeius as merely en-
be
6<j.
at the
trusted by the senate with the proconsulship could 1
Homo
ingeniosissime
nequam
(Vellei.
ii.
48).
still
less
j '
1
DEATH OF CRASS US
84
than
Caesar refuse obedience
to
it,
that
BOOK v the one-sided
removal of one of the two generals would only increase the
danger to the constitution superficial politicians
and
carried complete conviction to to the public at large
and the
;
declaration of Curio, that he intended to prevent any onesided proceedings against Caesar by the veto constitutionally
belonging to him, met with much approval in and out of the senate. Caesar declared his consent at once to Curio's proposal and offered to resign his governorship and command any moment on the summons of the senate, provided
at
Pompeius would do the same ; he might safely do so, for Pompeius without his Italo-Spanish command was no longer formidable.
Pompeius again
could not avoid refusing resign,
and
thus set
that
;
his reply
he meant speedily
was the
less
satisfactory,
for that very reason
that Caesar
must
first
to follow the
example that he did not even
specify a definite term for his retirement. Again the decision was delayed for months; Pompeius and the
Catonians, perceiving the dubious humour of the majority of the senate, did not venture to bring Curio's proposal to a
Caesar employed the summer in establishing the peace in the regions which he had conquered, in holding a great review of his troops on the Scheldt, and
vote. f
state of
making a triumphal march through the province of North Italy, which was entirely devoted to him ; autumn
in
found him
in
Ravenna, the southern frontier-town of
his
province. Caesar and/ The vote which could no longer be delayed on Curio's 15611
both recalled.
I
|
;
proposal at length took place, and exhibited the defeat of the party of Pompeius and Cato in all its extent. By 370 the senate resolved that the proconsuls of votes against 26 ^*
Spain and Gaul should both be called upon to resign their and with boundless joy the good burgesses of ;
offices
Rome
heard the glad news of the saving achievement of Pompeius was thus recalled by the senate no less
CHAP, ix
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
185
than Caesar, and while Caesar was ready to comply with the command, Pompeius positively refused obedience.
The
presiding consul Gaius Marcellus, cousin of Marcus Marcellus and like the latter belonging to the Catonian
party,
and
it
addressed a severe lecture to the servile majority; was, no doubt, vexatious to be thus beaten in their
own camp and beaten by means of a phalanx of poltroons. But where was victory to come from under a leader, who, and distinctly dictating his orders to the in his old days a second time to the inresorted senators, structions of a professor of rhetoric, that with eloquence
instead of shortly
polished up afresh he might encounter the youthful vigour brilliant talents of Curio ?
and
The
coalition, defeated in the senate,
The Catonian
painful position.
section
was
in the
most
had undertaken
to
push matters to a rupture and to carry the senate along now saw their vessel stranded after a most
with them, and vexatious
manner on the sandbanks of the indolent
Their leaders had to
listen
in
majority.
their conferences
to the
from Pompeius; he pointed out emphatically and with entire justice the dangers of the seembitterest reproaches
ing peace ; and, though it depended on himself alone to cut the knot by rapid action, his allies knew very well that
they could never expect this from him, and that it was for them, as they had promised, to bring matters to a crisis. After the champions of the constitution and of senatorial government had already declared the constitutional rights of the burgesses and of the tribunes of the people to be
meaningless selves
181), they now found themnecessity to treat the constitutional
formalities (p.
driven
by
decisions of the senate itself in a similar
the legitimate government would not with its own consent, to save it against neither (iv.
new nor
accidental;
Sulla
(iv.
let
manner and, itself
as
be saved
This was and Lucullus 97)
its will.
335) had been obliged to carry every energetic resolu-
Deciara-
llonofwar
1
DEATH OF CRASSUS
86
by them ment with a high hand
tion conceived
BOOK V
in the true interest of the govern-
irrespective of
now proposed
it,
just as
Cato and
do
the machinery of the ; constitution was in fact utterly effete, and the senate was now as the comitia had been for centuries nothing but his friends
to
a worn-out wheel slipping constantly out of
its
track.
was rumoured (Oct. 704) that Caesar had moved four legions from Transalpine into Cisalpine Gaul and
50.
It
Stationed
them
This transference of troops Curio ;
at Placentia.
'was of itself within the prerogative of the governor
moreover palpably showed lessness of the
in the senate the utter ground-
rumour ; and they by a majority rejected
the proposal of the consul Gaius Marcellus to give Pompeius on the strength of it orders to march against Caesar. Yet
the said consul, in concert with the two consuls elected for 705 who likewise belonged to the Catonian party, proceeded
49.
to
Pompeius, and these three
men by
virtue of their
own
plenitude of power requested the general to put himself at the head of the two legions stationed at Capua, and to call the Italian militia to arms at his discretion.
formal authorization for the
i
The
military preparations, the levies
personally to forward them,
The ultimatum of Caesar.
more civil
in-
war
can hardly be conceived ; but people had no longer time to attend to such secondary matters ; Pompeius accepted it
50.
A
commencement .of a
December 704. Caesar had completely
Pompeius
began
left
;'
in order
the capital in
attained the object of devolving
He had, while himself keeping on legal ground, compelled Pompeius to declare war, and to declare it not as representative of the legitimate authority, but as general of an openly revolutionthe initiative of
civil
war on his opponents.
kry minority of the senate which overawed the majority. result was not to be reckoned of slight importance,
This
although the instinct of the masses could not and did not deceive itself for a moment as to the fact that the war con-
CHAP, ix
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
187
cerned other things than questions of formal law. Now, when war was declared, it was Caesar's interest to strike a
The preparations of his oppoblow as soon as possible. nents were just beginning, and even the capital was not occupied.
In ten or twelve days an army three times as
strong as the troops of Caesar that were in
could be collected at
Rome
;
but
still it
Upper
Italy
was not impossible
to surprise the city undefended, or even perhaps
by a rapid winter campaign to seize all Italy, and to shut off the best resources of his opponents before they could make them
The
available.
resigning his
sagacious and energetic Curio, who after (10 Dec. 704) had immediately
tribunate
gone to Caesar
I
i
\
50.
Ravenna, vividly represented the state master and it hardly needed such a repreat
of things to his ; sentation to convince Caesar that longer delay now could But, as he with the view of not giving only be injurious.
complain had hitherto brought itself, he could for the present do
his antagonists occasion to
no troops
to
Ravenna
nothing but despatch orders to his whole force to set out with all haste ; and he had to wait till at least the one legion stationed in
Upper
Italy
while he sent an ultimatum to
nothing
else,
by his
its
reached Ravenna.
Rome, which,
extreme submissiveness
if
Mean-
useful for
still
farther
and perhaps induced them to
in public opinion,
opponents compromised even, as he seemed himself to hesitate, prosecute more remissly their preparations against him. In this ultimatum Caesar dropped all the counter-demands which he formerly made on Pompeius, and offered on his
\
!
1
\
j
own
part both to resign the governorship of Transalpine Gaul, and to dismiss eight of the ten legions belonging to
him, at the term fixed by the senate ; he declared himself content, if the senate would leave him either the governor-
(
I
)
ship of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria with one, or that of Cis- f" alpine Gaul alone with two, legions, not, forsooth, up to his investiture with the consulship, but
till
after the close of
\
1
DEATH OF CRASSUS
88
,^4jJ48./the consular elections for 706. /
He
BOOK v thus consented to
those proposals of accommodation, with which at the beginning of the discussions the senatorial party and even
Pompeius himself had declared that they would be satisfied, and showed himself ready to remain in a private position from
on
his election to the consulate
down
to
his
Whether Caesar was in earnest with these astonishing concessions and had confidence that he should be able to carry through his game against Pompeius even- after granting so much, or whether he reckoned that those on the other side had already gone too far to find in these proposals of compromise more than a proof that Caesar regarded his cause itself as lost, can no longer be entering
office.
The probability is, that Caesar with certainty determined. the fault of committed playing a too bold game, far rather than the worse fault of promising something which he was not minded to perform ; and that, if strangely enough his proposals had been accepted, he would have his word. i-ast
/ '
the senate
49.
made good
Curio undertook once more to represent his master in non s den. In three days he made the journey from Ravenna to Rome. When the new consuls Lucius Lentulus
tne
'
and Gaius Marcellus the younger 1 assembled the senate for the first time on i Jan. 705, he delivered in a full letter addressed by the general to the senate. tribunes of the people, Marcus Antonius well known in the chronicle of scandal of the city as the intimate friend
meeting the '
The
of Curio and his accomplice in all his follies, but at the same time known from the Egyptian and Gallic campaigns
and Quintus Cassius, Pompeius' former quaestor, the two, who were now in Curio's stead managing the cause of Caesar in Rome insisted on the as a brilliant cavalry officer,
50. 49. 51.
' To be distinguished from the consul having the same name of 704 the latter was a cousin, the consul of 705 a brother, of the Marcus Marcellus who was consul in 703. ;
CHAP, ix
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
189
The grave and clear immediate reading of the despatch. words in which Caesar set forth the imminence of civil
']
war, the general wish for peace, the arrogance of Pompeius, and his own yielding disposition, with all the irresistible
the proposals for a compromise, of a ; eration which doubtless surprised his own partisans force of truth
distinct declaration
that
this
was the
modthe
;
time that he
last
should offer his hand for peace made the deepest impresIn spite of the dread inspired by the numerous sion. soldiers of Pompeius who flocked into the capital, jthe sentiment of the majority was not doubtful
could not venture to
let
it
find
;
expression.
the consuls \
Respecting
the proposal renewed by Caesar that both generals might be enjoined to resign their commands simultaneously, respecting all the projects of accommodation suggested by
and respecting the proposal made by Marcus Coelius Rufus and Marcus Calidius that Pompeius should be urged immediately to depart for Spain, the consuls
his letter,
refused
as they in the capacity of presiding officers were
do to let a vote take place. Even the proposal of one of their most decided partisans who was simply not so blind to the military position of affairs as his
entitled to
party,
Marcus Marcellus
to defer the
determination
till
the Italian levy en masse could be under arms and could protect the senate vote.
was not allowed to be brought to a it to be declared through his
Pompeius caused
usual organ, Quintus Scipio, that he was resolved to take up the cause of the senate now or never, and that he would let
it
drop
if
they longer delayed.
The
consul Lentulus
said in plain terms that even the decree of the senate was
no longer of consequence, and that, if it should persevere in its servility, he would act of himself and with his powerful
friends take the farther steps necessary.
Thus
over-
awed, the majority decreed what was commanded that Caesar should at a definite and not distant day give up
.
DEATH OF CRASSUS
190
BOOK V
Transalpine Gaul to Lucius Dpmitius Ahenobarbus, and Cisalpine Gaul to Marcus Servilius Nonianus, and should dismiss his army, failing which he should be esteemed a traitor. When the tribunes of Caesar's party made use of their right
of veto against this resolution, not only were
they, as they at least asserted, threatened in the senate-
house
itself
by the swords of Pompeian
soldiers,
and
forced,
in order to save their lives, to flee in slaves' clothing
the
capital
;
but
the
now
sufficiently
from
overawed senate
treated their formally quite constitutional interference as
an attempt
and
at
up arms, and 49.
Caesar marches into Italy.
revolution, declared the country in danger,
in the usual forms called the
whole burgesses to take
magistrates faithful to
all
the constitution to
place themselves at the head of the armed (7 Jan. 705). Now it was enough. When Caesar was informed by the tribunes
who had
to the reception capital,
legion,
fled to his
which
entreating protection as
camp
his proposals
had met with
in the
he called together the soldiers of the thirteenth which had meanwhile arrived from its cantonments
near Tergeste (Trieste) at Ravenna, and unfolded before them the state of things. It was not merely the man of genius versed in the knowledge and skilled in the control of men's hearts, whose brilliant eloquence shone forth and
glowed
in this agitating crisis of his
own and
the world's
destiny; nor merely the generous commander -in -chief and the victorious general, addressing soldiers, who had
been called by himself to arms and followed
his
banners
with
daily
-
for eight years
increasing
had
enthusiasm.
There spoke, above all, the energetic and consistent statesman, who had now for nine -and -twenty years defended the cause of freedom in good and evil times who had braved for it the daggers of assassins and the executioners ;
of the aristocracy, the swords of the Germans and the waves of the unknown ocean, without ever yielding or wavering who had torn to pieces the Sullan constitution, ;
RUPTURE BETWEEN THE JOINT RULERS
CHAP, ix
had overthrown the rule of the
senate,
and
191
.had furnished
and unarmed democracy with protection and with arms by means of the struggle beyond the Alps. And he spoke, not to the Clodian public whose republican enthusiasm had been long burnt down to ashes and dross, but to the young men from the towns and villages of Northern Italy, who still felt freshly and purely the mighty the defenceless
influence of the thought of civic freedom ; capable of fighting and of dying for ideals ;
who were still who had them-
received for their country in a revolutionary way from Caesar the burgess - rights which the government refused to them ; whom Caesar's fall would leave once selves
at the mercy of the fasces^ and who already possessed practical proofs (p. ijgf.) of the inexorable use which the oligarchy proposed to make of these against the TransSuch were the listeners before whom such an padanes.
more
the thanks for the conquest of for the general and
orator set forth the facts
Gaul which the his
army
nobility were preparing
the contemptuous setting aside of the comitia
;
;
the overawing of the senate ; the sacred duty of protecting with armed hand the tribunate of the people wrested five
hundred years ago by their fathers arms in hand from the nobility, and of keeping the ancient oath which these had taken for themselves as for their children's children that
they would
man
by
man
stand firm even to death
And then, when people (i. 350). the leader and general of the popular party sum-
for the tribunes of the
he
moned
the soldiers of the people,
now
that conciliatory
means had been exhausted and concession had reached its utmost limits, to follow him in the last, the inevitable, the decisive struggle against the equally hated and despised, equally perfidious and incapable, and in fact ludicrously incorrigible soldier
aristocracy
who could hold
departure
;
there
was not an
The
officer
or
a
order was given for at the head of his vanguard Caesar crossed back.
DEATH OF CRASSUS
192
COOK v
the narrow brook which separated his province from Italy, and which the constitution forbade the proconsul of Gaul to pass.
more the
When
after
nine years' absence he trod once he trod at the same time " The die was cast."
soil of his native land,
the path of revolution.
on. x
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA, PHARSALUS, THAPSUS
193
CHAPTER X BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA, PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
ARMS were
thus to decide which of the two
hitherto jointly ruled
Rome
men who had
was now to be
its
first
sole
Let us see what were the comparative resources at the disposal of Caesar and Pompeius for the waging ruler.
The resource s
on
either
side.
of the impending war. Caesar's power rested primarily on the wholly unlimited Caesar's absolute If the ideas authority which he enjoyed within his party.
of democracy and of monarchy met together in it, this was within not the result of a coalition which had been accidentally party '
entered into and might be accidentally dissolved ; on the contrary it was involved in the very essence of a democracy without a representative constitution, that democracy and
monarchy should
find in Caesar at
ultimate expression. throughout the first
once
their highest
and
In political as in military matters
and the final decision lay with Caesar. However high the honour in which he held any serviceable
instrument,
it
remained an instrument
still
;
Caesar stood
own
party without confederates, surrounded only by military-political adjutants, who as a rule had risen from in his
the army and as soldiers were trained never to ask the reason and purpose of any thing, but unconditionally to On this account especially, at the decisive moment obey.
when the
civil war began, of all the officers and soldiers of Caesar one alone refused him obedience ; and the cir-
VOL. v
146
}
his
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
194
BOOK v
cumstance that that one was precisely the foremost of
them
all, serves simply to confirm this view of the relation of Caesar to his adherents.
Titus Labienus had shared with Caesar
Labienus.
of the dark times of Catilina
(iv.
the troubles
all
457) as well as
all
the lustre
of the Gallic career of victory, had regularly held independent command, and frequently led half the army ; as he
was the tants,
oldest, ablest,
60.r highest in honour. to
t
I
and most
faithful of Caesar's adju-
he was beyond question also highest
As
late as in
t
in position
^^^
_
him the supreme command
and
704 Caesar had entrusted
in Cisalpine Gaul, in order
partly to put this confidential post into safe hands, partly to forward the views of Labienus in his canvass for the consulship.
But from
Labienus entered into
this very position
communication with the opposite
party,
resorted at
the
beginning of hostilities in 705 to the headquarters of Pompeius instead of those of Caesar, and fought through the whole civil strife with unparalleled bitterness against his
old friend and master
ciently informed
either as
in
to
We
war.
are
not
suffi-
the character of Labienus
or as to the special circumstances of his changing sides; but in the main his case certainly presents nothing but
a further proof of the reckon far more surely ^
marshals.
To
all
fact,
on
that his
a
military
captains
chief can
than
on
his
appearance Labienus was one of those
persons who combine with military efficiency utter incapacity as statesmen, and who in consequence, if they unhappily choose or are compelled to take part in politics, are exposed to those strange paroxysms of giddiness, of which the history of Napoleon's marshals supplies so
He may probably have held tragi-comic examples. himself entitled to rank alongside of Caesar as the second many
chief of the
democracy
;
and the rejection of
may have sent him over to His case rendered for the opponents.
of
his
the first
this
camp
claim of his
time apparent
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
195
the whole gravity of the evil, that Caesar's treatment of officers as adjutants without independence admitted
his
of the rise of no
mand
in
urgently
fitted
camp, need of such
in
which might through
men
all
comsame time he stood
to undertake a separate
while at
his
the
men
amidst
the
diffusion
easily be foreseen
of the impending struggle the provinces of the wide empire. But this
was far outweighed by that unity in the supreme leadership, which was the primary condition of all success, and a condition only to be preserved at such disadvantage
a cost.
This unity of leadership acquired its full power through Caesar's a Here the army comes, the efficiency of its instruments. It still numbered nine legions of first of all, into view. infantry or at the
KacT faced the
most 50,000 men,
enemy and
all
two-thirds
of
whom
had served
however
in all the
campaigns against the Celts. The cavalry consisted of German and Noric mercenaries, whose usefulness and trustworthiness had been proved in the war against Vercingetorix. eight years' warfare, full of varied vicissitudes, against
The
which was brave, although in a military had given point of view decidedly inferior to the Italian Caesar the opportunity of organizing his army as he alone the Celtic nation
knew how
to
organize
it.
The whole
soldier presupposes physical vigour
;
efficiency of the
in Caesar's levies
more
regard was had to the strength and
activity of the recruits But the serviceablethan to their means or their morals.
ness of an army, like that of any other machine, depends above all on the ease and quickness of its movements ; the soldiers of Caesar attained a perfection rarely reached and
probably never surpassed in their readiness for immediate departure at any time, and in the rapidity of their marching.
Courage, of course, was valued above everything; Caesar practised with unrivalled mastery the art of stimulating martial emulation and the esprit de corps, so that the pre-
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
196
eminence accorded to particular soldiers and divisions to those who were postponed as the necessary
appeared even
hierarchy of valour.
unfrequently
danger 1
where
He it
his men from fear by not be done without serious
weaned could
keeping his soldiers in ignorance of an approaching
and allowing them to encounter the enemy unexBut obedience was on a parity with valour. ipectedly. The soldier was required to do what he was bidden, without conflict,
asking the reason or the object; many an aimless fatigue was imposed on him solely as a training in the difficult art of blind obedience.
The
discipline
was
strict
but not
was exercised with unrelenting vigour when harassing; the soldier was in presence of the enemy ; at other times, especially after victory, the reins were relaxed, and if an it
otherwise efficient soldier was then pleased to indulge in perfumery or to deck himself with elegant arms and the like, or even if he allowed himself to be guilty of outrages or irregularities of a very questionable kind, provided only
his military duties
were not immediately
affected, the foolery
and the general lent a deaf ear to the complaints of the provincials on such points. Mutiny on the other hand was never pardoned, either in and the crime were allowed
to pass,
the instigators, or even in the guilty corps itself. But the true soldier ought to be not merely capable,
and obedient, he ought to be all this willingly and spontaneously; and it is the privilege of gifted natures alone to induce the animated machine which they govern brave,
by means of example and of hope, and by the consciousness of being turned to befitting As the officer, who would demand valour from his
to a joyful service
especially use.
must himself have looked danger in the face with. them, Caesar had even when general found opportunity of drawing his sword and had then used it like the best; in troops,
moreover, and fatigue he was constantly far more Caesar took exacting from himself than from his soldiers.
activity,
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
197
care that victory, which primarily no doubt brings gain to the general, should be associated also with personal hopes We have already mentioned in the minds of the soldiers.
he knew how to render
that
his soldiers enthusiastic for
the cause of the democracy, so far as the times which had become prosaic still admitted of enthusiasm, and that the political
of the
equalization
native land of
most of
Transpadane country
his soldiers
the
with Italy proper was
Of set forth as one of the objects of the struggle (iv. 457). course material recompenses were at the same time not wanting as well special rewards for distinguished feats of arms as general rewards for every efficient soldier; the officers had their portions, the soldiers received presents,
and the most
lavish gifts were placed in prospect for the
triumph.
Above all things Caesar as a true commander underhow to awaken in every single component element,
stood
large or small, of the its
mighty machine the consciousness of
befitting application.
for service,
The
ordinary
and he has no objection
to
man
is
destined
be an instrument,
feels that a master guides him. Everywhere and at times the eagle eye of the general rested on the whole army, rewarding and punishing with impartial justice, and if
he
all
directing
the
action
of
each
towards
the
course con-
so that there was no experiducive to the good of all menting or trifling with the sweat and blood of the :
humblest, but for that very reason, where it was necessary, Withunconditional devotion even to death was required. out allowing each individual to see into the whole springs of action, Caesar yet allowed each to catch such glimpses of the political and military connection of things as to secure that idealized
He as
and it may be he should be recognized as and a general. a statesman the soldiers by
treated his soldiers throughout, not as his equals, but
men who
are
entitled
to
demand and were
able to
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
198
endure the
and who had
truth,
and the assurances of
to put faith in the promises
their general, without
thinking of as to rumours comrades or ; listening through deception long years in warfare and victory, among whom there was
hardly any one that was not known to him by name and that in the course of so many campaigns had not formed
more or
a personal relation to the general ; as good with whom he talked and dealt confidentially companions, and with the cheerful elasticity peculiar to him ; as clients, to
less of
requite
And
whose
services,
and
to avenge
whose wrongs
death, constituted in his view a sacred duty.
Perhaps
army which was so perfectly what an ) army ought to be a machine able for its ends and willing for its ends, in the hand of a master, who transfers to it Caesar's soldiers were, and felt themUhis own elasticity. selves, a match for a tenfold superior force; in connection there never was an
(
i
,
with which
should not be overlooked, that under the
it
Roman
tactics
conflict
and
for hand-to-hand combat with the sword the
calculated altogether
especially for
Roman soldier was superior to the novice in a higher degree than is now the case under the circumBut still more than by the stances of modern times. 1 practised far
superiority of valour the adversaries of Caesar selves
felt
humbled by the unchangeable and touching
with which his
soldiers
clung
to
their
perhaps without a parallel in history, that
summoned
his soldiers to follow
him
themfidelity
It
general.
is
when
the general into the civil war,
1 A centurion of Caesar's tenth legion, taken prisoner, declared to the commander-in-chief of the enemy that he was ready with ten of his men to make head against the best cohort of the enemy (500 men Bell. " In the ancient mode of fighting," to quote the opinion of Afric. 45). consisted of duels what was battle correct "a only Napoleon I., simply in the mouth of that centurion, would be mere boasting in the mouth of the modern soldier." Vivid proofs of the soldierly spirit that pervaded Caesar's army are furnished by the Reports appended to his Memoirs respecting the African and the second Spanish wars, of which the former appears to have had as its author an officer of the second rank, while the latter is in every respect a subaltern camp-journal. ;
;
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
199
with the single exception already mentioned of Labienus, no Roman officer and no Roman soldier deserted him.
The hopes
of his opponents as to an extensive desertion were thwarted as ignominiously as the former attempts to Labienus break up his army like that of Lucullus (p. 181). himself appeared in the camp of Pompeius with a band doubtless of Celtic and German horsemen but without a
Indeed the
single legionary.
show
that the war was quite as
soldiers,
much
as
if
they would
their matter as that
of their general, settled among themselves that they would for the pay, which Caesar had promised to
.
give credit
double for them at the outbreak of the
commander up
civil war, to their
and would meanwhile support their poorer comrades from the general means ; besides, every subaltern officer equipped and paid a trooper out of his
ful
own
to
its
termination,
(
\
*
purse.
While Caesar thus had the one thing which was needunlimited political and military authority and a trust-
Field of
the fight his power extended, a over very limited space. comparatively speaking, only It was based essentially on the province of Upper Italy.
worthy army ready
for
This region was not merely the most populous of all the Upper districts of Italy, but also devoted to the cause of the '
democracy as its own. The feeling which prevailed there is shown by the conduct of a division of recruits from Opitergium (Oderzo in the delegation of Treviso), which not long after the outbreak of the war in the Illyrian waters, surrounded
on a wretched
raft
by the war-vessels of
the enemy, allowed themselves to be shot at during the whole day down to sunset without surrendering, and, such of them as had escaped the missiles, put themselves to
own hands during the following night. easy to conceive what might be expected of such a
death with their It
is
As they had already granted to Caesar the means of more than doubling his original army, so after
population.
BOOK V
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
the outbreak of the civil war recruits presented themselves in great
numbers
for the
ample
levies that
were immediately
instituted.
In Italy proper, on the other hand, the influence of Caesar was not even remotely to be compared to that of his opponents. Although he had the skill by dexterous
Italy.
manoeuvres to put the Catonian party in the wrong, and
had
commended
sufficiently
who wished
the rectitude of his cause to
a pretext with a good conscience either to remain neutral, like the majority of the senate, or to all
embrace
for
and the Transpadanes,
his side, like his soldiers
the mass of the burgesses naturally did not allow themselves to be misled by these things and, when the commandant
of Gaul put his legions in motion against Rome, they in beheld despite all formal explanations as to law the defenders of the Cato and Pompeius legitimate republic,
Caesar the democratic usurper. People in general moreover expected from the nephew of Marius, the son-in-
in
law of Cinna,
the ally of Catilina, a repetition of the realization of the saturnalia
Marian and Cinnan horrors, a of anarchy
projected
by Catilina
;
and though Caesar
so that through expectation the political refugees immediately put themselves in a body at his disposal, the ruined men saw in him their deliverer, certainly gained
allies
this
and the lowest ranks of the rabble in the capital and country towns were thrown into a ferment on the news of his advance,
are Provinces.
even
less influence
colonists of [
than in
Italy.
states
who
Caesar had
Transalpine Gaul indeed
Rhine and the Channel obeyed him, and the Narbo as well as the Roman burgesses elscwhere settled in Gaul were devoted to him; but in the Narbonese province itself the constitutional party had numerous adherents, and now even the newly-conquered
as far as the
;
these belonged to the class of friends
more dangerous than foes. In the provinces and the dependent
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
201
regions were far more a burden than a benefit to Caesar in the impending civil war; in fact, for good reasons he
made no
use of the Celtic infantry at
all
in that war,
}
and
In the other provinces but sparing use of the cavalry. and the neighbouring half or wholly independent states
/
Caesar had indeed attempted to procure for himself support, had lavished rich presents on the princes, caused buildings to be executed in various granted to them in case of need financial
towns,
great
assistance;
and
but on the whole, of course, not
and
military
much had
been gained by this means, and the relations with the German and Celtic princes in the regions of the Rhine and the Danube,
particularly the connection with the Noric
king Voccio, so important for the recruiting of cavalry, were probably the only relations of this sort which were of
any moment for him. While Caesar thus entered the struggle only as com- The
mandant of Gaul, without other
essential
resources than
efficient adjutants, a faithful army, and a devoted province, Pompeius began it as de facto supreme head of the Roman
commonwealth, and
in full possession of all the resources
that stood at the disposal of the legitimate
the great
Roman
empire.
But while
government of was in a
his position
and military point of view far more considerable, it was also on the other hand far less definite and firm. The unity of leadership, which resulted of itself and by necessity from the position of Caesar, was inconsistent political
with the nature of a coalition too
much
;
and although Pompeius,
of a soldier to deceive himself as to
its
being
indispensable, attempted to force it on the coalition and got himself nominated by the senate as sole and absolute
generalissimo by land and sea, yet the senate itself could not be set aside nor hindered from a preponderating influence
on the
political,
and an occasional and therefore
doubly injurious interference with the
military,
superin-
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
202
The recollection of the twenty years' war on both sides with envenomed weapons between waged and the constitutional party ; the feeling which Pompeius tendence.
vividly
prevailed
difficulty
victory
on
concealed,
both that
sides,
the
first
and which they with consequence of the
when achieved would be a rupture between contempt which they entertained
the
victors;
other and with only too good grounds in either case inconvenient number of respectable and influential in the
moral
the
each
for ;
the
men
ranks of the aristocracy and the intellectual and almost all who took part in the matter
inferiority of
altogether produced reluctant
and
among
the opponents of Caesar a
refractory co-operation, which
formed the
saddest contrast to the harmonious and compact action on the other side.
While
Field of
coalition,
all
the disadvantages incident to the coalition of
powers naturally hostile were thus felt in an unusual measure by Caesar's antagonists, this coalition was certainly It had exclusive command still a very considerable power. of the sea ; all ports, all ships of war, all the materials for
The two Spains equipping a fleet were at its disposal. as it were the home of the power of Pompeius just as the two Gauls were the home of that of Caesar
were
faithful
adherents to their master and in the hands of able and
In the other provinces also, trustworthy administrators. of course with the exception of the two Gauls, the posts of the governors and commanders had during recent years been filled up with safe men under the influence of
The clientPompeius and the minority of the senate. and with decision took throughout great part against The most important Caesar and in favour of Pompeius. states
princes
1-1
and
cities
had
been
brought
into
the
closest
personal relations with Pompeius in virtue of the different sections of his manifold activity. In the war against the
Marians, for instance, he had been the companion in arms
CHAP."
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
X
203
kings of Numidia and Mauretania and had rethe kingdom of the former (iv. 94) ; in the Mithradatic war, in addition to a number of other minor
of the
established
and temporal, he had
principalities spiritual
re-established
the kingdoms of Bosporus, Armenia, and Cappadocia, and created that of Deiotarus in Galatia (iv. 431, 437); it
was primarily at undertaken, and
his instigation that the
Egyptian war was
was by his adjutant that the rule of the Even the city Lagids had been confirmed afresh (iv. 451). it
of Massilia in Caesar's own province, while indebted to the latter doubtless for various favours, was indebted to
Pompeius
at the
time of the Sertorian war for a very con8); and, besides, the
siderable extension of territory (p.
ruling oligarchy there stood in natural alliance
s
strengthened,
by various mutual relations with the oligarchy in Rome. But these personal and relative considerations as well as the glory of the victor in three continents, which in these more remote parts of the empire far outshone that of the
conqueror of Gaul, did perhaps less harm to Caesar in which had not those quarters than the views and designs remained there unknown of the heir of Gaius Gracchus as to the necessity of uniting the dependent states
the
usefulness
of provincial
No
colonizations.
and
one ofr
dynasts found himself more imminently threatened by this peril than Juba king of Numidia. Not Juba of Numidia. in he had the lifetime of his father only years before, the dependent
Hiempsal, fallen into a vehement personal quarrel with Caesar, but recently the same Curio, who now occupied almost the
first
posed to the
among
place
Roman
Numidian kingdom.
Caesar's adjutants, had pro-
burgesses the annexation of the Lastly, if matters should go so far
as to lead the independent neighbouring states to interfere in
the
Roman
civil
war, the
that of the Parthians,
the
aristocratic
party
only state really powerful, allied with
was practically already
by the
connection
entered
into
I
as a whole, little
and
49.
Dyrrhachium
success achieved in
to pass the winter there. Illyricum by the Pompeian
a l tnou g n of itself not inconsiderable, had yet but influence on the issue of the campaign as a whole ; it appears miserably small, when we consider that the
performances of the land and naval forces under the supreme command of Pompeius during the whole eventful year 705 were confined to this single feat of arms, and that from the east, where the general, the senate, the
second great army, the principal
and ists
more extensive
still
fleet,
the
immense
of Caesar were united, no intervention at
was needed
where
it
west.
The
military
financial resources of the antagon-
in
all
took place
that all-decisive struggle in the
scattered condition of the forces in the eastern
method of the general never to with operate except superior masses, his cumbrous and tedious movements, and the discord of the coalition may half of the empire, the
perhaps explain in some measure, though not excuse, the inactivity of the land-force; but that the fleet, which
commanded
the Mediterranean without a
rival,
should have
thus done nothing to influence the course of affairs nothing for Spain, next to nothing for the faithful Massiliots,
nothing to defend Sardinia,
reoccupy
Italy,
at
least
to
Sicily,
Africa,
obstruct
its
or,
if
not to
supplies
makes demands on our ideas of the confusion and versity
prevailing in the
this
per-
Pompeian camp, which we can
only with difficulty meet. The aggregate result of this campaign was corresponding. Caesar's double aggressive movement, against Spain and against Sicily
and
Africa,
was successful
in the
former case
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
237
completely, in the latter at least partially ; while Pompeius' plan of starving Italy was thwarted in the main by the taking away of Sicily, and his general plan of campaign was frustrated completely by the destruction of the Spanish
army; and
in Italy only a very small portion of Caesar's Notwithdefensive arrangements had come to be applied. in Africa and -felt losses the Illyria, standing painfully
Caesar came forth from
this
year of the war in the
first
most decided and most decisive manner as victor. the east to If, however, nothing material was done from
Organiza-
obstruct Caesar in the subjugation of the west, efforts at
^"c e
least
were made towards securing
consolidation obtained.
political
the respite so rendezvous of the
there during
The
and
s
thither
military donia.
opponents of| Thither Pompeius himself and\The emigrar emigrants from Brundisium resorted ;
great
of the
came the other
refugees from the west
:
Marcus
Lucius Domitius from Massilia, but more especially a number of the best officers and soldiers of the broken-up army of Spain, with its generals Afranius and
Cato from
Sicily,
In Italy emigration gradually became a among the aristocrats question not of honour merely but almost of fashion, and it obtained a fresh impulse through
Varro
at their head.
\
the unfavourable accounts which arrived regarding Caesar's position before Ilerda ; not a few of the more lukewarm partisans and the political trimmers went over by degrees, and even Marcus Cicero at last persuaded himself that he
did not adequately discharge his duty as a citizen by writing The senate of emigrants at a dissertation on concord. Thessalonica, where the official Rome pitched its interim
abode, numbered nearly 200 members, including venerable old men and almost all the consulars. emigrants
indeed
n
ignominiously
Caesar was Macedonia. the mass
'
they
were.
This
Roman
many But
Coblentz
displayed a pitiful spectacle in the high pretensions and paltry performances of the genteel world of Rome, their
i
BOOK V
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
2 38
more unseasonable perversities and financial
unseasonable reminiscences and their
recriminations,
was a matter of comparatively slight while the old structure was falling to pieces,
embarrassments.
moment
that,
political
still
It
they were with the most painstaking gravity watching over every old ornamental scroll and every speck of rust in the constitution
;
genteel lords
after all
it
was simply
ridiculous,
had scruples of conscience
when
the
as to calling their
beyond the sacred soil of the city the and cautiously gave it the title of the "three hundred " ; x or when they instituted tedious investigations in state law as to whether and how a curiate law could be
deliberative assembly senate,
legitimately enacted elsewhere than within the ring-wall of
Rome. The lukewarm.
Far worse traits were the indifference of the lukewarm The and the narrow-minded stubbornness of the ultras. former could not be brought to act or even to keep silence. If they were asked to exert themselves in some definite
way
for the
teristic
common
good, with the inconsistency charac-
of weak people they regarded any such suggestion
compromise them still further, do what they were ordered at all or did At the same time of course, with their it with half heart. affectation of knowing better when it was too late and their
as a malicious attempt to
and
either did not
over-wise impracticabilities, they proved a perpetual clog who were acting; their daily work consisted in
to those
criticizing, ridiculing,
and bemoaning every occurrence great
1 As according to formal law the "legal deliberative assembly" undoubtedly, just like the "legal court," could only take place in the city itself or within the precincts, the assembly representing the senate in the African army called itself the "three hundred" (Dell. Afric. 88, 90; Appian, ii. 95), not because it consisted of 300 members, but because this It is very likely that was the ancient normal number of senators (i. 98). this assembly recruited its ranks by equiles of repute but, when Plutarch makes the three hundred to be Italian wholesale dealers (Cato Min. 59, Of a similar 61), he has misunderstood his authority (Dell. Afr. 90). kind must have been the arrangement as to the cjuasi-senate already in ;
Thessalonica.
CHAP, x
and by
PIIARSALUS,
small,
and
in
AND THAPSUS
239
unnerving and discouraging the multitude
own
sluggishness and hopelessness. While these displayed the utter prostration of weakness, The their
hand exhibited in full display With them there was no attempt
the ultras on the other
its
to' exaggerated action. for to the conceal that peace any negotiation preliminary was the bringing over of Caesar's head ; every one of the
attempts
towards
peace,
which Caesar repeatedly made
even now, was tossed aside without being examined, or
employed only
to cover insidious attempts
the commissioners of their opponent. partisans of Caesar
had
jointly
and
on the
lives of
That the declared
severally forfeited
life
and property, was a matter of course; but it fared little Lucius Domitius, better with those more or less neutral. the hero of Corfinium, gravely proposed in the council of war that those senators who had fought in the army of
Pompeius should come to a vote on all who had either remained neutral or had emigrated but not entered the army, and should according to their own pleasure individually acquit them or punish them by fine or even by the forfeiture of Another of these ultras formally lodged life and property. with Pompeius a charge of corruption and treason against Lucius Afranius for his defective defence of Spain. Among these deep-dyed republicans their political theory assumed
almost the character of a confession of religious faith ; they accordingly hated their own more lukewarm partisans and
Pompeius with his personal adherents, if possible, still more than their open opponents, and that with all the dull obstinacy of hatred which is wont to characterize orthodox theologians ; and they were mainly to blame for the numberless and bitter separate quarrels which distracted But they did the emigrant army and emigrant senate. Marcus Bibulus, Titus not confine themselves to words. Labienus, and others of this coterie carried out their theory in practice, and caused such officers or soldiers of Caesar's
ultras.
army
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
240 as
into
fell
which, as
may
hands
their
to
be executed en masse ;
well be conceived, did not tend
to
make
If the countertroops fight with less energy. revolution in favour of the friends of the constitution, for
Caesar's
which
all
the elements were in existence
216), did not
(p.
break out in Italy during Caesar's absence, the reason, according to the assurance of discerning opponents of Caesar, lay chiefly in the general dread of the unbridled fury of the republican ultras after the restoration should
have taken place. The better men in the Pompeian camp were in despair over this frantic behaviour. Pompeius, himself a brave soldier, spared the prisoners as far as he might and could ; but he was too pusillanimous and in too
awkward a
to
position
atrocities of this sort, as
chief to do.
prevent it
or
even
became him
as
to punish all commander-in-
Marcus Cato, the only man who
at least
carried moral consistency into the struggle, attempted with
more energy
to check such proceedings ; he induced the emigrant senate to prohibit by a special decree the pillage of subject towns and the putting to death of a burgess otherwise than in battle. The able Marcus Marcellus had
similar
views.
No
one, indeed,
knew
better than
Cato
and Marcellus
that the extreme party would carry out their if saving deeds, necessary, in defiance of all decrees of the
But if even now, when they had still to regard senate. considerations of prudence, the rage of the ultras could not be tamed, people might prepare themselves after the victory for a reign of terror from which Marius and Sulla themselves would have turned away with horror; and we can understand why Cato, according to his own confession,
was more afraid of the victory than of the defeat of The
prc-
forward
own party. The management
his
of the military preparations in the in the hands of Pompeius the
Macedonian camp was
commander -in -chief.
His
position,
always
troublesome
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
and
241
had become
still worse through the unfortunate In the eyes of his partisans he was mainly ;^ to blame for this result. This judgment was in various
galling,
events of 705.
1
\
respects not just.
.
A
considerable part of the misfortunes^ endured was to be laid to the account of the perversity
and insubordination of the lieutenant-generals, especially of the consul Lentulus and Lucius Domitius; from the
moment when Pompeius took had led
it
with
skill
considerable
very
was not a match
the head of the army, he and courage, and had saved at least
from the shipwreck;
forces
for Caesar's altogether
which was now recognized by
all,
that
he
superior genius,
could
not
be
fairly
made
But the result alone matter of reproach to him. decided men's judgment. Trusting to the general Pompeius, the constitutional party had broken with Caesar; the pernicious consequences of this breach recoiled upon the general Pompeius ; and, though owing to the notorious military incapacity of all the other chiefs no attempt was made to change the supreme command, yet confidence at in the commander-in-chief was paralyzed. To these painful consequences of the defeats endured were
any rate
added the injurious influences of the emigration. Among the refugees who arrived there were certainly a number of efficient soldiers and capable officers, especially those belonging to the former Spanish army ; but the number of those who came to serve and fight was just as small as that of the generals of quality who called themselves proconsuls and imperators with as good title as Pompeius, and of the genteel lords who took part in active military
service
more or
Through
these the
less
reluctantly,
mode
into the camp, not at
of
all
life
was alarmingly great. was introduced
in the capital
to the advantage of the
army;
the tents of such grandees were graceful bowers, the ground elegantly covered with fresh turf, the walls clothed with ivy
;
silver
VOL. v
plate
stood
on the
table,
and the wine-cup 149
7 \
(
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
242
often circulated
there
even in
broad daylight.
Those
fashionable warriors formed a singular contrast with Caesar's daredevils, who ate coarse bread from which the former
and who, when that failed, devoured even that they would rather chew the bark of
recoiled,
and swore ;
roots trees
than desist from the enemy. While, moreover, the action of Pompeius was hampered by the necessity of having regard to the authority of a collegiate board personally him, this embarrassment was singularly the senate of emigrants took up its abode almost in his very headquarters and all the venom of disinclined
increased
to
when
the emigrants now found vent in these senatorial sittings. Lastly there was nowhere any man of mark, who could
have thrown his own weight into the scale against Pompeius himself was preposterous doings.
these
}'
all
in-
tellectually far too secondary for that purpose, and far Marcus Cato would too hesitating, awkward, and reserved. have had at least the requisite moral authority, and would
not have lacked the good will to support Pompeius with it ; but Pompeius, instead of calling him to his assistance, out of distrustful jealousy kept him in the background, for instance to commit the highly important chief command of the fleet to the in every respect incapable
and preferred
The
Marcus Bibulus rather than to Cato. While Pompeius thus treated the
political
his position with his characteristic perversity,
aspect of
and did
his
make what was
already bad in itself still worse, he devoted himself on the other hand with commendable best to
to his duty of giving military organization to the The flower considerable but scattered forces of his party.
zeal
of
his
force
him from
was composed of the troops brought with out of which with the supplementary aid
Italy,
of the Illyrian prisoners of war and the w in
Greece
came from
five
legions in
the east
all
Romans
were formed.
domiciled
Three others
the two Syrian legions formed from
PHARSALUS, AND TIIAPSUS
CHAP, x
the remains of the
army of Crassus, and one made up out
two weak legions hitherto stationed
of the
243
in
'
Cilicia.
Nothing stood in the way of the withdrawal of these corps of occupation because on the one hand the Pompeians had an understanding with the Parthians, and might even
1
:
have had an alliance with
them
if
Pompeius had not
indignantly refused to pay them the price which they demanded for it the cession of the Syrian province added by himself to the empire ; and on the other hand Caesar's
;
plan of despatching two legions to Syria, and inducing the Jews once more to take up arms by means of the prince Aristobulus kept a prisoner in
Rome, was
frustrated partly
New by other causes, partly by the death of Aristobulus. one from the veteran soldiers legions were moreover raised settled
in
Crete and Macedonia, two from the
of Asia Minor. volunteers,
To
who were
all
these
derived
fell
to
/
\
Romans
be added
2000
from the remains of the
Spanish select corps and other similar sources ; and, lastly, the contingents of the subjects. Pompeius like Caesar had disdained to make requisitions of infantry from them ; only
/'
j
the Epirot, Aetolian, and Thracian militia were called out to guard the coast, and moreover 3000 archers from Greece
and Asia Minor and 1200
slingers
were taken up as
light
troops.
The cavalry on the other hand with the exception of His cavalr ya noble guard, more respectable than militarily important, formed from the young aristocracy of Rome, and of the Apulian slave herdsmen
whom Pompeius had mounted
consisted exclusively of the contingents of the The flower of it consisted subjects and clients of Rome. of the Celts, partly from the garrison of Alexandria (iv. 452), (p.
205)
partly the contingents of king Deiotarus
who
in spite of
age had appeared in person at the head of his and of the other Galatian dynasts. With them
his great
troops,
were associated the excellent Thracian
horsemen,
who
{
'
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
244
were
brought
partly
Rhascuporis,
partly
up
by
enlisted
their
Sadala
princes
by Pompeius
in
the
and
Mace-
donian province ; the Cappadocian cavalry ; the mounted archers sent by Antiochus king of Commagene ; the contingents
of the
Armenians from the west side of the
Euphrates under Taxiles, and from the other side under Megabates, and the Numidian bands sent by king Juba the whole body amounted to 7000 horsemen. It Lastly the fleet of Pompeius was very considerable. was formed partly of the Roman transports brought from
Fleet.
Brundisium
or
subsequently
built,
partly
of
the
war
vessels of the king of Egypt, of the Colchian princes, of /the Cilician dynast Tarcondimotus, of the cities of Tyre,
Rhodes, Athens, Corcyra, and generally of all the Asiatic and Greek maritime states; and it numbered nearly 500 Immense sail, of which the Roman vessels formed a fifth. magazines of corn and military stores were accumulated in Dyrrhachium. The war-chest was well filled, for the
Pompeians found themselves in possession of the principal sources of the public revenue and turned to their own account the moneyed resources of the client-princes, of the senators of distinction, of the farmers of the taxes, and generally of the whole Roman and non-Roman population
within
their reach. Every appliance that the of the legitimate government and the muchrenowned protectorship of Pompeius over kings and peoples
reputation
move in Africa, Egypt, Macedonia, Greece, Western Asia and Syria, had been put in motion for the protection of the Roman republic ; the report which circulated in could
Italy that Pompeius was arming the Getae, Colchians, and Armenians against Rome, and the designation of " king of " kings given to Pompeius in the camp, could hardly be On the whole he had command called exaggerations. over an army of 7000 cavalry and eleven legions, of which, i
it
is
true,
but
five
at
the
most could be described as
PHARSALUS, AND TIIAPSUS
245
accustomed to war, and over a fleet of 500 sail. The temper of the soldiers, for whose provisioning and pay
Pompeius manifested adequate care, and to whom in the event of victory the most abundant rewards were promised, was throughout good, in several and these precisely the divisions even excellent; but a great most efficient
army consisted of newly -raised troops, the and training of which, however zealously it
part of the
formation
The force was prosecuted, necessarily required time. altogether was imposing, but at the same time of a somewhat motley character. According to the design of the commander-in-chief the fleet were to be in substance completely united
army and
Junction of the
Pompeians
by the winter of 705-706 along the coast and in the waters [49-48. on the The admiral Bibulus had already arrived with coast of of Epirus.
no
new headquarters, Corcyra. On the other the hand land-army, the headquarters of which had been summer at Berrhoea on the Haliacmon, had not the during yet
ships at his
come up
;
the mass of
it
Epirus.
was moving slowly along the
great highway from Thessalonica towards the west coast to the future headquarters Dyrrhachium ; the two legions,
which Metellus Scipio was bringing up from Syria, remained at Pergamus in Asia for winter quarters and were expected
Europe only towards spring. They were taking time in For the moment the ports of movements. and above the fleet, merely by over were Epirus guarded, their own civic defences and the levies of the adjoining
in
fact for their
districts.
It thus remained possible for Caesar, notwithstanding Caesar against the intervention of the Spanish war, to assume the offensive
Pompeius.
also in
Macedonia
;
and he
at least
was not slow to
act.
He
had long ago ordered the collection of vessels of war and transports in Brundisium, and after the capitulation of the Spanish army and the fall of Massilia had directed the greater portion of the select troops employed there
I ',
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
246
that
to proceed to
The
destination.
unparalleled exer-
no doubt, which were thus required by Caesar from soldiers, thinned the ranks more than their conflicts
tions \his
had done, and the mutiny of one of the four oldest legions, the ninth, on its march through Placentia was a dangerous indication
of the
temper prevailing
in
the
army
;
but
Caesar's presence of mind and personal authority gained the mastery, and from this quarter nothing impeded the
But the want of
embarkation. 49.
pursuit of
Pompeius had
ships,
failed in
also to frustrate this expedition.
through which the
March 705, threatened
The
war-vessels,
which
Caesar had given orders to build in the Gallic, Sicilian, and Italian ports, were not yet ready or at any rate not
on the spot
his
;
squadron in the Adriatic had been in
the previous year destroyed at Curicta (p. 235); he found at Brundisium not more than twelve ships of war and scarcely transports
to
enough
convey over
at
once the
of twelve legions and 10,000 part of his army destined for Greece. The considerable fleet cavalry
third
of the
enemy
especially all
on
its
exclusively
commanded
the Adriatic and
the harbours of the mainland and islands
eastern
Under such circumstances
coast.
the
question presents itself, why Caesar did not instead of the maritime route choose the land route through Illyria,
which relieved him from fleet
all
and besides was shorter
came from Gaul, than
the perils threatened by the for his troops,
who mostly
the route by Brundisium.
that the regions of Illyria were rugged
It is true
and poor beyond
but they were traversed by other armies not ; long afterwards, and this obstacle can hardly have appeared insurmountable to the conqueror of Gaul. Perhaps he march that troublesome the through apprehended during description
Pompeius might convey his whole force over the Adriatic, whereby their parts might come at once to be with Caesar in Macedonia, and Pompeius in changed Illyria
CHAP, x
TIIARSALUS,
AND THAPSUS
247
although such a rapid change was scarcely to be Perhaps Caesar expected from his slow-moving antagonist. had decided for the maritime route on the supposition Italy
;
that his fleet
would meanwhile be brought
command
into a condi-
and, when after his return from Spain he became aware of the true state of things in the Adriatic, it might be too late to change the plan to
tion
of campaign.
respect,
Perhaps
and, in accordance with Caesar's
temperament always urging him to decision, we may even say in all probability he found himself irrequick
sistibly
coast
tempted was still
by the circumstance that at
the
be covered
the
Epirot
j
moment unoccupied but would a few
i
by the enemy, to thwart once more by a bold stroke the whole plan of
certainly
in
days
his antagonist. l
However
Caesar se,t i*8. this may be, on the 4th Jan. 706 with six legions greatly thinned by toil and sickness ands in and 600 horsemen from Brundisium for the coast of Epirus. sail
was a counterpart to the foolhardy Britannic expedition,; but at least the first throw was fortunate. The coast was reached in the middle of the AcrocerIt
Epirus.
aunian (Chimara) cliffs, at the little -frequented roadstead of Paleassa (Paljassa). The transports were seen both from the harbour of Oricum (creek of Avlona) where a Pompeian squadron of eighteen sail was lying, and from the headquarters of the hostile fleet at Corcyra ; but in the one quarter they deemed themselves too weak, in the
other they were not ready to sail, so that the was landed without hindrance. While the
first
freight
vessels
at
once returned to bring over the second, Caesar on that same evening scaled the Acroceraunian mountains. His /-
first
.t
First
successes.
r
successes were as great as the surprise of his enemies.
The
Epirot militia nowhere offered resistance ; the important seaport towns of Oricum and Apollonia along with a 1
According to the
rectified calendar
on the 5th Nov. 705.
i
49.
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
248
of smaller townships were taken, and Dyrrhachium, Pompeians as their chief arsenal and filled
number
selected by the
with stores of
all sorts,
but only feebly garrisoned, was in
the utmost danger. Caesar cut
But the further course of the campaign did not
cor-
Bibulus subsequently respond to this brilliant beginning. made up in some measure for the negligence, of which he
itaiy.
to be guilty, by redoubling his exernot only captured nearly thirty of the transports returning home, and caused them with every living thing on board to be burnt, but he also established along the whole district of coast occupied by Caesar, from the
had allowed himself tions.
He
island Sason (Saseno) as far as the ports of Corcyra, a most careful watch, however troublesome it was rendered
by the inclement season of the year and the necessity of everything necessary for the guard-ships, even
bringing
'wood and water, from Corcyra ; in fact his successor Libo for he himself soon succumbed to the unwonted fatigues )
I
even blockaded for a time the port of Brundisium, till the want of water again dislodged him from the little island in front of it on which he had established himself. It was not possible for Caesar's officers to convey the second As little did portion of the army over to their general. in the capture of Dyrrhachium. Pomof learned one Caesar's through peace envoys as to pcius his preparations for the voyage to the Epirot coast, and,
he himself succeed
,
thereupon accelerating his march, threw himself just at the The situation of right time into that important arsenal. his range in he extended Caesar was critical. Although Epirus as
far as
with his slight strength was at
the subsistence of his
army remained
difficult
all
and
possible, precari-
enemy, in possession of the magazines of Dyrrhachium and masters of the sea, had abundance of With his army presumably little above 20,000 everything. ous, while the
/
strong he could not offer battle to that of Pompeius at
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
numerous, but had to deem himself fortunate
least twice as
Pompeius went methodically
that
249
to
work and, instead of
immediately forcing a battle, took up his winter quarters between Dyrrhachium and Apollonia on the right bank of the Apsus, facing Caesar on the left, in order that after the arrival of the legions from Pergamus in the spring he might annihilate the enemy with an irresistibly superior
Thus months
force.
passed.
If the arrival of the better
season, which
brought to the enemy a strong additional force and the free use of his fleet, found Caesar still in
the same position, he was to all appearance lost, with his weak band wedged in among the rocks of Epirus between the immense fleet and the three times superior land army of the enemy ; and already the winter was drawing to a
His
close.
that
it
depended on the transport fleet fight its way through the blockade be hoped for; but after the first voluntary
sole
hope
still
;
should steal or
was hardly
to
foolhardiness this second venture was enjoined by necessity.
How
desperate his situation appeared to Caesar himself, his resolution when the fleet still came not
is
shown by
to sail alone in a fisherman's boat across the Adriatic to
Brundisium in order to fetch it ; which, in reality, was only abandoned because no mariner was found to undertake the daring voyage. But his appearance in person was not needed to induce Antonius the
faithful
officer
who
commanded
make this last effort Once more the transport
Antonius, to
in
Italy,
for the saving
S
Marcus
Epirus
of his
with four legions and 800 horsemen on board, sailed from the harbour of Brundisium, and fortunately a strong south wind carried it master.
fleet,
But the same wind, which thus saved impossible for it to land as it was directed on the coast of Apollonia, and compelled it to
past Libo's galleys. the fleet, rendered
sail
past the
.
it
camps of Caesar and Pompeius and to steer Dyrrhachium towards Lissus, which town
to the north of
[
fortunately
)
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
250
sailed
past
galleys
still
the
started
adhered to
Caesar
(p.
When
236).
harbour of Dyrrhachium, the in
it
Rhodian
and hardly had the ships of
pursuit,
Antonius entered the port of Lissus when the enemy's But just at this moment the squadron appeared before it.
wind suddenly veered, and drove the pursuing galleys back into the open sea and partly on the rocky coast. Through the most marvellous good fortune the landing of the second freight had also been successful. Antonius and Caesar were no doubt still some four days' march from each other, separated by Dyrrhachium and the whole army of the enemy ; but Antonius happily effected the perilous march round about Dyrrhachium through the passes of the Graba Balkan, and was received by Caesar, who had gone to meet him, on the right bank
junction
of the Apsus.
Pompeius,
after
having vainly attempted
to prevent the junction of the two armies of the enemy and to force the corps of Antonius to fight by itself, took
up a new
position at
Asparagium on the
river
Genusus
(Skumbi), which flows parallel to the Apsus between the latter and the town of Dyrrhachium, and here remained
once more immoveable.
Caesar
felt
himself
now
j
i
j
strong
enough to give battle; but Pompeius declined it. On the other hand Caesar succeeded in deceiving his adversary and throwing himself unawares with his better marching troops, just as at Ilerda, between the enemy's camp and the fortress of Dyrrhachium on which it rested as a basis.
The
chain of the Graba Balkan,
direction from east to west ends
narrow tongue of land
at
which stretching
on the Adriatic
Dyrrhachium, sends
off
in
a
in the
fourteen
in a south-westerly direcmiles to the east of Dyrrhachium tion a lateral branch which likewise turns in the form of a
crescent towards the sea,
and the main chain and
lateral
branch of the mountains enclose between themselves a small plain extending round a
cliff
on the seashore.
Here
CHAP, x
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
251
Pompeius now took up his camp, and, although Caesar's army kept the land route to Dyrrhachium closed against him, he yet with the aid of his fleet remained constantly communication with the town and was' amply and easily
in
provided from it with everything needful; while among the Caesarians, notwithstanding strong detachments to the country lying behind, and notwithstanding all the exertions of the general to bring about an organized system of conveyance and thereby a regular supply, there was more than scarcity, and flesh, barley, nay even roots had very fre-
quently to take the place of the wheat to which they were accustomed.
As his phlegmatic opponent persevered in his inaction, Caesar invests * he Caesar undertook to occupy the circle of heights which * camp of enclosed the plain on the shore held by Pompeius, with Pompeius. the view of being able at least to arrest the movements of the superior cavalry of the enemy and to operate with more) freedom against Dyrrhachium, and if possible to compel his opponent either to battle or to embarkation. Nearly) the half of Caesar's troops was detached to the interior ; it seemed almost Quixotic to propose with the rest virtually
to besiege in position,
an army perhaps twice as strong, concentrated and resting on the sea and the fleet. Yet
Caesar's veterans by infinite exertions invested the
Pom-
peian camp with a chain of posts sixteen miles long, and afterwards added, just as before Alesia, to this inner line a
second outer one, to protect themselves against attacks from Dyrrhachium and against attempts to turn their position which could so easily be executed with the aid of the fleet. Pompeius attacked more than once portions of
these entrenchments with a view to break
if
possible the
enemy's line, but he did not attempt to prevent the investment by a battle ; he preferred to construct in his turn a
number of entrenchments around his camp, and to connect them with one another by lines. Both sides exerted
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
252
themselves to push forward their trenches as far as possible, and the earthworks advanced but slowly amidst constant conflicts. At the same time skirmishing went on on the of Caesar's
side
opposite
camp
with
the
garrison
of
Dyrrhachium ; Caesar hoped to get the fortress into his power by means of an understanding with some of its
There inmates, but was prevented by the enemy's fleet. was incessant fighting at very different points on one of the hottest days at six places simultaneously and, as a the tried valour of the Caesarians had the rule, advantage in
these skirmishes; once,
maintained for
several
itself in its
hours,
for
instance,
a single cohort
entrenchments against four legions
No
support came up.
till
success was attained on either side
prominent
yet the effects of the investment came by degrees to be oppressively felt by the The stopping of the rivulets flowing from the Pompeians.
heights into the plain compelled
;
them
to
be content with
Still more severely felt was scanty and bad well-water. the want of fodder for the beasts of burden and the horses,
which the of
them
fleet
died,
was unable adequately to remedy ; numbers it was of but little avail that the horses
and
were conveyed by the
fleet
to
Dyrrhachium, because there
also they did not find sufficient fodder. Caesar's lines
broken.
Pompeius could not much longer delay
to free himself
from his disagreeable position by a blow struck against the He was informed by Celtic deserters that the enemy.
enemy had neglected to secure the beach between his two chains of entrenchments 600 feet distant from each other by a
cross-wall,
and on
caused the inner line
this
he formed
his plan.
While he
of Caesar's entrenchments to be
attacked by the legions from the camp, and the outer line by the light troops placed in vessels and landed beyond the
enemy's entrenchments, a third division landed in the space left between the two lines and attacked in the rear their already sufficiently occupied defenders.
The entrenchment
PHARSALUS, AND TIIAPSUS
CHAP, x
253
next to the sea was taken, and the garrison fled in wild with difficulty the commander of the next trench ;
confusion
Marcus Antonius succeeded
moment
a limit for the but,
it
and
in setting
advance of the Pompeians ; the considerable loss, the outermost
from
apart
in maintaining
to the
entrenchment along the sea remained in the hands of the Pompeians and the line was broken through. Caesar the
more
^i_
i
i
L-
.
Caesar once niori after j c feateci /Y
i_
the opportunity, which soon of attacking a Pompeian legion, which had incautiously become isolated, with the bulk of his infantry. But the attacked offered valiant resistance, and, as the seized
eagerly
presented
itself,
ground on which the
fight
took place had been several times
employed encampment of larger and lesser divisions and was intersected in various directions by mounds and for the
ditches, Caesar's right
missed the
its
way
Pompeian
;
wing along with the cavalry
instead of supporting the
legion,
it
entirely
|
in attacking
got into a narrow trench that led
from one of the old camps towards the
who came up
left
river.
So Pompeius,
in all haste with five legions to the aid of his
found the two wings of the enemy separated from each other, and one of them in an utterly forlorn position. When the Caesarians saw him advance, a panic seized them ; the whole plunged into disorderly flight ; and, if the matter troops,
ended with the
loss of
1000 of the best
and Caesar's was due simply to
soldiers
army did not sustain a complete defeat, this the circumstance that Pompeius also could not freely develop his force on the broken ground, and to the further fact that, fearing a stratagem, he at
But,
even as
mischief. losses
and
it
'was,
first
blow
days were
1
j
with Conseuences of serious q
fraught
his entrenchments, the result defeats.
of four months of gigantic labour
he was by the recent ; thrown back again exactly to the point from engagements From the sea he was more comwhich he had set out. pletely "driven than ever, since
\
held back his troops.
these
Not only had Caesar endured the most forfeited at a
(
Pompeius' elder son Gnaeus
had by a bold attack
j
BOOK v
BRUNDISIUM, ILERDA,
254
partly burnt, partly carried
off,
Caesar's
few ships of war lying in the port of Oricum, and had soon afterwards also set fire to the transport fleet that was left
.
/
behind in
I
Lissus
all
;
possibility
of bringing
reinforcements to Caesar by sea from lost.
!
The numerous Pompeian
up fresh Brundisium was thus
cavalry,
now
released from
confinement, poured themselves over the adjacent country and threatened to render the provisioning of their
I
f
had always been
Caesar's army, which impossible. offensive
command failed.
On
utterly
what had hitherto been the theatre of war he presence of an impregnable defensive to strike a serious blow either against
found himself in position,
difficult,
daring enterprise of carrying on without operations ships against an enemy in of the sea and resting on his fleet had totally Caesar's
and unable
Dyrrhachium or against the hostile army; on the other hand it depended now solely on Pompeius whether he should proceed to attack under the most favourable circumstances an antagonist already in grave danger as to his
means of
subsistence.
The war had
arrived at a
crisis.
Hitherto Pompeius had, to all appearance, played the game of war without special plan, and only adjusted his defence
according to the exigencies of each attack; and this was not to be censured, for the protraction of the war gave him opportunity of making his recruits capable of fighting, of bringing up his reserves, and of bringing more fully into Caesar play the superiority of his fleet in the Adriatic. was beaten not merely in tactics but also in strategy. This defeat had not, I
it
is
true, that effect
which Pompeius not
without reason expected ; the eminent soldierly energy of Caesar's veterans did not allow matters to come to an
J
V \
immediate and
total
breaking up of the army by hunger and
depended solely on opponent by judiciously following up his victory to reap mutiny.
full fruits.
But yet
it
seemed
as
if it
his its
PHARSALUS, AND THAPSUS
CHAP, x
255
Pompeius to assume the aggressive and he War was resolved to do so. Three different ways of rendering It
was
for
;
his victory fruitful presented themselves to him.
The
army, and,
if it
departed, to pursue
and
might leave Caesar himself
and might cross
in person, as
preparations for doing, with the
it.
Pompeius.
first
and simplest was not to desist from assailing the vanquished Secondly, Pompeius
)
was P roc ^ a i mec^ by Marcus Cato when he fell on his sword at Utica. For many years he had been the foremost
man
in the
struggle
of the legitimate republic
he had continued
it, long after he oppressors ; But now the had ceased to cherish any hope of victory. the itself had become republic which impossible ; struggle
against
its
Africnn township Milev bears as Roman the name colonia Sarnensis 1.. I. viii. (.
/ \
THE OLD REPUBLIC AND
332
BOOK v
course followed by Cromwell and by Napoleon, in such a way that the ruler should be succeeded in rule by his son, if
but,
he had no son, or the son should not seem
fitted for
the succession, the ruler should of his free choice nominate his successor in the
form of adoption.
In point of state law the new office of Imperator was based on the position which the consuls or proconsuls occupied outside of the pomerium, so that primarily the
command, but, along with this, the supreme judiand consequently also the administrative power, were But the authority of the Imperator was included in it. 1
military cial
qualitatively superior to the consular-proconsular, in so far as the former was not limited as respected time or space, but
was held
for life
and operative
also in the capital
2 ;
as the
1 The widely - spread opinion, which sees in the imperial office of Imperator nothing but the dignity of general of the empire tenable for life, is not warranted either by the signification of the word or by the view taken by the old authorities. Imperium is the power of comrriand, imperator is the possessor of that power ; in these words as in the corresponding Greek terms Kpdros, avroKpdrup so little is there implied a specific
on the contrary the very characteristic of the it appears purely and completely, to embrace in it war and process that is, the military and the civil power of command Dio says quite correctly (liii. 17 comp. xliii. as one inseparable whole. " to 44 lii. 41) that the name Imperator was assumed by the emperors indicate their full power instead of the title of king and dictator (irpbs military reference, that
Roman
official
it is
power, where
;
;
6ri\u(nv TTJS avTore\ovs atfj&v ^ovfflas, dvrl rrjs TOU /SacnX^ws TOW re dtKTii^iri/cX^Tai), for instance the right of levying soldiers, imposing taxes, declaring war and concluding peace, exercising tjie supreme authority over burgess and non-burgess in and out of the city and punishing any one at any place capitally or otherwise, and in general of assuming the prerogatives connected in the earliest times with the supreme imperium." It could not well be said in plainer terms,
that imperator is nothing at all but a coincides with regere. 2
synonym
When
for rex, just as
imperare
Augustus in constituting the principate resumed the Caesarian imperium, this was done with the restriction that it should be limited as to space and in a certain sense also as to time the proconsular power of the emperors, which was nothing but just this imperium, was not to come into 3 On this application as regards Rome and Italy (Staatsrecht, ii. 854). element rests the essential distinction between the Caesarian imperium and the Augustan principate, just as on the other hand the real equality ;
THE NEW MONARCHY
CHAP, xi
333
Imperator could not, while the consul could, be checked by colleagues of equal power ; and as all the restrictions placed in course of time on the original supreme official
power
the
especially
obligation
to
place
give
provocatio and to respect the advice of the senate apply to the Imperator.
to
,-
the
did not
In a word, this new office of Imperator was nothing else than the primitive regal office re-established ; for it was those very restrictions as respected the temporal and local limitation of power, the collegiate arrangement, and the co-
,Re-estab-
P 1
operation of the senate or the community that was necessary which distinguished the consul from the; for certain cases
j
There is hardly a trait of the newT Jung (i. 318 /). monarchy which was not found in the old the union of the supreme military, judicial, and administrative authority :
hands of the prince
in the
the
commonwealth
;
a religious presidency over the right of issuing ordinances with
But
city.
still
more
|
striking than these analogies
is
the internal similarity of the monarchy of Servius Tullius and the monarchy of Caesar ; if those old kings of Rome
with free
plenitude of power had yet been rulers of a community and themselves the protectors of the
all their
commons
had not come and it, primarily to break of the Nor need it yoke aristocracy.
against the nobility, Caesar too
to destroy liberty but to
the
intolerable
fulfil
surprise us that Caesar, anything but a political antiquary, went back five hundred years to find the model for his
new
state
;
for,
seeing
that
Roman commonwealth had
the
highest
remained
office
of the
at all times a king-
ship restricted by a number of special laws, the idea of the regal office itself had by no means become obsolete. of the two institutions rests on the imperfection with which even in principle
and
still
more
Jews even then kept together as fellow-countrymen, shown by the remark of an author of this period, that
is it
was dangerous for a governor to offend the Jews in his province, because he might then certainly reckon on being I
hissed after
'
/
Even
return by the populace of the capital. time the predominant business of the Jews the Jewish trader moved everywhere with the his
at this
was trade
;
Roman
conquering
merchant then,
in
the
same way
as he
afterwards accompanied the Genoese and the Venetian, and capital flowed in on all hands to the Jewish, by the side of
Roman, merchants. At this period too we encounter the peculiar antipathy of the Occidentals towards this so thoroughly Oriental race and their foreign opinions and the
customs.
This Judaism, although not the most pleasing nowhere pleasing picture of the mixture of
feature in the
nations which then prevailed, was nevertheless a historical element developing itself in .the natural course of things,
which the statesman could neither ignore nor combat, and which Caesar on the contrary, just like his predecessor Alexander, with correct discernment of the circumstances, While Alexander, by laying the fostered as far as possible. foundation of Alexandrian Judaism, did not
much
less for the
own David by planning
the temple of Jerusalem, Caesar also advanced the interests of the Jews in Alexandria and in Rome by special favours and privileges, and
nation than
its
Yprotected in particular their peculiar worship against the The as well as against the Greek local priests.
THE NEW MONARCHY
CHAP, xi
two great
419
men
of course did not contemplate placing the Jewish nationality on an equal footing with the Hellenic or But the Jew who has not like the OcciItalo-Hellenic. dental received the Pandora's
and stands state
;
gift
of political organization,
substantially in a relation of indifference to the
who moreover
is
as reluctant to give
of his national idiosyncrasy, as he
up the essence
ready to clothe it with and to at himself up to a adapt pleasure any nationality is
the Jew was for this very certain degree to foreign habits reason as it were made for a state, which was to be built on the ruins of a hundred living polities and to be endowed with a somewhat abstract and, from the outset, toned-down nationality.
Even
effective leaven of
position,
and
in the ancient
world Judaism was an
cosmopolitanism and of national decom-
to that extent a specially privileged
member
the Caesarian state, the polity of which was strictly speaking nothing but a citizenship of the world, and the nationality of which was at bottom nothing but humanity. in
But the Latin and Hellenic
nationalities continued to
be
Hellenism,
exclusively the positive elements of the new citizenship. The distinctively Italian state of the republic was thus at an
end
;
Rome
but the rumour that Caesar was ruining Italy and on purpose to transfer the centre of the empire to
the Greek east
and
to
make
Ilion or Alexandria
was nothing but a piece of talk
very easy to
its capital,
be accounted
of the angry nobility. On the contrary in Caesar's organizations the Latin nationality always retained the preponderance ; as is indicated in the for,
but also very
silly
very fact that he issued all his enactments in Latin, although those destined for the Greek-speaking countries were at the
same time issued relations of the
in
Greek.
In general he arranged the
two great nations
his republican predecessors
in his monarchy just as had arranged them in the united
the Hellenic nationality was protected where it exItalian was extended as far as circumstances the isted, perItaly
;
'
I
!
:
Nigidius Figulus, a Roman of rank belonging to the strictest section of the aristocracy, who filled the praetorship in 696
58.
and died in 709 as a political exile beyond the bounds of With astonishing copiousness of learning and still Italy.
45.
more astonishing strength of faith he created out of the most dissimilar elements a philosophico-religious structure, the singular outline of which he probably developed still more in his oral discourses .than in his theological and In philosophy, seeking deliverance from physical writings. the skeletons of the current systems and abstractions, he recurred
to
the
philosophy, to
sented
itself
neglected
of the pre-Socratic
fountain
whose ancient sages thought had
with sensuous vividness.
The
still
pre-
researches of
which, suitably treated, afford even now physical science so excellent a handle for mystic delusion and pious sleight of hand, and in antiquity with its into physical laws lent themselves objects
played in this case, as
more defective more easily
still
may
insight
to such
readily be conceived,
His theology was based essentially on that strange medley, in which Greeks of a kindred spirit had intermingled Orphic and other very old or very a considerable part.
'
j
;
new indigenous wisdom with Persian, Chaldaean, and Egyptian secret doctrines, and with which Figulus incor-j
(
porated the quasi-results of the Tuscan investigation into nothingness and of the indigenous lore touching the flight of birds, so as to produce further harmonious confusion. obtained its consecration political,;
The whole system
from the name of Pythagoras, the whose supreme principle was "to promote order and to check disorder," the miracleworker and necromancer, the primeval sage who was a native of Italy, who was interwoven even with the legendary religious,
and national
ultra-conservative statesman
!
RELIGION, CULTURE,
448 history of
BOOK v
Rome, and whose statue was to be seen in the As birth and death are kindred with each
Roman Forum. other, so
it
seemed
Pythagoras was to stand not merely
by the cradle of the republic as friend of the wise Numa and colleague of the sagacious mother Egeria, but also by But its grave as the last protector of the sacred bird-lore.
new system was not merely
marvellous, it also worked Nigidius announced to the father of the subsequent emperor Augustus, on the very day when the latter was born, the future greatness of his son ; nay the prophets the
marvels
;
conjured up
spirits
for the credulous,
more moment, they pointed out
to
and, what was of
them the places where
was,
money lay. The new-and-old wisdom, such as it made a profound impression on its contemporaries
men
of the highest rank, of the greatest learning, of the
their lost
;
most '
i
solid ability, belonging to very different parties the consul of 70$, Appius Claudius, the learned Marcus Varro, took part in the citation the brave officer Publius Vatinius
of
spirits,
and
it
even appears that a police interference
was necessary against the proceedings of these societies. These last attempts to save the Roman theology, like the kindred
efforts of
Cato
in the field of politics,
once a comical and a melancholy impression smile at the creed and
matter
when even
able
its
propagators, but
men
produce ;
at
we may
a grave begin to addict themselves to still it is
absurdity. Training of youth,
The training of youth followed, as may naturally be supposed, the course of bilingual humane culture chalked out in the previous epoch, and the general culture also of the Roman world conformed more and more to the forms E,yen the purpose by the Greeks. from advanced ball-playing, runrnngTancT bodily exercises fencing to the more artistically-developed Greek gymnastic
established for that
contests
;
though there were not yet any public institutions
for gymnastics, in the principal country-houses \ht palaestra
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
was already
to
The manner
be found by the side of the bath-rooms. which the cycle of general culture had
^
the Roman world during the course of a;^"t at shown by a comparison of the encyclopaedia of this period.
is
I
with the similar treatise of Varro "concern195) ^^Jb^.n .^^^^^^^^^^** _M As constituent elements of nonthe school-sciences." ing
Cato
(iii. *
1
,
i
professional culture, there appear in Cato. the art of oratory, the sciences of agriculture, of law, of war, and of medicine ; in
I
'Sciences of
in
changed century,
in
449
Varro
according to probable conjecture
!
i
j
grammar,
logic or dialectics, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy,
music, medicine, and architecture. Consequently in the course of the seventh century the sciences of war, juris-
\
i
prudence, and agriculture had been converted from general On the other hand in Varro the into professional studies. Hellenic training of youth appears already in all its com-
;
.
by the side of the course of grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy, which had been introduced at an earlier period into Italy, we now find the course which had longer pleteness
:
remained distinctively Hellenic, of geometry, arithmetic, 1 That astronomy more especially, astronomy, and music. which ministered, in the nomenclature of the stars, to the thoughtless
erudite
dilettantism
of the age and,
in
its
relations to astrology, to the prevailing religious delusions,
was regularly and zealously studied by the youth in Italy, can be proved also otherwise; the astronomical didactic
poems of literature,
Aratus,
found
among
earliest
all
the works
of Alexandrian
Roman youth. To this Hellenic course there was added the study of medicine, which was retained from the older Roman instruction, and lastly that of architecture indispensable to the genteel Roman of this period, who instead of cultivating the ground built houses and villas. 1 These form, as is well known, the so-called seven liberal arts, which, with this distinction between the three branches of discipline earlier naturalized in Italy and the four subsequently received, maintained their
position throughout the middle ages.
VOL. V
;
admittance into the instruction of'
162
I
RELIGION, CULTURE,
450 Greek
In comparison with the previous epoch the Greek as
in-
struction.
well
the
as
Latin
training
scholastic strictness quite as Alexan-
The
and
in refinement.
lore
gave to instruction of
Homer
as
it
extent
and
in
declined in purity
increasing eagerness after Greek
drinism.
explain
in
improved
much
itself
an erudite character.
or Euripides was after
all
no
art
;
To
teachers
and scholars found
their account better in handling the Alexandrian poems, which, besides, were in their spirit far more congenial to the Roman world of that day than the
genuine Greek national poetry, and which,
if
they were not
quite so venerable as the Iliad, possessed at any rate an
age sufficiently respectable to pass as classics with schoolThe love-poems of Euphorion, the " Causes " of
masters.
Callimachus and his "Ibis," the comically obscure "Alex" of Lycophron contained in rich abundance rare
andra
vocables (glossae) suitable for being extracted and interpreted, sentences laboriously involved and difficult of analysis, prolix digressions full of mystic combinations of antiquated
myths, and generally a store of cumbersome erudition of all
sorts.
Instruction needed
exercises
more and more
these productions, in great part model efforts of ; schoolmasters, were excellently adapted to be lessons for difficult
model
scholars.
Thus the Alexandrian poems took a
permanent place in Italian scholastic instruction, especially
and certainly promoted knowledge, although The same unexpense of taste and of discretion.
as trial-themes, at the
healthy appetite for culture moreover impelled the Roman youths to derive their Hellenism as much as possible from
The
the fountain-head.
Rome to
sufficed only for a
courses of the Greek masters in first start
;
every one
who wished
be able to converse heard lectures on Greek philosophy
at Athens,
and on Greek
rhetoric at Rhodes,
and made a
tour through Asia Minor, where most literary and of the old art-treasures of the Hellenes were still to be artistic
found on the
spot,
and the
cultivation of the fine arts
had
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
after a mechanical fashion;
been continued, although Alexandria, more
451
distant
and more celebrated
whereas
as the seat
of the exact sciences, was far more rarely the point whither young men desirous of culture directed their travels.
The advance
in Latin instruction
was similar to that of
Latin in-
This in part resulted from the mere reflex influence of the Greek, from which it in fact essentially borrowed Greek,
its
methods and
its
stimulants.
Moreover, the relations of
mount
the orators' platform in the by the democratic doings
politics, the impulse to
Forum which was imparted to
an ever -widening
circle,
contributed
not
a
little
~1
to
and enhancement of oratorical exercises "wherever one casts his eyes," says Cicero, "every place is
the diffusion
full
;
of rhetoricians."
j
Besides, the writings of the sixth
century, the farther they receded into the past, began to be more decidedly regarded as classical texts of the golden
age of Latin literature, and thereby gave a greater preponderance to the instruction which was essentially concenl
and spreading of barbarian elements from many quarters and the incipient Latinizing of extensive Celtic and Spanish districts, trated
upon them.
Lastly the immigration
naturally gave to Latin
grammar and Latin
instruction a
higher importance than they could have had, so long as
Latium only spoke Latin the teacher of Latin literature had from the outset a different position in Comum and ;
Narbo than he had
in Praeneste
and Ardea.
Taken
as a
whole, culture was more on the wane than on the advance. The ruin of the Italian country towns, the extensive intrusion of foreign elements, the political, economic, and
moral deterioration of the nation, above
all,
the distracting
wars inflicted more injury on the language than all the schoolmasters of the world could repair. The closer civil
contact with the Hellenic culture of the present, the more decided influence of the talkative Athenian wisdom and of the rhetoric of
Rhodes and Asia Minor, supplied
to the
j
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
452
Roman
youth just the very elements that were most perHellenism. The propagandist mission which
nicious
in
Latium undertook among the Celts, Iberians, and Libyans proud as the task was could not but have the like consequences for the Latin language as the Hellenizing of the east
had had
The
for the Hellenic.
public of this period
fact that the
Roman
applauded the well arranged and
rhythmically balanced periods of the orator, and any offence in language or metre cost the actor dear, doubtless shows that
the insight, into the mother tongue which was the was becoming the common
reflection of scholastic training
But at the same possession of an ever -widening circle. time contemporaries capable of judging complain that the Hellenic culture in Italy about 690 was at a far lower level had been a generation before ; that opportunities of hearing pure and good Latin were but rare, and these than
it
chiefly
from the mouth of elderly cultivated ladies
;
that
the tradition of genuine culture, the good old Latin mother wit, the Lucilian polish, the cultivated circle of readers of
The Scipionic age were gradually disappearing. circumstance that the term urbanitas, and the idea of a
the
polished national culture which it expressed, arose during this period, proves, not that it was prevalent, but that it was on the wane, and that people were keenly alive to the
absence of
this nrbanitas in the
language and the habits of
the Latinized barbarians or barbarized Latins.
Where we
meet with the urbane tone of conversation, as in Varro's Satires and Cicero's Letters, it is an echo of the old fashion
still
;
Germs of a
^. schools.
_
which was not yet so obsolete
in
Reate and Arpinum
as in
Rome. Thus
the previous culture of youth remained substanunchanged, except that not so much from its own it deterioration as from the general decline of the nation tially
was productive of preceding epoch.
less
good and more
evil
than in the
Caesar initiated a revolution also
in this
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xil
453
While the Roman senate had first combated department. and then at the most had simply tolerated culture, the of the new Italo-Hellenic empire, whose essence in fact was humanitas, could not but adopt measures If Caesar to stimulate it after the Hellenic fashion.
government
conferred
the
Roman
franchise
on
all
teachers
of the
the physicians of the capital, we discover in this step a paving of the way in some sciences
liberal
may
and
all
degree for those institutions in which subsequently the higher bilingual culture of the youth of the empire was
provided for on the part of the state, and which form the significant expression of the new state of humanitas ;
most
and
if
Caesar had further resolved on the establishment of
a public Greek and Latin library
in
the capital and had
already nominated the most learned Roman of the age, Marcus Varro, as principal librarian, this implied unmistakeably the design of connecting the cosmopolitan with cosmopolitan literature.
monarchy
The development of the language during this period Language. turned on the distinction between the classical Latin of cultivated society
The former
itself
culture; even
become the
in
cue,
and the vulgar language of common life. was a product of the distinctively Italian the Scipionic circle "pure Latin" had and the mother tongue was spoken, no
longer in entire na'ivete^ but in conscious contradistinction to the language of the great multitude. This epoch opens The
with a remarkable reaction against
the classicism which had hitherto exclusively prevailed in the higher language of conversation and accordingly also in literature a reaction
which had inwardly and outwardly a close connection with the reaction of a similar nature in the language of Greece. Just about this time the rhetor and romance-writer Hegesias
of Magnesia and the numerous rhetors and literati of Asia Minor who attached themselves to him began to rebel against
the
orthodox
Atticism.
They demanded
full
Minor,
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
454
recognition for the language of life, without distinction, whether the word or the phrase originated in Attica or in Caria and Phrygia ; they themselves spoke and wrote not for the taste of learned cliques, but for that of the great
be much objection to the the result could not be better true,
There could
public.
principle
;
only,
it
is
not
than was the public of Asia Minor of that day, which had totally lost the taste for chasteness and purity of production,
To say after the showy and brilliant. of the of forms art that out of this nothing spurious sprang the romance and the tendency especially history assuming and longed only
the form of
romance
the very style of these Asiatics was, as
may readily be conceived, abrupt and without modulation and
finish,
minced
and effeminate,
full
of
and
tinsel
bombast, thoroughly vulgar and affected; "any one who knows Hegesias," says Cicero, "knows what silliness is."
Roman vulgarism.
Yet world.
this
new
When
style
the
found
way
its
Hellenic
Latin
also into the
fashionable
rhetoric,
after
having at the close of the previous epoch obtruded into the Latin instruction of youth (iv. 214), took at the beginning of the present period the final step and mounted the
Roman
Hortensius.
114-50.
orators' platform in the person of Quintus Hortensius (640-704), the most celebrated pleader of the Sullan age, it adhered closely even in the Latin idiom to
the bad Greek taste of the time
;
and the Roman
public,
no longer having the pure and chaste culture of the Scipionic age, naturally applauded with zeal the innovator to give to vulgarism the semblance of an
who knew how artistic
in
performance.
Greece the
first
in
forensic
This was of great importance. As were always waged at
battles of language
the schools of the rhetoricians, so in oration to a certain extent even
Rome
the
more than
and accordingly there with the leadership of the bar the prerogative of giving the tone to the fashionliterature set the
standard of
was combined, as
it
were of
style,
right,
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
455
mode of speaking and writing. The Asiatic vulgarism of Hortensius thus dislodged classicism from the Roman But the fashion Reaction. platform and partly also from literature. able
In the soon changed once more in Greece and in Rome. former it was the Rhodian school of rhetoricians, which, The Rhodian the chaste severity of the Attic style, school. attempted to strike out a middle course between it and the modern fashion if the Rhodian masters were not too par-
without reverting to
all
:
ticular as to the internal correctness of their thinking
and
on purity of language and on the careful selection of words and phrases, and the
speaking, they at least insisted style,
giving thorough effect to the modulation of sentences. In Italy it was Marcus Tullius Cicero (648-711) who,
having in his early youth gone along with the Hortensian manner, was brought by hearing the Rhodian
after
masters and by his own more matured taste to better paths, and thenceforth addicted himself to strict purity of
language and the thorough modulation of his discourse.
arrangement
periodic
The models
and
of language,
in this respect he followed, he found especially in those circles of the higher Roman society which had suffered but little or not at all from vulgarism ; and, as was already
which
said,
there were
still
The
such, although they were beginning
Latin and the good Greek however considerable was the influence of the literature, latter more especially on the rhythm of his oratory, were in
to
disappear.
earlier
matter only of secondary moment this purifying of the language was by no means a reaction of the language of books against that of conversation, but a reaction of the this
:
language of the really cultivated
against the jargon of Caesar, in the department of spurious and partial culture. language also the greatest master of his time, expressed the fundamental idea of Roman classicism, when he enjoined
and writing every foreign word should be avoided, as rocks are avoided by the mariner ; the poetical
that in speech
-Cicero-
106-43.
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
456
and the obsolete word of the older
literature
was rejected
phrase or that borrowed from the life, and more especially the Greek
as well as the rustic
language of common words and phrases which, as the letters of this period show, had to a very great extent found their way into conversaNevertheless this scholastic and
tional language.
artificial
classicism of the Ciceronian period stood to the Scipionic
French of the
as repentance to innocence, or the
under Napoleon to the model Boileau full
;
classicists
French of Moliere and
while the former classicism had sprung out of the life, the latter as it were caught just in
freshness of
right
time
recovery.
the
Such
breath of a
last
as
it
was,
it
race perishing beyond
rapidly diffused
With
itself.
the leadership of the bar the dictatorship of language and taste passed from Hortensius to Cicero, and the varied and
copious authorship of the latter gave to this classicism what it had hitherto lacked extensive prose texts. Thus Cicero became the creator of the modern classical Latin prose, /
/
and Roman
classicism attached itself throughout
altogether to Cicero as a stylist
poetry"
was
and
to the stylist Cicero,
to the statesman, that the not made up wholly of verbiage extravagant yet panegyrics with which the most gifted representatives of applied,
not to the author,
still
classicism, such as Caesar
The new
;
it
less
and
Catullus, loaded him.
They soon went farther. What Cicero did in prose, was car " e ^ out m poetry towards the end of the epoch by the new Roman school of poets, which modelled itself on the Greek fashionable poetry, and in which
most considerable
talent
was Catullus.
the
man
of
Here- too the
higher language of conversation dislodged the archaic reminiscences which hitherto to a large extent prevailed in this domain, and as Latin prose submitted to the Attic
rhythm, so Latin poetry submitted gradually to the strict or rather painful metrical laws of the Alexandrines; e.g. from the time of Catullus, it is no longer allowable at once
CHAP, xii
LITERATURE, AND ART
to begin a verse
and
to close a sentence
457
begun
-
in the verse
preceding with a monosyllabic word or a dissyllabic one not specially weighty.
At length science stepped in, fixed the law of language, and developed its rule, which was no longer determined on the basis of experience, but made the claim to determine The endings of declension, which hitherto experience.
had
been
in part
were now to be once
variable,
for all
fixed ; e.g. of the genitive and dative forms hitherto current side by side in the so-called fourth declension (senatuis and
and
sena/us, senatui
Caesar recognized exclusively In orthography and ti).
senatii)
as valid the contracted forms (us
various changes were made, to bring the written more fully into correspondence with the spoken language ; thus the u in
the middle of words like
Caesar's precedent by
become
*';
superfluous, k and
effected,
and
this action
generally
its
^,
it
which had
was
at
first
was
least
proposed. not yet stereotyped, in the course of was not yet indeed unthinkingly dominated
was, it
;
replaced after
letters
the removal of the
that of the second
The language becoming so by rule, but
maxumus was
and of the two
if
had already become conscious of
in the spirit
it.
That
department of Latin grammar derived and method from the Greek, and not
but that the Latin language was also directly rectified in accordance with Greek precedent, is shown, for example, by the treatment of the final s, which till only
so,
towards the close of this epoch had 'at pleasure passed sometimes as a consonant, sometimes not as one, but was treated
by the new-fashioned poets throughout, as
as a consonantal termination.
in Greek, This regulation of language
is the proper domain of Roman classicism; in the most various ways, and for that very reason all the more significantly, the rule is inculcated and the offence against it
rebuked by the coryphaei of classicism, by Cicero, by Caesar, even in the poems of Catullus ; whereas the older
Grammati-
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
458
generation expresses itself with natural keenness of feeling respecting the revolution which had affected the field of
language as remorselessly as the
new
while the
classicism
that
of
field is
to
1
But
politics.
say,
the standard
Latin governed by rule and as far as possible placed on a with the standard Greek which arose out of a
parity
conscious
reaction against the vulgarism intruding into higher society and even into literature, acquired literary fixity and systematic shape, the latter by no means evacu-
ated the
Not only do we
field.
find
it
naively
employed
works of secondary personages who have drifted into the ranks of authors merely by accident, as in the account in the
of Caesar's second Spanish war, but we shall meet it also with an impress more or less distinct in literature proper, in the mime, in the semi-romance, in the aesthetic writings of Varro
maintains
;
and
of literature,
take
it
it
is
a significant circumstance, that it the most national departments
itself precisely in
and
that truly conservative
into protection.
men,
like Varro,
Classicism was based on the death
of the Italian language as monarchy on the decline of the Italian nation ; it was completely consistent that the men, in whom the republic was still living, should continue to give to the living language its rights, and for the sake of its
comparative
vitality
aesthetic defects.
and
nationality should tolerate
Thus then
its
the linguistic opinions and
tendencies of this epoch are everywhere divergent ; by the side of the old-fashioned poetry of Lucretius appears the
thoroughly modern poetry of Catullus, by the side Cicero's well-modulated period stands the sentence
In Varro intentionally disdaining all subdivision. field likewise is mirrored the distraction of the age. In the literature of this period we are
Literary
by
the
first
outward increase, as compared with
of
all
the
of
of this
struck
former
1 Thus Varro (De R. R. i. 2) says ab aeditimo, ul dicere didicimus a patribus nostris ; ut corrigimur ab recenlibus urbanis, ab aedituo. :
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xil
459
It was long since the Greek epoch, of literary effort in Rome. literary activity of the Greeks flourished no more in the
free
atmosphere of
independence, but only in the
civic
and especially of and protection on the favour depend
scientific institutions of the larger cities
the courts.
Left to
of the great, and dislodged from the former seats of the Muses 1 by the extinction of the dynasties of Pergamus (621), Cyrene (658), Bithynia (679), and Syria (690) and 133. by the waning splendour of the court of the Lagids moreover, since the death of
Alexander the Great, necessarily
cosmopolitan and at least quite as much strangers among the Egyptians and Syrians as among the Latins the Hellenic literati began more and more to turn their eyes towards Rome. Among the host of Greek attendants with which the Roman of quality at this time surrounded himself,
the
the
philosopher,
poet,
and the memoir- writer
played conspicuous parts by the side of the cook, the boyWe meet already literati of note favourite, and the jester.
such positions ; the Epicurean Philodemus, for instance, was installed as domestic philosopher with Lucius Piso in
consul in 696, and occasionally edified the initiated with his clever epigrams on the coarse-grained Epicureanism of
58.
1 The dedication of the poetical description of the earth which passes under the name of Scymnus is remarkable in reference to those relations. After the poet has declared his purpose of preparing in the favourite Menandrian measure a sketch of geography intelligible for scholars and easy to be learned by heart, he dedicates as Apollodorus dedicated his
similar historical
to Attalus Philadelphus king of
compendium
affdvarov awov^fj-ovTa d6%av irpay/JMretas
rrjs
his
manual
to
Nicomedes
yw
III.
l\r)T)i>
xpTjariT^TCi irpocrfapeis,
tire66/j.r)ff'
avrbs
ir'
4fj.avrov \aj3fiv
Kal irapayevtvOai Kal rl jSacrtXew tar' IBeiv. 816 Tfl irpoQtaei tri/yoc/3oi;Xoj' te\f!;dfj.r]v . rbv 'Air6\\ti}va TOV AiSv/x?) . . . .
.
oO
3r?
vxfftbv /idXtara Kal
irp&s ffty /caret
\dyov
TJKO.
Pergamus
'ArrdXy
ireirtiff/j.{i>os
(KOLVTJV
yap
TOIS <j>i\ofJLa0ovffiv avaStSetxas) tvrlav.
91-75.
96.
\
/
From
his patron.
all sides the most notable representaand science migrated in daily-increasing Rome, where literary gains were now more
Greek
tives of
/
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
460
numbers
to
art
abundant than anywhere tioned as settled in
whom from
Among
else.
Rome we
those thus men-
find the physician Asclepiades
king Mithradates vainly endeavoured to draw away into
it
his
service
;
the
universalist
in
learning,
Alexander of Miletus, termed Polyhistor; the poet Parthenius from Nicaea in Bithynia ; Posidonius of Apamea in I-
equally celebrated as a traveller, teacher, and at a great age migrated in 703 from Rhodes house like that of Rome ; and various others.
Syria
author, to
who
A
Hellenic culture and a
Lucius Lucullus was a seat
of
rendezvous for Hellenic
almost like the Alexandrian
Museum
literati
Roman
resources and Hellenic connoisseurship in these halls of wealth and science an inhad gathered of statues and paintings of earlier collection comparable ;
and contemporary masters, as well as a library as carefully selected as it was magnificently fitted up, and every person of culture and especially every Greek was welcome there the master of the house himself was often seen walking up and down the beautiful colonnade in philological or philosophical conversation with one of his learned guests.
doubt these Greeks brought along with
their rich
No
treasures
of culture their preposterousness and servility to Italy; one of these learned wanderers for instance, the author of 54.
the "Art of Flattery," Aristodemus of Nysa (about 700) recommended himself to his masters by demonstrating that Homer was a native of Rome !
Extent of terary
of the
lomans.
In the same measure as the pursuits of the Greek
Rome, literary activity and creased among the Romans themselves. p ros p ere d
in
p OS iti O n, which the totally set aside,
now
stricter taste
now
revived.
universally current,
literati
literary interest in-
Even Greek com-
of the Scipionic age had
The Greek language was
and a Greek
treatise
found a quite
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii different
public from a Latin one
such as
rank,
Lucius
;
461
therefore
Lucullus, Marcus
Romans
of \
Titus
Cicero,
\
Atticus, Quintus Scaevola (tribune of the people in
700),
Armenia and Mauretania, published Greek Such occasionally prose and even Greek verses. Greek authorship however by native Romans remained a secondary matter and almost an amusement the literary like
the
kings
of
;
as
well as
the political parties of Italy
to
adhering
their
Italian
nationality,
all
coincided in
only more
or less
Nor could there be any compervaded by Hellenism. plaint at least as to want of activity in the field of Latin authorship.
of
all
sorts,
swarmed
There was a flood of books and pamphlets Poets and above all of poems, in Rome.
there, as they did only in
Tarsus or Alexandria
;
had become the standing juvenile sin of livelier natures, and even then the writer was reckoned fortunate whose youthful poems compassionate oblivion poetical publications
withdrew from
criticism.
Any one who understood
the
art,
a sitting his five hundred hexameters in which no schoolmaster found anything to censure,
wrote without
difficulty at
but no reader discovered anything to praise. The female world also took a lively part in these literary pursuits ; the ladies did not confine themselves to dancing and music, but
and
wit ruled conversation
by their
spirit
cellently
on Greek and Latin
literature
;
and talked
and,
ex-
when poetry
maiden's heart, the beleaguered fortress not seldom surrendered likewise in graceful verses. Rhythms
laid siege to a
became more and more the fashionable plaything of the big children of both sexes
;
poetical epistles, joint poetical
and competitions among good friends, were of common occurrence, and towards the end of this epoch
exercises
were already opened in the capital, at which unfledged Latin poets might learn verse-making for money. In consequence of the large consumption of books the
institutions
machinery
for
the
manufacture of copies
was substan-
J54. :
!
RELIGION, CULTURE,
462
BOOK v
and publication was effected with combookselling became a rapidity and cheapness lucrative and the bookseller's shop and trade, respectable a usual meeting -place of men of culture. Reading had Iparative become a fashion, nay a mania ; at table, where coarser tially
perfected,
;
pastimes had not already intruded, reading was regularly introduced, and any one who meditated a journey seldom
pack up a
forgot to
travelling library.
The
superior officer
camp-tent with the obscene Greek romance, the statesman in the senate with the philosophical treatise,
was seen
in the
Matters accordingly stood in the Roman they have stood and will stand in every state " from the threshold to the closet." where the citizens read
in his hands. state
as
Parthian vizier was not far wrong, when he pointed out to the citizens of Seleucia the romances found in the
The
of Crassus
camp
regarded
and asked
the readers of such
them whether they
still
books as formidable op-
ponents.
The
The 13
anTthe modems,
not ^ e
literary
tendency of
ot ^ erw ^ se j ^or
old and the
^e
new modes. on the
this
age was varied and could
a e itself was divided between the
The same
tendencies which
came
of politics, the national -Italian the of conservatives, the Hellene- Italian or, if tendency the term be preferred, cosmopolitan tendency of the new into conflict
field
monarchy, fought their battles also on the field of literaThe former attached itself to the older Latin ture. in the theatre, in the school, and in assumed more and more the character With less taste and stronger party tendencies of classical. than the Scipionic epoch showed, Ennius, Pacuvius, and
literature,
erudite
which
research
The especially Plautus were now exalted to the skies. leaves of the Sibyl rose in price, the fewer they became ; the relatively greater nationality and relatively greater productiveness of the poets of the sixth century were never
more
vividly felt than in this
epoch of thoroughly developed
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
463
Epigonism, which in literature as decidedly as in politics looked up to the century of the Hannibalic warriors as
beyond
now unhappily passed away doubt there was in this admiration
age that had
to the golden
No
recall.
of the old classics no small portion of the same hollowness and hypocrisy which are characteristic of the conservatism of this age in general ; and here too there was no want of trimmers. Cicero for instance, although in prose one of the chief representatives of the modern tendency, revered nevertheless the older national poetry nearly with the same
antiquarian respect which he paid to the aristocratic consti" tution and the augural discipline ; patriotism requires," we find him saying, "that we should rather read a notoriously wretched translation of Sophocles than the original." While thus the modern literary tendency cognate to the
democratic monarchy numbered secret adherents enough even among the orthodox admirers of Ennius, there were not wanting already bolder judges, who treated the native literature as disrespectfully as the senatorial politics.
only did they resume the
strict
Not
criticism of the Scipionic
epoch and set store by Terence only in order to condemn Ennius and still more the Ennianists, but the younger and bolder men went much farther and ventured already though
only
orthodoxy
as to
yet call
a bad verse-smith.
in
heretical
revolt
against
literary
Plautus a rude jester and Lucilius This modern tendency attached itself
to the native authorship, but rather to the more recent Greek literature or the so-called Alexandrinism.
not
We
cannot avoid saying at least so
much
respecting this The Greek Alexan art, as is
remarkable winter-garden of Hellenic language and requisite for the understanding of the
Roman
literature of
and the later epochs. The Alexandrian literature was based on the decline of the pure Hellenic idiom, which from
this
the time of Alexander the Great was superseded in daily life by an inferior jargon deriving its origin from the contact of
the
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
464
Macedonian
dialect with various
Greek and barbarian
more
; accurately, the Alexandrian literature sprang out of the ruin of the Hellenic nation generally, which had to perish, and did perish, in its national indi-
or, to speak
tribes
monarchy of
viduality in order to establish the universal
Alexander and the empire of Hellenism. Had Alexander's universal empire continued to subsist, the former national literature would have been succeeded by a cosmopolitan literature Hellenic merely in name, essentially denationalized and called into life in a certain measure by
and popular
all events ruling the world ; but, as the state of Alexander was unhinged by his death, the germs
royal patronage, but at
of the literature corresponding to it rapidly perished. Neverwith theless the Greek nation with all that it had possessed its
It
culture
of
men
in a comparatively
for such, strictly speaking, no longer existed of erudition that the Greek literature was
cherished even it
belonged to the past. narrow circle not of men of
nationality, its language, its art
was only
had
when dead
which
that the rich inheritance
;
but still
was inventoried with melancholy pleasure or arid
left
refinement of research
and
;
that, possibly, the living
sense
of sympathy or the dead erudition was elevated into a semblance of productiveness. This posthumous productiveness
constitutes the
essentially
similar
to
so-called Alexandrinism.
that
literature
of scholars,
It
is
which,
keeping aloof from the living Romanic nationalities and their
idioms,
vulgar
grew up during the
fifteenth
and
among a cosmopolitan circle of erudite as an artificial aftergrowth of the departed
sixteenth centuries
philologues antiquity
;
the
contrast
between the
classical
vulgar Greek of the period of the Diadochi
marked, but
is
and the doubtless
is
not, properly speaking, differ-
ent from that between the
Latin of Manutius and the
less strongly
Italian of Macchiavelli. Italy
had hitherto been
in the
main disinclined towards
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
Alexandrinisui.
465
season of comparative brilliance was The and after the first Punic war ; yet
Its
the period shortly before
Naevius, Ennius, Pacuvius and generally the whole body of the national Roman authors down to Varro and
drinism.
Lucretius in all branches of poetical production, not excepting even the didactic poem, attached themselves, not to their Greek contemporaries or very recent predecessors, but without exception to Homer, Euripides, Menander and the other masters of the living and national Greek literature. Roman literature was never fresh and national ; but, as
Roman
long as there was a for living
sought
its
people,
authors instinctively if not
and national models, and copied,
always to the best purpose or the best authors, at least such as were
original.
Alexander found
The Greek its
first
literature
Roman
originating after
imitators
for the slight
attempts from the Marian age (iv. 242) can scarcely taken into account among the contemporaries of
initial
be
Cicero and Caesar; and now the In spread with singular rapidity.
Roman
Alexandrinism
part this
from
arose
The
increased contact with the Greeks, especially the frequent journeys of the Romans into the Hellenic provinces and the assemblage of Greek literati in
external causes.
Rome,
naturally procured a public even
for the
Greek
among
literature of the day, for the epic
poetry, epigrams,
and Milesian
the Italians
and
elegiac
time
tales current at that
Moreover, as we have already stated (p. 450) the Alexandrian poetry had its established place in the in Greece.
instruction of the Italian youth
essentially
dependent
training.
We
of the new
;
and thus reacted on Latin
the more, since the latter continued
literature all
at all times
to be
on the Hellenic school-
find in this respect even a direct connection
Roman
with
the
new Greek
literature
;
the
already- mentioned Parthenius, one of the better known Alexandrian elegists, opened, apparently about 700, a
school for literature and poetry in VOL. v
Rome, and
the excerpts
163
54.
RELIGION, CULTURE,
466
BOOK v
still extant in which he supplied one of his pupils of rank with materials for Latin elegies of an erotic and mythological nature according to the well-known Alexandrian receipt.
are
But it was by no means simply such accidental occasions which called into existence the Roman Alexandrinism ; it was on the contrary a product
into
grew
itself
political
and
national
one hand, as Hellas into Hellenism, so now Latium resolved itself
Romanism itself,
perhaps not pleasing, but
the
On
Rome.
development of resolved
of
inevitable
thoroughly
the
the national development of Italy outin Caesar's Mediterranean
;
and was merged
empire, just as the Hellenic development in the eastern On the other hand, as the new empire of Alexander.
empire rested on the
Greek and Latin channels for
that
nationality, after
many
Italian literature
fact
centuries,
now
had not merely
the
mighty streams of
having flowed in parallel at length coalesced, the
as hitherto to seek
generally in the Greek, but
groundwork itself on a level with the Greek
number of
its
also to put
literature of the present,
or in other words with Alexandrinism. Latin, with the closed
had
With the
classics,
scholastic
with the exclusive
circle of classic-reading urbani, the national Latin literature
was dead and
an end
at
;
there arose instead of
it
a
fostered, artificially degenerate, imperial literature, which did not rest on any definite nationality, but proclaimed in two languages the universal gospel of humanity, and was dependent in point of spirit throughout
thoroughly
and consciously on the old Hellenic, in point of language partly on this, partly on the old Roman popular, literature. The Mediterranean monarchy This was no improvement. what is more a of Caesar was doubtless a grand and necessary creation
;
arbitrary superior will,
be found
in
it
it had been called into life by an and therefore there was nothing to
but
of the fresh popular
life,
of the overflowing
national vigour, which are characteristic of younger,
more
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
467
and more natural commonwealths, and which the the sixth century had still been able to
limited,
Italian state of
The
exhibit.
ruin of the Italian nationality, accomplished
in the creation of Caesar,
nipped the promise of literature. one who has Every any sense of the close affinity between art and nationality will always turn back from Cicero and
Horace
to
Cato and
Lucretius;
and nothing but the
schoolmaster's view of history and of literature it
acquired,
prescription
is
true,
in
this
department
which has
the sanction of
could have called the epoch of art beginning
new monarchy pre-eminently the golden age. But while the Romano-Hellenic Alexandrinism of the age of
with the
Caesar and Augustus must be deemed inferior to the older,
however imperfect, national literature, it is on the other hand as decidedly superior to the Alexandrinism of the age of the Diadochi as Caesar's enduring structure to the We shall have afterwards ephemeral creation of Alexander. to
show
that the
Augustan
compared with the
literature,
kindred literature of the period of the Diadochi, was far less a literature of philologues and far more an imperial than
literature
the
permanent and circles
of
far
society
latter, and therefore had a far more more general influence in the upper than the Greek Alexandrinism ever
had.
Nowhere was the prospect more lamentable than in literature. Tragedy and comedy had already before the present epoch become inwardly extinct in the
Dramatic
dramatic
Roman
national
performed.
That
literature.
the
New
public
pieces were no
still
in
the
longer Sullan age
to see such, appears from the reproductions of Plautine comedies with the belonging to this epoch titles and names of the persons altered, with reference to
expected
which the managers well added that good old piece than a bad new one. was not great to that
it
was better to see a
From
this
the step
entire surrender of the stage to the
and
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
468
dead poets, which we find in the Ciceronian age, and to which Alexandrinism made no opposition. Its productiveness
Real department was worse than none. composition the Alexandrian literature never nothing but the spurious drama, which was written
in
this
dramatic
knew
;
for
primarily
introduced
by
reading and it
not
into Italy,
for
dramatic iambics began to be quite as prevalent in as in Alexandria,
be
exhibition, could
and soon accordingly these
and the writing of tragedy
Rome
in particular
began to figure among the regular diseases of adolescence. We may form a pretty accurate idea of the quality of these productions from the fact that
Quintus Cicero,
order
the
in
weariness
of beguile four in sixteen tragedies composed
homoeopathically
winter quarters in Gaul,
to
days.
The mime.
In the " picture of
life
"
or
mime
alone the
last
still
vigorous product of the national literature, the Atellan farce, became engrafted with the ethological offshoots of Greek comedy, which Alexandrinism cultivated with greater poetical vigour and better success than any other branch The mime originated out of the dances in of poetry.
character to the
which had long been usual, and
flute,
which were performed sometimes on other occasions,
e.g.
entertainment of the guests during dinner, but more especially in the pit of the theatre during the intervals for the
was not
form out of these
between the
acts.
dances
which the aid of speech had doubtless long
in
It
since been occasionally
difficult to
by means of the
employed
intro-
duction of a more organized plot and a regular dialogue
comedies^ which were yet essentially distinguished from the earlier comedy and even from the farce by the facts, that the dance and the lasciviousness inseparable little
from such dancing continued in part,
and
that the
boards but to the
mime, pit,
this case to play a chief
as belonging propejly not to the
threw aside
all
ideal scenic effects,
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
469
such as masks for the face and theatrical buskins, and what was specially important admitted of the female
women. This new mime, seems to have come on the stage of the capital about 672, soon swallowed up the national harlequinade, with which it indeed in the most essential respects coincharacters being represented by
which
first
and was employed
cided,
as
the
usual
interlude
82.
and
especially as afterpiece along with the other dramatic per-
formances. 1 loose,
The
plot
and absurd than
was of course
still
more
indifferent,
was only chequered, the public did not ask why it and did not remonstrate with the poet, who in the harlequinade
if it
;
sufficiently
laughed, The subjects instead of untying the knot cut it to pieces. were chiefly of an amorous nature, mostly of the licentious
example, poet and public without exception took part against the husband, and poetical justice consisted in The artistic charm depended the derision of good morals. sort
;
for
wholly, as in the Atellana,
of
common and
low
life
aside for those of the
;
on the portraiture of the manners in which rural pictures are laid
life
Rome
the sweet rabble of
and doings of the just as in the
pieces the rabble of Alexandria its
own
likeness.
of tradesmen ; " then
Many
is
capital,
similar
summoned
to
applaud
subjects are taken from the
there appear the
and
Greek
life
here also inevitable
" Dyer," the "SaltRopemaker," the man," the "Female Weavers," the "Rascal"; other pieces
Fuller,"
the
"
1 Cicero testifies that the mime in his time had taken the place of the with this accords the fact, that the mimi and Atellana (Ad Fam. ix. 16) mimae first appear about the Sullan epoch (Ad Her. i. 14, 24 ii. 13, 19 Atta Fr. i Ribbeck Plin. H. N. vii. 48, 158 Plutarch, Bull. 2, 36). ;
;
;
;
;
The
designation mimus, howeVer, is sometimes inaccurately applied to Thus the mimus who appeared at the festival of the comedian generally. Apollo in 542-543 (Festus under salva res est ; comp. Cicero, De Orat. 212-211. ii. 59, 242) was evidently nothing but an actor of the palliata, for there was at this period no room in the development of the Roman theatre for real mimes in the later sense. With the mimus of the classical Greek period prose dialogues, in which genre pictures, particularly of a rural kind, were presented the
Roman mimus had no
especial relation.
RELIGION, CULTURE,
470
BOOK v
" " Forgetful," the Brag1 "Man of or the 100,000 sesterces"; pictures of gart," other lands, the " Etruscan Woman," the " Gauls," the give sketches of character, as the
"Cretan," "Alexandria"; or descriptions of popular " " " vals, as the Saturnalia," Compitalia," the renna," the
the
"Voyage
festi-
Anna
Pe-
"Hot Baths";
or parodies of mythology, as to the Underworld," the "Arvernian Lake."
Apt nicknames and short commonplaces which were easily retained and applied were welcome but every piece of ;
nonsense
was of
world Bacchus
nymph
is
for wine.
allusions
formerly
in this preposterous applied to for water and the fountainIsolated examples even of the political itself
so
privileged
strictly
;
prohibited
2 theatre are found in these mimes.
As
in
form, these poets gave themselves, as they
moderate trouble with the
versification
Roman
the
regards metrical " ;
"but
tell
us,
the
language
abounded, even
in the pieces prepared for publication, with vulgar expressions and low newly-coined words. The mime was, it is plain, in substance nothing but the former this exception, that the character-masks and the standing scenery of Atella as well as the rustic impress are dropped, and in their room the life of the capital in its
farce; with
boundless liberty and licence is brought on the stage. Most pieces of this sort were doubtless of a very fugitive nature and made no pretension to a place in literature; 1
With
the possession of this sum, which constituted the qualification
for the first voting-class and subjected the inheritance to the Voconian law, the boundary line was crossed which separated the men of slender
means
Therefore the poor client of (tenuiores) from respectable people. Catullus (xxiii. 26) beseeches the gods to help him to this fortune. 2 In the " Descensus ad Inferos" of Laberius all sorts of people come to one there appeared a forward, who have seen wonders and signs husband with two wives, whereupon a neighbour is of opinion that this is still worse than the vision, recently seen by a soothsayer in a dream, of six aediles. Caesar forsooth desired according to the talk of the time to introduce polygamy in Rome (Suetonius, Caes. 82) and he nominated in reality six aediles instead of four. One sees from this that Laberius ;
understood how to exercise the the fool's freedom.
fool's privilege
and Caesar how
to permit
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP. XII
471
but the mimes of Laberius, full of pungent delineation of character and in point of language and metre exhibiting the
hand of a master, maintained
their
ground
in
it
;
Laberius.
and
even the historian must regret that we are no longer permitted to compare the drama of the republican deathstruggle in
Rome
with
its
great Attic counterpart.
With the worthlessness of dramatic literature the increase of scenic spectacles and of scenic pomp went hand in hand.
Dramatic spec
Dramatic representations obtained
their regular place in not only of the capital but also of the country towns ; the former also now at length acquired by means of Pompeius a permanent theatre (699 ; see p. 117),
the public
life
55.
and the Campanian custom of stretching canvas over the theatre for the protection of the actors and spectators during the performance, which in ancient times always took place in the open to
Rome
(676).
As
air,
now
likewise found admission
at that time in
Greece
it
was not the
more than pale
Pleiad of the Alexandrian dramatists, but the classic drama, above all the tragedies of Euripides,
which amidst the amplest development of scenic resources kept the stage, so in. Rome at the time of Cicero the tragedies of Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius, and the comedies of Plautus were those chiefly produced. While the latter
had been
in the previous period supplanted by the more but in point of comic vigour far inferior Terence, Roscius and Varro, or in other words the theatre and
tasteful
philology, co-operated
to
procure for him a resurrection
which Shakespeare experienced at the hands of Garrick and Johnson ; but even Plautus had to suffer similar to that
from the degenerate susceptibility and the impatient haste of an audience spoilt by the short and slovenly farces, so that the
managers found themselves compelled to excuse
the length of the Plautine comedies and even perhaps to make omissions and alterations. The more limited the
stock of plays, the
more the
activity of the
managing and
78.
RELIGION, CULTURE,
472
BOOK v
executive staff as well as the interest of the public was directed to the scenic representation of the pieces. There
was hardly any more lucrative trade in Rome than that of the actor and the dancing -girl of the first rank. The princely estate of the tragic actor Aesopus has been already
mentioned
(p.
porary Roscius
384);
his
still
more celebrated contem-
236) estimated his annual income at l 600,000 sesterces (^6000) and Dionysia the dancer estimated hers at 200,000 sesterces (^2000). At the same (iv.
time immense sums were expended on decorations and costume ; now and then trains of six hundred mules in harness crossed the stage, and the Trojan theatrical army was employed to present to the public a tableau of the
The music by Pompeius in Asia. which accompanied the delivery of the inserted choruses nations vanquished
likewise
obtained a greater and
more independent im-
wind sways the waves, says Varro, so the portance skilful flute -player sways the minds of the listeners with ;
I
as the
It accustomed itself to the every modulation of melody. use of quicker time, and thereby compelled the player to more lively action. Musical and dramatic connoisseurship
was developed; the habitue recognized every tune by the note, and knew the texts by heart ; every fault in the music or recitation was severely censured by the audience.
first
(
j
The
state of the
Roman
stage in the time of Cicero vividly As the Roman
reminds us of the modern French theatre.
mime
corresponds to the loose tableaux of the pieces of the day, nothing being too good and nothing too bad for either the one or the other, so we find in both the same traditionally classic tragedy
The
and comedy, which the man of
duty bound to admire or at least to applaud. multitude is satisfied, when it meets its own reflection
culture
is
in
1 He obtained from the state for every day on which he acted 1000 denarii (.40) and besides this the pay for his company. In later years he declined the honorarium for himself.
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii in the farce,
473
and admires the decorative pomp and receives
the general impression of an ideal world in the drama ; the man of higher culture concerns himself at the theatre not the piece, but only with its artistic representation. Moreover the Roman histrionic art oscillated in its different
with
spheres, just like the French, between the cottage
and the
was nothing unusual for the Roman drawing-room. to throw off at the finale the upper robe and dancing-girls to give a dance in undress for the benefit of the public ; It
but on the other hand in the eyes of the Roman Talma the supreme law of his art was, not the truth of nature, but
symmetry. In recitative poetry metrical annals after the model of Metrical a those of Ennius seem not to have been wanting ; but they were perhaps sufficiently criticised by that graceful vow of his mistress of
which Catullus sings
that the worst of the
bad heroic poems should be presented as a sacrifice to holy Venus, if she would only bring back her lover from his vile political poetry to
Indeed
in the
her arms.
whole
field
of recitative poetry at this
Lucretius,
epoch the older national- Roman tendency is represented only by a single work of note, which, however, is altogether one of the most important poetical products of literature.
It is
the didactic
(655699) "Concerning
poem
Roman
of Titus Lucretius Carus
Nature of Things," whose Roman society, but whether from weakness of health
the
99-55.
author, belonging to the best circles of
taking no part in public life or from disinclination, died in the prime of manhood shortly As a poet he attached before the outbreak of the civil war. himself decidedly to Ennius and thereby to the classical literature. Indignantly he turns away from the " hollow Hellenism " of his time, and professes himself with his whole soul and heart to be the scholar of the " chaste
Greek
Greeks," as indeed even the sacred earnestness of Thucydides has found no unworthy echo in one of the best-known
I
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
474
Roman poem. As Ennius draws his wisdom from Epicharmus and Euhemerus, so Lucretius borrows the form of his representation from Empedocles, "the most
sections of this
"
glorious treasure of the richly gifted Sicilian isle ; and, as to the matter, gathers " all the golden words together from
the rolls of Epicurus," "who outshines other wise men as Like Ennius, Lucretius disthe sun obscures the stars."
dains the mythological lore with which poetry was over-
loaded by Alexandrinism, and requires nothing from his reader but a knowledge of the legends generally current. 1 In spite of the modern purism which rejected foreign words
from poetry, Lucretius prefers to use, as Ennius had done, a significant Greek word in place of a feeble and obscure
The
Latin one.
old
Roman
alliteration, the
want of due
correspondence between the pauses of the verse and those of the sentence, and generally the older
modes of expression
and composition, are still frequently found in Lucretius' rhythms, and although he handles the verse more melodiously than Ennius, his hexameters move not, as those of the modern poetical school, with a lively grace like the rippling brook, but with a stately slowness like the stream of liquid gold. Philosophically and practically also Lucretius
leans throughout his
poem
on Ennius, the only indigenous poet
celebrates.
of Rudiae
(iii.
The
whom
confession of faith of the singer
175)
Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum, Bed eos non curare opinor, quid agat humanum genus describes completely the religious standpoint of Lucretius, and not unjustly for that reason he himself terms his poem as
it
1
were the continuation of Ennius
:
Such an individual apparent exception as Panchaea
the land of incense
be explained from the circumstance that this had passed from the romance of the Travels of Euhemerus already perhaps into the poetry Plin. of Ennius, at any rate into the poems of Lucius Manlius (iv. 242 H. N. x. 2, 4) and thence was well known to the public for which (ii.
417)
is
to
;
Lucretius wrote.
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
475
Ennius ut noster cecinit, qui primus amoeno Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam, Per gentis Italas hominum quae clara clueret.
and
Once more
time
for the last
the
poem
of Lucre-
resonant with the whole poetic pride and the whole poetic earnestness of the sixth century, in which, amidst the images of the formidable Carthaginian and the glorious tius
is
Scipiad, the imagination of the poet
own degenerate
in his "
gracefully welling
pared with the
age.
up out of
common
is
more
To him
1
rich feeling
poems,
"
at
too his "
home than own song
sounds, as comsong of the
like the brief "
swan compared with the cry of the crane
;
with him too
the heart swells, listening to the melodies of its own invention, with the hope of illustrious honours just as Ennius forbids the
heart
a
immortal It is
men
to
foretaste singer's,
whom
he "gave from the depth of the
of fiery song,"
a remarkable
fatality,
mourn
at
his,
the
man of extraordinary of poetic endowments to
that this
talents, far superior in originality
most
to
tomb.
all his contemporaries, fell upon an age in himself strange and forlorn, and in consequence of this made the most singular mistake in the The system of Epicurus, which selection of a subject. if
not to
which he
felt
converts the universe into a great vortex of atoms and undertakes to explain the origin and end of the world as all the problems of nature and of life in a purely mechanical way, was doubtless somewhat less silly than the conversion of myths into history which was attempted by
well as
Euhemerus and
after
ingenious or a fresh
him by Ennius ; but it was not an system, and the task of poetically
unfolding this mechanical view of the world was of such a nature that never probably did poet expend life and art on 1 This naively appears in the descriptions of war, in which the seastorms that destroy armies, and the hosts of elephants that trample down those who are on their own side pictures, that is, from the Punic wars appear as if they belong to the immediate present. Comp. ii. 41 v. ;
1226, 1303, 1339.
RELIGION, CULTURE,
476
a more ungrateful theme. in the Lucretian didactic
The
BOOK
v
philosophic reader censures the omission of the finer
poem
points of the system, the superficiality especially with which
controversies
frequent
are
presented,
with
repetitions,
the
defective
division,
good reason
quite as
as
the
the
poetical reader frets at the mathematics put into
rhythm which makes a great part of the poem absolutely unreadable. In spite of these incredible defects, before which every
man
of mediocre talent must inevitably have succumbed, might justly boast of having carried off from the
this poet
poetic wilderness a yet bestowed
new
on any
;
occasional similitudes,
of mighty natural
chaplet such as the Muses had not and it was by no means merely the and the other inserted descriptions
phenomena and
yet mightier passions,
which acquired for the poet this chaplet. The genius which marks the view of life as well as the poetry of Lucretius depends on his unbelief, which came forward and
was entitled to come forward with the
full
of truth, and therefore with the
vigour of poetry, in
full
victorious
power
opposition to the prevailing hypocrisy or superstition.
Humana In
ante oculos foede
cum
vita iaceret
terris oppressa gravi sub religione,
Quae caput a caeli' regionibus ostendebat Horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans, Primum Graius homo mortalis tenders contra Est oculos ausus primusque obsistere contra. Ergo vivida vis animi pervicit, et extra Processit longe flammantia moenia mundi Atque omne immensum peragravit mente animoque.
The
poet accordingly was zealous to overthrow the gods, and " to release nature
as Brutus
had overthrown the But
kings,
was not against the long ago enfeebled throne of Jovis that these flaming words were hurled ; just like Ennius, Lucretius fights practically from her stern lords."
above
all
it
things against the wild foreign faiths and superworship of the Great Mother
stitions of the multitude, the
for instance
and the childish
lightning-lore of the Etruscans.
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
477
Horror and antipathy towards that terrible world in general, which and for which the poet wrote, suggested his poem.
in It
was composed
in that hopeless
oligarchy had been overthrown yet
been established,
time when the rule of the
and
had not
that of Caesar
in the sultry years during
which the
civil war was awaited with long and painful If we seem to perceive in its unequal and suspense. restless utterance that the poet daily expected to see the
outbreak of the
wild tumult of revolution break forth over himself and his
work,
we must not with
reference to his view of
men and
things forget amidst what men, and in prospect of what In the Hellas of the things, that view had its origin.
epoch before Alexander
it
was a current
and one
saying,
the best men, that the best thing of profoundly by all was not to be born, and the next best to die. Of all felt
all
views of the world
organized mind
possible to a tender
and
poetically
in the kindred Caesarian age this
was the
noblest and the most ennobling, that it is a benefit for man to be released from a belief in the immortality of the soul evil dread of death and of the gods which malignantly steals over men like terror creeping over children in a dark room ; that, as the sleep of the night is
and thereby from the
more
refreshing than
eternal repose from all
the trouble
hope and
of the day, so death, better than life, as
fear, is
indeed the gods of the poet themselves are nothing, and have nothing, but an eternal blessed rest ; that the pains of hell torment man, not after
life, but during its course, in the wild and unruly passions of his throbbing heart ; that the task of man is to attune his soul to equanimity, to esteem the purple no higher than the warm dress worn at
home, rather
to
remain in the ranks of those that obey than
to press into the confused
crowd of candidates
for the office
of ruler, rather to lie on the grass beside the brook than to take part under the golden ceiling of the rich in emptying his countless dishes.
This philosophico-practical tendency
RELIGION, CULTURE,
478 is
the true ideal essence of the Lucretian
overlaid, not choked,
demonstrations.
wisdom and
by
all
Essentially
truth.
great predecessors
BOOK v
poem and
the dreariness of
on
this rests
The man who
its
its
is
only
physical
comparative
with a reverence for his
and a vehement
zeal,
to
which
this
century elsewhere knew no parallel, preached such doctrine and embellished it with the charm of art, may be termed
and a great poet. The didactic the Nature of Things, however much poem concerning in it may challenge censure, has remained one of the most
at
once a good
citizen
brilliant stars in the poorly illuminated
expanse of
Roman
; greatest of German philochose the task of logues making the Lucretian poem once more readable as his last and most masterly work.
and with reason the
literature
The fashionable poetry.
Lucretius, although his poetical vigour as well as his art
was a dmired by
his cultivated contemporaries, yet remained of late growth as he was a master without scholars. In the Hellenic fashionable poetry on the other hand there
was no lack
at least of scholars,
who
emulate the Alexandrian masters.
exerted themselves to
With
true tact the
more
gifted of the Alexandrian poets avoided larger works and the pure forms of poetry the drama, the epos, the lyric ;
the most pleasing and successful performances consisted with them, just as with the new Latin poets, in " short-
winded
"
tasks,
and
especially in such as belonged to the
domains bordering on the pure forms of art, more especially to the wide field intervening between narrative and song. Multifarious
didactic
poems were
written.
heroic, half-erotic epics were great favourites,
Small
and
half-
especially
an erudite
sort of love -elegy peculiar to this autumnal of Greek poetry and characteristic of the philological source whence it sprang, in which the poet more or less arbitrarily interwove the description of his own feelings,
summer
predominantly sensuous, with epic shreds from the cycle of Greek legend. Festal lays were diligently and artfully
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
479
manufactured; in general, owing to the want of spontaneous poetical invention, the occasional poem preponderated and especially the epigram, of which the AlexThe poverty of andrians produced excellent specimens. materials and the want of freshness in language and
rhythm, which national,
men
inevitably cleave
sought as
much
to every
literature
as possible to conceal
phrases, rare words
odd themes,
far-fetched
versification,
and generally under
the
and
not
under
artificial
whole apparatus
of philologico-antiquarian erudition and technical dexterity. Such was the gospel which was preached to the Roman
boys of
this period,
and they came
in
crowds to hear and
700) the love-poems of Alexandrian poetry formed the ordinary reading and the ordinary pieces for declamation The literary revolution took of the cultivated youth. 1
to
practise
it;
already
Euphorion and
place
;
but
it
(about
similar
yielded in the
first
instance with rare excep-
The number of the tions only premature or unripe fruits. " " new-fashioned poets was legion, but poetry was rare and Apollo was compelled, as always when so many throng towards Parnassus, to make very short work. The long
poems never were worth anything, the short ones seldom. Even in this literary age the poetry of the day had become ; it sometimes happened that one's friend would send home to him by way of mockery as a festal present a pile of trashy verses fresh from the bookseller's shop, whose value was at once betrayed by the elegant
a public nuisance
A real public, in the binding and the smooth paper. sense in which national literature has a public, was wanting to the Roman Alexandrians as well as to the Hellenic; 1
"No
doubt," says Cicero (Tusc. iii. 19, 45) in reference to Ennius, " I have is despised by our reciters of Euphorion." safely arrived," he writes to Atticus (vii. 2 init.), "as a most favourable This spondaic line you may, north wind blew for us across from Epirus. if you choose, sell to one of the new-fashioned poets as your own" (ita belle nobis flavit ab Epiro knissumus Onchesmites. Hunc avovSeLa^ovra. si cui voles rCiv veurtpuv pro tuo vendito).
"the glorious poet
54.
it
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
480
was thoroughly the poetry of a clique or rather cliques,
whose members clung closely together, abused intruders, read and criticised among themselves the new poems, sometimes also quite
after
the Alexandrian fashion cele-
productions in fresh verses, and variously sought to secure for themselves by clique-praises a spurious and ephemeral renown. A notable teacher of brated
Latin
the
successful
literature,
himself
in
active
poetically
this
new
Cato appears to have exercised a sort of scholastic patronage over the most distinguished men direction, Valerius
of this circle
and
value
relative
to
have pronounced
of the
final
decision on the
As compared
poems.
with
their
Greek models, these Roman poets evince throughout a want of freedom, sometimes a schoolboy dependence most of their products must have been simply the austere ;
fruits
of a school poetry still occupied in learning and by Inasmuch as in yet dismissed as mature.
no means
and in measure they adhered to the Greek more closely than ever the national Latin patterns had a greater correctness and consistency in done, poetry language and metre were certainly attained but it was at language
far
;
the expense of the flexibility and fulness of the national As respects the subject-matter, under the influence idiom. partly
of effeminate models,
partly
of an immoral
age,
amatory themes acquired a surprising preponderance little conducive to poetry ; but the favourite metrical compendia of the Greeks were also in various cases translated, such as the astronomical treatise of Aratus by Cicero, and, either at the
of
end of
the
this or
following
Eratosthenes
by
more probably
period,
Publius
at the
commencement
geographical manual of Varro of the Aude and the the
physico-medicinal manual of Nicander by Aemilius Macer. It is neither to be wondered at nor regretted that of this countless host of poets but few names have been preserved to us; and even these are mostly mentioned merely as
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
481
once upon a time great ; such as the " five hundred thousand orator Quintus Hortensius with his or as
curiosities
lines
"
of tiresome
obscenity,
and the somewhat more
frequently mentioned Laevius, whose Erotopaegnia attracted a certain interest only by their complicated measures and affected
Even the small
phraseology.'
epic
Smyrna by
Gains Ilelvius Cinna (fyio?), much as it was praised by the incestuous love the clique, bears both in its subject
and in the nine years' of a daughter for her father bestowed on it the worst characteristics of the time.
44.
toil
Those poets alone of this school constitute an original and pleasing exception, who knew how to combine with its neatness and its versatility of form the national elements of worth
still
existing in the republican
that of the country-towns.
To
life,
especially in
say nothing here of Laberius
and Varro,
this description applies especially to the three poets already mentioned above (p. 140) of the republican opposition, Marcus Furius Bibaculus (652-691), Gaius 102-63.
Licinius Calvus (667-*:.
700).
(672706) and Quintus Valerius Catullus Of the two former, whose writings have
we can indeed only conjecture this; respecting the poems of Catullus we can still form a judgment. He too depends in subject and form on the Alexandrians.
82-48. 87-54.
perished,
We
find in his collection translations of pieces of Calli-
machus, and these not altogether the very good, but the very
difficult.
Among
the original pieces,
we meet
with
elaborately- turned fashionable poems, such as the overartificial Galliambics in praise of the Phrygian Mother ; and even the poem, otherwise so beautiful, of the marriage
of Thetis has been artistically spoiled by the truly Alexandrian insertion of the complaint of Ariadne in the principal
poem.
But by the side of these school -pieces
we meet with the melodious lament of the genuine the festal
dramatic VOL. v
poem
in the full
execution,
pomp
above
all,
elegy,
of individual and almost the
freshest
miniature
164
Catullus.
RELIGION, CULTURE,
482
BOOK v
social life, the pleasant and very of which half the charm adventures unreserved amatory and in consists poetizing about the mysteries prattling
painting of cultivated
of love,
the delightful
life
of youth with
full
cups and
empty purses, the pleasures of travel and of poetry, the Roman and still more frequently the Veronese anecdote of the town, and the humorous jest amidst the familiar But not only does Apollo touch the circle of friends. lyre of the poet,
he wields also the bow
;
the winged dart
of sarcasm spares neither the tedious verse-maker nor the provincial who corrupts the language, but it hits none more frequently and more sharply than the potentates by
whom
the liberty of the people
is
endangered.
The
short-
and merry metres, often enlivened by a graceful refrain, are of finished art and yet free from the repulsive lined
These poems lead us and the Po ; but the home in the latter. His
smoothness of the manufactory.
alternately to the valleys of the Nile
is incomparably more at poems are based on Alexandrian art doubtless, but at the same time on the self- consciousness of a burgess and a burgess in fact of a rural town, on the contrast of Verona with Rome, on the contrast of the homely municipal with the high-born lords of the senate who usually maltreat as that contrast was probably felt their humble friends more vividly than anywhere else in Catullus' home, the
poet
flourishing
and comparatively vigorous Cisalpine Gaul.
most beautiful of the
Lago
di
The
poems reflect the sweet pictures of Garda, and hardly at this time could any man his
of the capital have written a
one on
his
homely
festal
brother's
hymn
for
like the deeply pathetic the excellent genuinely marriage of Manlius and
poem
death,
the
or
Catullus, although dependent on the Alexandrian masters and standing in the midst of the fashionable and clique poetry of that age, was yet not merely a
Aurunculeia.
good scholar among many mediocre and bad
ones, but
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
483
himself as much superior to his masters as the burgess of a free Italian community was superior to the cosmopolitan Eminent creative vigour indeed Hellenic man of letters.
and high poetic intentions we may not look for in him ; he is a richly gifted and graceful but not a great poet, and his
poems
are,
as he himself calls them, nothing but
antries
and
trifles."
Yet when we find not merely
"
pleashis con-
temporaries electrified by these fugitive songs, but the artcritics of the Augustan age also characterizing him along with Lucretius as the most important poet of this epoch, his contemporaries as well as their successors were com-
The
pletely right.
poet in
whom
Latin nation has produced no second
the artistic substance and the artistic form
appear in so symmetrical perfection as in Catullus ; and in this sense the collection of the poems of Catullus is certainly the
most perfect which Latin poetry as a whole
can show. poetry in a prose form begins in this epoch. Poems law of genuine naive as well as conscious art, which prosehitherto remained unchangeable that the poetical
Lastly,
The had
in
subject-matter and the metrical setting should go together gave way before the intermixture and disturbance of all
kinds and forms of
which
art,
farther
of
tli is
As
is
one of the most
significant
romances indeed nothing Romances, is to be noticed, than that the most famous historian epoch, Sisenna, did not esteem himself too good to
features of this period.
translate
into
Aristides
Latin
the
to
much-read
Milesian
licentious fashionable novels of the
tales
of
most stupid
sort.
A
more
original
and more pleasing phenomenon
in this Varro's
debateable border-land between poetry and prose was the * aesthetic writings of Varro, who was not merely the most
important representative of Latin philologico- historical research, but one of the most fertile and most interesting authors in
belles-lettres.
Descended from a plebeian gens
aesthetlc writings.
BOOK v
RELIGION, CULTURE,
484
home
which had
its
for the last
two hundred years to the
in the Sabine land but
had belonged
Roman
senate, strictly
reared in antique discipline and decorum, 1 and already at the beginning of this epoch a man of maturity, Marcus 116-27.
Terentius Varro of Reate
(638727) belonged
in politics,
as a matter of course, to the constitutional party,
an honourable and energetic part in
He
ings.
supported
combated the pamphlets
him
;
in the
Spain
first
more
When
"
as
suffer-
when he
three-headed monster," in
we found commandant of Further
serious warfare, where
army of Pompeius
219).
(p.
it,
and bore
doings and
partly in literature
coalition, the
partly in
its
as
the cause of the republic was
lost,
Varro was destined by his conqueror to be librarian of the The library which was to be formed in the capital. period drew the old man once it was not till seventeen years after Caesar's death, in the eighty-ninth year of his well-
troubles of the following
more
into their vortex,
occupied Varro's
The
life,
and
that death called
him away.
which have made him a name, some in simple prose and of graver
aesthetic writings,
were brief essays,
humorous sketches the prose groundwork^ of which was inlaid with various poetical effusions. The " former were the " philosophico-historical dissertations In neither (logistorici\ the latter the Menippean Satires.
contents, others
case did he follow Latin models, and the Satura of Varro in In particular was by no means based on that of Lucilius.
Roman Satura in general was not properly a fixed of art, but only indicated negatively the fact that species " the " multifarious poem was not to be included under any fact the
and accordingly the Satura; poetry assumed in the hands of every gifted poet a different
of the recognized forms of art
1 " For me when a boy," he somewhere says, " there sufficed a single rough coat and a single under-garment, shoes without stockings, a horse I had no daily warm bath, and but seldom a riverwithout a saddle bath." On account of his personal valour he obtained in the Piratic war, where he commanded a division of the licet, the naval crown. ;
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
and
character.
peculiar
It
was
485
rather
the
in
pre-
Alexandrian Greek philosophy that Varro found the models for
more severe
his
works
as well
as
for
his
lighter
aesthetic
the graver dissertations, in the dialogues of Heraclides of Heraclea on the Black Sea (f about 450), 300. ;
for
for the satires, in the writings of
Menippus of Gadara
in
The choice was significant. 280. Syria (flourishing about 475). Heraclides, stimulated as an author by Plato's philosophic had amidst the
dialogues,
fabulistic
brilliance of their
form
totally lost
and made the poeticodress the main matter; he was an agreeable and
of the
sight
scientific
contents
from a philosopher. Menippus a philosopher, but the most genuine literary representative of that philosophy whose wisdom consisted in denying philosophy and ridiculing philosophers,
largely-read author, but far
was quite as
little
wisdom of Diogenes ; a comic teacher of serious he wisdom, proved by examples and merry sayings that an except upright life everything is vain in earth and the cynical
heaven, and nothing more vain than the disputes of socalled sages. These were the true models for Varro, a
man full
full
plastic
Roman indignation at the pitiful times and Roman humour, by no means destitute withal of
of old
of old
talent,
but as to everything which presented the fact, but of idea or even of
appearance not of palpable
system, utterly stupid, and perhaps the most unphilosophical 1 But Varro was no among the unphilosophical Romans. slavish pupil.
derived from
The impulse and in general the form he Heraclides and Menippus ; but his was a
1 There is hardly anything more childish than Varro's scheme of all the philosophies, which in the first place summarily declares all systems that do not propose the happiness of man as their ultimate aim to be nonexistent, and then reckons the number of philosophies conceivable under this supposition as two hundred and eighty-eight. The vigorous man was
unfortunately too much a scholar to confess that he neither could nor would be a philosopher, and accordingly as such throughout life he pernot altogether becoming formed a blind dance between the Stoa,
Pythagoreanism, and Diogenism.
BOOK V
RELIGION, CULTURE,
486
nature too individual and too decidedly his
keep
imitative
creations
essentially
Roman
not to
independent and
national Varro's philo-
sophicohistorical
essays.
For his grave dissertations, in which a moral maxim or other subject of general interest is handled, he disdained in his framework to approximate to the Milesian tales, as Heraclides had done, and so to serve up to the reader even little stories like those of Abaris and of the maiden
childish
reawakened to
life after
being seven days dead.
But seldom
he borrowed the dress from the nobler myths of the Greeks, "
"
Orestes or concerning Madness ; history him a worthier frame for his subjects, afforded ordinarily more especially the contemporary history of his country, so as in the essay
that these essays became, as they were called, laudationes
of esteemed constitutional "
Peace
was
Romans, above all of the Coryphaei of the Thus the dissertation "concerning party.
at the
same time a memorial of Metellus
Pius,
the last in the brilliant series of successful generals of the " " senate ; that concerning the Worship of the Gods was at
same time destined
the
preserve the
to
memory
of the
and Pontifex Gaius Curio; the was connected with Marius, that " on the
highly- respected Optimate
essay
" on Fate
"
Writing of History" with Sisenna
the first historian of " " on the Beginnings of the Roman Stage epoch, that with the princely giver of scenic spectacles Scaurus, that this
"on Numbers" with the highly-cultured Roman banker The two philosophico-historical essays " Laelius
Atticus.
or concerning Friendship,"
"
Cato or concerning Old Age," after the model of those of
which Cicero wrote probably Varro,
may
give us
some approximate idea of
Varro's half-
didactic, half-narrative, treatment of these subjects. Varro's satires.
The Menippean
satire was handled by Varro with equal form and contents ; the bold mixture of prose of originality and verse is foreign to the Greek original, and the whole
intellectual contents are
pervaded by
Roman
idiosyncrasy
LITERATURE, AND ART
CHAP, xii
one might
say,
487
by a savour of the Sabine
These
soil.
handle some
satires like the philosophico-historical essays
moral or other theme adapted to the larger public, as
shown by the ESpev
17
several titles
AoTras rb
Matulae,
irepl
Ilco//,a,
fi,edr]s
which
;
Columnae Herculis, TTC/DI
yeya/x/^KOTcov
Pcipiapapae,
rrfpl
TTC/H
is
So^s
;
Est Modus
;
ey/cayAiwv.
The
plastic dress, might not be wanting, is of course but seldom borrowed from the history of his native
in this case
The country, as in the satire Serranus, TTC/H d/Dxcu/Deo-twv. as of on hand the other might Diogenes plays, Cynic-world we meet with the Kwwrrw/o, the ; the 'ITTTTOKVWV, the 'YSpoKucov, the KwoStSao-K.vvopprjT 476. So 1 . 5'7
209 L. Accius, tragic poet, iv. 222, 223^, 252 Acco, Carnutic knight, beheaded, v. 74 Accusers, professional, iv. 104 Victory over the Acerrae, ii. 304. Italians, iii. 510, 515; iv. 66 Achaeans, ii. 215, 217, 318, 405, 421, 423, i.
427, 430, 435, 437, 439, 456, 476-480, 497,
498
/,
S'7 /'> "i- 234
/, 261;
Waragainst them, iii. 264-270.
iv.
35.
Achaean
league dissolved, iii. 271. Province of Achaia, iii. 270-272. Taxation of, iv. 158
Achaeans on the Caucasus, iv. 416 Achaean colonies in Italy and Sicily, 165/1
i.
Their distinctive character, 170^
League
of the
recon-
cities, 170-173 ; structed against the Lucanians, i. 454. Agricultural towns, i. 173. Coins,!. 171. i.
Alphabet, i. iizf- Decay, i. 172 Achaeus, Syrian satrap, ii. 444 Achaeus, general of the slaves in Sicilian war,
iii.
310
iv.
ii.
iii.
457.
194
349/i
216,
217, 318, 397, 403, 4 I 8, 4 2I > 4^9. 43 2 . 435.
Acca Larentia,
Achaia, province of, iii. 270-272 Achillas, general of Ptolemaeus Dionysus, v. 271, 276 Achilles, ancestor of Pyrrhus, ii. 3 Achradina, ii. sii/T Achulla, iii. 244. Exempt from taxes,
first
Acrae, Syracusan, ii. 204 Acta diurna, iv. 279 . Actus, i. 265 Adcensivelati, \. 117 Adherbal, iii. 389-392 Adiabene, iv. 315, 343 Adoption, i. 73 Adramytium, ii. 462 ; iii. idof. ; Adriatic Sea, origin of the name,
iv.
46 i. 418 Adrogatio, i. 95 Adsidui, i. 115 Adsignatio viritana, \. 240 Aduatuca, v. ^3 Aduatuci, origin of, iii. 445 ; v. 32. Conflicts with them, v. 52, 54 Aeacides, father of Pyrrhus, ii. 6 Aeacus, ancestor of Pyrrhus, ii. 3 Aeca, ii. 280 Aeclanum, town of the Hirpini, iii. 502, .
523 Aedicula, i. 225 Aediles Cerialcs, v. 346, 374 Aediles cuntles, their institution, i. 383. Original functions : market-supervision and police, and celebration of the city-
HISTORY OF ROME
520 festival,
i.
eligible,
i.
ii.
383
;
ii.
383.
Plebeians 97 ; iii. 41. Police duties in Rome,
ii. 66 ; iv. 128. Incurule magistracies, iii.
Jurisdiction,
84.
cluded
among
6,7 Aediles plebis, founded on model of the quaestors, i. 354 Original functions charge of the archives, i. 349, 354 n. of the tribunes in their judicial support functions, i. 351 ; decrees of the senate .
:
;
deposited in their charge, diction, iv. 127
i.
Juris-
369.
Aediles in the Municipia, founded on the model of the curule aedileship in Rome, i-451
Aegates
Insulae, Phoenician, ii. 143. Battle at the, ii. 195 i. 308 ; ii. 319, 402, 417, 423, 437, Beetle-stone found there, i. 307 478.
Aegina,
Aegium,
iii. 267 Sex. Aelius Paetus [consul, 556], his legal treatise (" Tripartita "), iii. 195 L. Aelius Praeconinus Stilo, of Lanuvium, teacher of Roman literature, iv. 216, 252
Aemilii, clan- village, ii.
i.
Their descent,
45.
107
286-290 L. Aemilius Paullus [consul, 572, 586], ii. . 390 Opposed to Perseus, ii. 505 f. His incorruptibility, iii. 31. His demeanour to the provincials, iii. 33. Carries Greek art-treasures to Rome, iii.
His
estate,
iii.
austerity,
iii.
Augur,
89.
18, 42. iii.
112.
His His
Hellenic culture, iii. 209; iv. 212 L. Aemilius Regillus [praetor, 564], ii. 462 Mamercus Aemilius, Koman commander in the Social war, iii. 526
Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus Livianus [consul, 677], iv. 269
M. Aemilius Lepidus ii.
[consul, 567, 579],
416, 418
617], defeated
Orator,
iv.
by the Vaccaei,
His roads, bridges, and drainage,
iv. 167,
170
M. Aemilius
Scaurus, adjutant of Pompeius, 4297:, 432 Q. Aemilius Papus [consul, 476], ii. 30 Aenaria, i. 175, 178 ; iii. 541. Syracusan, i. Withdrawn by Sulla from 416. iv.
Neapolis,
by
Stesichorus,
no.
prefect, v. 218
M. Aemilius Scaurus [consul,
639
645], leader of the aristocracy,
475. 484>
503.
;
censor, iii.
376,
His character,
chroniclers,
ii.
iv.
249 ii. 417, 465, 486, 512 Aeolus, i. 117 Aepulo, ii. 372 Their Aequi, settlements of, i. 444 conflicts with Rome, i. 135. Subdued the i. The by Romans, 444 f. league .
Aequiculi,
484 47 444
i.
i.
.
;
Aerarii, settlers paying tribute for protection,
i.
121
i. After the abolition of 137. the monarchy legally under the control of the quaestors nominated by, and representing, the consuls, i. 322, 338
Aerarium,
Aeropus, ii. 428 Aeschylus, iii. 167 Aesculanus, god of copper, ii. 70 Aesculapius, early worshipped in Rome, i. 230 f. Brought thither from Epidaurus, ii. 71. Temple of, in Carthage, iii. 248, 257 ; at Epidaurus, iv. 40 ; at
Pergamus,
iv.
53 iv. 328 Aesernia, colonized, ii. 39. luscX, ii. 52 n. Remained faithful to the Romans in the
Aesepus, river,
Social war,
iv.
iii.
Conquered,
502-509.
and held by the Samnites, Conquered by Sulla (?), iv. 91
;
Aesis,
Insurrection,
First occurs
108.
ii.
form with TimSeus,
Roman
In the
Aenus,
524.
290^ Defeat and death, iv. 291 Aemilius Lepidus, Caesar's city-
107
in the current
and
229.
iv.
Aeneas in Homer, ii. 108. Legend of Aeneas in Italy, ii. 108-111. Invented
iii.
215
for civil war, iv. 287-290.
393/.
483.
[consul,
M. Aemilius Lepidus [consul, 676], his party-position, iv. 280^ Preparations iv.
Commander
510
M. Acmilius Lepidus Porcina
M.
392.
dissolved,
Acmilius Lepidus, a Sullan, iv. 90 Aemilius Macer, poet, v. 480 L. Aemilius Papus [consul, 529], ii. 224^ L. Aemilius Paullus [consul, 538], ii. 220,
208.
Sent as envoy to Jugurtha, iii. in Jugurthine war, iii. 393 f. Against the Taurisci, iii. Tried for extortion, iii. 482. At428. titude to the proposals of Drusus, iii. 379.
iii,
iii. iii. .
;
laid desolate, iv. 108 iv. 85.
122
Boundary of
Italy,
ii.
220
;
.
Aesopus, actor, v. 384 Aestimatio, derived from aes, Aes uxorium, ii. 66
i.
252
Aethalia, occupied by the Hellenes, i. 178, Wrested from them by the Etrus416. cans,
Aetna,
i.
181.
ii.
162
Aetolians,
i.
Iron 169 n.
of,
;
i.
ii.
182
215,
217,
397.
INDEX Attitude to ii.
Rome
in
second Punic war,
Position thereafter,
215-219.
Share
war with
in the
Philip,
ii.
ii.
404. 409,
Treat-
410, 420, 421, 426-430, 433, 435.
ment by the Romans, ii. 437./C Quarrel with Rome, and share in the war with Antiochus, ii. 451, 452, 456, 457, Attitude during the war 764, 765. with Perseus, ii. 495-498, 501 f., 517. Aetolia, a recruiting-ground, ii. 162 L. Afranius, poet, iv. 230 L. Afranius, lieutenant of Pompeius in the Sertorian war, iv. 296. Subdues the
Arabs, iv. 429. Triumph, as governor of Cisalpine Gaul, v. 103. In Spain, v.
Slain
219,
300 T. Afranius.
by Caesar's
soldiers, v.
See Lafrenius
i. 185 n. Africa, before the time of the Gracchi,
Afri,
Made a province, iii. 258,7^ 237-260. Relations after the battle of Pharsalus, the hands of the Pompeians,
iii.
In v. 269. v. 285-290.
Its regulation
by Caesar,
v. 301
Agatha,
iii.
415 Agathocles, of Syracuse,
i. 418, 478, 491 ; Takes the Mamer18, 28, 145, 161. tines into his pay, ii. 18. His armies of ii.
mercenaries,
Agedincum,
163
ii.
v. 79, 86, 87
Agelaus, of Naupactus,
ii.
315
Agepolis, Rhodian envoy, ii. 514 Ager Gallicus, \. 434 ; iii. 99 Ager publicus. See Domains Agesipolis, ii. 438 Agis,
commander
in
arrival of Pyrrhus,
ii.
Tarentum before 16
Afnati and Gentiles, distinction i.
between,
tion of the farmer-class, i. 245, 343-346. Improvement in the relations of credit,
Recurrence of the old evils, Condition of, before and at the time of the Gracchi, iii. 304^, 312 f. J iv. 171 f. Revival by the GracCondition after chi, iii. 335./T ; iv. 172. the Gracchan revolution, iii. 380 f. Colonizations of Sulla, iv. 172. In the i.
389-393.
iii.
79, 82, 97-100.
time of Caesar,
v. 377 f., 382 f., 403. Differences in different parts of Italy, Differences in the 501. 490 f., Estiprovinces, iii. 304-308 ; iv. 172. mated produce, iii. 81 . Carthaginian estate - farming, ii. 138. Writings on iii.
war, ii. 171.77 Agrius, son of Ulysses and Circe, i. 177 Agron, ii. 218 Agylla, Phoenician name of Caere, i. 163 Aiax, name, whence derived, i. 258 Aiorix, iii. 276 n. Akragas. See Agrigentum A lae sociorum, i. 440 n. Alaesa, ii. 171, 211 ., 213 Alalia, Etruscan, i. 187. Battle at, i. 184 f., 413 ; ii. 134 Alba, i. 48. Oldest canton-community in Latium, 5. 49. President of the Latin league, i. 50, 51. Subdued by Rome, i. 125 f. Semblance of existence after
Domains,
Leges
Agriculture, its original home, i. 81. More recent than the Indo-Germanic culture, i. 19, 20. Known to the Graeco-
Basis of the whole Italians, i. 23-27. Italian economy, L 61, 236. Priestly Kinds of produce, supervision, i. 226. iii. 64 66 f. (compare Spelt ; Wheat). Defective management, but unwearied diligence, i. 243. Employment of slaves .
,
(see Slaves).
Free labourers,
iii.
70.
Later estate-farming, iii. 65-82. Husbandry of the petty farmers, iii. 74. Insolvency of the landholders and diminu-
i.
128.
Dictator there,
At the time of
442 n.
See
Soil,
Agrigentum founded, ii. 28, 145, 156. Occupied by the Carthaginians in second Punic war, ii. 311. Colonized afresh by the Romans, ii. 314. Occupied by Cleon, iii. 310. Conquered by the Carthaginians, i. 166, 183. Besieged and occuthe Romans in the first Punic by pied
destruction,
78
Agnone, i. 146 Agonalia, i. 207 Agonia, i. 209 Agrarian Laws. Agrariae
Compare
agriculture, iii. 194. division of; Grain
its
fall,
i.
under
annual dictators, i. 442 . Opposes Rome, iii. 242 Alba, on the Fucine Lake, ii. 507 ; iii. 261 ; iv. 291. Colonized, i. 484. Surprised by the Aequi, i. 486. Adheres to Rome in Social war,
iii.
502, 509
Alban Lake, i. 48. Outfall Alban Mount, i. 48, 50 Albanians,
i.
12
of,
i.
49, 302
425 Albanians in the Caucasus, iv. 413-416 iv. Albinovanus, 87 Albinus. See Postumius Statius Albius Oppianicus, iv. 104 .
;
iii.
T. Albucius, Epicurean,
Album,
i.
iv.
201
280
Alcamenes, Achaean general, iii. 269 Alchaudonius, Arab prince, iv. 423
.
HISTORY OF ROME
522
History of the Greek alphabet, Its older form among the
Alcibiades, ii. 87, 92, 144 Aleria conquered, ii. 177 Alesia besieged by Caesar, v. 86-91 Aletrium, i. 485
Alexamenus, ii. 452 Alexander the Great, his relations to the west,
ii.
-if.,
43
.
Political value of
his enterprises in the east,
399;
v.
Alexander Alexander
ii.
loo f. I., of Egypt, iv. 4 II., of Egypt, his will,
45,
iv.
396,
316,
3i9 5iS
Alexander Jannaeus, iv. 316 Alexander the Molossian,
general
of
Tarentum, conquers the Lucanians, Samnites, Daunians, and Messapians, L 465 f. Breaks with the Tarentines, i. His plan to unite all the Italian 466. Greeks, i. 466. Death, i. 466 Alexander, the pretended son of Perseus, iii.
Alexander, son of King Aristobulus, 448 Alexander, son of Pyrrhus, ii. 31 Alexander Polyhistor, v. 460 Alexandria in Egypt, ii. 400, 516; iii. 122.
iv.
Insurrection against Caesar, v. 275-281
Alexandria Troas, ii. 260, 446, 453 Alexandrinism, Greek, v. 463^, 479 Alexandrinism, Roman, iv. 259 ; v. 465467. 479
Roman
Sex. Alfenus,
knight, proscribed
by
Sulla, iv. 104 . C. Alfius [praetor, 698], v. 123 Allia, battle on the, i. 428 Allies, Italian,
bound
the Greek,
ment
i.
258,
Develop-
272-277.
in
Italy, i. 277-283. Latin, regulated with the progress of culture, ii. U4./C Adjusted by Carvilius, adopting the "g," and rejecting the "z," iii. Ennius introduces the double 191. writing of double consonants, iii. 192. Carried by the Etruscans to the Celts of,
and Alpine peoples, 141
Iberian,
.
ii.
i.
Libyan,
435.
ii.
423
iii.
Primitive tombs there,
178.
v.
288
Amasia,
iv.
332
iv. 26,
Amastris,
333 Ambacti, derivation of the word, v. 20, 21 .
Amber-route from Baltic to Mediterranean, i.
162
Ambiatus, king of the Bituriges, i. 423 Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, v. 68 f., 73 Ambitus, law against, i. 377 ; iii. 302 ii. ii.
476,
Captured
501.
.
sine sujffragio, i. 492. See Sabines. Amnias, tributary of the Halys, iv. 29
Amphipolis,
.
by
7
Ambrani, iv. 469 Ambrones, iii. 445, 446 Ameria, city chronicle of,
League
.
i.
252, 302
Amanus,
In the military contingents, ii. 53, 54. Hannibalic war, ii. 345 f. Diminution of their rights thereafter, iii. 24_/C And increasing oppression, iii. 25. Acquisition of Roman franchise made more Relations to Rome in difficult, iii. 27. time of Gracchi, iii. 361 f. Later, iii. Their war with Rome, iii. 485-489. 490-520 iv. 62. Bestowal of franchise Italians abroad, after it, set Cvvitas. iv. 177, 190; v. 394 ./^ Compare Latin Allobroges, ii. 259^; iii. 417 f., 443. Betray the Catilinarians, iv. 480." Insurrection and subjugation, v. 8, o. Their towns, v. 14 Almonds, iii. 65 . Aloe, iii. 65 Alphabet, whether a Phoenician invention, ii. 133. Aramaean consonantal writing vocalized in the west, i. 273. Phoenician, adopted by the Libyans, ii. 141
;
v. 103
Romans,
Pyrrhus,
;
.
ii.
Peoples of the, before Caesar's 425 f. ; attacked by the
259-264.
i.
i.
Passage by Hannibal,
257-259.
time,
ii.
235
Alps, passes from Gaul to Italy,
Ambracia,
to furnish naval or
.
Italian
Achaeans, i. 170. More recent in the lono-Doric colonies, i. 173 n. Etruscan and Latin alphabets both derived from
Alsium,
263.
274
i.
Antici,
iii.
Amida,
iv.
Aminean Amisus,
ii.
103
91
338 wine,
iv. 12,
iv.
172
Burnt by
330, 331, 333.
the inhabitants, iv. 333. Rebuilt and enlarged by Lucullus, iv. 440 Amiternum, Sabine town, obtains civitas
Amynander,
ii. ii.
493, 508, 509
.,
517
;
iv.
421, 438, 456, 476
Anagnia, i. 481, 484^ ; ii. 23 Anaitis, temple of, in Elymais, iv. 343 Anapus, ii. 311 Anares, ii. 221, 226 Anas, iii. 224 iv. 284 Anaxilas of Rhegium and Zancle, i. 415 ;
Ancestral lays,
i.
288, 289
Ancona, i. 176, 417 ii. 60, 220 Ancus Marcius. See Marcius ;
;
iv.
74
39
INDEX iii. 427 Andriscus. See Philippus, pseudoAndronicus. See Livius
Andros,
Navigation and piracy,
An-geronalia, i. 208 L. Anicius [praetor, 587], ii. 508 Anio, i. 42. Settlement of the Claudii on ,,.
//
the,
45
i.
Character of official
Annales,jt\az, 104.
Roman,
iv.
248^
Compare
Historical
Composition C. Annius, Sulla's lieutenant in Further Spain, iv. 93 M. Annius [quaestor in Macedonia, 636], iii. 428 T. Annius Milo, v. 114, 144 .A 148, 316, 3 1 ?. 389 Annas, i. 268 Anquisitio, ii. 68 .
Antemnae, i. 58, 125 ; iv. 89 Anticyra, ii. 319, 430 Antigonus, general of Alexander the Great, ii. 6 Antigonus Doson, ii. 220, 246 Antigonus Gonatas, ii. 236 Antioch in Syria, iv. 316, 341, 427. Becomes a residence of Tigranes, iv. 317 Antiochus I., Soter, ii. 402 Antiochus III., the Great, ii. 314. War with Egypt, ii. 410, 444 f. Conduct
Roman
during
ii.
donia,
Rome,
Mace-
intervention in
416-418, 427.
ii.
Breach with
War,
443-450.
ii.
450-468.
Peace, ii. 465-468. Death, ii. 468 Antiochus IV., Epiphanes, of Syria,
ii.
499 ; iii. 275, 282, 285, 286, 287. War with Egypt, and Roman intervention, ii. Introduces Roman 499, 515 f. gladiatorial
games
Levelling policy,
into Syria,
iii.
iii.
127.
285
335, 341, 437
of Commagene, iv. 41, 427, 437 of Cyzicus, iv. 4
Grypus, iv. 4 of Syracuse, ii. 108 of Ascalon, Stoic, v. 444 Antiochus, king of the slaves. See Eunus of Idumaea, iv. 432 Antipater Antipatria,
ii.
422 415
iv.
consul,
655],
459
.
,
460
.
;
ii.
iv.
66,
67, 102
.,
215.
Suppresses piracy, iii. 381 M. Antonius, murderer of Sertorius, iv. 302 M. Antonius, admiral in Mithradatic war, iv- 324, 35I/, 386 M. Antonius, Caesar's lieutenant, after-
wards triumvir,
v. 188, 235,
249^,
335,
365. 389
Q. Antonius [Marian governor in Sardinia, 672], iv. 92
Q. Antullius, lictor of L. Opimius, slain by the Gracchans, iii. 366^; Aous, the river, ii. 428 Apamea, iii. 276 ., 310 ; iv. 30, 329 Apennines, i. 5, 6, 41 Aperantia, ii. 459 Aphrodite, temple in Rome, ii. 71 ; iv. Identified with the old Roman 89.
Venus, ii. 71 iii. 482 Apollo = Apello=Aperta, i. 230, 258. God of oracles, i. 230. Increasing worship Apicius,
of, in
Rome,
ii.
70
;
iii.
41
i. 176 ; ii. 218, 316, 422, 426, 433, 497, 500; iv. 168. Founded, i. 176.
Treaty with Rome, ii. 46. Becomes Roman, ii. 2*jf. United with Macedonia, iii. 262. Mint of, iii. 87 ; iv. 181 Apollonis in Lydia, iii. 279 Appeal {provocatio\ pardon of the condemned criminal on an appeal to the people allowed by the king, i. 82, 95, In capital sentences, after 192 ; ii. 69. abolition of the monarchy, no longer dependent on the pleasure of the magistrates,
i. i.
320
;
42, 43
.,
67
.
;
iii.
320, 325.
320, 342;
centuries, i.
ii.
Rome
469-471, 479, 484 /. C. Antonius, Caesar's lieutenant in Illyria, v. 235 M. Antonius, the orator [praetor, 652;
the dictator,
by order of Marius,
84
Antium,
in treaty of
Orators' burgess-community, i. 462. platform in Rome adorned with beaks of Antiate galleys, i. 462 f. Antiate galleys brought to Rome, ii. 42. Prohibited from maritime traffic, ii. 43 . C. Antonius [consul, 691], iv. 373, 380,
tator,
Antipolis, iii. P. Antistius, murdered
m. ;
Apollonia,
Antiochus Eupator, recognized by the Romans as the successor of Antiochus Epiphanes, iii. 282 Antiochus the Asiatic, Syrian prince, iv.
Antiochus Antiochus Antiochus Antiochus Antiochus
ii.
181, 416
i.
223, 226
ii.
Mentioned
i.
with Carthage, 452. Temporarily a Latin colony ; finally subdued, i. 446, 447. Revolts, i. 461. Colonized as a Roman 41.
417, 426, 460
Aneroestus,
Legend of foundation,
iv. 64.
Andetrium,
ii.
523
ii. i.
Except the dicAllowed even against
348.
368; also in fines, i. Transferred to the 327/ After appointment i.
63.
of plebeian tribunes, might be addressed
HISTORY OF ROME
524 to
the
assembly,
plebeian
351 f.
i.
ProbProcedure in cases of, ii. 69. ably allowed by C. Gracchus even against the general in camp, iii. 347, 491; not for the allies, iii. 347, 49^. Right violated in the case of the Catilinarians, iv.
The symbolic view
482.
origin,
ii.
of
its
Apple-tree, iii. 67 C. Appuleius Decianus [tribune of the people, 655], iii. 478 L. Appuleius Saturninus [tribune of the ., 466people, 651, 654], iii. 440, 441 476 Apricots, iii. 65 n. Apsus, river, ii. 423, 426 Apuani, ii. 374; iii. 313 Apulia, Hellenized, i. 12 ; ii. 89 f. iiu Position during Samnite wars, i. 109. Colonists sent thither, ii. 365. 468, 474. After the Hannibalic war, iii. 100, 102. In the Social war, iii. 521 f. Depopulation of, v. 394. Coinage, ii. 280 L. Apustius, ii. 425 ',
in Africa,
iii.
259
168.
Sextiae, foundation of, Battle of, iii. 446 ; v.
ance
of, v. ii
Aquae
Aqueducts, Anio, Appia, iv. 168.
85
ii.
;
iv.
Marcia,
iii.
7.
iv. 420 Import;
168.
iv.
Aqua
169,
173.
Tepula (not Calida), iv. 168 Aquileia, iii. 416, 421; iv. 167. Colonized, 37 2 > 375, 493 ! "i- 2 7, X 49- ^us OI > ii. 52 ., 518 M'. Aquillius the elder [consul, 625], erects the province of Asia, iii. 279, 358 n. His trafficking laid bare by C. Gracchus, iii. 358 ; iv. 6 M'. Aquillius the younger [consul, 653], fights in the Cimbrian and Sicilian war, iii. 387 ; iv. 24. Envoy to MithraStirs up Nicomedes dates, iv. 24-26. to war, iv. 26 f. Defeated, iv. 30.
Death,
iv. 31,
101
15 first
physician in
Rome,
iii.
Archelaus, general of Mithradates, iv. 28, 3, 34, 35, 37, 4i"44, 5, 52, 95 Archelaus, high priest of Comana, iv.
i.
490
v. 59,
60
Aquitania subdued, A ra maxima, i. 230 Arabs in the army of Antiochus, ii. 466. In the third Mithradatic war, iv. 339,
Arab princes
in Syria, iv.
422^
Aratus, 404, 421 Aratus, astronomical didactic poems, v. ii.
449 Arausio, battle at, Arcadia, iii. 269 Arcesilaus, iv. 197
Archers in earliest
army,
436
i.
91
.
under
Greek
First deinfluence, i. 301-306. veloped in Etruria, i. 304 f., probably
from Attic models,
i.
later development,
118-120;
iv. 2$6_/C
;
ii.
308,
Its
309. iii.
2o6_/C;
v. 5I4./.
Archytas, i. 172 Arcobarzanes, grandson of Syphax, iii. 239 Ardea founds Saguntum, i. 185. In the Aricine league, i. 451. Dispute with Aricia, i. 447. Assigned as a Latin colony, i. 378, 445 Supports Rome against the Celts, i. 430. About 370, member of the Latin league, i. 448 ., Mentioned in treaty with Car450. .
thage,
i.
452.
City-chronicle,
ii.
80, 103.
Legend of foundation linked toOdyssean in.
Frescoes of, ii. 124, 127 Ardyaei, in Illyria, ii. 218 ; iii. 427 ; iv. 67 Area Capitolina, \. 137 Arellius, v. 516 Aretas, king of the Nabataeans, iv. 316, ii.
cycle,
426, 430, 432, 438
Arethusa, Arabian fortress, iv. 423 Arevacae defeat the Romans, iii. 217. Peace with, iii. 2i8_/C Revolt to Viriathus,
iii.
226, 231
Argean chapels,
i.
66, 118 ii.
86;
iii.
83 Argentinus, god of silver, ii. 70 Argentum Oscense, ii. 386 Argonauts, legend of the, ii. 108
Argos Argos
in
Macedonia,
iii.
428
in the Peloponnesus, ii. 430, 431, Emporium for the 438, 439 j iii- 266.
Romans, iii. 274 i. 44 Ariarathes V., Philopator, of Cappadocia, ii. 450, 473, 499 ; iii. 279, 280 Ariarathes VI., iii. 280. Killed, iv. 19
Aria cattiva, iii.
Roman
Arches, building of, i. 309 ; ii. 119 Archestratus, of Gela, iii. 179 Archias, the poet, iv. 193 Archidamus of Sparta, i. 465, 466 Archilochus, i. 169 n. Archimedes, ii. 310, 312 earliest Architecture, Italian,
A rgcntarius (money-changer),
.
Aquilonia, battle at,
341.
iv.
Archagathus,
439, 451
105
Appellate jurisdiction of the Imperator, introduced by Caesar, v. 348^
Aquae, town
Archaeanactidae, rulers in Panticapaeum,
INDEX Ariarathes, son of Ariarnthes VI., iv. 19 Ariarathes, son of Mithradates Eupator, iv. 34, 41 Ariarathes, the pseudo-, iv. 20, 24 . Aricine ; iv. Aricia, i. 48, 442 64. Battle at, L 414. Disleague, i. 451.
About 370, a pute with Ardea, i. 447. member of the Latin league, i. 448 .,
A Roman burgess-community,
450.
i.
Dictator there, i. 442 . Ariminum, i. 180; ii. 60, 213 ., 229, 274, 279 f. ; iv. 63, 85, 87, 166 f. King Arimnus in early intercourse with the 462.
shrine at Olympia, i. 180. Occupied by the Umbrian Sassinates, ii. 39. Latin
colony, ii. 39, 42, 220. the Celts, ii. 203, 222. quaestor,
ii.
45.
Jus
Bulwark against Seat of a naval 52 n.
ii.
of,
Ariobarzanes, of Cappadocia, iv. 25, 26, 54. 33i 35 Ariobarzanes, son of Mithradates the Great, iv. 27 Ariovistus, v. 34-37, 45-48 Aristarchus, prince of the Colchians, iv.
438
Aristobulus, king of the Jews,
Aristodemus,
i.
Aristonicus,
pretender
Classes places in the cavalry, i. 117. according to age, instead of according to property,
ii.
Reduction of the
74.
army and
qualification for
fleet,
Roman
iii.
Advantages of
the
system,
ii.
Traces of Greek
fluence,
i.
75.
255
.
ii.
;
3887: Decay, ii. 501 f. the legionary cavalry
in-
Commence-
75.
ment of standing army
350.
military
in
Spain, ii. Falling off of close
:
aristo-
iii. No advancement 9. from the place of a subaltern to that of
cratic corps,
tribune,
iii.
iii.
spirit,
Reforms
302.
Decay of
13.
Decline
43.
of,
martial
iii.
in Cato's time,
295 f., 49 f.
iii.
Reorganized by Marius, 413, 456Relaxation of discipline in Sulla's
Attalid
between
in Caesar's cavalry, v. 353.
149, 158
the
to
;
Aristotle,
i.
2
ii.
Armenia,
432
ii.
iv.
;
ii.
109, 112, 147; iv. 140,
tr.
401, 473 5,
;
iii.
279, 281, 285,
345 (compare Arta-
344,
n
vasdes, Tigranes). Language, iv. Armenia, Lesser, earlier a dependency of Pontus, iii. 281. Acquired by Mithradates, iv. 12, 1 8 tradition as to
Armenian
datic war,
iv.
51
Mithra-
first
earliest
i. 107 ./C Servian arrangement all freehold burgesses and non-burgesses, from :
17 to 60, liable to serve,
i.
n8f.
Two
legions of the first levy regularly called out for service in the field, and
two legions of the second levy
for
Difference
Roman and
Parthian warRaising of costs for fare, v. 155-158. the army, iv. 162, 165. Burden of quartering in the provinces, iv. \dzf., 285, 298 ; v. 408, 413 Armilustriutn, \. 207 Arnus, i. 157 Feuds between SamArpi, ii. 90, 280. nites and lapygians about Apri, i. 164. Lends help to the Romans in the second Samnite war, i. 473. Its conflicts with the Samnites, i. 453. Its fate in the second Punic war, ii. 293, 305, 333, 334,
365
Arpinum,
.
the organization : burgesses at the same time the warof foot and Legion 3000 riors, i. 90. 300 horse, i. gof. High estimation of the cavalry, 5. 89. After the accession of the Collini, number of cavalry, and probably also that of infantry, doubled, its
460.
425 f.,
iv.
kingdom, iii. 2jZ/., 281, 309 Aristonicus, Pontic admiral, iv. 324 Aristophanes, iii. 143 v. 141
Army,
:
Subura, Esquiline, Colline, i. 117. Burgess - cavalry amounting to 1800 But only 600 take the men, i. 119. field with the legion, i. 119. Free tine,
time, iii. 529 ; iv. 135-137. Reorganized by Caesar, v. 353-356. Burgessiii. -Mercenaries cavalry abolished, 457.
430, 448
287;
each legion having 3000 hoplites and 1200 light troops, i. Phalangite arrangement after 119. Doric model, i. 118. The five classes of infantry, i. 116. Levy districts Palagarrison service,
iii.
Aristion, tyrant of Athens, iv. 35, 37, 39 Aristo, of Tyre, ii. 380
197 Aristus,
525
i.
481, 485.
gess-rights, i.
style,
Arretium, ternal
voked, 479,
iii.
23.
Obtains full burGates in the Greek
302 ii. 374 ; troubles i.
490.
437.
167 ; v. 207. aid of Rome
iv. ;
in-
Peace with Rome,
i.
to Arretium,
i.
Highways
Remains
In-
faithful to the
Romans
486 in the Pyrrhic war, ii. 10. Attitude in second Punic war, ii. 346, 354. Arretines persecuted by Sulla, iv. 108, 265. Sullan colony, iv. 108 Arrest can only take place out of doors, .
ii.
68
HISTORY OF ROME
526 Q. Arrius [praetor, 682] the gladiatorial slaves,
against
fights iv.
359 f.
iv.
5 Arsacidae, 287 ; Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemaeus Auletes, v. 275, 281 Art, plastic and delineative, in the earliest iii.
C. Asinius Pollio, v. 139, 507 Herius Asinius, Marrucinian in the Social war, iii. 513 Asnaus, ii. 428
Aspendus,
ii.
commander
463
124-126.
AS.S& voce canere, i. 288 Assignations. See Domains, Leges agrariae
iz\f.
Association, right
Etruscan, ii. izof., 306-309. Campanian and Sabellian, ii. Latin, ii. i22f., izjf. In the In fifth and sixth centuries, 'iii. 207./I the seventh century, iv. 256-258. In the of v. age Caesar, 514-516 times,
i.
Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 153, 162
v. 151
.,
Artaxata, ii. 482 . ; iv. 338, 345, 410 Artaxiads, iii. 285 iv. 5 Artaxias, ii. 473, 482 n. Artemis, Ephesian, i. 231 Arthetaurus, ii. 493 Artichokes, iii. 66 w. Artisans concentrate themselves in Rome, ii. 82. Chiefly slaves, ii. 82 Artoces, king of the Iberians, iv. 414 Arval chant, i. 287 i. Arvales, 215. ;
Arverni, iii. 416 f., 438; 17. 2 4./> 34. 74-9 Arx, i. 47, 137 Ascanius, iii. 186
iv.
469
.;
v. 13,
Asclepiades, physician, v. 460 Asclepiades (ap. Arrian.), ii. 2 n. ., Asculum, iii. 507, 509 513, 521
;
iv.
78 ; v. 209 Asia Minor, nationalities of, iv. ii f. Before the time of the Gracchi, iii. 275Made a province, iii. 277 J. En281. larged by addition of Great Phrygia, iv. 21 6.
.
Oppression of Roman rule, iv. Administration withdrawn from
Lucullus,
iv.
386-395.
Regulated afresh
by Pompeius, iv. 436 - 442. and regulated by Caesar,
Roman 372;
iv.
taxation, 6,
HI
iii. .,
Subdued v.
283 f.
280, 351 f,, 355,
126, 158, 160, 162,
165, 170 f., 323, 380, 447 ; v. 364. closed customs district, iv. 160 Asia (Syria), first contact with Rome,
A ii.
Position in second Punic war, Extent and character of the 315. kingdom : claims to represent the uni216. ii.
versal empire of Alexander, Its political position after
397 f. the war
ii.
with Antiochus, ii. 468-472. In seventh century, iii. 235 f., 276-280, 284; iv. 5 f. Occupied by Tigranes, iv. Made a Roman province by 316 f. iv. Slaves chiefly Pompeius, 421, 428. drawn from Asia, iii. 306 ; iv. 174. Compare Antiochus
Associations,
of,
ii.
65
gzf.
iii.
Astapa, 320 Astolpa, father-in-law of Viriathus, 222 ii.
Astrologers in Rome, Asturians, ii. 389
Asylum
in
Rome,
i.
iv.
iii.
209 f.
137
Atarbas, ii. 188 Atax, river, iii. 420 Atella, ii.
ii.
204, 340.
In
Roman comedy,
369
A tellanaefabulae, Latin character-masks, i.
291, 300
234.
.
;
iii.
165
.
;
Supplanted by mime,
v. 468-470,
Athamanes,
iv. iv.
.-
231
233
.;
469 n. ii.
421, 423,
425, 426, 429) 433. 456, 457i 458, 4?6, 477. 4 8 S 318,
Athenaeus, brother of Attalus of Pergamus, iii. 276 . Athenagoras, ii. 426 Athenians, commercial intercourse with Etruria, i. 257 ; with Lower Italy and Seem to have furEtruria, ii. 79 f. nished the models for Etruscan Resolve to found a artists, i. 308. colony in the Adriatic against the Etruscan pirates, i. 435. Sicilian exIn peditions of, i. 416 f. ; ii. 144. second Purtic war side with Rome against Macedonia, ii. 317 f. Attitude during the war with Philip, ii. 404, 414 441. During the war against Antiochus, ii. 456. During the war with Perseus, ii. 495, 517. Financial ii. iii. Plunder the distress, 265. 495 ; neighbouring places, iii. 265. Share in the first Mithradatic war, iv. 35, 38, 39. Siege by Sulla, iv. 38 f. Occupy Oropus, iv. 199. Athens, place of Silver philosophic training, iv. 199. mines, iii. 309, 383 Athenion, leader in Servile war, iii. 385387 Alhcnodorus, pirate, iv. 354 Athletes, Greek, in Rome, iii. 116 A. Atilius Serranus [praetor, 562], ii. 453 f., 418,
C. Atilius Regulus [consul, 529], 225 L. Atilius [praetor, 536],
ii.
267
ii.
224,
INDEX M. M.
Atilius [consul, 460], i. 490 Atilius Regulus [consul, 498],
ii.
178-
183, 201
M. M.
Atilius Regulus, [consul, 537], Atilius [praetor, 602], iii. 218
ii.
287
i.
143, 156, 186, 278;
iv.
167.
Etruscan traces,
417 n.
Syracusan, 435 Atria in the Abruz2i, Latin colony, i. 493 A trium, i. 27, 301 ; iii. 207 Atropatene, ii. 401 Attalia in Pamphylia, fortress of Zenicetes, i.
iv.
313
Attalidae,
iii.
264.
234,
the dynasty,
ii.
469.
Foundation of Their policy, iii.
Become extinct, iii. 277 275, 277. his kingdom Attalus, of Pergamus ;
and government, ii. 402 f. In second Punic war sides with Rome against Macedonia, ii. 318. Share in the war with Philip,
ii.
266
436, 466
ii.
Commercial connection with Corcyra and Corinth, i. 176, 257. ;
iii.
M. Aurelius Cotta [consul, 680], iv. 325-329 M. Aurelius Scaurus [consul, 646], iii.
ii.
12
Drusus, iii. 503; iv. 112, 278, 374.^ L. Aurelius Cotta [consul, 635], iii. 427 L. Aurelius Cotta [praetor, 684], iv. 380 L. Aurelius Orestes [consul, 597],
Atintanes, ii. 218, 220, 319, 427 Atis, ii. 222
Atrax, 429 Atria on the Po,
527
C. Aurelius Cotta [consul, 502], iii. 10, 18 C. Aurelius Cotta [consul, 679], friend of
411, 412, 413, 414, 416, Antiochus violates his
417, 420, 423, 437.
L.
Aurunculeius Cotta, Caesar's tenant in Gaul, v. 68 . Aurunci, war with the, i. 361
lieu-
Ausculum, battle of, ii. 25-27 Auson, son of Ulysses and Calypso,
i. 177 475 i. 81 ; iv. 206, 511* Aitspicia publica, P. Autronius Paetus, Catilinarian, iv. 466, 477 Auxiliwn, \. 403 Auximum, iv. 78; v. 209; colonized, iii. 3'3 Avaricum besieged by Caesar, v. 79, 80
Ausones, the,
i.
Aventine, i. 136, 141, 216, 231, 250; ii. As84 ; iii. 368. Fortified, i. 138. signed to the Plebs, i. 363. Temple of
Diana on,
see
Avernus, lake
Diana i.
of,
168
446/1 Death, 450, 474 Attalus, brother of Eumenes, ii. 5TI./C Attalus II., Philadelphus, iii. 275, 276 .,
Aviaries, v. 378
277 Attalus III., Philometor, iii. 277 Attalus, of Paphlagonia, iv. 438 Attis, priest of Pessinus, iii. 276 P. Attius Varus, lieutenant of Pompeius,
BABYLONIA severed from Syria, iii. 288 Bacchanalian conspiracy, iii. ns/I
ii.
territory,
ii.
.
Pompeian governor
v. 209. v.
in Africa,
iuris,
ii.
112
A uctoritas senat-us,
i.
330
reintroduces the import of wild beasts
from Africa, iv. 183 Cn. Aufidius, historian (about 522
iii.
i. 218 f. experts for interpreting
Augurs, Latin, birds,
i.
219. iv.
126.
660),
ii.
A
college of the flight of
Their number,
Increased to nine, fifteen,
Bacchides, commander in Sinope, iv. 353 Bachelors, tax on, ii. 66 Bactrians, ii. 398 ; iii. 284, 287, 289
M. Baebius
[praetor, 562],
Baetis,
Audas, confidant of Viriathus, iii. 225 Cn. Aufidius [tribune of the people, 584],
248 n. Aufidus,
prince, iv. 423, 427
Baecula, battles at, iii. 224, 226
230
Auctores
Azizus,
Arab
i.
219.
i. 385. Increased to Detect flaws in the
election of plebeian magistrates, i. 384. Plebeians made eligible, i. 385. Chosen by the burgesses, iii. 463. Co-optation reintroduced by Sulla, iv. 115. In the iv. 133. Augural discipline, Lore neglected, iii. 112
Bagradas, 402 Baiae,
iv.
Bakers
in
ii.
Rome, of
i.
458
Bankruptcy ordinance of Caesar, Banquets in Rome, v. 387 Barbers in Latium, ii. 280
v.
400
.
Barbosthenian mountains, battle at the, ii.
452
Bar-Cochba, ii.
iii.
286 n.
413
Basilicas in
Rome,
Portia,
207
306
late introduction,
.
iii.
Bargylia,
v.
Hi. 240, 258, 393,
175, 184
iv.
205.
;
283
249 ; iii. 123. Pistor= miller, iii. 124 . Ballad singers, ii. 98 Balearic isles, Carthaginian, ii. 143, 144, 330. Roman, iii. 233, 291, 382 n. Under a praefectus pro legato, ii. 219 Balearic slingers in the Roman army,
municipia,
Aurelia, Caesar's mother,
iv.
359, 383
454
ii.
y)f.
ii. ;
iii.
iii.
124
.,
206.
Bos.
HISTORY OF ROME Bastarnae, ii. 492 ; iv. 14, 20, 324, 416 Bastulophoenicians, iii. 215 Baths, warm, in Spain, ii. 385. In Rome, improved by Caesar, v. 375 Bato, ii. 422 Battaces, high priest of Pessinus, iv. 210
Beer (barley wine), Belgae,
416, 444
iii.
ii. ;
385 24 f., 34, 50, 54,
v.
84/
Belli, Celtiberian people,
Bellona, temple Bellovaci, v. 12 Bellovesus,
i.
of,
91
;
52, 85, n.
.,
423
Beneventum,
ii.
ii.
333,
216
iii.
210
iv.
;
lus ii. 39. Beneventane consuls, ii. Colonized,
336 of,
166.
52 Battle
ii.
.
51.
A
i.
soldier,
the iii.
iii.
troops,
the state, not to in largesses to
Given
199 f.
37
Revenue from,
42.
20
iv.
naces,
St., v. 59 ; i. 424 the Little St., i. 423 Bernard, road over .; ii. 258^: Beroea, iv. 316 Bessi made subject to the Romans, iv.
iv.
Taken by Under PharGiven by
15 f.
16-18.
iv.
19 f.
v.
;
264.
Caesar to Mithradates of Pergamus,
v.
283 Bosporus, ii. 405 Bostar, ii. 337
Bovianum, tory at,
Sulla's vic-
146, 475, 481.
i.
iii.
Capitulation,
523.
iii.
523.
Temporarily retaken, 526 Bovillae takes the place of Alba, i. 129 About 370, a member of the Latin iii.
enforcement
its
Betrothal, at-law early abolished at
action-
by Rome, but
retained in the Latin communities, I3 1 . JQS Betuitus, king of the Arverni,
i.
_
417 i. 186 Bibracte (Autun), battle of, v. 43./C Bilbilis in Spain, iv. 301 Bithyas, Numidian sheik, iii. 252_/C, 257 Bithynia, ii. 401, 455, 471, 473, 492 ; ii. 234, 276, 277, 306 ; iv. 6, 19, 24, 25, 29, 44, 54, 95, 322, 323, 326. Pontic satrapy, iv. 33. Ceded by Mithradates, iv. 49. Roman province, iv. 322, 436 Bithynians akin to the Thracians, iv. Bituriges, i. 423 ; iii. 416 Blood-revenge, traces of, i. iqof.', ii. 105 C. Blossius of Cumae, rhetorician, iii. 320 Boarding-bridges, ii. 174^ Bocchar, ii. 382 Bocchus, king of Mauretania, iv. 92, 94 Boeotians, ii. 402, 421, 429, 432, 441, 443, With Critolaus . 456, 459, 498, 498 iii.
Bias,
n
against
Rome,
iv.
iii.
268.
With Mithra-
league,
448
i.
Shrine of the
450.
.,
gens of the Julii, i. 128 Boys accompanying their fathers to the senate, ii. 95 Braccati, ii. 59 ; v. 10 Brachyllas, ii. 441
Bradanus, river in Lower Italy, i. 171 Brennus = king of the army, i. 428 Bridge-building,
i.
219, 309
;
iv. 167,
169
Brigands in Italy, after the second Punic In the seventh century, war, ii. 367. Aid of, invoked by Catilina, iv. 169. Formed from the remains of iv. 476. the armies of Catilina and Spartacus, In the provinces, iv. 169; v. iv. 486. 4-tof. Britain, origin of the
trade,
iii.
Britomaris, Brittany,
iv.
.
10
251, 252
423 Brundisium,
Brixia,
u
Tin name, v. Caesar in, v. 62-66
420. ii.
i.
iii.
;
i.
424 294,
176,
295,
308,
317,
107, 166, 177, 193; v. 211. 333; Latin colony, ii. 39, 42, 215. Surrenders to Sulla, iv. 77. Surprised by
35
Boii, Italian,
.
iv. 55,
Bogud. See Mauretania Boii on the Platten See, ii. 373 i.
423
.,
A .
424, 434
;
ii.
22I/!, 224, 226, 250, 268, 369, 370. struction of, ii. 372 ; iii. 313 430.
231
i.
Bononia, formerly Felsina, Celtic, i. 424. Latin colony, ii. 374 ; iii. 49. lus of,
Mithradates,
Berenice (town), iv. 4 Bernard, pass of the Great
Boii in
Bona Dea,
Bosporan kingdom,
near, ii. 36 Berenice, ii. 7
dates,
iii. 436, 449 Bomilcar, Carthaginian admiral, ii. 306, 312 Bomilcar, the confidant of Jugurtha, iii. 395, 400, 401 f.
.
iv.
;
Boiorix,
ii. 52 Bookselling, v. 562 Booty falls to the
iv. 490 yzf.
335,
Settled by Caesar in the territory of the Haedui, v. 79
39.
ii,
De-
Bavaria and Bohemia, iii. 423, Dislodged by the Germans, v. 32,
the pirates, Bruttians, ancient,
iv. 355.
origin, i.
454
Under Greek ii.
122.
i. .
lus
of,
ii.
52 n.
Name
454.
Bilingual,
i.
very 456.
457 f. Art, Attitude during the Snmnite influence,
i.
INDEX
529
war, i. 468. Share in the war with Submit to the Pyrrhus, ii. 21, 25. Romans, ii. 38. Alliance with Hanniii. Treatbal, 294, 334, 335, 342, 349. ment after second Punic war, ii. 364/1 ; iii. 24, 28. Pastoral husbandry, iii. 100.
Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer, lieutenant of Pompeius, iv. 413, 429 Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus [con-
Coins, ii. 79 Bruttius Sura, lieutenant of the governor of Macedonia, defeats the fleet of Mith-
temple of Jupiter Statoron the Capitol, iv. 257. Private life, iv. 187 Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos [consul, 697],
iv.
radates,
league,
448
i.
member of Latin
Under Caesar,
:
public buildings,
iii.
Numidian,
Bulla,
Burgess-body,
Budget for
375^
v. 117,
Bulla, amulet-case,
5
.,
i.
259 primitive Latin divisions This number, i. 85 f.
86.
Practical value of these i.
Equality of
86 f.
rights in the earliest times,
among
Equality gesses, i.
q^f.
87-89.
Clients and city rabble,
36 f.
iii.
i.
patricio-plebeian bur-
3Q2/C Division, i. 86. Rights, Burdens, i. 89-92. Extension,
i.
iii.
"
38 f.
General character,
Incipient corruption, bers, see Census,
Burgess-cavalry.
Burgess - colony.
iii.
iii.
39-42.
Population See Army See Coloniae
35-40.
Numcivium
Rontanorum See Chntas Burgess-rights. Butchers' booths in the Forum, Byrsa, citadel of Carthage,
Byzantium, 495, 496
;
ii.
iii.
ii.
247
86 .,
248
318, 405, 410, 420, 450, 455,
iv. 47,
328
Byzes, Thracian chieftain,
iii.
262
iii.
ship,
and the
;
(Cabenses), about 370, member of Latin league, i. 448 Cabira, battle of, iv. 331^!, 347. Founded anew by Pompeius, iv. 441 Cacus, i. 22, 231 Caecilia Metella, wife of Sulla, iv. 105 .
Censor-
397-405.
to Satur-
Opposed
and goes into exile, iii, 471. Death, iii. 479 iv. 102 . Metellus Pius [consul, 674], Caecilius Q. lieutenant of Strabo in the Social war, ;
522,' 526, 547
iv. 61, 63, 64, 65, 72,
;
Related
84 f., 87, 88, 138.
by marriage
to Sulla, iv. 98.
His char-
acter, iv.
269 f. .S^QfUUslu^umjajgus^. iv. 283, 292-301/1 Subdues Crete, iv. Collision with Pompeius, iv. 352 f. Leader of the aristocracy, 375> 4S3./iv.
402-414
Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio [consul, 702], v. 166, 255, 287./C, 300
Roman
Caecilius (Statius), iii. 162
poet,
A. Caecina, v. 321 Caelian Mount, i. 136, 159 Caelius Vivenna, i. is&f. L. Caelius Antipater, historian, M. Caelius Rufus, v. 189, 507. in a law of debt, v. 317^., 390
ii.
371
;
iv.
250 Brings
Caenina, i. 58, 125. Semblance of existence after destruction, i. 128. Caere, the first Italian town mentioned by the Greeks, i. 160. Etruscan, i. 158. Punic factory, i. 163. Relations with the Greeks, i. 179^ Relations with the Phocaeans, i. 184. Stoning of Phocaean Embassy sent to Delcaptives, i. 185. i.
Treasury at Delphi,
185.
The Tarquins at,
i.
180.
Primitive 159, 316. neighbourly relations with Rome, i. 144, i.
War with Rome, i. 432 f. Un158. favourable terms of peace, i. 398, 433 ; " 49i 55 " I" s of, i. 433. Roman Frescoes of, ii. 124, praefect at, ii. 49. Art
C. Caecilius Metellus Caprarius [consul,
126.
641], iii. 429 L. Caecilius [praetor, 470], ii. 10 L. Caecilius Metellus [consul, 503],
merce,
i.
at,
258
i.
258, 262.
;
126.
ii.
Tombs
Com-
of Caere,
i.
252, 277, 302 ii.
186.
L. Caecilius Dalmaticus [consul, 635], 427
Commander
397 f.
iii.
466-468.
ninus,
phi,
CABANI
VOL. V
iii.
645], character,
79, 81, 83,
16, 45
its
normal numbers,
257
495, 497, 502
iii.
22./C
iii.
iii.
and normal normal number triple3"m~ th'e earliest Roman body composed of three communities,
iv.
Martius,
against Jugurtha,
.
Rome
impulse given to it in fifth century, ii. 86 f. Stagnation in the sixth century, iii. 22 f. In the seventh century, iv. 166 - 168, 184.
,
Campus
Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus [consul,
Brutulus Papius, i. 470 Bubentani, about 370, Building in
Builds the colonnade in the
338, 367.
iv.
35
226, 233, 262, 268, 319, 324,
iii.
sul, 611],
See Julius.
Caesar.
i.
Caiatia, iii.
Caieta, v.
i.
ii. 304 ; Surprised by the pirates,
476, 481 177.
355
I6 7
HISTORY OF ROME
530
iv. 300, 301, 304 i. 470 ii. 294, 338, 340 Calendar, oldest Roman table of festivals,
Calagurris, Calatia, i.
;
Based at
207-210.
first
synodic lunar month and tion
solely on the
its
multiplica-
ten, the circle or year,
by
i.
267,
The lunar month determined by This immediate observation, i. 267. mode of reckoning time subsequently 268.
Oldest Italian Oldest Roman
long retained, i. 271. solar year, i. 267 f.
Publicly promulgated by Appius Claudius, ii. 113. Reformed by the Decemvirs, ii. n6f. Confusion of, year, 269 f.
ii.
Reform
278 n.
of,
by Caesar,
v.
See Furius
Camillus.
Campanians in Sicily, Camps, entrenchment service in the camp, Canaan,
ii.
Canary
475 ; ii. 79, 295, 304, 340 ; iii. Latin colony, i. 463, 472. The colony reinforced, ii. 366. Station of a naval quaestor, ii. 75. Art, ii. 122 i.
A
492.
M.
Calidius, v. 189
i. 389 Caesar, v. 6
Callaeci,
Callatis, iv.
Callias,
ii.
ii.
;
225, 232.
Subdued by
307
no
106,
Callidromus, Callimachus,
v.
Calpurnii,
107
and Africa,
in Sicily
Cannae, battle the
Romans
Cantabrians,
391
ii.
;
ii.
of,
v.
230
287-291
taken by
;
in the Social war,
ii.
38^
iii.
;
iii.
521
228
Cantonal constitution in Gaul,
v. 19, 21,
24 i.
474
ii.
;
287, 291, 298, 303,
In the Social war, iii. 513, 522 347. Capacity, measures of, i. 265 f. Capena supports Veii against Rome, i. Colon425, 426. Makes peace, i. 426. ized, i. 432 Capital punishment, i. 192. Limited, ii. 68; by Gaius Gracchus, iii. 348. Abolished by Sulla for political offences, iv. 130 Capitolini, guild of the, i. 138
Cappadocia,
ii. 401, 455, 473; iii. 234, 2 75> 277. 2 79> 280, 285, 287, 288, 382 . ;
C. Calpurnius Piso [praetor, 569 sul, 574],
Etruscan colonizing pre-
islands,
vented by Carthage, i. 187 Cane, ii. tfnf. C. Caninius Rebilus, lieutenant of Curio
.
458 450
ii.
ii.
;
.
Capitolium, i. 47, 66, 138. Temple of the, ii. loo. Capitoline era, ii. 102
481, 517
ii.
Callicrates,
73
255
131
Canusium, Cales,
ii.
of, i.
See Capua watch-
162.
ii.
iii.
;
con-
121
C. Calpurnius Piso [consul, 687], iv. 393395 Cn. Calpurnius Piso, the Catilinarian, iv. 465, 468, 471 L. Calpurnius Bestia [consul, 643], iii.
46 ., 49, 54, 330. Acquired by Mithradates, iv. 19 f., 32. 'iv. Restored, 24 f., 49, 95. Subdued by Tigranes, iv. 3*5 f. Enlarged by iv. 6, it, 19, 30,
Pompeius,
iv.
Capsa,
iii.
Exempt from
446.
taxation, iv. 157.
Language,
iv.
n
406
iii.
40, 256 ; ii. 80 ; iv. 166. Mentioned in Hecataeus as a Trojan colony,
252, 299, 310. Chronicle of, iv. 248 L. (not C.) Calpurnius Piso [consul, 642], as legate against the Cimbri, iii. 435 L. Calpurnius Piso, Caesar's father-in-
ii. Wrested from the Etrus109 cans by the Samnites, i. 419, 454. Under Greek influence, i. 457 ; ii. 90. Wealth and luxury of the city, i. 457 ; ii. 80, 82,
Capua,
393, 396
L.
Piso
Calpurnius
law,
iv.
[consul,
621],
508, sioy:
;
v. 129,
[consul, 695], iv.
460 Q. (not C.) Calpurnius Piso [consul, 619], iii. 229 Calpus, alleged son of Numa, and ancestor of the Calpurnii, ii. 107 Calypso,
i.
472
ii.
Camarina, 190 Camars = Clusium, Cameria,
i. i.
Camerinum,
i.
143
298 125 v.
459
.,
Rome,
461. i.
461.
The
209
Camilii, clan-village,
i.
45
315.
submits
458, 459
.
Seeks her
to
Revolts,
i.
nobility adhere to
Their cavalry decide i. 4&gf. Posi-
the battle of Sentinum, tion
in Pyrrhic war,
ii. 23. Capuan by the Romans, ii. $6f. Becomes a dependent community
nobility favoured
and legions of
ii.
Camenae,
.
i.
i.
there,
Rome and
with self-administration,
177
i.
Mcdix tuticus
aid from
supremacy,
164
M. Calpurnius Mamma,
C'alycadnus,
.
162.
513
M. Calpurnius Bibulus
i.
its
own,
i.
ii.
463 55
;
.
ii.
A
49
;
re-
Hannibal atcruiting field, ii. 162. tempts to get possession of it, ii. 281. Passes over to Hannibal, ii. 294, 300,
Roman party at, ii. 294. Hanni303. bal at, ii. 303, 336 - 340. Besieged and
INDEX taken,
339 f.
ii.
Loses
its
municipal
531 Leads the Phoenician nation
no.
ii.
23.
in the struggle against the Hellenes for
Ruined by the Hannibalic war, iii. 108. Campanian domain, iii. 20, 312 iv. 156 occupied by private persons, resumed by the state, iii. 328 f. Remains unaffected by the agrarian
the dominion of the sea, 5. 183 f. ; ii. ! 37 fChanges the character of the
ii.
constitution,
364
340,
iii.
;
;
;
law of Ti. Gracchus, iii. 20. Colonizaby C. Gracchus, iii. 346, 374. In the Social war, iii. 509 f., 521; and in the following Civil war, iv. 60, 80 f., 91. Colonization renewed in 671, iv. 70, 79, tion
Abolished by Sulla,
'
Phoenician occupation, and establishes its dominion over North Africa, i. i^f. ii. 138 f. Close alliance of the Phoenicians with the Siculi, the Latins, and ',
especially the Etruscans, i. 184 f.\ ii. I43./C Early relations to Rome, i. 185 f.
Western
Sicily held against the Hel1 86; 186 ;
i.
lenes,
Sardinia sub-
143^
ii.
Affected by Servilian law, iv. 472. Colonized anew by Caesar, 508, 514. Revolt of slaves, iii. 380. Gladiatorial school at, iv. 357. Mint, ii. 87. Art, ii. In Roman comedy, ii. 366 122.
ii. 143. Carthaginians in Spain, ii. 142. Excludes the Hellenes from the Western Mediterranean and the Atlantic, i. 184 ii. 138, 144. Compelled by its relations with Persia to a decisive attack on the Sicilian Greeks,
iii.
i.
134.
iv. 107, 126.
;
148^ ii.
Caralis,
;
Defeat of the Carthaginians at i. 415 ; ii. 135. Subsequent with Syracuse, ii. 144-146, 156. Maintains naval ascendency in the Tyrrhene Sea : breaking up of the alliance with the Etruscans, i. 417 f, Position in Sicily : league with Rome 415.
Himera,
143
Carce^ Roman and
Sicilian,
i.
201
ii. 434, 474; iii. 279; Carian city-league, iv. 33 Carinae, i. 63, 117 Carmen, i. 286
Caria,
conflicts
n.
iv.
against Pyrrhus, ii. 29-31. Almost expelled by Pyrrhus from Sicily, ii. yzf,
Camtentalia,
i. 209 298 iv. 193, 197-200 iii. 424 371
Carmentis, Carneades,
dued,
i.
i.
Designs on Rhegium, Tarentum, ii. 38, 146.
Carni, ii. Carnutes, v. 72, 74, 81, 92 Carpenters, i. 249 Carpetania, iii. 222 ;
Italian
of, v. 158-163 Carrinas, lieutenant of Carbo in the Social war, iv. 79, 85, 88, 90 Carsioli colonized, i. 484. Attacked by the Marsi, i. 486 iii.
214^,
222, 232
;
iv.
i.
185
On
12, 146.
Commands
the fifth
130, 452 ; ii. 41 n. [and Appendix to vol. ii.], 44, 146. Quarrels with Rome, i.
partly from maritime jealousy, ii. 45. First occupies Messana, then dislodged from it by the Romans, ii. 169, 170.
Punic war, ii. 161-195. Peace, Mercenary war, ii. 205-208. Second Punic war, causes of, ii. 230First
ii.
190
Carthage, name,
ii.
the fourth and
in
centuries, ii. 39 f. Navigation of the Romans restricted : commercial treaties,
Carrhae, battle
Carteia in Spain,
seas
.
Situation,
ii.
195-200.
peace
Carthaginian preparations, ii. 236Breach with Rome, ii. 245. War, After second Punic war, ii. 376 f. Alliance with Macedonia, ii. 292 f., 492. Attitude in the war with Perseus, ii. 499. War with Massinissa, iii. 237-240. Third war with Rome, iii.
Oppoparties, ii. 232-234, 306 f., 357./C sition party, ii. 150. Democratic reform
241-258. Destroyed, iii. 257 f. Colony sent thither by Gracchus, iii. 346, 366 ;
of constitution by Hannibal, ii. 378. Rigour of its government, ii. 154. Position of the subjects, ii. 155 f. Army
cancelled
135 f. 159
;
iii.
;
iii.
Rome and
245, 249.
compared,
ii.
234.
Carthage
243.
Fortifications,
245-249.
152,160. Constitution, ii. Council, ii. 146. Magis146-149, 154. Hundred-men or trates, ii. 147, 154. ii.
judges, 147 f., 154.
Their numbers,
and and
fleet, its
finances, ii.
153
;
ii.
ii.
iv.
ii.
ii.
War and
157-160, 236 f.
sources, ii.
Citizens,
157.
150-154.
148^
Wealth State-
Token-money, Science and art, ii.
150/1, 156. 180.
Interweaving of the foundation152. legend of Carthage with that of Rome,
ii.
Its
247-361.
374, 468
Caesar, Carthage, ii.
by the
senate,
territory distributed,
39,
Scipio,
;
v.
iv.
157.
366, 374.
iii.
346, 366,
colony sent by
424 ,/C
New 251, ii.
New
iii.
or Spanish (Cartagena),
384
;
iv.
93.
Taken by
327./C
Carthalo, Carthaginian vice-admiral Sicily in the first Punic war, ii. 190
in
HISTORY OF ROME
532
Carthalo, with Hasdrubal, leader, of the patriot party in Carthage, iii. 239, 241 Cams, general of the Segedani, iii. 217 Carventani, about 370, member of Latin
Celetrum, ii. 426 Cella, i. 304
league, i. 448 n. Sp. Carvilius [consul, 461], i. 490; ii. 124 Sp. Carvilius, teacher of writing regulates
Celtic!,
:
the Latin alphabet, iii. 191 Carystus, ii. 430, 452 ; iii. 507 n.
164 L. Cassius [tribune of the people, 617], iii. 300, 316 L. Cassius Longinus [consul, 647], defeated by the Helvetii, iii. 435 L. Cassius, governor of Asia Minor, iv. 24, 29, 3, 33 L. Cassius [tribune of the people, 665],
people, 705], v. 188. ern Spain, v. 290
iv.
248.
361,
Castrum Amerinum, i. 143 Castrum Novum, a burgess colony,
ii.
39,
42 Castus, leader in gladiatorial war, iv. 363 Catana, i. 166. Cataonia, iii. 382 n. Catilina. Sue Sergius Cato. See Porcius Cattle and sheep, the earliest medium of
Rearing Dependent on
238.
of, in Italy,
agriculture,
Increase of cattle-rearing, 67. 68, 74, 80-82, 97 ., 305 Cauca, iii. 219, 233 Caucaenus, chieftain of Lusitanians, 216 iii.
iii.
pillaged ii.
i.
170.
See 138
Cckres,
iii.
iii.
Pyrrhic war 19
Army
aediuin, i.
ii.
446
Cavea,
Cavum
In the
by mutineers,
Cavalry.
90
i.
301
ii.
370
;
iii.
;
iii.
207
Roman
citizenship,
Gallia Cisalpina in the
24.
sixth century not yet a province, ii. 215 n. ; erected as such only by Sulla,
215 n.;
iv.
Roman army iii.
122 n.
Italian Celts in
during the Social war,
507
280.
War
276.
with,
ii.
ii.
398, 4oi_/C,si2
Eumenes
II.
;
iii.
War
469-471, 473.
of Pergamus,
See Galatia
Celts, Transalpine, ii. 228. Their tribes,
222, 223
423
.,
226-
iv.
423 f. Their advance into Italy checked, ii. seventh Conflicts in century, 370 f. iii. 423-426 Celts, alleged, in Southern Russia, iv. 16 Cenchreae, ii. 430 Cenomani, i. 423, 434 ; ii. 221, 223, 224, 227, 228, 270, 369 ./; iii. 424 ImporCensorship instituted, i. 375. tance of the office for the governing iii. i. ii. Plebeians aristocracy, 375 ; Patricians excluded eligible, i. 383. i.
;
from one censorship, i. 383. jurisdiction over the burgesses, 406
.
;
ii.
Moral i.
397,
Rendered thereby the
63.
of the magistracies, ii. 64. Superior in rank to the consulate, i. 400. Might not be held twice, i. 402. Not a curule n. iii. 6 iii. \o f. office, Limitations, Set aside by Sulla, iv. 113. Renewed, and term of office extended to five years first
Caudine Forks, i. 47I./C Caudium, peace of, 472./I
Caunus,
Take migrations, and results, i. 432. part in the last Samnite war, 5. 488/1 Effect of the Celtic wars on the union of Italy, ii. 59. Subdued by the Romans in the course of the sixth century, ii. 222-228, 369-374. Attitude in second Punic war, ii. 268-273. For-
iii.
;
Caulonia,
of the nation, i. 419Migrations, i. 422 ./C Cross the i. 423 f. Cross the Po, i. Attack Etruria and capture 424. Rome, i. 424 - 430. Subsequent incursions into Latium, i. 43I.A End of their
422.
against
;
i.
216
Celts of Asia Minor, i.
438 ; ii. 85 iii. 59 Cassivellaunus, v. f>\f.
243, 148.
iii.
Celts, character
ii.
Governor in South-
Castor and Pollux early worshipped by the Romans, i. 230. Temple of, ii. 70 iii. 367 Castra, custom-house at, iii. 19
i.
ii. 322, 355, 356, 388, 391 216, 219, 444, 479, 493
bidden to acquire iii.
of the
Sp. Cassius [consul, 252, 261, 268],
exchange,
iii.
Alps to Italy,
Casilinum, ii. 282, 303, 304, 335, 337 C. Cassius [consul, 681], iv. 360 C. Cassius, lieutenant of Crassus, v. 160-
530 L. Cassius Hemina, chronicler, " On the Censors," iv. 252 Q. Cassius Longinus [tribune
Celtiberians,
by Pompeius, iv. 380 v. 147 f. Restricted by Clodius, v. in. Remodelled by Caesar, v. 429, 430. Insignia, iii. 45 ;
Censors in the Italian towns (fuinyuennales), ii. 58 ft., 59 Census arose out of the Servian military arrangements,
i.
119 f.
Every fourth
INDEX year,
i.
Extended
to Italy, to Sicily, ii. 211.
331.
Extended
.
ii.
58
But
not to the more recently added proiii.
vinces,
in
Rating originally
34.
i. In money, i. 396 f. 115 f. Later modifications, iii. 50 n. Numbers of, when introduced into the Those of the first Annals, ii. 102.
land,
four centuries
"
54>
all
probably fictitious, Compare Population
55 "
C. Centenius,
ii. 279 Centenius, ii. 337 a Latin senate, Centumviri,
Centuripa,
from taxation, ii.
Cephaloedium,
iv.
i.
of, in
207.
127 CeriaZia,
i.
Cermalus,
348
Exempt
476, 477 ii.
i.
iii.
355
452 of, .
iii. ii.
;
Temple
40.
85, 118, 123,
ii.
472
;
166, 172, 175 396, 421, 422, 430, 431, 442,
452. 454. 456. 457, 459, 499,
53
268.
v. 38,
!
Sides with Critolaus against
42.
Rome,
Punishment, 270, 272 Chaldaeans in Rome, iv. 210 Chaonians in Pyrrhus' army, ii. 16. iii.
iii.
Chaplet, as prize of victory, iii.
i.
Charops, the Epirot,
294, 295
;
429
ii.
ii.
iii.
;
264
Chersonese, Tauric,
iii.
iv.
65
15,
334.
Inscription,
iv.
Free 13
.,
318, 406, 411 f., 417, 460, 473. of,
A
iv.
\f., 313 f. Province en-
;
.
Cincinnatus. See Quinctius L. Cincius Alimentus, historical under his name, iii. 185 Cineas, ii. 15, 22, 30 Cinna. See Cornelius Cinyras, ruler of Byblus, iv. 430
i.
looo, i.
work
Circeii,
Etruscan,
267.
i.
267, 282
177
Latin colony,
Rome,
i.
447.
i.
446. Rises against
About
370,
a member of
Latin league, i. 448 ., 450, 451. tioned in treaty with Carthage,
Not Roman burgess-community,
Meni.
452.
ii.
49.
Circeian promontory, i. 177 Circus, i. 141. Flaminian, iii. 40 iii. 391, 392, 402, 407 Cirta, ii. 354, 384 ;
;
And surrounding district, given by Caesar to P. Sittius, v. 301, 424 iv. 177.
i. 63 Cistophorus, iv. 182 Citrons, iii. 65 n.
;
v.
438 n.
ii.
Roman" civic burdens and
Roman tribunals, but with administraTheir tion of their own, ii. 49-54, ss/C ii.
this class,
by Mithradates,
iv.
46.
55
.
Disappearance of
Right pre23, 26, 54. linilted self-administration :
iii.
served, with
i. 448 ii. and the 248 Sabines, i. 492. Without self-administration Caere, i. 433 ; Capua and other
Tusculum,
400, 474, 477, Chersonese, Thracian, 486 ; iii. 423 Chilo, slave of Cato the elder, iii. 132 n. ii.
ii.
382 159
by Servilius, iv. 314. Partly occupied by Tigranes, iv. 316. Enlarged by Pompeius, iv. 436 Cimbri, iii. 386, 430-438, 444-449 Ciminian Forest, i. 157, 432; ii. 79. March of Q. Fabius Rullianus through it, i.
number,
.
.
Treatment
Seat of
:
Italy in Caesar's time,
Chios,
iii.
iv. 158,
subject to
446
Cherry, the wild, native in Italy, iii. 65 From Asia Minor, transplanted to n.
17
275, 281,
292, 306; iv. 2, 5, 311.
iii.
Taxation,
iii.
;
325.
407, 410, 411, 415, 421, 447 Gives sine sUjffragio, protected burgesses, 121. i. Burgesses without right of electing or being elected : origin of Their position this category, i. 433.
124, 133
72, 73
Chelidonian islands,
city, iv. 15, 17.
324,
317,
Roman province,
Cius, iii.
;
.,
ii,
Cispius,
5
Chariot races, i. 294, 295 Charondas, laws of, i. 175 Chatti, v. 31
398, 445, 472, 474
iv.
pirates,
Circe,
ii. 260/1 Chaeronea, battles at, iii. 269 iv. 35, 41 f. Chalcedon, ii. 410 ; iv. 47. Siege in Mithradatic war, iv. 326 Chalcidian colonies in Italy and Sicily,
ii.
ii.
385;
and
>
Ceutrones,
Chalcis,
Cilicia,
Ciphers, earliest in general use throughout Italy, i. 252, 264. Greek aspirates afterwards adopted as signs for 50, 100,
207
63, 64 v. 13 Cestrus, river in Pamphylia,
i.
See Tullius
Cicero.
.
i.
Cervesia,
in.
479
185
Festival
Rome,
v.
;
213.
.,
158
Cephissus, iv. 44 Cercina, iii. 541 Cereatae Marianae, Ceres,
86
i.
128, 255
171, 211
ii.
Cephallenia,
iv.
Occupied by Lucullus, iv. 47 ; and demnified by Sulla, iv. 49, 54 iii. 276 n. Chrematas the Acarnanian, iii. 264 Chlorus,
larged
M.
Centumviral court,
533
.
;
;
:
places, i. 463 ; Anagnia, i. ^>\f. Ci-'itas (citizenship), originally coinci-
dent with patriciate,
i.
80.
Could not
HISTORY OF ROME
534
be lost within the state, i. 131^, igSyi Within Latium, i. 131 f. Sparingly conferred in very early times, i. 112. Given to the Alban clans, i. 128. Later
Ap. Claudius
civitas of plebeians, rights formerly forced
Ap. Claudius, propraetor before Nola, iii. 547. Outlawed, iv. 72 Ap. Claudius [consul, 675], iv. 138, 306 Ap. Claudius, lieutenant in third Mithradatic war, iv. 336, 338 C. Claudius [mil. tribune, 490], ii. i68yC C. Claudius Cento [commands the fleet,
i.
upon the holders, then coveted and conferred as a favour, ii. After subjugation of Italy, 52 fless
frequently bestowed, iii. 26, 493 f. Its assumption forbidden, iii. 496. After the Social war, bestowed, with limitations, on the Italians, iii. si6_/, 527 f. ; The Sulpician law equalizing iv. 62 f.
554],
and new burgesses, iii. 531-535. The same confirmed by Cinna, iv. 58,
old
C.
[censor, 550 ii.
;
consul,
324, 330, *v.
Claudius Pulcher
[aedile,
im-
655],
proves the stage-decorations, iv. 236 Claudius Unimanus [governor of Spain, 608], iii. 223 M. Claudius Marcellus [consul, 532, 539, 540, 544, 546], his character, ii. 301 f. ii. 228. Takes the
Without political Latium, i. 44 f. independence, parts of the canton, i. 46. Gentes maiores et minores, \. 108. Significance of gentile ties even at the time of the abolition of the monarchy,
Defeats the Celts,
in
command 305, 310
after iii.
;
Cannae,
ii.
War
51 f.
298, 303, 304, in Sicily, ii.
Charges against him,
310-313.
iii.
His treatment of the Syracusans,
The
316.
to
first
bring
57^
iii.
33.
from
art-treasures
conquered Greek cities to Rome, iii. His death, ii. 343 208. M. Claudius Marcellus [consul, 588, 599,
i.
.
iii.
602],
iii.
217 f., 299
.
M. Claudius Marcellus
in the Social war, 509 M. Claudius Marcellus [consul, 703], v. 173, 179, 32 P. Claudius Pulcher [consul, 505], defeated
102 Claudii, the patrician (Appendix),
i.
iii.
495-
508
Claudius [decemvir, 303, 304], i. 365, 498500 Ap. Claudius Caecus [censor, 442 consul, ;
His character, i. 395 ii. 93. His censorship, i. 396 iii. 50 n. Demeanour in reference to Pyrrhus, ii. 22. Founds the system of useful public works and buildings, i. 476 ii. 85, 94.
447, 458].
;
;
;
And
of honorary memorials of private His poems, ii. 94, too. persons, ii. 91. His calendar and formulae for actions, ii. 113. Introduces r instead of s, ii.
"5 Ap. Claudius Caudex [consul, 490], ii. 170 Ap. Claudius [consul, 495], i. 347 Ap. Claudius Pulchcr [mil. tribune, 538 ;
ii.
consul, 542], 298, 336, 337, 340. against the Salassi, iii. 415
Ap. Claudius
423
.
Nero
C. Claudius Marcellus [consul, 705], v. 188 .
Italians, v. 425./C
iisf-, 118 Classici, i. 118 Clastidium, battle of, ii. 228, 270, 272 Claudia [sister to the consul of 505],
319, 323
337, 347-34S/, 35i fC. Claudius Marcellus [consul, 704], 185, 186
CivitatesfoederataCi iv. 157 Civitates immunes, iv. 158 Civic community. See Urban Clanis, iv. 86 Clans form the community, i. 80. Clan Clanconsists of ten households, i. 85. villages, the oldest form of settlements
Classes,
4 22
censor, 618], a
;
iii.
547]. propraetor in Spain,
70 f. By Sulla, iv. 106, 114 f. Extensively conferred by Caesar on non-
i.
ii.
C. Claudius
war with
502, 505
friend of the Gracchi,
Burgess-
333.
ii.
the
in
[officer
Perseus, 585],
Ap. Claudius [consul, 611
[officer
Antiochus, 562],
ii.
in
457
the
Fights
war with
at Drepana, ii. i88_/I pices, iii. 112
Mocks
the aus-
Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, chronicler, 496 Clauzus, Attus, migrates to Clavus, iii. 5 ., 16, 45
Rome,
i.
v.
55
461, 473. Supports the the Social war, iii. 507 n. Pillaged by the pirates, iv. 308. Cleonymus of Sparta, i. ^&zf. Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, ii. 445,
Clazomenae,
Romans
ii.
in
448 ., 450, sis/ Cleopatra, daughter of Mithradates,
iv.
406 of Ptolemaeus daughter Cleopatra, Aulctes, v. 272, 276^?, 281 Cleopatra, wife of Ptolemaeus Euergetes II., iv. 4
INDEX meaning of the word, i. 109. state of protected freedom, i. 78 f. Earliest position in the community, i.
Clientship,
A
A
curse rests on its violation, i. Based on assignation of land by
79.
226.
protector to protected, i. 245_/C Referred originally to the clan, not to the individual patron, i. 246. Growth and sig-
Not applied nificance of, iii. 38 f. officially to relations of state law, ii.
Of towns, originating out of hon47 orary citizenship, i. 88 ; iii. 33 Clitarchus, ii. 2 ., 112 .
Clitomachus, philosopher, iv. 192 Cloaca maxima, i. 141 ; ii. 119 Cloacae, construction of, iii. 22 P. Clodius,
iv.
345, 517
;
v.
126,
44/ Clodius Glaber, general in the Gladiatorial war, iv. 358 Cloelii, from Alba, i. 128 Cloelius, iv. 79 Clondicus, Celtic leader, ii. 505 A. Cluentius, v. 390 L. Cluentius, Samnite leader in Social
Clusium = Camars, 224 iv. 167 Cnidus, iv. 47.
i.
143,
iii.
428;
ii.
by the
pirates,
and
414-416
Allowed again by iv. 267 f. Restricted by Caesar, Clodius, v. in.
690,
Colli's,
i.
it
new independent members,
as
dominance of Ramans,
Battle at the,
iii.
89
68
non -
Colonies,
Colonnades occur,
68 iii.
440,
441.
of
projects
Italian,
T.
Of C.
Gracchus, iii. Founding of Narbo, iii. 374, 419 ; 346. iv. 191 ; v. 422. Proposals of Saturni-
Gracchus,
iii.
nus,
iii.
312.
Of the younger Colonies of Caesar in
476.
468, iii.
485.
by the
ii.
473
;
iii.
Comana,
279
.
Pillaged
of,
iv. 95, 332.
iii.
207
High
priest of, iv.
Comedy, newer Attic, iii. 141-146 Comedy, Roman Hellenism and political Dramatis indifference, iii. 147-151. personae and situations, iii. 151 f. ;
Roman of, iii. 153 f. barbarism, iii. 154. Metres, iii. 155. Scenic arrangements, iii. 155 f. Comitia, non-freehold burgesses admitted generally by Appius Claudius, i. 396 f. In a more limited sense by Fabius RulGradual extension of lianus, i. 396. their functions,
i.
206
Stoppage of colonization iii.
in Italy
312 _/
First step to-
397 f.
wards consulting them on administrative
ing
i.
397 f.
Demagogic
of~tlieir functions,
districts
iii.
disorganized, i.
enlarge-
57 f. iii.
398^
Vot-
37,
38.
Nul-
of later comitia, iii. 59 ./C Introduction of voting by^ ballot, iii. 300, Better control aimed at by 316, 340. Marius, iii. 454. Condition in the time of the Gracchi, iii. 300 /., 329-333. In the time of Sulla, iii. 541-545 ; iv. u6./C In the time of Caesar, v. 338. Appoint lity
Colonies, Italian, their salutary effect on the social state of Rome, i. 391. Between the Apennines and the Po, iii. since end of sixth century,
iv. 47.
;
pirates, iv. 308
Decreasing importance, i.
i.
Compare Latin league
ment
69 68.
i.
Colonists at first a mixture of Romans and Latins ; subsequent pre-
439.
affairs,
Collis agonalis,
99 f.
Rise of municipal v. 131 f. system, iv. 131-134 Coloniae Latinae, oldest, i. 135. Founded by Romano- Latin league, and received such,
Composition
i. 125, 130 Collegia (clubs) in Rome, v. in, 370. First forbidden by decree of senate in
.,
.
438
Collatia,
i.
127
42, 48.
423-425
252
Cohors amicorunt, iii. 460 Cohorts. See Legion Coinage. See Money
,
i.
i.
All established in Italy Inland, after Aquileia, burgess-colonies, ii. 52 n. The Transpadane towns designated as
Colophon,
414,
308 Cnossus, iv. 353 Coelesyria, conflict between Syria Egypt about, ii. 515, 517 Coelius. See Caelius
iv. 13, 20, 94,
Com-
472 f.
26.
iii.
Columns, building Pillaged
iv.
Cisalpine Gaul, v. 131. In Transalpine Gaul, v. 98, 422. At various points, v.
;
v. 373 fCollini i. 68 Colline Gate,
Servilian agrarian law,
pare Capua Coloniae civium Romanonim, At first all on the sea-coast,
Drusus,
iv.
Colchis,
Colonies of C. Gracchus, iii. 346, 374. Proposal of the elder Drusus, iii, 364 f. Of the younger Drusus, iii. 485. Of Of the Sulla, iii. 541 f. ; iv. 109, 265.
into
in-n6,
war, iii. 522 Cluilia fossa, i. 58 Clunia in Spain, iv. 297, 304 Clupea, i. 180, 182, 183, 184 ; Clufeus, ii. 76 n.
535
HISTORY OF ROME
536 directly to military
commands,
Commercial
iv.
Roman
Their corruption, iii. 302 ; iv. 268 ; v. 385 Comitia centuriata, earliest, i. izp^^ On the abolition of the monarchy, obtain the right of annually designating the consuls, of judging in appeals, and making new laws in concert with presiding
421
Ita-
the
v.
85,
i.
46,
92,94
Commodatum,
Common
91
iii.
by the
tillage
clanships,
238
Compitum, dictator Complega, ii. 386 Compulteria,
by C. Gracchus,
the
on
175, 176
210 Sicilians, Commius, king of the Atrebates,
;
or
iv.
238, 274, 295, 415,
ii.
Assembly of the centuries in the camp, i. Reform of: each of the five 328. classes has equal number of votes
Sullan restoration, isk-u4vjjs Comitia curiata, summoned by the king to do homage, and to sanction changes
iii.
Commercium withdrawn from the lian communities, ii. 52. From
Priority in magistrates, i. 327, 328. voting of equestrian centuries, i. 329.
equestrian priority of vote abolished, iii. 50-54. Order of voting fixed by lot iii. 345. Servian order of voting restored by Sulla, iii. 542, Position after the compare iv. 115.
;
their influence
interests,
politics,
Comum, .
ii.
at,
i.
442
n,
305
ii.
228, 370
iii.
;
305, 425
v.
;
132
Concilium withdrawn from the Italian communities,
ii.
Concilium plebis,
53
360
i.
223, 226 Concord, temple of, in the Capitol,
Concolitanus,
ii.
382.
i.
New
existing legal order, i. 93-96.^ Ordinary, twice a year (March 24 and May 24), i. 93. Vote taken by heads, i. 360. After admission of plebeians restricted to
temple erected by L. Opimius, 369 Confarreatio, relation to the earliest constitution of ten curies, i. 85 Sym-
legislative formal acts and decrees in matters affecting the clans, i. 327 f. Plebeian curiate assembly, i.' 328, 360."
Confiscations by Sulla, iv. JO3_/I Confiscations by Caesar, v. 365
Compare Burgess-body
Conistorgis,
in,
exceptions
Comitia
tributii,
from,
originally assembly of
Introduc-
plebeian landholders, 360. tion of, i. 360. Patrick) - plebeian, i.
Predominance
368.
iii.
new 113 f. Nominate quaestors,
After Sulla's time, nominate
*52_/C
senators, iv.
in later times,
i.
iv.
See Antiochus and Ptoleoldest
250.
i.
Italian
inland,
its
Media of exchange oxen and copper, i. 252. 251 :
and sheep, i. Subsequent development, ;
78/1 transmarine, especially on the west coast ; import chiefly of Greek and Oriental articles of luxury, i. 252-255. Export or
Commerce,
Attic,
earliest
ii.
Italian
raw produce, i. 255. Etruscan, and Latino -Sicilian, i. 257 f.
Subsequent development of transmarine Latin commerce, ii. 79-81; iii. 84. commerce passive, Etruscan active, i. 255.
Roman
wholesale, i. 261 ; African, centres at Utica,
173 f.
iv. iii.
421.
Argos and Delos, iii. Gallic and British, at Narbo, iii. Roman, penetrates to Northern
Gaul,
v.
260.
274.
Greek, at
30
202
i.
Congonnetiacus,
iii.
418
town of the
Celtic!,
Consentia,
i.
466.
Punic war, i. i.
ii.
294.
iii.
92 n.
second
in
Stormed by ihe
iv.
gladiators,
Consilium, Consualia,
Attitude
220
iii.
Consensual contracts, actionable,
Their
140
i.
Commagene. maeus Commerce,
Italian
.
bolic act,
Consuls,
113
Corniiivm,
fairs,
iii.
359 330 208
meaning of name, earliest
318
i.
appellations,
i.
.
318.
Supreme administrators, judges, and
Each of them posgenerals, i. 318. sessing the whole regal power in case of collision, the itnperia neutralize each :
i. 318 f. Authority dormant Bound during a dictatorship, i. 325. to resign office after the expiry of a
other,
No fixed day for entering year, i. 319. on their year of office, i. 319 . Powrr similar to the royal, i. ing from it, by the
T,\T f.
But
differ-
of consul impeachable after the expiry of his term for a crime perpetrated while in office, i. 319 ; by the abolition of royal taskwork and clientship, i. 319 ./C; by the legal establish* ment of the right of the community to judge on appeal in capital sentences other than those of martial law, i. 320 ; responsibility
by
:
restrictions
powers,
i.
introduction
on right to delegate his nominate his sue-
321, or to
INDEX cessor, i. 324 ; by the loss of the nomination of priests, and by the abolition of
more
the
striking
324.
i.
insignia,
Their position in reference to senate, 336-338. i.
331.
i.
368.
and
i.
Choose senators at pleasure, Conduct quaestorial elections, Restricted by the intercessio
jurisdiction of the tribunes,
i.
350-
Their power weakened in consequence of the conflicts between the Limited to the mainorders, i. 400. Receive a quasi -dictaland, ii. 209. torial power by decree of the senate, 354.
iii.
The
56.
consul conducting a con-
sular election might propose reject, candidates,
i.
must be a plebeian,
324. i.
list of,
and
One
380.
consul Re-elec-
Extion restricted, ii. 402 ; iii. 14. clusion of the poorer citizens, iii. 14. Right of proposal, but not of deposition, vested in the community, i. 323. Reelection forbidden,
iii.
299;
iv.
72
.
This repealed by Sulla, iv. 116. Consular spheres of duty regulated by C. Gracchus, iii. 335, 405. By Sulla, iv. Decline of consulate under 121 f. Caesar, iv. 453 ; v. 329, 343 f. Consul snjfcctus in the earlier time, i. 319 n. ; Consuls in in Caesar's time, v. 344.
Beneventum,
ii.
of the Italians, Census, i. 208
51. iii.
Opposition-consuls 505
iii.
93 ; 331 Contracts under earliest law not actionable, with the exception of betrothal, Of the purchase, and loan, i. 195. state with a burgess need no form, i. Defaulter and his property could 195. be sold, i. 196/1 Consensual contracts Contio,
i.
and obligatio Contrebia,
iii.
litteris,
-226
;
iv.
iii.
91
.
293
Conubium between Romans and Latins, ii. 52 Withdrawn from i. 132 ., 210. ;
Italian communities, ii. 52, and from the Sicilian (V), ii. 210 Conventus civium Roinanonint, iv.
537
Corbio, about 370, a league, i. 448 ., 450 Corcyra, ii. 422, 425. nections with Italy,
member of Latin Commercial coni.
Occupied
176.
by Agathocles, Cleonymus, Demetrius, and Pyrrhus, i. 483^, 491 ii. 7. Roman, under a praefect, ii. 218 ., 403 ;
iv. 317, 341 Corfinium, headquarters of the insurgents in Social war, iii. 504, 522. Siege and capture by Caesar, v. 209 f. Corinth, ii. 396, 430, 431, 432, 434, 437, Its commer438, 442; iii. 266 f., 268. cial connections with Italy, i. 176. Colonies from, i. 166. Occupied by
Corduene,
Mummius, carried iii.
iii.
272-274
domain,
iii.
by Caesar, 274
iv.
;
271 n. v.
Art
270.
270 f.
iii.
off,
173, ;
425.
iv.
treasures
-
Destruction 157.
of,
Roman
175.
Restored
"Copper"
iii.
of,
.
Corioli,
about 370, a member of the Latin i. 448 ., 450
league,
Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, 333.
>v.
369^;
iii.
318,
184, 250
Cornelia, wife of Caesar, iv. 279 Cornelians, freedmen of Sulla, iv.
no
Cornelii, clan-village,
i. 45 Cornelius Nepos, v. 498 A. Cornelius Cossus [consul, 326], i. 425 A. Cornelius Cossus [consul, 411], i. 459 C. Cornelius Cinna, Strabo's lieutenant in the Social war, iii. 522 Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina [consul, 494], .
ii.
177
Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus [consul, 532], conquers the Celts, ii. 228. In Spanish campaign, ii. 291, 309, 321-323 Cn. Cornelius Dolabella [governor in Cilicia, 674], iii. 382 n. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus [consul, 682], defeated by Spartacus, iv. 360, 380 Cornelius Scipio.
See L. Cor-
the
Cn.
190
nelius Scipio L. Cornelius Balbus maior, iv. 89 L. Cornelius Balbus of Gades, Caesar's
Cookery, art
of, iii. 123 See Priestly Colleges Copia. See Thurii Copper, the second oldest medium of exchange, i. 251 f. Copper money in Rome, iv. 179 Coppersmiths, guild of, i. 249, 307 Cora, originally Latin, i. 445 n. In the About Aricine league, i. 445 ., 450. 370, a member of the Latin league, i.
Co-optation.
448 n., 450
(?)
confidant, v. 342 L. Cornelius Scipio [consul, 456], epitaph on, ii. 91, 93, 103 ., 115 ., 123 L. Cornelius Scipio [consul, 495] takes Aleria;
ii.
177.
Epitaph on,
ii.
115
.,
177
L.
Cornelius
Scipio
Asiaticus
[consul,
war with Antiochus, ii. Originator of special collecfrom the roll of Erased tions, 39. the cquites, iii. 48. Takes the sur564], general in
464, 470.
iii.
HISTORY OF ROME
538
name of Asiagenus, ii. 483 n. ; iii. 44 L. Cornelius Cinna [consul, 667-670], iii. 545 ; v. 57' 6l i 6 4. 6 5i 68, 69-71, 73, 74, 102 L. Cornelius Cinna, son of the preceding, iv. 288 L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus [consul, 705], v. 1 88 L. Cornelius Merula [consul, 666], iv. 59, .
t&f. ?) Cornelius Scipio [praetor, 580], captive with Antiochus, ii. 466 L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus [consul, 671], iv. 74, 8o./I, 101, 102 ., 103
L. (Cn.
L.
Cornelius Sisenna [praetor, 676], Hislieutenant of Pompeius, iv. 403. torian of the Social and Civil wars, v.
Vengeance of democrats on Sullans by legal process, iv. 458-460.
Cornelius Dolabella [consul, 471], ii. ii Cornelius Lentulus besieges Haliartus,
P. P.
498 Cornelius Rufinus [consul, 464, 477], i. 395 ; ii. 64, 86 . P. Cornelius Scipio [consul, 536], comii.
P.
mands against Hannibal Upper Italy, ii. 254-257,
142.
Character,
Superstition,
iv.
iii.
537^;
141,
expedition, 368.
iv.
139-142. Political
52.
524 />_ 525i 529Sulpicius, iii. 535 f. Marches on and occupies Rome, iii. 5i3.
First legislation,
538, 539.
Mithradatic
campaign,
Conquers Greece, iv.
iv.
iii.
iii.
541-545-
545,
547.
At Athens,
36-42.
Victorious at Chaeronea, iv. Orchomenus, iv. 44. Crosses
38, 39.
41-43. At to Asia, iv. y>f.
Makes peace at DarAgainst Fimbria, iv. Regulates Asiatic affairs, iv. 52 f. 53 f. Returns to Italy, iv. 55, 77. In conflict with the Marian party, iv. 79His execuDictator, iv. 98-100. 92.
danus,
iv.
tions, iv.
52.
loo f., 106 f.
Proscriptions
and
Assigconfiscations, iv. 102-106. nations to the soldiers, iv. io8yC Treat-
ment of the
Italians,
iv.
107
-
no.
Abolishes the Gracchan institutions, iv. no f. Reorganizes the senate, iv.
in/! Regulations as to the burgesses, 114 f. As to the priestly colleges, iv.
iv.
115.
Regulates qualifications
for office
352-361.
to Antiochus,
political position,
11.
P.
tirement,
150.
burial,
His opinion of Caesar,
iv.
279.
151 f. Political results of his death, iv. 287.
Ridiculed by trial
185 P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica
and death,
commands
at
Pydna, ii. 506 P. Cornelius Cethegus, a Marian, goes over to Sulla, iv. 78. His influence, iv. 269, 351 P. Cornelius Dolabella, Caesar's admiral Tribune of the in Illyricum, v. 235.
people, v. 318 P. Cornelius Lentulus [jraetor nrbanns, c. 589],
iii.
329
P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura [consul, 683], iv. 477, 479, 480 P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, a
Catilinarian,
Pom-
peian, v. 209 P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, Incorhis character, iii. 314-317, 339. ruptibility,
Spain, 250 f.
iii.
iii. 295. Military tribune in In Africa, iii. 219 /., 241.
In Macedonia,
mantia,
iv.
Ne-
483^
Quaestiones, iv. 127-130. system, Police laws, iv. iy*f- Resigns \-iZf. the dictatorship, iv. 138. After his re
Death and
61.
iii.
Cornelius Scipio, son of Africanus, writes Roman history in Greek, iii.
stroys Carthage, discipline in the
iv.
464-468.
;
nominal prices, iii. 76. Naevius, iii. 150. His
and magistracies, iv. 116-121. Erects Cisalpine Gaul as a province, ii. 215 ., His finance, iv. 126. Judicial iv. 122 f. iv.
ii.
potism, iii. 17. Early rise of, iii. 17. Introduces honorary surnames, ii. 483 n. iii. 44. Largesses of foreign grain at
522.
Quarrels with
His
76.
Serves against career, 142-145. Against the Jugurtha, iii. 407-409. Teutones, iii. 443. Governor of Cilicia, General in Social war, iii. 504, iv. 22. iv.
5ii
ii.
Opposed
Separates the orders in the theatre, iii. 10. At enmity with Cato, iii. 42, 47,
Felix, iv.
209.
Gaul and
His Spanish His African Triumph, ii.
battle of Cannae, ii. 298. campaigns, ii. 327-331.
/
493 L. Cornelius Sulla, surnamed
in
268-272, 291.
In Spain, ii. 308, 321-323 P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, his characSaves his father's life at ter, ii. 324-327. theTicino, ii. 269. His conduct after the
tia,
iii.
iii.
292.
iii.
331.
iii.
iii.
260.
252-258.
camp
before
De-
Restores
Numan-
Destroys NuMission to the east, Bearing towards the populace, Attitude in reference to Sem-
230 iii.
;
iv.
210.
231 f.
pronian agrarian law, iii. 329, 331, 334, Judgment on the killing of Ti. 337-
Gracchus,
iii.
327.
Death,
iii.
338.
INDEX Scipionic circle, iv.
Speeches,
iv. 192,
203, 239, 243.
251.
P. Cornelius Sulla, Catilinarian,
iv.
466 Corniculum, i. 125 Q. Cornificius, lieutenant of Caesar, v. 284
Corona
civica, 358 ; 315 Coronea, ii. 441, 498, 501, 503 Correspondence published, v. 501 Correus, Bellovacian, v. gzf. iii.
ii.
Corsica, Phocaeans settle
can, ii.
in,
ii.
with,
44. ii.
thither to found
Roman, 376.
184.
Etrus-
Carthaginian,
416.
Roman fleet sent
colony,
War
413,
186,
i.
40.
i.
ii.
177,
209.
Marian settlement
in, iii. 479 Cortona, ii. in. Peace with Rome, i. 479 C. Coruncanius, ii. 217 L. Coruncanius, ii. 217 Tib. Coruncanius, ii. 23, 113 Cos, ii. 412 ; iv. 32, 33 In Cosa in Etruria, i. 304 ; iv. 291. Lucania, ii. 295. A Latin colony, ii.
Reinforced, ii. 366 39, 42. C. Cosconius [praetor, 664, 691], in the Social war, iii. 521. Against the Dalmatians, iv. 306 Coses, iv. 416 Cossyra, ii. 143 ; iv. 92 Cothon, inner harbour of Carthage,
iii.
Roman system
of:
Caesar's measures, v. 398-402. Laws of M. Caelius and P. Dolabella, v - 3 T 7 ./ Caesar's bankruptcy ordinance, v. 400 f. Compare Agriculture 388-390.
Cremera, battle on the, i. 359 Cremona, ii. 267, 273 ; iv. 167. Battle at, ii. 370. Reorganized as fortress, ii. 373. Latin colony, ii. 229 iii. 518 ; 52
;
iii.
49.
Itis of,
.
ii. 405, 433, 439, 475, 514, 515 ; iii. The Phoenicians dislodged thence by the Hellenes, i. 183. Recruiting field^ii. 162. Seat of pirates, iii. 291 Made by Metellus f., 306 ; iv. 310, 314.
Crete,
234, 442.
Criminal procedure
: fundamental ideas, Interference of the king, even 32. without appeal of the injured person, in breaches of the public peace, i. 191
i.
f. Imprisonment during investigation the rule, i. 191 f. Capital punishment, i. 192. Pardon by the community, or by the gods, i. 192. Later development, ii.
Changes by C. Gracchus,
66-70.
Under
346yl, 3S2./:
iii.
Sulla, iv. 127-129.
See Jury-Courts Critolaus,
iii. 267, 268, 269 Crixus, leader of the Celts in the gladiatorial war, iv. 357-360 Croton, i. 170 ./C, 173, 456; ii. 295, 358. Repulses the Bruttians with help of the
Syracusans,
Romans,
i.
466.
Occupied by the
Burgess-colony, ii. 365. Pillaged by mutineers in Pyrrhic war, ii. 18. Surprised by the pirates, iv. 354 Crustuminian Crustumeria, i. 125, 348. tribe, i. 360 in Caesar's v. Culture, time, 449-453 Cumae or "Cyme," in Asia Minor, ii. 461, 473
;
"i-
ii.
12, 31.
278 ii.
Oldest
303.
Attacked by language, i. 174 Tyrrhenians, 230 u.c., i. 148, 158. Checks the Etruscans in Aricia, i. 414. .
no
landed security, but guaranteed right of personal arrest, i. 204. Effects of, i. 346./C Demand of legal abatement during the Social war, iii. 53o_/l Remission of debt by the law of L. Valerius Flaccus, iv. 70. Projects of Catilina, iv. 474. Position of debtors in Caesar's time, v.
ii.
2jf. 32
i.
Italy, i. 165, 166, Transferred to mainland, i. 175. 167. Its constitution, i. 175. Dorism of
Cotys, iv. 93, 500, 501, 510 Crates Mallotes, grammarian, iv. 214 Crathis, river in Bruttium, i. 171
A
iv.
towns, Crirnen,
in Campania, Greek settlement in
See Aurelius, Aurunculeius Cottian Alps, road over the, iv. 293
earliest
and Pompeius a Roman province, iv. 35 I "354> 4 02 ^. 436. League of Cretan
Cumae
248, 256
Cotta.
Credit,
539
Helps ii.
to defeat
Tyrrhene fleet, i. 415 ; Conquered by Sabellians, i. 419,
134.
4S4i
456.
Obtains Caerite rights,
i.
463 ; iii. 24. Sibylline oracles brought thence to Rome, i. 229. Old relations with Rome, i. 260 ii. 80 Cumulation of offices, i. 402 ;
Cures,
Sabine town,
civitas
sine
i.
69
snjfragio,
.
i.
Obtains See
492.
Sabines
Curia consisted of 10 gentes, or 100 households, i. 85. Fundamental part of the community, i. 86 f. Compare Camilla curiata Curia Saliorum, i. 62 Curiae veteres, i. 62 Curiatii,
from Alba,
Curicta,
v.
i.
128
;
ii.
105
235
Curio
maximus
elected by Curio, 87. the burgesses, iii. 57. All the curionet elected by the burgesses, iii. 463 iv. i.
;
HISTORY OF ROME
54 206 f.
Election by the college reintroduced by Sulla, iv. iisf., 207 See Scribonius M'. Curius Dentatus [consul, 464, 479,
Daorsi,
480
censor, 482],
;
36, 85
i.
393, 395, 491
;
ii.
iii. 46 See Papirius
;
Cursor.
Curule magistracies, iii. 4, 5 #., 6f. Customs, Sicilian, ii. 212 ; iv. 160. Extension of Italian, iii. 19f. In the seventh iv.
century, 159 f. within the Roman Officers, iv. 166 Cybele, worship in
Customs - districts iv.
state,
160.
Cyclopean walls. See Walls Cydonia, iv. 351 f., 353 v. 444 Cynoscephalae, battle of, ii. 433 f. Cyprus, ii. 400, 410 ; iv. n, 47. The Phoenicians dislodged thence by the Hellenes, i. Separated from 183. Egypt, iii. 235, 236. Falls to Rome,
Cynics,
Cypsela, iv. 52 iv. 40. Cyrene, ii. 137, 400, 410, 414 Phoenicians dislodged thence by Heli. from lenes, 183. Separated Egypt, iii. 234, 236, 283, 410 iv. 4. ; Roman, ;
.
Free
322.
4,
city,
iv.
there, iv. 157.
4.
Taxation,
iv.
Cyssus, battle, ii. 460 Cythnos, ii. 417 Cyzicus, ii. 406, 450. Free city, iii. 280. Treatment by Fimbria, iv. 47. Besieged by Mithradates, iv. 327^ Enlargement of city-domain by Lucullus, iv. 440
Dadasa,
Dahae
iv.
in
founded,
v.
Damareta, Damascus,
ii.
466
Italian races,
i.
269^
Deo. dia, i. 215 Debt, procedure for, altered by the Lex Poetelia, i. ^gf. See Credit Decemviri consular! imperio legibus scribundis, institution and overthrow, i. Introduction of money by 361-367. them, ii. 78^ Attempt a regulation of the calendar, ii. u6f.
Decemviri
litibits iiidicandis,
i.
352
;
iv.
Decemviri sacrisfaciundis. See Duoviri Decietae,
iii.
415
Decimal system, its origin, i. 2&3_/C Older than the duodecimal system, i. 264 yC
At i.
first
264.
exclusively prevalent in Italy, But the duodecimal system
early acquired preponderance, i. 265 Decius, Campanian captain, ii. 18 P. Decius Mus [military tribune, 411 consul,
i.
414],
459 460
;
Self-sacrifice
probably false, Decius Mus [consul, 457, 459], i. 459 ., 489 Declamations, iv. 215-218 Dccuriones tnrntarnin, i. 440 n. Dediticii, communities of, iii. 24, 26-28. i.
.
P.
of,
iii.
528 n.
;
iv.
107 n.
at, iv.
iii.
49^
421
Emporium of Delos, free port, ii. 515. the Romans, iii. 274, 293, 306, 309 ; iv. iii.
266
Damophilus, Sicilian planter, iii. 309 Damophilus of Hiinera. See Demophilus Danala, iv. 407 Dancing, its early religious and artistic 285 f. Accompanying the safurae, ii. g8f. Greek influence, iv. 258. On the stage, v. 472 f., 517. In private life, v. 516 f. i.
being divided into hours, i. Different times of its commence-
late in
Delminium,
316, 427
Pamasippus at Phacus, iii. 260 Damiitm, \. 231 Damocritus, Achaean strait-gits,
significance,
466
Mithradates
415
iv.
With the Etruscans surprise Cumae, i. 148. Subdued by Alexander the Molossian, i.
Deiotarus, iv. 325, 437 Delian bronze, iii. 274 n. Delium, ii. 457. Peace-conferences with
Sec Illyricum. i.
Dassaretae, ii. 423, 426, 499 Daunii, i. 453 ; ii. 21, 89.
Definition
105 f.
348
army of Antiochus,
Dalmatia.
Dardanus, ii. 473. Peace at, iv. 52, 54 Darius, king of the Medes, said to have been defeated by Pompeius, iv. 434 .
Roman
158
DACIAN kingdom
;
Subdued by
50.
iv.
128
319,^450, 517
domains
422, 423, 435, 492, 493, 501
429 ; iv. 307
263,
ment among
Cyclades, the, 400, 410, 412 Cycliades, ii. 430
iv.
422
ii.
Romans,
268.
117
iii.
ii.
iv.
iii.
Day Rome,
iii.
Dardani,
Curio.
Occupied by Mithradates, iv. Given to Athens, ii. 517 iv. 39. Surprised by the pirates, iv. 354 Delphic oracle, embassy to, from the From the Romans, i. 230 ii. 46. Delphic temple, ii. Caerites, i. 185. Receives gifts from Mum495, 496. mius, iii. 271. Emptied by Sulla, iv. 34, 175.
34.
;
;
40.
Celtic expedition to Delphi,
iii.
425
INDEX Demeter, secret worship, Demetrias,
ii.
117
iii.
306, 423, 425, 431, 442, 452,
v 35 459, 477, 54, 59 j Demetrius Nicator, iii. 286 Demetrius Poliorcetes, i. 491
ii.
;
6,
7,
43 . Changes in siege-warfare, ii. 32 Demetrius, son of Philip of Macedonia, ii. 435, 488 Demetrius of Pharos, ii. 218, 220, 250, 285, 292
;
421
iii.
Demetrius Soter, of Syria,
iii.
260, 282,
283, 285
Democrates, 412 Democritus regarded ii.
the arch,
ii.
119.
inventor
as
Atomic doctrine,
of iv.
197
Demophilus of Himera, ii. 123 Denarius, ii. 87 Dentatus. See Curius Dentheletae, Thracian tribe, iv. 34 Depositum, iii. 91
Dens
fidius,
13
230. .
in the professional sciences, v.
507-5 9 Diana, temple of, on the Aventine, i. 133, Sanctuary of 216, 280 ; ii. 84 ; iii. 368. the league, i. 142. After a Greek model, i. 231. Festival probably combined with a fair, i. 250. Effigy formed after that of Ephesus, and the oldest image of the gods in Rome, i. 306 f.,
308 Diana's temple in Aricia, Federal sanctuary, i. 445 .
Diana, temple of, on Mount Tifata, ceives gifts from Sulla, iv. 108
re-
Dianium proviontorium, instituted
by
Dicaearchus, Dicaearchia.
pirate station Sertorius, iv. 286
ii.
408, 412
See Puteoli
Dice-playing in Rome, iii. 123 Dictator : relation of his power to the regal
and consular,
general, consul, 368.
i.
i.
i.
325^
Originally
Nomination by the Appeals against him, i.
325.
325.
Plebeians eligible,
torship set aside,
i.
Dicta-
382.
ii. 284, iii. 56. 297 Latin municipal authority, as regards ritual, throughout not collegiate, i. Sulla's dictatorship, iv. 442 f., 442 Caesar's dictatorship, v. 327 f. 177 .. Elpius, ii. 504, 506 Elymaea, ii. 426
ii.
ii.
91
iv.
343.
ochus,
ii.
at Tcrracina,
Nanaea at, Temple Elymaeans in army of Antiof
466
Elymi, 143 Emancipation ii.
More allowed, ii. 65. recent than manumission, i. 76, 198 f. Emigrants, Roman, in Spain, iv. 281-285, 300-303.
iv.
iii.
in Africa,
ii.
courts
ii.
241, 291, 375, 384,
387
Endowments, religious, iii. no Engraving on stone in Etruria, 307;
Enna,
On
121.
metal,
ii.
;
306,
iii.
of Epicharmus and Euhemerus,
iii.
113.
orthography, iii. 192. ReInfluence ligious position, iii. in./C on Pacuvius, iv. 220, 222 in
Changes
Entella,
162
ii.
Eordaea, ii. 425 Epetium, iii. 422 Ephesus, ii. 453, 459, 461, 474 iii. 278 iv. 46 n. Massacre Luxury, iii. 122. ;
at, iv.
;
i.
177
.
;
ii.
108
Epicharmus of Mcgara, iii. 113. Edited by Ennius, iii. 179 Epicurus and his school, iv. 197-200 v. ;
444 Epicydes,
ii.
iii.
Restriction
351.
in, 129/1
of,
Compare Jury-
ii.
430, 452
Ergastulum,
iii. 70 ., 307 Erisane, iii. 224 ii. Erythrae, 412, 461, 473 Eryx, ii. 187, 193 ^^w/V?a^ = Exquiliae, i. 63, 65 In the Etruria, boundaries, i. 156 f. southern portion many traces of Umbrians who were probably only dislodged
at
a
.
late period,
by
conquered
Husbandry
in,
i.
Southern part
156.
the iii.
99
Romans, ;
102, 308, 313 Etruscans, different in figure and from the Lilian race, i. 150. in,
i.
iv. 17.
432.
Slavery
iii.
language
Earlier period of the language with complete Later period with vocalization, i. 151. rejection of vowels and blunting of the .
I
Such affinity pronunciation, i. 151 f. as subsists between Latin and Etruscan
3 if.
Ephorus,
iv.
i. 207 Eratosthenes, ii. 146 ii. Ercte, 193
Eretria, i.
121
311 309, 310, 384 Q. Ennius, Roman poet, iii. 27 ., 173Introduces the 177, 204; iv. 2\i, f. hexameter, iii. 175. His Praetextaiae, His Saturae, iii. 179. His iii. 177. Annales, iii. 181-184. His translation ii.
Sulla,
Eguirria,
in Spain,
ii.
Equestrian order, beginning of, iii. 94 f. Elevated by Gracchus, iii. 349 f. In-
377
;
iii.
so/I
signia of the,
238, 258
Emporiae
18 centuries = 1800 horses,
9.
.
by
Emporia]
[or
iii.
Priority in voting withdrawn, Proposed increase of, by Cato, iii. Equites equo publico, equites 9 equo private, iii. 9 n. The nobility in Surrender possession of the, iii. 8-10. of the state-horses, iii. 9 iii.
.,
270,
318, 322, 329
Emporiae
at,
Epos, Roman, 236/1 ; 465 f. Epulones. See Tres viri epulones Equestrian centuries: 6 centuries = 600 8
With Mithradates,
654
v.
iv.
horses,
468.
in
416, 518
204
shown
pius emptied by Sulla, iv. 40 Epirots (or Epirus), ii. 403, 421, 429, 456, 459) 476, 499, 502, 518 ; iii. 262, 421, 422 ; iv. 34, 36, 43 ; v. 245 Epitaphs, imitation of a Greek custom,
.
Elymais,
.
Mint, iii. 87 ; iv. 181 Epidaurus, Aesculapius brought thence to Rome, ii. 71. Temple of Aescula-
Eporedia (Ivrea), colony
317, 403, 421, 456, 459, 478
ii.
iii. 262, 272 Caesar's conflicts
to, iv. 168.
at, 250-254.
Elephants, use of, in battle, ii. 19, 25, 36, 434. Carthaginian, ii. 159, 183, 185, i86y^, 251, 255, 258, 262, 422 Elephants, the first seen in Rome, ii. 36 Eleusinian mysteries, admission of the Eleusis,
543
310, 311, 313
Epidamnus (Dyrrhachium), founded, i. Roman, ii. 218; iii. 262. At176.
may
be traced to borrowing,
i.
152.
Not otherwise' demonstrably related to any known race, i. 152. May be presumed Indo-Germanic, i. 153. Came probably from Raetia to Italy, i. 154. Not from Asia Minor, i. 155. Settled
up
to the Celtic invasion
between Alps
HISTORY OF ROME
544
Also, south of the Po,
and Po,
i.
i.
Lastly,
156.
and more
Etruria
named
especially, in after them, as far as the
Tiber,
1567;
Conflicts with the Celts,
Urban
life
156.
i.
early developed in Etruria, i. 160 f. Constitution of the communities, and of the league, i. idof. 160.
i.
Antagonism
to the
their
coasts
along
Greek navigators develops
among
them piracy and a commerce of own,
their
Establish themselves on
181.
i.
the Latin and Campanian coasts, i. 181. League of the twelve Campanian towns, i.
Surprise
i8i_/
commerce,
i.
Cumae,
i.
i. 414. Naval supremacy broken by the united exertions of the Italians, Greeks, and Syracusans, i. 414-418. Their naval power thenceforth gone, ii.
Aricia,
40. Destructive conflicts
with Dionysius
of Syracuse, i. 417 f. Changed position towards Carthage, i. 418. Dislodged by the Samnites from Campania, i. 419, Dislodged by the Celts from 453/. northern Italy, i. 424^ Contemporary wars of Veii with Rome, i. 418, 425^ Veii conquered, i. 426. Sudden collapse of the Etruscan power under these united attacks, i. 427. South Etruria
432 f. Position after the conflicts with Celts and Romans, i. 433435. Position during the Samnite wars, i. Support the Samnites, i. 479. 468. Lay down arms, i. 479. Rise afresh
Roman,
i.
Rome,
487 f. Peace, i. 490. In combination with the Lucanians,
against Celts,
i.
and Pyrrhus against Rome,
ii.
Conclusion of peace with Conduct in the second Punic war, ii. 345. Join with the equite Faithful to against Drusus, iii. 487. Rome in the Social war, iii. 501. Ingf., 16, 18.
Rome,
ii.
23.
cipient rising quieted,
iii.
Art, i. 306Diversity between Northern and Southern Etruscans, Relation to Latin art, ii. 127 f. i. 126. Tragedy, iii. 196. Architecture, i. 303, Hellenism, 305. Writing, i. 275-282. 118, 120, 124 f.
ii.
ii. 90 Etymologies of the Stoics,
Euboea,
Their 257 f. ; ii. 80. fellowship in arms with the Phoenicians, Rule in consequence of it the i. i?>\f. Italian seas, i. 186, 413. Kept aloof from the Atlantic by the Phoenicians, Culmination of their power, i. i. 187. War with Rome after expulsion 413. of the kings, i. 317. Attack on Latium ; victory over Rome, i. 414. Defeat at
513, 519 f.
112 f.
iii.
i.
309;
Wealth and
i.
234;
festival,
Varro,
luxury, i. 257; ii. 80 f. Conduct the carrying trade of the Sybarites, i. 171. Commercial intercourse with Attica and
Carthage,
boys a fable, i. 292 n. Religion, ii. 71. Lore of lightning, i. 234. National
Active
148.
182, 257-260.
After Sulla's death, iv. 264, 288-291. Not the source of Latin civilization, i. 281 f. Etruscan culture of the Roman
v.
512
ii.
422,
396,
Roman domains Eucheir,
i.
Eudamus, Eudoxus, Euganei,
iv.
Of
203.
.
457
there,
iv.
;
iii.
34,
272
38.
.
307 463 117
ii.
ii.
424
iii.
Eugrammos, i. 307 Euhemerism, iv. 197, zoo/. Euhemerus of Messene, iii. by Ennius, iii. 179 Eumenes I. of Pergamus, ii.
Edited
113.
450, 455, 469,
474i 475> 478, 482, 485. 486, 492, 494i 497, 499, 510-512
Eumenes
II.
of Pergamus,
iii.
264,
275,
276 n., 281
Eunus, slave-king
in first Sicilian war,
iii.
310 iv. 209 Eupatoria, town in Pontus, iv. 330, 332 Eupatorion, town in the Crimea, iv. 17 Euphenes, Thracian pretender to Mace;
.
donia,
iv.
34
Euphorion, iv. 450, 479 . Euporus, slave of C. Gracchus,
iii.
369
Euripides, iii. 166-171 Euripus, iv. 42-44 Euromus, ii. 413
Euryalus, ii. 311 Eurylochus, ii. 452
Eurymedon, battle of, ii. 463 Evander of Crete, ii. 507 Exarare, i. 280 Exegctae,
v.
515
Exile, right of,
ii.
68 f.
Refusal of
it
Is sometimes legally possible, iii. 348. Exile introactually refused, iii. 348. duced as a punishment, probably by C.
Gracchus, iii. 348 Exports, Italian, iv. 174. Of grain, oil, iii. 415 n. Exposure of children, i. 75
Exul,
i.
318
Of wine and i.
171
.
Obtain burgess-rights through the Julian law, iv.
iii.
siSyC
60, 87 f.
Struggles against Sulla
Punishment
for,
iv.
108.
FADII, clan-village, i. 45. Lupercalia, i. 67 n., 215.
Celebrate the
Ascendency
in
INDEX the first times of senatorial rule, i. 359. Destruction at the Cremera, i. 359, 418 f. Prominence of their family-tradition in the Roman annals, ii. 105 C. Fabius Pictor, the painter,
ii.
124, 148
Hadrianus, Marian governor
C. Fabius
Fabius
lieutenant
Hadrianus,
Lucullus, iv. 331. Pontus, iii. 347
Commandant
in
Q. Fabius Labeo [consul, 571], poet, iii. iv. 229 ; 178 Q. Fabius Maximus [dictator, 537 ; consul, .
.
280-285, 297,
ii.
521, 526, 539, 540, 545],
298, 304, 333, 342, 351, 358
;
iii.
56, 208.
Pronounces the funeral oration over his son, iii.
iii.
189.
His knowledge of history,
ager, Campania, given in Full franchise, ii. 49 allotments, i. 463. Faliscan alphabet, i. 144, 282
Familia pecuniaque, \. 193, 23"! Family among the Romans, Relaxation of family
Fabius
i.
72-77.
121 f.
iii.
life,
in Caesar's time, v. 390-393
[consul,
opposes
632]
C.
Gracchus, iii. 362 L. Fannius, a commander in the Mithradatic war, iv. 323, 328, 334, 347, 348
Fanum,
ii.
229, 348
Fasti, origin of,
ii.
;
iv.
166
101
Faunian measure (versus Fauniut),
i.
289./C
Faunus,
208, 215, 286
i.
Faventia,
iv. 85,
87
Felsina=Bononia,
189
Pictor first writes Roman history in the Greek language, iii. 184^, 186. Latin annals under his name, iii.
Q.
Falemus
Family life of C. Fannius
in Africa, iv. 72, 92
M.
545 in
f'enerator,
i.
156, 424
83
iii.
Fenus nauticum, iii. 92 Fenus unciarium. See
Interest
633], iii. 418 ; iv. 186 Q. Fabius Maximus Eburnus [consul, 638], iii. 428 ;;. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus [consul, In conflict with the 612], iii. 185 n.
Feralia, i. 209 Ferentinum, i. 50, 455, 492. Not a Roman burgess-community, iii. 36 Feriae Latinae, i. 50, 51 ., 298 Feriae publicae, i. 207 Feriae sementivae, i. 243 ; iii. 72 . Feronia, Grove of, fair at, i. 25077 Fescennium, village in Etruria, iv. 232 Carmina Fescennina, i. 289, 300 n. ; iv. 231 n. Fetiales, keepers of state-treaties and of state-law, twenty in number, i. 202, 220 Ficoroni casket, i. 279 n. ; ii. 82, 92, 124 n.
Lusitanians, iii. 224 Fabrateria, town of the Volsci,
Ficus rwminalis,
184
.
Fabius Rullianus, named Maximus [censor, 450 ; consul, 432, 444, 446, 457, 459], > 39 73Makes Gaul a Roman province, v. 94At Luca, v. 124 f. Asks for the 98. hand of Pompeius' daughter, v. 166. Differences between him and Pompeius, iv.
v il$f-> T-l^f-, i8o/ Recalled, v. 184. His ultimatum, v. i86yC Marches into Italy, v. 190-192. His army, v. 195-199. -
553
Dec. Junius Brutus, Caesar's lieutenant, v. 55, 2I7./ L. Junius Pullus [consul, 505], ii. 190 L. Junius Brutus Damasippus, Marian praetor in the Social war,
iv. 79, 83, 88,
90
M. Junius Pera [dictator, 538], ii. 303 M. Junius Silanus [propraetor, 544],
ii.
327. 331
M. Junius Brutus iv. 70,
[plebeian tribune, 671],
79
M. Junius Brutus, orator, v. 507 M. Junius Brutus, Lepidus' lieutenant, iv.
291
M. Junius Pennus [praetor, 628], iii. 340 M. Junius Silanus [consul, 645] defeated by the Cimbri, iii. 434 M. Junius Brutus, collection of juristic opinions by,
iv.
251, 255
Pacifies M. Junius Gracchanus, treatise on MagisConquers Italy, v. 206-212. and regulates Italy, v. 212-218. Spanish tracies, iv. 252 campaign, v. 219-227. Takes Massilia, Juno Moneta, i. 281 Plan of his campaign against Junonia, iii. 346, 366. See Carthage v. 227/1 Pompeius, v. 244. Crosses to Greece, v. Jupiter Capitolinus, i. 141, 208, 293. His statue on the Capitol, i. 306 ii. 124. 247. Operations round Dyrrhachium, ;
In Thessaly, v. 256 f. 250-254. Battle of Pharsalus, v. 258-264. Pursues
v.
Pompeius to Egypt, Egypt, v.
v. 274.
275-282.
-v.z-jT.f.
Regulates
Conflicts at Alexandria,
Conquers
v.
Pharnaces,
282 f. Goes to Africa, v. 293. Battle of v. 298^ His attitude towards the old parties, v. 315-324. The new monarchy takes legal shape, v. 326-336. Regulates the state, v. 336-350. Reorganizes the army, v. 351-359. Regu-
Thapsus,
lates the finances, v. 361-367.
Regulates
economic relations, v. 367-374, 397-406. Arranges the provinces, v. 406, 412^ Position towards the Jews, v. 417 f. '
Towards Hellenism,
Latinizes the provinces, v. 421-428. Census of the Empire, v. 429 f. Religion of the Empire, v. 430^ Law of the Empire, v.
431-435-
forms
the
Memoirs,
v.
v.
Coinage,
4i8y7
v. 435-438.
calendar, v.
499 f.
438 f.
Re-
His
As grammarian,
v.
Temple
of,
100
i.
;
iv.
97
50 Jupiter Latiaris, Jupiter Stator, temple on the Capitol, iv. 257 Jurisprudence, rudiments of, i. 219 f. ii. 112; iii. 195. In the seventh century, iv. 254 f. Position of jurists towards i.
;
Sulla's laws, iv. 263 Jury-courts transferred by C. Gracchus from the senate to the Equites, iii. 52 f., 377i 481 /> 484 fProposition to restore the right to the senate, iii. 485_/
373
Plautian law, iii. 516. Restored by Sulla to the senate, iv. in, 129 f. to repeal
Attempt 372 f. law, iv.
Mixed
this
alteration, iv.
courts under Aurelian
New enactments of 379 f. v. 146 f. Of Caesar, v.
Pompeius,
347^ Juturna, i. 40. Fountain of, ii. 70 Juventius, praetor, against the pseudoPhilip,
iii.
261
4S7./.
L.
Julius Caesar [consul, 664], in the Social war, iii. 508, 509, 510, 515, 517, 532 ; iv. 66, 102 ., 222
Sex. Julius Caesar, Achaeans, iii. 267
Roman envoy
to the
Dec. Junius Brutus [consul, 616], iii. 232, Builds the temple of Mars in 367, 427. the Flaminian circus, iv. 257 Dec. Junius Brutus [consul, 677], iv. 269
KALENDAE,
i.
271
King, modelled on the father of the household, i. 81 f. Represents the community before the gods and foreign His command uncountries, i. 81 f. limited,
i.
82.
His
jurisdiction,
i.
82^
inasmuch as the supreme judge cannot be accused at his own bar, i. 319. Leader of the army,
King
i.
is
82, 91.
irresponsible,
Delegation of his authority,
HISTORY OF ROME
554
82yC Insignia, i. 83, 99. Limitation of the regal power, i. 84. Manages i.
the finances,
i.
92.
Judge,
189 f.
i.
Language, Latin, already substantially formed at the time of the Twelve Tables,
ii.
Its extension, iv. i8gf.',
113.
Change of the existing legal order possible only by co-operation of the
416 f., 421-428, 453 f. In Spain, 3> 48 f-
king and the burgesses,
Sertorius,
tion of the tenure for
i.
Aboli-
94^
life,
and
intro-
duction of the consulate, i. 315-319. of the burgesses never to endure a Similar changes of conking, i. 316. stitution in the Italian and Greek
Vow
communities,
LABEO.
i.
315
See Fabius
Laberius, composer of mimes, v. 312 ., 47o., 471 Assignations at, i. Labici, i. 49, 130. About 370, a member of Latin 378.
Not a
448 450 n. T. Labienus, v. 39, 53, 55, Labourers from without league,
i.
.,
450.
colony,
i.
agriculture,
iii.
employed
in
70
Lacedaemonians, ii. 405, 421, 452, 480^ Lacinian promontory, i. 177 Laconia, recruiting ground, ii. 162 Locus, iii. 206 Lade, island of, ii. 412 C. Laelius [consul, 564], ii. 327. A novus
homo,
iii.
15
C. Laelius Sapiens [consul, 614], iii. 255, 256, 317, 319, 327, 329. In the Scipionic circle, iv. 220. Speeches, iv. 251 Laestrygones, i. 177, 181 P. Laetorius, friend of C. Gracchus, iii. 368 Laevinus. See Valerius T. Lafrenius (Afranius), Italian com-
mander Laletani,
in the Social war,
iii.
513
iv.
Lamia, ii. M. Lamponius, Lucanian leader war,
510, 526
Lampoons, bidden,
i.
ii.
288
;
;
iv. 86,
in Social
88
and incantations
for-
Lampsacus,
ii. 406, 411, 447 ., 453, 469 ., 495 ; iv. 326, 328 Lancett, i. 28 ft. Land, division of, at the time of the Servian reform : one -half of landholders having an entire hide, the other half |, i, 1, and J respectively, i. 116.
The greater landholders, i. 116, 245-248 Land-distribution. See Domains Landholders in Latium also merchants, i.
i.
261
if>f.
i.
Rome,
i.
335.
Graeco-Italian.
By
190.
285^
40 445
i.
;
In the Aricine Revolts against
iv. 64. .,
447.
About
450.
370,
member
of
Latin league, i. 448 Roman ., 450. burgess-community, i. 462. Conquered by Marius, iv. 64. Frescoes of, ii. 124, 127. Dictator there, i. 442 n. Lanuvini ridiculed by Naevius, iii. 149 n. Laodice, alleged mother of the pseudoPhilip, iii. 260 Laodicea, iii. 28 iv. 30, 31 ;
Lapathus, pass at Tempe, Larentalia,
i.
ii.
503
209
number
of,
i.
107.
Character of Their worship
this worship, i. 213 f. connected with sanitary police, i. 225. Lares Pertnarini, their temple, ii. 463. Lases = Lares, borrowed by the Etruscans from Latium, i. 229 Larinum, town of the Frentani, Sullan
government
there, iv. 104
Larisa on the Peneius,
ii.
434, 457, 499,
5<x>
Larisa Cremaste, ii. 421 Lasthenes, Cretan general, iv. 351, 352 Latins, a branch of the Italians, i. 13 f. Language, i. 14, 281 ii. 113. Relation to the Umbrians and Samnites, i. 14, 16. Direction of their migration, i. y)f. Oldest inhabitants of Campania, Lucania, the Bruttian country, i. 40 ; and East Sicily, i. 40 f. Settlements of the, i. 42 f., 44 f. Passive traffic, i. ;
With
Sicily,
i.
258./C
i. 128 Latin communities, their position in reference to the domain-question, iii. $$(>/. Their right of migration curtailed, iii. Faithful to Rome in the Social 493. .
war, iii. 502. Acquire burgess -rights Lowest form in consequence, iii. 516^. of Latin rights given by Sulla to the
/us insurgent communities, iv. 107. Latinum granted to towns in Cisalpine Latin iii. urban comGaul, 517 f. munities in Transalpine Gaul, iv. 422, 423 . In Sicily, v.,364 Latin league, of 30 cantons under the Federal presidency of Alba, i. 50. festival,
.
iii.
iv.
iv.
Latini prisci cives Romani,
98
Land-measuring,
league,
256.
293 459
iii.
Lanuvium,
Lares,
194^
In Gaul, v
v.
i.
the league,
50. i.
50.
Place of assembly for Community of rights
and of marriage among the members of
INDEX the cantons, i. yyf. Military constitution of the league, i. 51. Sacred truce, i.
After the
51.
sides
in
its
fall
of Alba,
room,
Reasperation against Rome, 452. volt after subjugation of Capua, i. 460^ The league politically dissolved and converted into a religious festal associaIn lieu of it, treaties tion, i. 461. between Rome and the several communities ; their isolation carried out, i. 461 f. Position during the war with Pyrrhus, ii. 21, 23. Position after the Pyrrhic war ; inferior rights of Ariminum and the other Latin communities
Rome pre-
Original - Latin not a member of the league, like Alba, but occupying an independent position with reference to the independent league of the 30 com-
of
constitution
league
;
i.
the
129.
Romano
Rome
munities, i. iy>f. and prohibited from separate alliance with any single Latin ',
community,
i.
133.
Double army
fur-
-
founded thereafter,
ii.
Admission
50, 52.
nished in equal proportions by the two parties, with a single command alternat-
of the Latins to the senate during the
ing between them, i. 133 f., 439. Equal partition of the spoil, i. 439^ Representation before other nations, if not de jure, at least practically in the hands of Rome, i. 440. Equal alliance and equality of rights in private intercourse between Rome and Latium, i. Inconsequence of this, a general 131. right of settlement on the part of any burgess of a Latin community anywhere Document of treaty, in Latium, i. 132.
creased oppression after the Hannibalic war, iii. 24-26. Restriction of freedom of movement also as to the older Latin
i.
280.
War between Rome and
Latium,
and renewal of the league,
i.
438.
Later constitution of the league ; the Latins lose the right of making war
and
treaties
the
Latin
with
foreign nations, i. 439./C Commandership-in-chief reserved to tHe "Romans, and the staff-officers of
and
Roman
contingents
nominated accordingly by the Roman commander, i. 440. Does not furnish more troops than the Romans, i. 440. /The contingents of the communities remain together under their own leader, :
555 i.
i. The right to share in the spoil 440. continued at loast formally to subsist, i. Position of the Latins as to 440. private rights not changed, i. 441. Revolt against Rome, i. 446 f. The
league remained open till 370, so that every community newly invested with Latin rights was admitted ; thereafter closed, i^ 448 ./C At that time 47 communities, of wTJicli, however, only 30 List of the entitled to vote, i. 450. Isolatowns belonging to it, i. 448 tion of the communities furnished with Latin rights after 370 by the withdrawal of the cotnmercium et conubi-um with .
the other Latin communities, Separate leagues of particular
i.
451.
gTOTrps""'
forbidden, 451. Remodelling of the municipal constitution after the pattern of that of Rome, i. 441 f., 452. Exi.
Hannibalic war refused,
ii.
In-
298.
communities, iii. 25 f. Compare Coloniae Latinae Latinizing of Italy, ii. &>./, S8f. Of the
country between the Alps and the Po, ii. 371 iv. 189 f. ; v. 415 ./T See Language, Latin Latinus, name occurs even in the Theo;
gony of Hesiod, i. 177 . Latinus, king of the Aborigines, As son of Odysseus and Circe,
ii. i.
no
.
177
Latium, physical character and earliest i. 6, 41-44. Extended oriby the founding of new Latin
boundaries, ginally
communities ; afterwards geographically fixed,
i.
45I./C
Laurentum,
i.
49, 459
.
In the Aricine
league, i. 445 ., 447. About 370, member of Latin league, i. 448 ., 450. Adheres to Rome, i. 461. Later federal relation, 5. 462 in Spain, iv. 295
Lauro
Laus, i. 40, 170, 171. Occupied by the Lucanians, i. 454, 456 of the Lautumiae, origin word, i. 201 Laverna, i. 212 Lavinium, i. 49. About 370, member of Latin league, i. 448 . Trojan Penates there,
ii.
no
Law, Roman, same as in Latium, i. 131. Even in its oldest form known to us, of comparatively modern character, i. 189.
No symbols therein, basis of, in the state,
i. i.
201 f. 203.
Ultimate Its subse-
quent development under Greek influBeence, ii. 62-70. Codified, ii. 66. ginnings of a regular administration of law in the municipia and colonies, ii. Its regulation in the 49, (&f. ; iii. 3&f. time of Sulla, iv. 132 f. Scipio Aemilianus attempts improvement of its administration,
iii.
316.
Military law,
ii.
74
HISTORY OF ROME
556
codification projected
by Caesar, Re-establishment of the regal by Caesar, v. 347 f. Appeals, v. 348. Municipal jurisdiction, iv. 131 f. ; v. 425 f. Compare Jurycourts ; Quaestiones Lazi, iv. 334 Leases in Italy not usual, iii. (>$f,
Law,
its
Maecilia agraria,
378
i.
v. 434.
Maenia,
jurisdiction
Matnilia, iii. 396, 441 . Manilla, iv. 396-400 Mucia de civitate, iv. 496
Legal style, technical, ii. 114 Legati legionis pro praetore, v. 354 Legatio libera, v. 410 . Leges Acilia de repetundis, iii. 353 Aemilia [M. Scauri\ de suffragiis liberiinorum, iii. 379 Appuleia agraria, iii. 468 ., 469, 471, 480 Appuleia de maiestate, iii. 440, 441 ., 468 n., 476 Appuleia frumenlaria, iii. 468 ., 470, 480 Aufidia allows the import of wild beasts from Africa, iv. 183 Aurelia, on the composition of the
Mucia
[of 613] on bribery, iii. 441 Octaviafrumentaria, iv. 289 n.
Ogulnia, i. 385 Ovinia, i. 406 ., 407 Peducaea, iii. 441 .;
jury-courts, ii.
iv.
524
502
aside by Sulla, iv. 115 Fabia de plagiariis, iv. 356 Flaminia agraria, iii. 58, 99, 332 Fulvia de civitate sociis danda, iii. 362
388-395
i. 385, 390, 396, 398 Icilia as to the right of the tribunes
to assemble the people, i. 353 Icilia as to the Aventine, i. 362 Julia, giving Latin rights to the Italians, iii. 517 Julia agraria of Caesar, iv. 508 f., 510
/;
v.
340 Labiena, on the election of priests, iv. 457 Licinia Mucia, against usurpation of burgess-rights, iii. 496 LiciniaeSextiae, i. 380^, 387, 393; ii. 77 .; iii. 3127. Liviae (of the elder Drusus), iii. 363^, 372,
iii.
374/
Liviae (of the younger Drusus), 485-489
iv.
;
112
.
517,
62 n.
iv.
389^
i.
iv.
303
Pompeia de iudiciis, v. 138 Pompeia as to bestowing Latin
rights
on the Transpadanes, iii. 518 Publilia [of 383], i. 359, 360 Publilia [of 415], i. 384, 396 regiae, i. 112 Roscia, theatre-law [687], iv. in sacratae, as to appointment of the plebeian tribunes and aediles, i. 349 .
iii.
iv.
Servilia, Sulpiciae,
iii.
345./C
yzof., 329-333
472 531-536
iii.
sumptuariae, [M. Scauri],
iv.
172,
iii.
Aemilia
185.
Of
379.
Caesar,
v.
397. Compare 63 f. tabcllariae (Gabinia, Cassia, Papiria), iii. 300, yidf., 340 ii.
Terentia Cassia frumentaria, Terentilia,
i.
iv.
289
.
362
Thoria agraria,
iii.
375 n.
Titia agraria, iii. 480 Valeria de provocatione, i. 320 Valeria, on Sulla's dictatorship, iv. 99, 109 Valeriae Horatiae, i. 354 n., $(>(>/., 396 Villia annalis, iii. 14 Voconia, iii. 50 Legion, phalangitic, i. 90 ; ii. 72. Origin of the manipular legion, ii. 72 - 76. Manipular arrangement imitated ty .
ii.
25.
Divided into cohorts,
Of half its former 459. after the Social war, iv. 36 . iii.
Legis actio sacramento,
cramenturn
raised,
licly
ii.
i.
68.
92,
number
196.
Sa-
Per manus
Actiones
pubpromulgated by Ap. Claudius, ii.
iniectionem,
i.
197.
3
Legislation i.
iii.
7
209
Plotia, as to the proscribed,
Pyrrhus,
124
Junta de peregrinis,
;
Poetelia,
Semproniae, tolls, iv.
Canuleia, i. 371 Cassia agraria, \. 361 Cassia tabellaria, iii. 300, 316 Claudia, iii. 8i_/I, 94, 349 Cornelia de edictis praetoriis, v. 434 Corneliae. See L. Cornelius Sulla Dontitia de sacerdotiis, iii. 463. Set
Gabinia, Hortensia,
iv.
Semproniafrumentaria,
379
392
Caecilia, abolition of Italian
iv.
iii.
;
n.
Plautia iudiciaria (?), iii. 516, 528 Plautia Papiria de civitate, iii.
.
Baebia,
384
i.
senate,
Lemnos,
by decree of the community, practically by the
Acquired
95. i.
ii.
408 438, 477, 517; iv. 329
INDEX Lemonii, clan-village, Lemures, i. 212 Lemuria, i. 209
45
i.
Lending money, business of, iii. opinion thereon,
83.
Length, measures of, origin of, i. 263. Early introduction of the duodecimal system, i. 265 f. Afterwards, under
ii.
204.
Domain
of,
ii.
.
Leuci,
iii.
278^ 432, 435, 517
v. 48,
85
Leucopetra, iii. 269 Levy remodelled, iii. 295_/C, 303. Lex, primarily contract, i. 94. Lex and ediclum, i. 334. Interval between the introduction and passing of a, iii. 480 Liber, i. 280 Liberalia,
i.
i.
i.
iii.
263.
Relation
265.
to
527 Division
Sicilian
of,
mina.
259 Liburnae, ii. 217 Libyans, agriculture of the, ii. 138 f. Position towards Carthage, ii. i^of. Libyphoenicians, ii. 139, 140 . C. Licinius Stolo, i. 380, 388 C. Licinius Calvus, v. 139, 140, 481, 507 C. Licinius Macer seeks to restore the i.
tribunician power, ii.
L.
Chronicler,
426, 441
[consul, .,
659],
219 Licinius Lucullus [praetor, 651], 386 L. Licinius Lucullus, his character, L.
444-447.
Sulla's
the
465, 484, 488,
497 ; iv. 184, 186, 215, 218, 257 Licinius Lucullus [consul, 603],
337,
Licinius Murena, iv. 38, 53, 94, 95, 3S, 313. 320 M. Licinius Crassus, his character, iv. Takes part in the Social war, 275-278. iv. 72, 77, 88, 89, 91. In Sulla's confiscations, iv. 105. Finishes the Servile
Allied with Pomwar, iv. 362, 363. peius and the democrats, ii. yj%f., 382_/C the democrats Joins against Pompeius, iv. 461 f. In the conspiracy of Catilina, iv.
485-488. to Syria, v.
At Luca, 150.
v. 124 f.
Goes
Conflicts with
the
Put to death, Parthians, v. 151-160. v. 161. His wealth, v. 384. Influence thence arising, v. 389
M.
Licinius Lucullus, quaestor, and lieutenant to Sulla, iv. 85, 87, 269, 270. Fights in the east, iv. 307. Suggests
the sharper punishment of outrages on property perpetrated by armed bands,
His improvements in stage356. decorations, iv. 236 P. Licinius Crassus [consul, 583], ii. yx>f. P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus [consul, 623], Pontifex maximus, iii. 279, 293, His estate, iv. 176 3 T 9> 334 >v. 192P. Licinius Crassus [consul, 657], iii. 479, 508, 509 ; iv. 64 102 n. Licinius Crassus, lieutenant under Caesar, v. 39, 48, 55, 63, 154, 158, 159 P. Licinius Nerva, governor of Sicily in P.
650,
iii.
Lictores,
383 i.
lieutenant,
40, 46, 48, 54, 94, 269, 271.
iii.
iii.
iv. iv.
Commands
against Mithradates, iv. 324-335. War with Tigranes, iv. 334-340. Advances
351,
Lay
82, 94, 190.
axes in appeal cases, Ligurians,
.
orator,
L.
iv. 372.
v. 496 ; 67 Licinius Crassus iii.
Opponent of PomHumbles himself before
iv. 407.
Caesar, and retires from public life, iv. His improvements in stage454) 5 l(5. His library and decorations, iv. 236.
iv.
209
Liber pater, i. 231 Liberti Latini luniani, Libra, etymology,
Retreats to Retreats to Character of his
art-collections, v. 460, 515
Syra313 ; iii.
384.
308 ; iv. 157, 158 n. Lepidus. See Aemilius Leptis magna, ii. 140, 384 Leptis minor, ii. 139; iii. 244; v. 364. Exempt from taxation, iii. 259 Lesbians, treatment of, after war with Perseus, ii. 517 Lete, town in Macedonia, iii. 428 ii.
346.
L. iii.
20,
Lencae, Leucas,
345 f.
iv.
Pompeius,
influence, the foot divided into four handbreadths and sixteen finger-
cusan,
iv.
Mesopotamia,
peius, iv. 501.
Greek
breadths, i. 265, 266 Lentulus. See Cornelius Leontini, i. 166 ; ii. 310;
into Armenia,
Pontus, iv. 348. operations in Asia, iv. 443-448. Superseded in the chief command by
Public
96
iii.
557
i.
i.
aside their
320
156, 157, 434
ii.
221, 228, 369, 374-375; "i- 214, 291, 313, ., 414, 415, 417, 443, 446, 458 ;
382 Ligurians of Lower Italy, ii. 374 Lilybaeum, ii. 143, 185, 187, 205, 249, 266; iii. 243. Greek settlement there frusHeld by the Carthatrated, i. 184.
Beginians against Pyrrhus, ii. 32. sieged by the Romans, ii. 187 f., 190, I9 1 . '95 Liinitatio, Graeco-Italian, i. 27 Linen comes from Egypt to Linere,
\.
280
Italy,
iii.
85
HISTORY OF ROME
558 Lingeries, Italian,
ii.
221, 226
Lingones, Gallic, v. 85 Lipara, i. 177 ; ii. 176 ; colony, Liris,
i.
Lissus,
444 417
i.
ii.
;
iv.
354. ii.
A Greek
186, 198
218
Litterati,
iv. 215 Litteris obligatio, iii. 90 n. Litteratores, ii. 116 Livius Andronicus, iii. 135 f., 156 Publicly read his 214, 232 n.
;
iv.
own
178
C. Livius [admiral, 563, 564], ii. 457, 460, 462 M. Livius Salinator [consul, 535, 547 censor, 550], ii. 347, 348^, 352 ; iii. 136 M. Livius Drusus, the elder, iii. 363, 364, ;
365, 429
M.
Livius Drusus, the younger, 489, 497 f. ; iv. 180, 186
iii.
483-
2 9S) 11.
3543.
iii.
444
.
Exempted from land-service, Remains unaffected by the
general Latinizing, iv. if. ander the
towns in Lucania to them, ii. gf. Intervention of the Romans contrary to treaty during the Lucanian siege of Thurii,
ii.
12.
Take
19,
21,
10.
War
part in 22. Left
Pyrrhus,
ii.
Romans,
ii.
with Rome, ii. 10, the Pyrrhic war, ii.
in the lurch by Submit to the 30 f. Dissolution of the
38.
208
\.
i.
53/T, 56
i.
472
;
ii.
280, 282, 283, 287, 294,
Conflicts be3S> 333> v 2 8, antween lapygians and Samnites about, i. 146. Occupied by the Samnites after the Claudine victory, i. 471. Taken by the Romans, i. 474. Latin colony, i. -
493 C. Lucilius, poet, iv. 193, 194, 215, 237In the Scipionic circle, iv. 220 241, 252. C. Lucilius Hirrus, v. 209 C. Lucretius [admiral, 583], ii. 500, 501,
503 Q. Lucretius Ofella goes over to Sulla, iv. 78, 84, 87, 89, 137, 140 T. Lucretius Carus, v. 444, 473-478 Lucullus. See Licinius Ludi, increase of, iii. 340^, 124-127, 133/1 Provincials burdened for their cost, iii. Distinction of the senatorial In Sulla's time, iv. 183/1 iii. 10. In Caesar's time, v. 471. Greek, iv. 192 v. 516 Ludi Apollinares, iii. 41, 125 Ludi Atellani, ii. 231. Compare Fabula places,
;
.
Ludi Cereales, iii. 40, 125 Ludi Florales, iii. 40, 125 Ludi maximi, ii. 96 n. Ludi Mcgalenses, iii. 41, 125 Ludi Osci, iv. 231 Ludi plebeii, iii. 4ow., 125 Ludi Rotnani, original nature
of,
i.
293.
Probably modelled after the Olympic festival, i. 295. Changed from com-
.
Luca, a Volscian town, i. 464 Luca, conference at, v. 124/1 Lucanians, constitution, i. 315. Under appearance, i. 454 f. influence, i. 456, 465 f. ; ii.
Luceres, Luceria,
31 f.
; iv. 91 n. Locri occupied by the Romans, ii. 12. Its fortunes in the Pyrrhic war, ii. 21, In the Hannibalic war, ii. 30, 31, 35.
Livy corrected,
Their ii.
294, State after it, iii. 300, 305, 342, 365. 101. In the Social 100, war, iii. 510,
Lucaria,
v. 459/C Literature, origin of Roman, iii. 134 f. Its destructive influences on religion, In the seventh century, iv. 112 f. iii. In Caesar's time, v. 453-510 229-254. 280 i. Littera,
iii.
subsistence without
524
Liternum, ii. 304 Literati, Greek, in Rome,
poems,
its
significance, ii. 53. conduct in the Hannibalic war,
political
Roman,
186.
i.
confederacy, or
petitions of the burgesses to competitions of professional riders and prizefighters, i. 297. day added after the expulsion of the kings, i. 342. Last for
A
For six days, 97. Provided by the curule aediles, " iii. Sale of four days,
ii.
Veientes,"
41.
i.
ii.
124.
i.
383 In-
426.
;
troduction of dramatic representations, ii. 98. Cost of the festival, ii. 97. 1'ulm branches distributed at, ii. 91
Ludii, ludiones, i. 286 Luerius, king of Arverni,
iii.
416, 417 iv. 304 v. 8 Burgess-colony,
Lugudunum Convenarum, Luna,
ii.
377
;
iv.
167.
;
ii. 375 ; iii. 26, 49, 312 Lupercal, i. 62. Luperci, Lupercalia, 54, 56, 67 ., 106, 108, 208, 215
i.
INDEX See Rutilius
Lupus.
J.usitanians,
iv.
389, 391 Lusitankxn war, iii. 216.
Banditti
in,
iii.
2 33 fRevolt, iii. 479. Subdued by Caesar, v. 7 Lusones, iii. 227 Lustrum up to 474 could not be presented by the plebeian censor, i. 384. Usual prayer on presenting it, iii. 317. Changed by Scipio Aemilianus, iii. 317 C. Lutatius Catulus [consul, 512], ii.
194 f.
Catulus
[consul,
652],
iii.
iv. 67, 102 ; ., 103. Poet, 236 ., 242. Memoirs, iv. 250 Catulus Lutatius iv. [consul, 676], 269, Q. 288, 289 ., 290, 291, 394 y^, 453, 460, 483, 493, 497 Lutetia, v. 84 Lutia, town of the Arevacae, iii. 231 Lyaeus, i. 231 Lycaonia, ii. 474 ; iii. 281 Lycia, ii. 474, 513 ; iii. 280 ; iv. 34, 313.
447-459, 508
iv.
Language, iv. n_/C Lycian cities, league of, Lyciscus,
ii.
iv. 33,
498, 517, 518
;
iii.
n.
Lysimachia,
142,
145,
152,
iv.
iv.
poet,
220.
iii.
Com-
pared with Terence, iv. 224-229 Macedonia, land and people, ii. 395-397. Claims to continue the universal empire of Alexander,
ii.
399.
Its relation to
Rome, ii. 215, 250, 252. Description of the country before the beginning of the third war with Rome, ii. 490 /. Broken up into four confederacies, ii. 508 f. Becomes a- province, iii. 262 f. In the Sertorian times, iv. 299. Greece placed under the Macedonian governor, iii.
iii.
34.
271.
Struggles in the mountains,
Overrun by the Thracians, Occupied by Mithradates, iv.
414.
318,
i.
462
Magaba, mountain in Asia Minor, ii. 471 Magadates, Armenian satrap, iv. 317, 34i Magalia,
247 249, 253, 257 the Parthians, iii. 288 Incantations, i. 286_/C Magister equitum, i. 317 ., 325. Not originating out of the tribuni celerum, Plebeians eligible, i. 383 i. 91 Magister populi, i. 325. Compare Diciii.
.
,
Magi among
Magic,
i.
191.
.
tator
Magistrates, not paid,
iii.
91, 94.
Cannot office,
office,
only in military, not in civil government, i. 323. Deputies appointed by senate, i. 409. Order of succession, limits of age, intervals prescribed by law, i. 375 ; Division into curule and iii. 13 f. lower, iii. 6. Decline of the magistracy, 1
iii.
idof.;
iv.
trates (pro magistrate, pro consvle, pro praetore, pro quaestore) admissible
410, 421, 435, 448, 465, 474
Roman
263.
317, 405
Machares, son of Mithradates, 334, 411, 420 Madytus, ii. 448 Maeander, ii. 474 ; iv. 38 Maecenas, i. 302 Maedi, iii. 428, 429 ; iv. 50 Sp. Maelius, i. 376 C. Maenius [consul, 416],
iii.
;
Language,
MA, Cappadocian goddess ( = Bellona), 210 Maccabees. See Jews T. Maccius Plautus,
.
equivalent to law, i. 335. Military authority distinguished from the civil, after expulsion of the kings, i. 335/1 General and army as such might not enter the city, i. 335. Deputy-magis-
Lyncestis, ii. 424, 425 Lyra, i. 292 n. ii.
ii.
264
v. 450 Lycortas, ii. 479 Lyctus, iv. 353
iv.
Taxation, ii. 509 Perseus, Philip
Machanidas of Sparta,
be impeached during tenure of iii. Edicts of, while in 32.
311
Lycophron,
Lycus, river, iv. 331 Lydia, ii. 398, 474; iv. i\f.
156.
Compare
ii.
Q. Lutatius
559
iv.
34.
In the Mithradatic war, iv. 38, 50. In Caesar's time, v. 104^ Roman domainland in Macedonia, iv. 156, 157, Mines,
8.
Sulla's regulations as to quali-
Caesar's regulations, Filling up of the governor. ships in the provinces, iv. 390 ; v. fication, iv. 116. v.
412^
147. 178./C, 343/C Decius Magius, ii. 294 L. Magius, commander in
war,
iv.
Mithradatic
323, 334
Minatus Magius of Aeclanum forms in the Social war a loyalist corps of Hirpini,
iii.
502
Magnesia on the Maeander, iv.
ii.
412, 474
;
54
Magnesia near Mount Sipylus,
battle at,
ii. 4667: ; iii. 285 ; iv. 33 Magnesia, Thessalian peninsula, ii. 396, 452, 453, 454, 477, 485 Magnopolis, iv. 441 Mago, Carthaginian admiral in 476, ii. 29
Mago
conquers at Kronion,
ii.
145.
His
HISTORY OF ROME
560
book on agriculture, ii. 151 iii. 312 iv. 172 n. His clan, i. 413 ii. 147 ;
;
;
Mago the Samnite, ii. 244 Mago, Hannibal's brother, ii. 238, 271, Fights in Spain against the 276. ii.
Scipios,
322,
327,
Landing and struggle
328, 330, 331. in Italy, ii. 350,
Called to Africa,
3S x 357i
ii.
357
Maiestatem populi Romani cotniter conservare, ii. 47 . Maize, iii. 64 Malaca, ii. 384 Malchus [Carthaginian general about 200], i. 1 86 .
L. Manlius, poet,
iv. 242 Capitolinus saves the Capii. 379 Condemned, 430. T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus [consul, 414], i. 459 ., 461 T. Manlius Torquatus [praetor, 539], ii.
M. Manlius
308
Freedmen among the clients, i. 79 f. Tax on manumissions, i. 389 ii. 83 iv.
396 f.; ii. 82 iii. 53. Deprived of the suffrage in the comitia centuriata, i. Their economic relation to the 396. ;
manumitter, ii. 82. Social and political position in general, v. 369. Increasing importance of, iii. 39. Share in military i. 488 ; iii. 50 ; and in the sufIn the reform of the frage, iii. 52 f. centuries, equalized with the freeborn, iii. 52 f. This equalization cancelled Beagain by C. Flaminius, iii. 53. stowal of unrestricted suffrage intended by Sulpicius, iii. 531, 534. By Cinna, iv. 58, 69^ Cancelled by Sulla, service,
107 ii.
249
Mamertines. See Messana C. Mamilius Limetanus [pleb. tribune, 645],
396
iii.
MamuraZia,
207 i. 249 of Formiae, Caesar's favourite, i.
Mamurius, the armourer,
Mamurra v. 142
339
See Hostilius.
Mancipatio belongs not merely to Roman, but generally to Latin law, i. Is purchase with immediate and 200. simultaneous delivery and payment, i. Thus originally not a formal act, 195. Refers originally to moveables, 238 f. Rearranged for agricultural property in consequence of the Servian regulation of freehold -relations, i. 195 The other objects of property . excluded from mancipatio by a subi.
200.
195
Striving after equalization of
Freedmen
with the rights of Latins and Dediticii, 527 n. ; iv. 107 n. Afattus iniectio. See Legis actiones iii.
Mancinus.
i.
106.
iv.
political rights, iv. 264, 458.
.
Mancaeus, commandant of Tigranocerta, iv.
;
;
Freedmen in the comitia tributa 156. restricted to the four urban tribes, i.
Pythagoras and ancestor of the Aemilii, ii.
.
Mantua, i. 156. Etruscan, i. 434 Manumission, foreign to the old law, i. Vindictacensu testamento, i. 199. 198.
Malea, ii. 405 Cn. Mallius Maximus [consul, 649], defeated by the Helvetii, iii. 436 Mamercus, alleged son of Numa and ancestor of the Aemilii, ii. 107 Mamercus Haemylus, alleged son of
Mamers,
ii.
tol,
.,
. sequent misunderstanding, i. 195 Obligatory consequences of, i. 196 i. Manes, 214 C. Manilius [pleb. tribune, 688], iv. 396 M'. Manilius conducts siege of Carthage
by land,
iii.
249^
Manipular organization. See Legion C. Munlius, a Catilinarian, i/. 474 Cn. Manlius Volso [consul, 565], ii. 470 ; iii. 32 Cn. Manlius [praetor, 682] fights against the gladiators, iv. 360 L. Manlius Volso [consul, 498], ii. 178 L. Manlius fights against Sertorius, iv. 283
Marble begins 257.
to
be used
From Luna,
for building, iv.
v. 514.
Numidian,
v.
514 Marcellus.
See Claudius
Marcius, prophecies of, iii. 41 Marcius, Ancus, i. 104. Fortification of Janiculum and foundation of Ostia referred to him, i. sSyC C. Marcius [officer in Spain, 544],
ii.
323,
330
Marcius Censorinus, lieutenant of Carbo in the first civil war, iv. 86 C. Marcius Rutilus [dictator, 398], i. 398 C. Marcius Rutilus [consul, 444], i. 480 C. Marcius Figulus [consul, 598], iii. 422 Cn. Marcius Conolanus, i. 358 L. Marcius Censorinus [consul, 605] C.
besieges Carthage, L.
iii.
243, 249
Marcius Philippus [consul, 380, 484, 487, 498 iv.
269, 289
.,
.;
iv. 70,
6^3],
iii.
78, 92,
98;
296^
Q. Marcius Philippus [consul, 568, ii.
585],
497, 503, 514
Q. Marcius Rex [consul, 686], 349. 350
iv.
345,
INDEX Marcomani,
422
iii.
.;
v. 31
ii.
Roman
42.
41,
and
fortification
securing of the Italian coast-towns, ii. Gradual decline of the Roman 42. Efforts to revive it, ii. 43 fleet, ii. 40. first Punic war, ii. 173Fleet 199, 200. the neglected by Romans, iv. 169 ; v. In the Social war, formed with 361. the help of the maritime cities of Asia
f.
'75)
Fleets in
186, 194 f.,
'85,
Minor,
iii.
Sailing ships,
507.
254
i.
.
;
Compare Piracy
v. 15, 16.
C. Marius, his character and career, iii. 452-454. Superstition, iii. 478 ; iv. 208 f. Political position, iii. 454 f. with Compared Pompeius, iv. 204. His Trirelationship with Caesar, iv. 279. bune of the people [635], iii. 375. In the Jugurthine war, iii. 398, 400 f. 404409.
war,
Consul, iii.
iii.
441-446.
In Teutonic In Cimbric war, iii.
404 f.
His military reforms,
448-450.
Between patricians and plebeians, regarded in aristocratic circles, i. Relaxation of, iii. 121. Celibacy 386. 371.
.
Mariana, colony in Corsica, iii. 479 Maritime affairs, Rome's original maritime importance, i. 59 f. Plundering of the Latin coasts by pirates, ii. 40 f. Their commerce limited by unfavourable treaties with Carthage and Tarentum,
iii.
413,
how
and divorces
Marincrease, iii. 121 f. In riage in Sulla's time, iv. 186 f. Caesar's time, v. 392 Marrucini,
i.
146, 467, 482
iii.
;
501, 521
Mars, Boldest chief god of the Italian burgess community, i. 67, 207, 210 f. Temple in the Flaminian circus, iv. Dance-chant in honour of, i. 287 257. Mars guirinus, i. 68 Sabine and Latin .
69 Marshes, draining Marsians, i. 146 ; deity,
i.
.
the Umbrians, Samnite war,
168
of, iv. iii.
100.
Take
ii.
i.
Offshoots of part in the
468, 480 f. Organization in later times, iii. 501. In the Social war, iii. 501, 511, 521 i.
Martha, Cimbrian prophetess Cimbrian war, iii. 454 iv. 208
the
in
;
Masks on
the stage, iii. 156. Masks in the Atellana, i. 191 Massaesylians, ii. 354, 382 Massilia, ii. 375 ; iv. 174 v. 16. Founded, i. Naval power, ii. 183, 185 ; ii. 137. ;
Maritime ranean coast,
on Mediter-
stations
40.
iii.
415,
260
Rela-
419.
Political projects, iii. 456-462. For the sixth time consul, iii. 462 f. Politically annihilated, iii. 467 476. Goes to the east, iii. 477 ; iv. 477. In Social war, 19 . Returns, iii. 477. iii. Discon504, 508, 511, 512, 520.
tions
tented, iii. 529. Nominated commanderin.- chief against Mithradates, iii. 536.
Its conflicts with founded, iv. 175. Carthage, ii. 143. Its position in second Punic war, ii. 255, 292. Conquered Its mint, ii. by Caesar, v. 227, 228. 387 ; iv. 181. Exempt from taxation, iv. 158. Remains unaffected by the
443,
Rome by
Driven from Flight,
iii.
539.
His reign of time 102
consul, .
Sulla,
Returns,
iv.
68.
iii.
Death,
His ashes scattered,
539.
60 f,
iv.
terror, iv. 66 f.
Seventh iv. iv.
69, 103.
Rehabilitation of his memory, iv. 460 f. C. Marius the younger [consul, 672], iii. 530 ; iv. 81, 83, 84, 90, 102 ft. M. Marius, lieutenant of Sertorius, iv. 324, 329.
M. Marius
iv.
Death, 329 Gratidianus, adopted
of Marius,
iv.
nephew
103
Marius Egnatius. See Egnatius Marl used in Gaul, v. 13 Maronea, ii. 417, 465, 486, 488, 511 f, Marriage, religious and civil marriage, i. Marital power, i. 30. The 73 ., in. connection without manus admitted in lieu of marriage, ii. 65. Between patricians and plebeians null, i. 334, 364. Between patricians and plebeians declared valid by the Canuleian law, i.
VOL. V
to
Rome,
i.
415 f., 419,
iii.
511.
443;
To Lampsacus,
ii.
;
iv.
45,
384
293,
;
509,
ii.
., 469 447 How far belonging to the province of Narbo, iii. 272 n. Competition of
Roman
.
Narbo was
merchants after
general Latinizing, iv. 192 ; v. 10 Massinissa, character of, ii. 382^ Takes part in second Punic war, ii. 322, 330, His conduct 33 r 354> 355. 356, 360i
after second
Punic war, ii. 356, 360, 457, 492, 518 f.; iii. 237 f. Death, iii. 251. Table of his descendants, iii. 388 . Massiva, iii. 388 ., 395, 402 Massylians, ii. 354, 382 Mastanabal, iii. 251, 388
Mastarna, i. 159 Materis, Cimbric weapon,
Mater magna 209./C
;
v.
in
Rome,
iii. iii.
432 41, 115
;
iv.
445
Mater ntatuta,
209 . C. Matius, author of a cookery book, S'3 Matralia, \. 209 i.
169
v.
HISTORY OF ROME
5 62
Mauretania (Mauri), 408
iv.
;
92
ii. 382 291 n.
v.
;
iii.
;
393, 404-
Haunt of
the
pirates, iv.
310 f. Maxitani, or Maxyes, ii. 137 Mazaca, iv. 316 Medama, i. 166 Medes in the army of Mithradates, iv. 28 Media, ii. 444. Independent, iii. 287, 288. Falsely said to be conquered by
Pompeius,
iv.
437 Media Atropatene, iv. 315 Medicine in Rome, iii. 193 ; Mediolanum, i. 423 ii. 228
254
;
i.
history,
tuti'cus,
i. i.
208
242.
Sends
Mende,
iii.
in
250 Attic comedian,
iii.
iv.
;
307 iii. 289 ; iv. 5, 315. firmed to the Parthians, iv. 406 ii.
145,
Campanians 18,
162,
His
389.
174
i.
iv.
15.
iv. 47 ii. 412, 473; iii. 260, 507 Carrier for the commerce
;
i.
171
Milev, colonia Sarnensis, v. 302 n. Milo, general of Pyrrhus, ii. 16, 17, 31, 37 Military service, length of, iii. 346^. Milyas, district of, ii. 474 Mimus, v. 468-471 Mincius, battle on the, ii. 370 Minerva borrowed by the Etruscans from i.
229.
iii.
Temple
of,
at
Rome,
136, 368 iii.
Macedonian,
20, 307.
21
Minturnae, naval colony, Slave - rising, iii. 49. there,
376
Mcsembria, Mesopotamia,
ii.
.,
328
iii.
i.
492
309.
;
ii.
42,
Marius
54O/C
C. Minucius [praefectus annonac, 315!,
89-93
167;
iv.
Miletopolis, victory of Fimbria at,
Mines, Spanish,
Con-
203, 205, 213;
or
163/1;
Mamertines '''
39-
i.
.
M. Minucius Rufus [magister equitum, S37l> " 283, 284/ M. (Q. ?) Minucius Rufus [consul, 644]
iv.
386.
258
Metrophanes, Pontic general, Mezentius, i. 158
iii.
Mercuriales, i. 138 n. Mercurius, i. 214, 230, 255 Merula. See Cornelius
Messana,
348
i-378
Latium,
Mercenaries, ii. 138. Merchants, proper, why none in Rome, i. 261. Strive to acquire a freehold settlement, ii. 82/C Mercantile spirit of the
there,
ii.
of the Sybarites,
276 n.
86
i.
Stormed by the
See Caecilius Metilii, from Alba, i. 128
.
v. 37, 54, 58, 72
iii.
456, 465,
170, 171, 173,
Micipsa, iii. 251, 258, 388 son Micipsa, iii. 388 . i. 91
ii.
Romans,
i.
294, 336, 349.
Miles, foot-soldier, Milestones, iv. 167
Mercatus, i. 250 Mercedonius, i. 270
iii.
ii.
;
sopher,
226
426 Menenii, clan-village, i. 45 Menippus, ii. 453 Mercantile dealings, extent of the Roman, iii.
211 n.
ii.
Messapians, i. 455, 465, 466 Messene, ii. 317, 403, 439, 456, 459, 478 C. Messius [pleb. tribune, 697], v. 121
Metrodorus of Athens, painter and philo206
ii.
141-147
Menapii,
Exempted from taxation, iv. Mint of the Mamertines restricted
169 f.
Miletus,
Menander of Athens,
.
Sp. Metilius [tribune of the people, 337], iv. 38.
Melpum, 5. 423, 427 C. Memmius, iii. 393, 394, 465, 475 L. Memmius, quaestor of Pompeius
iii.
169.
ii.
Metaurus, In
Melita, ii. 143 Melitaea, iv. 43 Melitene, iv. 315, 338
iv.
165 f., 167 Carthaginians,
These dislodged by the Romans,
Metellus. iv.
Megaravicus defends Numantia,
Spain, iv. 296 Memoir-literature,
Received into the ii.
gladiators, iv. 359
315
in Sicily, Syracusan,
Menagenes,
ii.
482
Medullia, i. 125 Megacles, i. 19 Megalopolis, ii. 430, 480 ; Pontus, iv. 441 Megara in Greece, iii. 269 ; out colonies, i. 166
Megara
Romans, ii. 165. Italian confederacy,
Metapontum,
-$f.
Meditrinalia^
Medix
significance in ancient
its
Mediterranean,
the
The city occupied by the
to copper, iv.
and Carthage against
Pyrrhus, ii. 29. Maintain themselves against him, ii. 32. War with Hiero of Surrender to Syracuse, ii. 38, 164 f.
157.
.
Rome
liance with
Al-
fights in Macedonia, iii. 429 Q. Minucius [praetor in Spain, 558],
ii.
59
Q. Minucius Thermus [praetor, 207
705],
v
INDEX
Cast copper money Sicily, appears in Rome at the time of the Decemvirs, and spreads thence over Italy,
Misenian Cape, i. 177 355. Mithra, worship of, v. 445^ Mithradates of Media, son - in - law of Tigranes, in the Armenian war, iv. 349 Mithradates I., the Arsacid, iii. 287 Mithradates II., the Arsacid, iv. 5 Mithradates of Pergamus, v. 279 f., 283 Mithradates V., Euergetes, iii. 281 ; iv. 6, 19, 20 Mithradates VI., Eupator, king of Pontus, his character, iv. 6-10.kingdom, iv. 12 f., 16-20.
Tigranes,
Romans, iii.
iv.
iv.
523, 536
18.
z\f. ;
sncre of all Italians,
the cast copper coinage, ii. 124. Monetary unity of Italy, ii. 87. System of the denarius, ii. 87. Debasing of the coin during second Punic war, ii. 343.
Later coinage,
.,
Allied with
with the
iii.
435.
Moneyed
Molottians, ii. 502, 517 Money of the Greek colonies in
380, 409 f.
Social war,
Of Pom;
505, 524 n.
iii.
See Argentarius
aristocracy,
iii.
93 f.
348 68, 139 \.
Montani, i. Months, names of, everywhere come into use only after the introduction of the solar year,
269 f.
and thence recent
Roman,
Morgantia, Morges, i. 40
iii.
Morimenc,
iv.
i.
in Italy,
i.
269, 270
384
439
Morini, v. 54, 58
Mortgage, unknown in early times, i. 204 Motya, ii. 143. Punic, i. 186 Mourning, time of, abridged after the battle of Cannae, ii. 298. After the battle of Arausio,
Mucius Scaevola
P.
iii.
438
[consul, 621],
320, 325, 327, 334, 338. 258.
Historian,
Q. Mucius 481, 497;
iv.
Scaevola iv. 69, 84,
iii.
Private
319,
life, iv.
248 [consul,
102
.,
659],
205.
iii.
Juri-
dical writer, iv. 205, 251, 256
Mummius
L.
>
iv.
.,
v - 235 f., 236
Sp.
Mummius,
i.
192
167
[consul, 608],
f., 270, 271
Italy
Token iv. 180.
;
capital,
Money-changers.
Mons sacer,
485
dealings monoiv. 173 f. v. Coins of the Italians in the
by the
Mulviits fans,
Mnasippus the Boeotian, iii. 264 Moenia, meaning of the word, i. 91 Molochath, ii. 282 ; iii. 387, 406, 410
In the
v. 437. iii.
iv. 432.
Multa, origin of the designation,
339
87^
iii.
;
87.
Money
peius, iv. 444.
300, 314, 322 f. Organizes his army after Roman model, iv. 318. Second
against him, iv. i,\?>f. Death, iv. 420. His gold coinage, iv. 181 Mithradates, son of Mithradates VI., Eupator, iv. 32, 47, 95 Mithradates, king of Parthia, v. 151 Mithrobarzanes, Armenian general, iv.
iii.
;
money (plated denarii), Denarii of Scaurus, polized
iv. 320 f. Victorious Chalcedon, iv. 326. Besieges Cyzicus in vain, iv. 327^ Driven back to Pontus, iv. 330. Defeated near Cabira, iv. 33I./C Flight to Armenia, iv. Induces Tigranes to continue 332 f. the war, iv. 343. Forms a new army, Defeats the Romans at Ziela iv. 343 f. and regains Pontus, iv. 349^ Variance with Tigranes, iv. 406. War with Pompeius, iv. 407 _/; Defeated at NicoBreach with Tigranes, polis, iv. 409. iv. 410^ Crosses the Phasis, iv. 411. Goes to Panticapaeum, iv. 417. Revolt
210 f.
ii.
385^, 393
ii.
duces a gold currency,
Armenian
near
178-183.
Coinage of gold not permitted in iv. 18^ f. Caesar intro-
Vanquishes Extends his empire
war with Rome,
iv.
;
the provinces,
iv. 5I./C
Murena, iv. 94^ on the Black Sea, iv. 318. Alliance with the pirates and with Sertorius, iv.
./C
territory of the Po, iii. 87. Local, v. Traffic in gold bars, iv. 179 ; v. 436./C
iv.
.
In Sicily,
88 f.
In Spain,
Orders a mas-
45
87
iii.
Copper money restricted to small change, iv. 179. Diffusion of the Roman money,
Occupies 31 f. Occupies Thrace, Loses 34-37. them again, iv. 42-49. Sues for peace, iv. 48./I Peace with Sulla at Dardanus, iv. 52, 305. Chronology of first Mithradatic war, iv. 19 tradition about it,
Etrusco-Umbrian and
78, 79.
times, i. 306. Proportional ratio of copper to silver, ii. 79. Silver money of Lower Italy, ii. 79. Artistic value of
iv.
Asia Minor, iv. 29 f. Macedonia, Greece,
ii.
East-Italian cast copper money, ii. 79. silver money of the oldest
war with Rome,
iv. 26-52.
166.
i.
Etruscan
Extends his
Difficulties
First
563
and
Minucius, confidant of Viriathus, iii. 225 Mirror -designing, Etruscan, i. 308; ii. 124 Misenum surprised by the pirates, iv.
274;
iii.
iv. 257.
215 f., 268
His plays,
.
brother of Lucius, in the
HISTORY OF ROME
564 Scipionic circle, iv.
iv.
His
420.
Epistles,
237
tributa,
441 n.
i.
Municipal constitution, Latin, remodelled after the pattern of the
constitution,
i.
Roman
consular
442 ./, 452
Municipal system, originally no closer municipal union allowed within the Roman burgess - body ; such a system
when
initiated
Roman franchise was
the
communities, as on
forced on whole
Tusculum, Developed
448
i.
ii.
;
in Italy,
48
iv.
.
iii.
;
36.
Re-
130-135.
gulated by Caesar, v." 405. Extended to the provinces, v. 427^ Compare lus
Murder, i. 191 Music, Etruscan predominates
Rome,
On
the stage, v. 472, 516 f. In domestic As a subject of instruclife, v. 516 f. tion, v. 449, 517 Muthul, battle on the, iii. 399 f. Mutina, burgess-colony, ii. 230, 267, 373 ; Battle of, ii. 373 iii. 26, 49, 291.
Muttines,
313 200
ii.
Mittuum, Mycenae,
i.
302
i.
Mylae, battle of, ii. Mylasa, ii. 412, 413
Myndus,
ii.
i?5./C
412, 446
;
iii.
374, 419
ii.
Mysians
473. in
army
279
Language
;
ii.
iv.
of,
of Antiochus,
318, 406, 462
ii.
191
;
taxation,
v. iv.
Narnia, ii. 348. A Latin colony, i. 485. Reinforced, ii. 366 Nasica. See Cornelius Natural philosophy, influence on the
Roman religion, iii. 112 f, ii. 459 Nautical loan = bottomry, iii. 92. Not a branch of usury legally forbidden, iii.
Naupactus,
97
Naval warfare,
ancient, ii. 173 ./I Navigation, oar-boats already known in
Indo-Germanic period, i. 20, 27. Sailing ships probably derived by the Italians from the Greeks, earliest
among
i.
179.
Developed
the Gauls, v. 15.
Earli-
est nautical terms of Latin, later ones
254
i.
.
Naxos, i. 165, 166 Neae, iv. 329 Neapolis,
i.
175
;
Old 173, 294, 303^7 i. 260. Holds
ii.
relations with
Rome,
out against the Samnites, i. 419, 455 456. Palaeopolis and Neapolis threatened by the Romans, and therefore occupied by the Samnites, i. 469. Siege of the city by the Romans, and treaty of the Campanian Greeks with Rome i. 469. Attitude towards Rome, ii. 43, In the Social war, iii. 502. 53 iii. 24. In the first Civil war, iv. 80, 91. Deof Aenaria prived (Ischia), iv. 107, 126
Rights of, in later times, iii. 519. Remains unaffected by the general Latin-
Mysteries, systematic dealings 211
Mytilene, 94
iv. 168, 176,
;
Exempt from
See Gaul
;
Myonnesus, ii. 463 Myrina, ii. 413, 447 Mysia,
158.
of Greek origin, in
In later times, Greek, iv. 258.
99.
iii.
ii, 16, 422.
Mundtts, i. 62 Munatius, legate of Sulla, iv. 38 Municeps, passive burgess, i. 121, 441. Active right of election in the comitia
i.
Narbo,
ii.
466
in, iv. 208-
iv. 31, 48, 93,
izing, iii. 519; iv. \g\f. Neapolis, the Carthaginian, iii. 252 Neetum, ii. 313. Syracusan, i. 204 C. Negidius defeated by Viriathus,
iii.
223
Nemausus,
v.
422
Nemetum, iii. 416 Neniae, i. 288, 293 Neoptolemus, general of Mithradates, .
NABATAEAN .
state, iv. 316, 422, 426, 432
Petra, capital of the,
Nabis,
iv.
426
405, 431, 433. 438./ 45*. 480 iii. iy>f., 157His praetextatae, iv. 219, 222.
ii.
Cn. Naevius, his comedies, 160
;
His saturae, iii. "Punic War," iii. 179 f.,
iii.
177.
His
178 f. 184, 186
;
iv.
215 Nails fastened in the Capitoline temple, ii. 100
Names, proper, Roman, i. 31, 78, 210. Greek cognomina Etruscan, i. 151 f. come into use, ii. 91 Nanaca, temple of, in Elymais, iv. 343 Naraggara,
ii.
359
.
iv.
17, 28, 30, 38
Nepete, Etruscan, i. 157. Latin colony, i. 432 Nepheris, fortress at Carthage, iii. 249, 251, 254, 255 NeJ>tunalia, i. 208 Neptunia, colony at Tarentum, iii. 374 Nequinum, i. 485 Contest of, Nervii, v. 14, 27, 30, 32. with Caesar, v. 51-54 Nestus,
Ncxum,
river,
iii.
loan,
a formal
act,
i. i.
263 195, 196.
200
Originally not
INDEX Nicaea in Bithynia, iv. 329 Nicaea in Corsica, Etruscan, i. 186 Nicaea in Liguria, iii. 415 Nicaea on the Maliac gulf, ii. 431 Nicanor,
ii.
Nicomedes
418, 433 iv.
Mithradates, 24
Noreia, Norici,
./C
of Bithynia, allied with
II.,
Death
19, 21, 22.
of,
iv.
III., Philopator, of Bithynia, in the Mithradatic war, iv. 24, 25, zdf.,
Dies, iv. 322. Scymnus dedi29, 53. cates his book to him, v. 459 .
Nicomedia, near Chalcedon, 331 Nicopolis, battles near, Established as a city
iv.
409 f.
47, 329,
;
v. 282.
by Pompeius,
iv.
among Greeks
v.
280
equestrian centuries, iii. 8-10. Closing of the circle, novi homines, iii. 14 f., Hereditary character of, iii. 298, 299. At the same time an aristocracy of 16. ;
\if. ii.
304, 303.
the Samnite wars,
i.
Attitude during Alliance
469, 475.
with Rome, i. 475. Attitude towards Rome, i. 475; ii. 53; iii. 241. Under Greek influence, i. 456 ; ii. 79, go. Remains faithful in the Social war, iii. 502. Compelled to surrender, iii. 510. Besieged by the Romans, iii. 522, 523, Taken, iv. 91. 536, 547 ; iv. 60, 61, 63. Stormed by the gladiators, iii. 359 Nomentum, i. 49. Long time independent, About 370, member of Latin i. 125. league,
i.
448
community,
.,
i.
450.
462.
Roman burgessDictator there, i.
Nonae, i. 243, 271 Norba, Latin colony, i. 445 il. 49 ; iii. member of Latin league, 36. About 370, Not a Roman burgessi. 448 ., 450. ;
war, iv.
iv. 84,
424
Novius, composer of Atellan plays, IT. 231 ., 233, 234 Position during the Nuceria, ii. 303. Samnite wars, i. 469, 475. Peace with i. Under Greek influence, 492. Slave rising, iii. 380. Remains 456. faithful in the Social war, iii. 502, 310.
Rome, i.
ii.
gof.
49.
iii.
519.
Stormed
by the gladiators, iv. 359 Numana, Syracusan, i. 417 iii. 217, 219, 226-232, 296 Pompilius, ii. 104, 107. Discovery of his pretended writings, iii. 114 Numbers, odd, i. 271 Numidians, people and kingdom, ii. 381-
War with Rome
384.
389-409.
Numidians
In the
Civil
first
Treatment by
Sulla,
107
C. Norbanus [pleb. tribune, 651],
iii.
440,
under Jugurtha,
Internal feuds, iv. 93 f. in the Roman army during
the Social war, iii. 507, 510. first Civil war, iv. 93 f.
In the
Roman
merchants in Numidia, iii. 260. Exempt from taxation, iv. 157. Numidian marble, v. 514. Compare Massinissa Q. Numitorius Pullus betrays Fregellae, iii.
341
Nundinae, i. 250 Q. Nunnius [candidate
for the tribuneship of the people, 653] slain, iii. 467 Nursia, Sabine town, obtains civitas sine suffragio, i. 492. Birthplace of SerSee Sabines torius, iv. 281.
OATS,
iii.
Ocilis,
iii.
64 n. 218
Ocriculum, i. 485 Cn. Octavius, guardian of Antiochus Eupator, iii. 282 f. Put to death, iii. Monument, iii. 284 283, 296. Cn. Octavius [consul, 589, not 626], builder of the porticus Octavia, iv. 257 Cn. Octavius [consul, 667], iii. 545 ; iv. 58^?, 62, 64, 65, 66, 102 . L. Octavius, legate of Pompeius,
M. Octavius
442 n.
community,
74, 79,
434
Novi homines, iii. 15, 299 Noviodunum (Nyon), v. 45
iii.
Nitiobroges, iii. 435 Nobility developed from the equalization of the patricians and plebeians, and the successive admission of plebeian gentes among the consular houses, i. 339 f., 393 f. ; iii. 4-8. In possession of the In possession of the senate, iii. 7.
iii.
iii.
Numa
Nisibis, iv. 315, 341, 348
40
iv.
Numantia,
and Romans, i. 255 n. P. Nigidius Figulus, v. 321, 448 Nile, iii. 213, 282. Battle at the,
i.
iii.
Battle near,
424.
Obtains burgess-rights, iv.
441 Nicostratus, ii. 435 Night, fourfold division of,
wealth,
iii.
;
.
Nicomedes
Nola,
565
441 n., 442, 478, 526, 531 80, 81, 87, 102 n., 340
iv.
403
[pleb. tribune], colleague of
Tib. Gracchus,
iii.
322, 356.
Supersti-
tion of, iv. 209
M.
Octavius, admiral of Pompeius, v.
235, 284, 285, 286, 289
October horse,
the,
Octolophus, ii. 424 Odessus, iv. 307
Odomantice,
iii.
261
i.
64./C,
no
HISTORY OF ROME
566 Odrysians,
ii.
Romans,
Subdued by the
493.
iv.
307 Odysseus, legend of, localized on the west coast of Italy, i. 177 ; ii. 107-111 Odyssey, oldest Roman school-book, iii. 136 Oenia (Oeniadae), ii. 476 Oenomaus, leader in Gladiatorial war, iv. 357, 360 Oenotria, i. 24, 171 Ofella. See Lucretius Officers, emergence of marked distincbetween subaltern and stafftion Part of the officers officers, ii. 73 f. chosen, after 392, by the people, i. 397 ; ii.
74 supply of, for the baths of the capital, introduced by Caesar, v. 365 Olbia in Narbonese Gaul, iii. 415 Olbia on the Black Sea, iv. 16 Olive, culture of, first brought by the Oil,
Greeks iii.
to
i.
Italy,
242.
Transalpine
Its
increase,
Prohibited for the
67, 80, 305, 307.
on
dependent
territory
415 n.;
iv.
zjif. Olympia, King Arimnus in primitive intercourse with the Olympian Zeus, i. 180. Temple presented with gifts by Mummius, iii. 271. Emptied by Sulla, iv. 40 Olympus in Greece, ii. 396 Olympus in Lycia, stronghold of pirates, Massilia,
iv.
iii.
313
Olympus, mountain
Asia Minor,
in
208
i.
Opici, earliest
name given
to the Italians
by the Greeks, i. 15, 27, 40, 168 Opiconstva, i. 208 Opimian wine, iv. 172 L. Opimius [consul, 633] takes Fregellae, iii. 341. Opposes C. Gracchus, iii. 366, 39, 396/
369. 371,
63 Oppius, Q. Oppius, against Mithradates in Capi.
padocia, iv. 29, 31 Sp. Oppius Cornicen, decemvir, i. 367 Ops, i. 208, 213 Optimates and Populares, iii. 303^ After Sulla's death, iv. 263 - 280. Under Caesar, v. 315-324 See SibylOracles, i. 222 ; iii. 41, 114. iii.
65 n. i. 302 iv. 44
Orchomenus, Battle Orestis,
Oreus,
of, ii.
ii.
Oricum,
;
ii.
426, 436, 499 319, 426, 430
ii.
316
iv. 5
Arsacid,
Oroizes, prince of the Albanians,
416 Orontes,
396
;
iii.
iv.
413,
213 Oropus occupied by the Athenians, ii. iv. ; 495 199 Orthography, long fluctuation of Roman, ii. 114, 115 Development of a more settled orthography by Sp. Carvilius and Ennius, ii. 191 f. By Accius and iii.
.
See Alphabet
Lucilius, iv. 252.
Osaces, Parthian prince, v. 163, 164 Osca, iv. 300, 302, 304. Training institute erected there by Sertorius, iv. 285 ; v. So-called "silver of Osca," ii. 386 416. Osiris, iv. 210 ; v. 446
Osrhoene, i.
Ostia,
iii.
60,
287
;
iv.
315
Not an urban com-
173.
munity, but a burgess colony, i. 124. Seat of a naval quaestor, ii. 45. Emporium of transmarine traffic, iv. 174^,
Surprised by the pirates, y 355- Roadstead sanded up, iv. if*)/. Oxus, iii. 284, 288 Oxybii, iii. 415 Oxyntas, son of Jugurtha, iii. 510 177, 193, 209.
i
.
PACCIAECUS, iv. 282 Pacorus, son of the Parthian king Orodes, v. 162 Pacuvius, Roman painter and poet, Tragedian, iv. 222, 223 2O7./C Paelignians, i. 146 ; ii. 282 ; iii. 24. Take in Samnite part wars, i. 480-482. Or-
M.
iii.
ganization in later times, iii. 499. Share in Social war, iii. 501, 504, 512, 522 PantiPaerisadae, family in ruling
capaeum, iv. 15 Paestum, i. 455 ; ii.
39, 42.
ii.
295.
Battle at,
Pagani Aventinenses, laniculensis,
Pagus,
i.
45
Painting,
ii.
i.
121,
138
i. i.
Latin colony, 466 138 n.
266.
;
fagi
ft.
122, 207 _/C;
iv.
257;
v.
5i5/ Palaeopolis. See Neapolis Palaestina, conflict between
line oracles
Oranges,
in
Oriental religions in Italy, iv. 2o8yi Oringis, ii. 331 Oroanda, stronghold of pirates, iv. 314 Orodes, brother of Mithradates II. the
ii.
4?i
Ofalia,
objects of luxury found Italian tombs, i. 253^, 255_/'.
Oriental
Syria and Assailed by about, ii. 515. Antiochus, ii. 445. See Jews RePalatine, i. 62-65, 68 f,, 137, 139. mains of the citadel-wall, i. 303 n.
Egypt
Pales,
i.
207 f.
INDEX
Palma Palms
220, 229, 294, 301
iii.
Pallantia,
23.
in the Baleares, in Italy, iii. 65.
iv.
191
Branches
of,
iii.
233
;
the games, ii. 91 i. 266
Pafmus,
Pamphylia,
471,472,512;
ii.
iv. 30, 47,
iii.
275, 280;
Panaetius of Rhodes, iv. 203, 204, 214. In the Scipionic circle, iv. 192, 220 Panares, Cretan general, iv. 351, 352 Pandataria, governor of, ii. 219 n. Pandosia, i. 170, 466 ; ii. 19 Panium, Mount, battle of, ii. 445 213. 194. n.
ii.
Exempt
Capital of
Roman
Sicily,
ii.
213.
213
ii.
iv..22, 49.
Substituted Papirii, clan -village, i. 45. this form of the name for "Papisii" after the consul of 418, ii. 115 C. Papirius Carbo, friend of the Gracchi, iii- 335, 338, 34, 34', 342, 372 C. Papirius Carbo Arvina [praetor, 669], proscribed by Marius the younger and put to death, iv. 84 C. Papirius Carbo, brother of the democratic consul, a Sullan, besieges Vola-
terrae, iv. 91 C. Papirius Carbo [tribune of the people, 665], iii. 517, 524 Cn. Papirius Carbo [consul, 641], iii. 434./C Cn. Papirius Carbo [consul, 669, 670, 672], iv. 58, 61, 74, 76, 81, 83, 85, 86,
IO2 L. Papirius Cursor [consul, 438],
87, 92,
.
i.
474,
480 L. Papirius Cursor [consul, 461], i. 490 Papius Brutulus. See Brutulus C. Papius Mutilus, leader in the Social war, iii. 508, 509, 510, 523, 524 ; iv. 91 Parilia, i. 208 population of, ii. 221. Burgess-colony, ii. 374 ; iii. 26, 49, 271 .; iv. 168
Paros,
Celtic
ii.
417, 437
Parricida,
i. 191 Parthenius, poet,
Parthians,
ii.
kingdom,
v.
398.
iii.
f., 343.
460, 465
Foundation of the
286 f.
century of Rome,
iii.
In the seventh 288_/C
First contact with
;
Parthini,
Parthyene,
444
ii.
257^
Pastoral husbandry, 379 / '.. Patara, ii. 462 Paternal authority, ii.
iii.
74 f., 307 f.
;
v.
iv. 5,
Romans,
314 iv.
i.
30.
Restricted,
65
Pater patriae, Patrae,
Panticapaeum, iv. 15, 17, 420 Paphlagonia, ii. 401, 471 ; iii. 279, 280 ; iv. 6, 24, 29, 33. Acquired by MithraEvacuated by him, dates, iv. igf., 21.
Parma,
218
ii.
-
143,
from taxation,
Slave-recruiting,
316
iii.
Pasiteles, iv.
., 178, 186, 205, 211 Punic, i. 186. Battle of, ii. 186, Mint restricted to copper, ii. 211
Panormus,
405.
Pompeius, iv. 433, 43S> 445 fExpedition of Crassus Further conflicts against, v. 151-160. with, v. 160 f. Allied with the PomTheir mode of peian party, v. 270. warfare, v. 155-158.
311, 314, 323
iv.
Tigranes,
with
Differences
in
Pompeius against
and
Mithradates
See Fabula
Palliata.
567 with
Allied
iii.
iv.
269
483
iv.
;
Patres conscripti,
55
i.
281, 330
Roman
Patricians, the
burgesses,
I.
80.
Disappearing of the old burgesses, i. H2_/C After abolition of the monarchy, a privileged clan-nobility, i. 333^ Acquire the government upon the abolition of the monarchy, i. 336-338. Their privileges as an order set aside, i. 370-
Their subsequent continuance as
384.
an
aristocratic class, i.
rights, ciate,
i.
ii.
De-
381-385.
by law of a number of
prived
political
Stability of the patriPatriciate conferred
385.
. 14, 15 v. 337
by Caesar, Patronus,
i.
79
iii.
;
38^ See
Clientship
See Aemilius
Paullus.
Pausistratus,
ii.
461
Pay, paid first from the districts wards from the state - chest, i. Raised by Caesar, v. 366 65 n. Pear trees, iii. 67 \. Peculium, 75, 238 Pecunia, i. 238 Pedarii in the senate,
Peaches,
Pedasa,
after-
380.
iii.
ii.
i.
330
413 ii.
Pedigrees, family, 104, 107 Sex. Peducaeus [tribune of the people,
See
641].
Lex
Pedum, about
Peducaea.
370,
member
448 ., 450. gess-community, i. 462 Pelagonia, ii. 425, 508 league,
i.
Pelasgi,
iii.
Pelium,
ii.
of
Latin bur-
A Roman
187 426 508 Pelops, king of Sparta, ii. 317 Pelorus, river in the country of the Asiatic Pella,
ii.
Iberians,
iv.
414
HISTORY OF ROME
568 Penates,
i.
secret,
186.
iii.
;
211, 212.
i.
Inventions as to the Penates, ii. 1 10
Temple Timaeus Peneius,
216
213,
209,
81,
Their names kept i.
of,
140.
of
426, 427 294 Peparethus, ii. 425 Perduellio, i. 191 Peregrini. See Foreigners Peregrini dediticii, iii. 24
Pentri,
ii.
ii.
Pergamus, town
ii.
of,
Pontic
411, 462.
Perga30 f,, 32, 47. mene art-monuments, ii. 469 Pergamus, kingdom of, ii. 411-413, 461 ./T, 469,474^, 510-512; iii. 261,274-279, Roman domains, iv. 157 288, 324. Perinthus, ii. 410; iv. 328 Peristylium, iii. 207 C. Perpenna, commander in Social war, iii.
511
M. Perpenna,
his conflict
with the Thra-
iii.
279 Perpenna, Cinna's time,
cians,
M.
of
governor iv.
Sicily
86, 92, 93, 287.
in
Goes
to Spain to join the Sertorians, iv. 291,
Assassinates
294, 296. 302. 303.
Sertorius,
iv.
Takes command of the army, iv. Is taken prisoner and executed,
iv. 303 Perrhaebians,
456, 486, 495 289 of Macedonia, ii. 488, 489, Perseus, king His library, iv. 213 490, 492-507. Persians, relation to Carthage and the state of things in the west, i. 415. Persia severed from Syria, iii. 288 f.
Persius,
i.
ii.
iii.
Persepolis,
301
Perusia, one of the twelve towns of Etruria, i. 161. Peace with Rome, i. 479, 490
Pesongi, iii. 276 n. .; Pessinus, the high -priest of, iii. 276 iv. 438. Worship of Cybele at, iii. 115 ii. iv. Petelia, 363 294, 300; Petra, capital of the Nabataeans, iv. 426 Cn. Petreius, centurion in the army of / Catulus, iii. 447 Petreius defeats Catilina at Pistoria, iv. 485. Pompeian leader in Spain, v.
M.
Goes
219, 220, 226.
His death, Peucini,
iv.
v.
to Africa, v. 286.
301
14
Phacus, iii. 260 Phalanna, town in Thessaly, Phalaris, bull of,
Phanagoria,
iv.
iii.
15
;
Pharisees, iv. \^^f. Pliarnacea, iv. 332
ii.
501
v.
264
257 iv.
419
I., of Pontus, iii. 277, 281 Pharnaces, son of Mithradates, iv. 31 v. 419 264, 282, 283 Pharos, ii. 217 Pharsalus, ii. 421. Position of, v. 258
;
.
,
;
Battle
Philinus,
n,
of, v.
261-263 Phaselis, stronghold of pirates, iv. 313 Phasis, iv. 13, 411, 414, 415 Pherae, ii. 429, 457 Philemon of Soli, Attic comic poet, 141, 143 ; iv. 221 259.
iv.
residency,
Pharnaces
iii.
156
ii.
Philippi, iv. 34, 44
Philippus V. of Macedonia : character of, ii. Commencement of 407-409, 487 f. Alliance with Hannibal, reign, ii. 220. ii. 285, 292 f., 308, 316, 319. Aetolian war, ii. 315. First war with Rome, and peace, ii. 316-319. Carthaginian inHis plan for trigues with, ii. 350, 354. invading Italy, ii. 372. Expedition to Asia Minor ; war with Rhodes and
Pergamus,
411-413, 417 f. Roman 413-419. Second war landing of the Romans, ii,
ii.
intervention,
with
Rome
ii.
;
Naval war,
417, 422_/C
paigns of Galba,
ii.
ii.
Cam-
422^
422-426
;
and Flami-
ninus, ii. 428-435. Peace, ii. 435. His attitude during and after the war with
Antiochus,
ii.
477A
455 f., 457 /, 464,
His fresh preparations against Rome, 485-487. Death, ii. 488
ii.
Philippus, the pseudo-, iii. 260 f. Philistus, canal of, i. 417 Philocles, ii. 418, 430 Philodemus, the Epicurean,
v.
Philology, germs of, ii. 114 f. into grammar, iii. \ *94Of restrictions on property, servitudes alone
known
to the earlier law,
dinia, and Corsica, ii. 209 f.\ iii. 12. for Spain, ii. 392 ; iii. 12. Plebeians
Two
Proscaenium or pulpitum,
eligible for the office, i. 383. Proposal to extend their tenure of office to two
Proscriptions, Sullan, the first, 543 ; the second, iv. 102 f.
years,
ii.
392.
The
increase in their
quaestort.
See Magistrate Procuratio, iii. 91
Marius
.
5, 16, 45.
i.
196,
453, 459
i.
consult,
Proletariit
Praetores, older
Applied to the state
345 328
i.
tension of their right to cancel state acts on the ground of religious infor-
Sullan
Praes, i. 195 Praesul, i. 318 Praetexta, iii.
123 245.
nominated by the king, i. 81. But not by the consuls, i. 324. Ex-
84, 90.
iv.
i.
Priests
tory confiscated, iv. 107, 126. Lot-oracle of, colony, iv. 108.
Besieged by Sulla,
146 iii.
iv.
Priapus,
460
:
Legends as to its Rebels in. ., About 370, a 447.
Rome, i. member of the Latin league, i. 448 ., Must cede part of territory, but 450. remains in federal relation to Rome, i.
i.
domains,
iii.
filled
Praeneste, i. 49, 126. foundation, i. no
277 2 53
Praetuttii,
i.
256 f.
253,
i.
From the Quirinal, i. 277 ., 287 In CSles, ii. 123. Esquiline, ii. 123. Imported from Greece to Italy, ii. 80 f. Praecia, iv. 269 Praefecti of the Roman isles, ii. 219
war,
SS
Clay vase from the
tombs,
109.
against
iii.
Praetoriani, their origin, Praetorium, iii. 460
49
Potters, guild of,
at,
number insufficient, iii. 12. Functions regulated by Sulla, iv. n8f., 126 and by Caesar, v. 343 f. Praetors of the Latin towns, i. 440 n., 442 ., 452 Praetors of the Italians in the Social war, ;
Sp. Postumius Albinus [consul, 644], 395, 39 6 f-
Propontis,
ii.
i.
194
405 f. iii.
138 iii.
540^,
The
de-
mocrats attempt the rehabilitation of
INDEX the proscribed and of their children, 460 f.
573
iv.
Ptolemaeus Mennaeus, ruler of Chalcis on
231 Provincial, at first the consular depart-
Ptolemaeus VI., Philometor, ii. 450 War with Syria, and Roman intervention, ii. 515, 516. Dispute with Ptole-
Proserpina,
the Libanus,
i.
ments of duty,
iii.
; 401 215 v. iv. 122 382 w. ; ., 289 Originally settled by free agreement between the consuls themselves, later by the senate, more rarely by the
271
.,
i.
ii.
;
.
.
;
426./C
community,
the provinces
Number Number
of,
Distribution of
400 f.
i.
hy the in
senate, iv. 119 f. Sulla's time, iv. 120.
Caesar's time, v. 406. Provincial constitution, originally the arrangement established for the transof, in
marine possessions,
ii. 209 f. ; iii. 30 f. Provincial Provincial diets, ii. 210 not territory regarded as domain, ii. .
211.
No
contmercium and conubium
between provincial communities, ii. 210. Autonomous communities in, ii. 211. General census, ii. 211. Tenths and customs, ii. ii\f. Spanish, government Position of the of the, ii. 392-394. governors, iii. 30-35. Jurisdiction, iv. 131. Presents and requisitions, iii. y.f. Controlled by the courts of law, iii. 32 f. By the senate, iii. 34. Provincial Relation of the proquaestors, iii. 35. vinces to Rome, iii. 361. of the Gracchi, iii. 381 f.
of the
soil,
iv.
coinage,
money,
iv. iv.
Provocatio.
i8if.
Management
Impoverishment
172.
and depopulation,
State in time
iv. \if>f. ;
Provincial
mostly copper small
181
See Appeal
Prusias, of Bithynia,
ii.
318, 410, 455, 464,
473,482^,486 Prusias II., of Bithynia, the "Hunter," ii. 499, 519 ; iii. 276, 277 Prusias on Olympus, iv. 329 Prusias on the sea, iv. 329 Pteleum, ii. 454, 458
Ptolemaeus Apion, iv. 4 Ptolemaeus XL, Auletes,
319,
322,
452
Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, ii. 410. War with With Macedonia, ii. 410, 414-420. Syria and Macedonia, ii. 444^ Peace, Betrothal with the ii. 444, 445, 448. Syrian Cleopatra, ii. 445, 448 n. Marii. 448 Attitude during ., 450. the war with Antiochus, ii. 455 Ptolemaeus Euergetes, ii. 215, 399 Ptolemaeus Euergetes II., the Fat, ii. 516 ; iii. 234, 282 ; iv. 4 Ptolemaeus, the Cyprian, iv. 319, 322 Ptolemaeus, son of Lagus, ii. 6, 399 riage,
438 .
maeus Euergetes, the
Roman
282.
516
ii.
Fat,
;
iii.
intervention,
iii.
234.
Death, iii. 284 Ptolemaeus Philopator, ii. 315, 318, 444 Ptolemaeus Soter II., Lathyrus, iv. 4, 318 Ptolemaeus of Commagene, iii. 287 Ptolemais, iv. 4, 316, 317 Publicani, origin of, i. 343. Favoured by C. Gracchus, iii. 35 if. Pudicitia patricia, plebeia, i. 386 Pulpittim. See Proscaenium Punians. See Phoenicians Punicum, near Caere, i. 163 Punicus, chieftain of the Lusitani, iii. 215
Punic war, causes
ii.
first,
of,
ii.
Rupture be-
232-245.
Rome and
tween
Second, Carthaginian
170-202.
231-235.
ii.
preparations,
Carthage,
ii. 245 f, Carthaginian forces and plans, ii. 247Hannibal's march from Spain to 251. Italian war, ii. 266Italy, ii. 257-264. Conflict on the Ticino, ii. 268 f. 350.
Battle on the Trebia, ii. 270-273. At the Trasimene lake, ii. 277 f. Marches conflicts of Fabius, ii. 281 - 286. Battle of Cannae, ii. 287-291. War in
and
Sicily, ii.
ii.
in
War
310-314.
War
315-320.
War
Italy,
in
Macedonia,
in Spain,
ii.
ii.
320-331.
Tarentum
333-351.
taken by Hannibal, ii. 335./C His march on Rome, ii. 338 f. Capua taken by the Romans, ii. 339. Tarentum taken by the Romans, ii. 342. Hasdrubal's approach, ii. 346. Battle of Sena, ii. Hannibal retires, ii. 349. African 348. expedition of Scipio, ii. 351-361. Battle of Zama, ii. 359./C Peace, ii. 360 f., 362. Results of the war, ii. 363-368
Punic war, iv.
iv.
iii.
third,
241-245
i. 45 Piso [consul, 693] unsuccessful in Thrace, v. 104 f.
Pupinii, clan-village,
M. Pupius
Purple brought from Tyre to Italy, Puteal, ii. 120 Puteoli, i. 175 ; ii.
365.
Its
iii.
85
.
ii.
337.
A burgess-colony,
custom-house,
iii.
19.
Em-
porium of transmarine commerce, i74/> 177. 193. 209 Pydna, battle of, ii. 506 iii. 262. ;
historical significance,
ii.
iv.
Its
519 f.
Pylaemenes, the pseudo-, iv. 19, 21, 22 Pylaemenids, royal family of Paphlagonia, die out,
iv.
19 f.
HISTORY OF ROME
574
iv.
Pyrganion, piratic captain, Pyrgi,
i.
178,
Its
179.
Stormed by Dionysius,
Quinctii celebrate the Lupercalia, 67
354
walls,
i.
304.
Burgess-
418.
i.
colony, ii. 42 Pyrrhus, kingofEpirus, historical position Character and early history of, ii. 3-6. ii.
of,
Seizes
6-9.
Tarentum submits sources for war,
with Tarentum,
Corcyra,
ii.
ii.
to,
17.
i.
491.
His
15.
16 f.
ii.
re-
Difficulties
War with Rome,
Battle near Heraclea, ii. 19 f. Attempts at peace, ii. 21 f. March to 18 f.
ii.
Campania and Latium, Italian campaign,
Ausculum,
ii.
ii.
25^
ii.
Second
23.
Battle near
24-28. Sicilian expedition,
Renewal of the war in Battle near Beneventum,
i.
128
Quinctius [praetor, 6n], iii. 223 L. Quinctius Cincinnatus [dictator, 315!, i. 376 L. Quinctius Flamininus [consul, 562], iii. 19 L. Quinctius [pleb. tribune, 680],
Italy,
censor, 565], character,
ii.
35.
ii.
mands
Pythagorean league of i.
i.
friends,
Influence of his doctrines on the calendar,
172.
Roman
Quaestio,
180 68
Quaestiones perpetuae, repetundaruin, iii. 300. Organized in general by Gracchus, iii. 348, 353. Reorganized
by Sulla, 347.X.
iv.
Under Caesar,
128-130.
v.
Compare Jury-courts
Quaestors, oldest (parricidii), \. 191. After abolition of monarchy, became Have standing annual office, i. 321. charge [as urbantl of state treasure and archives,
i.
322.
Two new
ones,
to
the military chest, chosen from the nobility, but nominated by the tribes under the presidency of the consuls, i. After 333, all the four nominated 368. by the comitia tributa, i. 375. In 333, the plebeians eligible for all the quaesIncreased to eight, iv. torships, i. 375.
manage
By
Sulla to twenty, Their functions, iv. 123 n. 112
.
Caesar classici,
to
v.
forty, their ; 45,
Raised by Q-uaestores
339.
207 Provincial, iii. 34 123 in the Quaestors Municipia, ii.
iv. 112, 123.
appointment and
four
functions,
58,
.
;
;
iv. iv.
iv.
112
.,
123 n.
133
Quaestus, iii. 94 Querquetulani, about 370, member of ihe Latin league, i. 448 .
ii.
ii.
Com-
428.
428-435.
gulates Macedonia and Greece,
ii.
Re436-
443 ; iii. 271. Negotiates with Antiochus, ii. 449 f., 451, 453 ./ Visits Greece, ii. 453 f; 459 f; 478, 480, 481. His share in Hannibal's death, ii. 482. Conduct
to Rome, iii. 208 f. T. Quinctius Pennus [dictator, 393], i. 431 T. Quinctius Pennus Capitolinus Crispinus [consul, 546], ii. 343 Quinquatrus, i. 207 See Quindecemviri sacris faciundis.
iv.
ii.
against Philip,
towards Philip, ii. 488. Nepotism, iii. 17, 19. Early rise, iii. 17. Hellenism, iii. 130^ Brings Greek art treasures
271
Pythagoreanism, New, v. 447^ Pytheas the Boeotian, iii. 270 Pytheas, geographer, iii. 430 Pythium, pass of, ii. 506 Pyxus, i. 170
Quadrans,
371,
.
28-34.
36-
iv.
393 T. Quinctius, leader of the military revolt of 412 (?), i. 460 T. Quinctius Capitolinus [consul, 315], i. 3?6 T. Quinctius Flamininus [consul, 556 :
ii.
Returns to Greece, ii. 36. Death, ii. 37 Is Pythagoras, ii. 87, 91, 100, 107. reckoned as friend of Numa, iii. 190.
.,
*'5/ Quinctilii from Alba,
Duoviri in Italian communities, iv. 133 ; 58^: 58 i. Quirinal city, 66-71. Vase, i. 277, 287 Quirinalia, i. 207 Quirinus, i. 207 Quirites, i. 68 ., 69 n. Meaning of the word, i. 90 ., 93
Quinquennalitas ii.
.
.
C. RABIRIUS, iv. 458/. Racing, i. 294 Raeti, iii. 424. Etruscan, Ragae, iii. 289 Raia, mother of Sertorius,
Ramnes,
i.
i.
iv.
154, 434
281
53, 55, 56
Raphia, 444 Ras-ennae, i. 150 n. ii.
Raudine Plain,
battle of the, iii. 448 f. 448 n. 156 ; ii. 220 ; iii. 517 ; v. 207 Ravenna, Readministration of the same office re-
Site of,
iii. i.
stricted, i. 402 Reate, Sabine town, receives civitas sine suffragio, i. 492. See Sabines Reatini penetrate into Latium, i. 145 Reciperaiores, mixed Romano-Latin court for commercial cases, i. 200
INDEX Recruiting in Campania, i. 457 Recruiting system of Marius, iii. 457, 458 Rediculus Tutanus, ii. 339 Regia, i. 140, 141 Regifugiuin, i. 209 .
Regillus, lake, battle at, See Atilius
438
i.
;
ii.
50,
70
Regulus. Rei,
190 Religion of the Etruscans gloomy and Pretiresome mysticism, i. 232-235. dominance of malignant and cruel gods, i. 233. Interpretation of signs and portents, i. 233./C Rudiments of speculation, i-
i.
Religion of the Italians, i.
principles,
iv.
;
i.
abstraction and
At
206, 211-214.
perfirst
influence of Greek
Systematic classification and ranking of the gods essential, Practical tendency of Roman i. 2i2_/C Its character of worship, i. 214, 225. 221 ; modified by the festal joy, i. frugality and sobriety of the people, i. 212, 214.
i.
Tendency to insipid ceremonial, 221,7! 222 f. Opposed to all artistic effort and speculative apprehension of the But intelligible religious idea, i. 224 f. to all, and preserving the simplicity of i.
From
Roman
iii.
worship becomes more costly, iii.
109 f.
Superstitions,
iii.
ii.
71 114 f.
;
Later state-religion, iv. 204-206. Under Caesar, v. 346 f., 430 f., 443-445 Religion, Sabellian and Umbrian, essentially agreeing with the Latin, i. zyif.
Religious chants, i. 2%6f. Remi, v. 50, 54, 85 Remus, ii. 105 Rents in Rome, iv. 184 .; v. 385^ Representative institutions unknown to antiquity, iii. 330, 332, 506 ; iv. 135 ; v.
3^fResponsa, literature of
juristic opinions,
iv. 255 Retogenes, Numantine, iii. 231 Reuxinales. See Roxolani
Rex,
Rex
i.
81
satroruiit,
patrician,
Rhegium,
i.
i.
i.
316,
324.
Always
385
6, 266,
456
;
ii.
294, 333, 350,
21.
18,
24,
519.
affected by the general Latinizing, iii. 519 ;^iv. igiy: Rhetoric in Rome, iii. 192 ,/T; iv. 216 f.,
2S3/; v.
v.
4$iy:
German
frontier of
Rome,
Spain founded, i. 186. maritime station, iii. 415
Mas-
49 in
silian
Rhodes,
ii.
319
iii.
;
234,
Its treaty
16, 103.
280, 292
with Rome,
46.
Its position after the second
war,
ii.
War with
406 ./
Philip,
iv.
;
ii.
3,
Punic
ii.
411,
Joins
412, 414, 416, 418, 420, 422, 438.
in the war with Antiochus, ii. 446 f., 45> 455i 474- I ts attitude during the war with Perseus, ii. 494, 499. Hu-
miliated,
against
ii. 513-515 J the pirates,
Mithradates,
iii. iii.
Its
274. 292.
wars
Resists
Rewarded
iv. 33, 40, 47.
Exempt from taxation,
by Sulla,
iv. 54.
iv.
Seat of philosophic training,
157.
Rice,
; 445 f. Faith becomes torpid owing to Helleniii. Public 109, iiiyC; iv. 195.
ii.
communal conRemained un-
citizenship, its
stitution,
Rhyndacus,
ism,
Its
18.
ii.
Captured by the Romans, ii. 38. Exempted from land service, ii. 43. Remained faithful in Social war, iii. 502. Retained, even after admission to
religions in Italy, iv. 408 f,
v.
garrison,
towards Pyrrhus,
the practical tenfaith, 227. dency of worship the priests develop the moral law, i. 225 _/C, 227. Foreign worships, i. 228-231 ; ii. 70 f. Oriental i.
Occupied by Romans,
362.
Mutiny of
12.
attitude
Rhoda
by the
unaffected
fundamental
its
32-35
Roman,
sonification,
ideas,
365 ii.
Rhine, the,
234./:
Religion,
575
iv.
Rhodian school of rhetori-
199, 325.
cians, v. 455 Rhone,, passage iii.
64
of,
battle
by Hannibal, ii. 255^ on the river, iv. 328
.
Road from Arretium to Bononia, ii. 374. From Italy, through Gaul, to Spain, ii. From Rome to Luna, ii. 375. 375. From Luca to Arretium, ii. 375. Compare Via Roads, construction of, ii. 85, 120. Paving of streets under Caesar, v. 374 Robber bands. See Brigands Robigalia, i. 208 Robigus, \. 208 Rogatio, I. 94 Roma quadrata, i. 62 Romances, v. 483 Rome, legends as to its foundation, i. 107iii. Attempts to fix the year of its foundation, iii. 190. Site of, i. 53, 57 f. Originally centre of an agricultural community, i. 261. At the same time emporium of Latium, i. 56-60. Gradual rise of the city, i. 60 f. The Seven ring -walls cr seftiniontium, i. Amalgamation of the Palatine and
63^
Quirinal
regions,
i.
106
-
109.
The
HISTORY OF ROME
576
united city walled in by Servius, i. 71, i?f>f. The seven hills, i. 139 n. Taken and burnt by the Gauls, i. 429 f. Threatened by Pyrrhus, ii. 23. Threat-
ened by Hannibal,
by
iii.
Sulla,
iv.
Marians,
338 f. Occupied Regained by the Occupied by Sulla,
ii.
539.
65 f.
84 ; and maintained in the battle at the Colline gate, iv. 89 iv.
Rome,
ii.
no
.
Romilii, clan-village, i. 45, 62 Romulus, the acquisition of the septem pagi referred to him, i. 59
Romus and Romylus,
no
ii.
.
Rorarii, ii. 74 Q. Roscius, the actor, iv. 140, 236 ; v. 472 Sex. Roscius, v. 382 Rostra, Roman orators' platform, i. 140. So called as decorated with the beaks of the Antiate galleys, i. 462^ Round temple, ii. 120 it. Roxolani (Reuxinales), iv. 14, 17, 18 ft.
Rubi, iii. 522 Rubicon. See Italy Rufinus. See Cornelius Rufus. See Caecilius, Minucius, Pompeius, Rutilius
P. Rupilius [consul, 621],
iii.
Rusicade, harbour of Cirta, Ruspina, battle at, v. 294 f. P.
Rutilius
391
Nudus, lieutenant
Mithradatic war, P. Rutilius
310, 311 iii.
Lupus
iv.
102
the
iii.
503,
.
i.
Conflicts with
Subdued,
135.
pute with Aricia, Rye, iii. 64 .
i.
war with Hannibal, and is stormed, ii. 246, 247. Regained by Rome, ii. 320, Lusitanians settled at
321, 384, 393.
Saguntum, Salapia, Salassi,
ii.
iii.
iii.
341
ii.
Saldae,
;
232 521
iii.
253, 258
iii. 416 410 a Salernum, burgess - colony, ii. 39, 365. Share in the Social war, iii. 514
Collini
Salii,
and
;
Palatini,
108, 217, 286, 287 i.
68, 106 f.,
i.
Always
,/C
Sallentini, Join Tarentum against 89. the Lucanians, i. 483. War with Rome, ii.
39 C. Sallustius Crispus, iv. 489 v. 145. ; His erroneous chronology of the Jugurthine war, iii. 398 Character of this book, iii. 410 Fragment of the Histories, its date determined, iv. 297 .
.
Salona, Salt i.
i.
445.
Dis-
447
iii.
known
427 ; iv. 168, 306 to the primeval Indo-Germans,
State monopoly
21.
of,
i.
342
iii.
100.
Have
little inter-
course with foreign nations, i. 252, 283. Position during the Samnite wars, i. 468. Art, i. 300 ; ii. Sabine and Latin goddess, i. 69 n. Sabines, ii. 224. Influence upon Rome, Penetrate into Latium, i. 143, i. 54 f. Fight with Rome, i. 134. Subse145. quently in but slight intercourse with
mf.
Rome, i. become
444. cives
Acquire
full
Subdued by Rome, and
sine suffragio, i. 492. burgess-rights x ii. 48, 89.
Writing, i. 281 Saburra, general of King Juba, v. 232 Sneer, meaning of, i. 226 Sacramentum. See Actions at law
;
iii.
20;
156
74 Salus, temple on the Capitol, ii. 122 Saluvians. See Salyes Salvius, king of the slaves in the second iii.
Saltits,
Sicilian slave-war (Tryphon),
SABELMANS,
patrician,
384^
iv.
iv.
250 Rutuli, abodes, j. 444.
Rome,
Sagaei, ii. 493 Sagras, battle on the river, ii. 70 Saguntum, iii. 226 ; iv. 294, 296. Founded, i. 185. Allied with Rome, ii. 241. At
.
508, 511, 512 ; P. Rutilius Rufus [consul, 649], iii. 398, 400, 401, 459, 481, 482, 483; iv. 112.
Memoirs,
Sadalas, king of the Odrysians, iv. 307 Sadducees, iv. 244^ Saecular games, iii. 125 Saepta Julia, v. 375 Saeturnus, i. 208, 213, 290 . M. Saevius Nicanor Postumus, teacher of Roman literature, iv. 216
.
in
326
[consul, 664],
iv.
Sacrificial animals, how procured, i. 92 Sacriportus in Latium, battle at, iv. 83
iii.
Salyes,
Same,
ii.
417 476
Samnites,
ii.
;
280,
80,
365
branch of the Umbrians,
guage 282. Italy,
iii.
384
.
v. 7
iii.
;
i.
24.
14.
A
Lan-
14 f. Writing, i. 278, Settle in the mountains of Central of,
i.
i.
146.
Legend of
their
wander-
i. 146. Seclusion, i. 147. Absence of sepulchral decorations, ii. 81. Federal constitution without centralization, i.
ings,
148.
Without
effort after conquest,
i.
J48yC First treaty with Rome, i. 453. Unaffected by Greek influences, i. 458. Contrast with the Hellenizing Sabcllian stocks, 481,
i.
457 f.
486-493.
Samnite wars, i. 465Share in the war wiih
INDEX Pyrrhus, ii.
ii.
21,
25,
Submit
30.
to
Their league dissolved, Remain still associated, though
Rome,
&/.
ii.
53.
politically insignificant,
iii.
Alli-
499.
ance with Hannibal, ii. 295, 300 f. Their country desolate after the second Punic war, iii. 24, 100. Acquainted with Greek literature, iii. 196. Share in Social war,
iii.
501,
Coins from that period,
demands
after
it, iv.
522,
iii.
524.
523,
Their 524 Fight with Their punish.
63, 64.
Sulla, iv. 63_f., 82, 88./C
ment, iv. 91, loZf. Samos, ii. 406, 411, 446, 461, 462, 463 ; iii. Pillaged by the pirates, 279 ; iv. 47. iv. 308 Samosata, iv. 341, 437 Samothrace, ii. 495, 507. Pillaged by the pirates, iv. 308 Sampsiceramus, emir in Hemesa, iv. 438 Sancus. See Semo Sangarius, river in Bithynia, Sanigae, iv. 334 Santones, v. 15 Sarama, i. 22 .
i
iv. 30,
327
iv.
vours to regain it, ii. 308. Wars in, ii. Lepidus' expedition to, 376; iii. 214. iv.
Occupied by Caesar,
291.
iv.
Taxation, Sardis,
ii.
iv.
;
185
i.
230.
45
Sarmatae, iv. 14 Sarnus, Nucerian river-god,
Sarranus,
v.
158
446, 474
Saturnia, town in Etruria, i. 304. Battle at, iv. 85 f. Saturnian metre {versus Saturnius), i. 289, 290 Saturnus, i. 208, 290 Saumacus, Scythian prince, Sauromatae, iv. 14, 20 .
no trace
v.
302
.
.
.
i.
,
Made tributary to 217 f., 508. ii. 218 ; iii. 422. Annexed to province of Macedonia, iii. 262 ii.
Rome,
Scordisci,
iii.
iii.
375
427, 428, 429
Scotussa, ii. 433 i. 280 C. Scribonius Curio [consul, 678], iv. 307, Lieutenant of Sulla in Asia, iv. 54 371. C. Scribonius Curio, partisan of Caesar, v.
Scribere,
183, 184, 187, 188, 230-233, 389, 507 L. Scribonius Libo, admiral under Pompeius, v. 235 Scriptura, i. 92, 248, 281. Subsequently not demanded, i. 344. In the provinces, iv.
.
war with Rome,
158 ii. 76 . Greek word, i. 254 Scylax, i. 435 ; ii. 108. Description of the coast under his name, i. 177 .,
Scutum,
448 ., 450 Satricum near Arpinum,
Scymnus,
league,
17
of, in Italy,
450 league, i. 448 Scarabaei, Etruscan, i. 307 Scarpheia in Locris, iii. 269 Scaurus. See Aemilius, Aurelius Sceptics, iv. 197 ./C, 199 Sciathus, ii. 425, 426 ; iv. 35 Scilurus, Scythian king, iv. 17, 18 n. Scipio. See Cornelius Scodra, kingdom of, its war with Rome,
39 Saticula, Latin colony, i. 475, 476 Satricum near Antium, Latin colony, i. About 370, member of the Latin 446. Sassinates,
iv.
Savage state, 9, 10 Scaena, ii. 97 ; iii. 138 Scaevola. See Mucius Scaptia, about 370, a member of the Latin
Scolacium, colony, Scopas, ii. 445
446 Sardinia, Carthaginian, i. 186, 413 ; ii. Assailed by the Romans, ii. 177. 143. Roman, ii. 205, 207. Carthage endeaSarapis,
577
ii.
i.
Roman
435, 455
A
I
"
i9
177 437 ;
i.
.
iv.
;
v.
459
.
burgess-
Scyros,
different
Scythians, in what is now Southern Russia,
from Satricum near Antium, i. 474 n. Passes over to the Samnites, i. 474. Punished, i. 474 /. Saturn, i. 35 ; ii. 98. Led to alternative chants, and thereby, in some measure,
In the army of ., 14, 17, 18. 13 Mithradates, iv. 20 Secession to the Sacred Mount, first, i. 347 ; second, i. 366 Segeda, iii. 216 Segesta, ii. 145, 211 ., 213 Segestica, or Siscia, iii. 427 Segobriga, iv. 301
sine
community
suffragio,
179.
i. 288 /. ; iii. 178 f. After time = miscellaneous poems, In the seventh century, iv.
237-242.
Development independent of
to
comedy,
Naevius' iii.
the Atellanae,
iv.
231
iii.
326 i.
125
VOL. V
208,
289 n,
329
iv.
Segusiavi,
Roman estates in their territory,
v. 30
.
P. Satureius, murderer of Ti. Gracchus,
Saturnalia,
ii.
;
ii.
24
;
iii.
Seleucia on the Orontes, iv. 317 Seleucia on the Tigris, iii. 287 Seleucus, son of Antiochus the Great, 44 8/, 462
170
ii.
HISTORY OF ROME
578 Seleucus
II., Callinicus,
ii.
Not
215
Sancus, Sabine and Latin deity, i. Temple on the Quirinal, i. 280 69 Sempronia, the sister of the Gracchi, iii. 463
A. Sempronius Asellio [praetor, 665] muriii.
326,
338.
Character, iii. 342-344. Member of the land commission, iii. 323, 335. QuaesPlebeian tribune, iii. 342tor, iii. 341.
Speeches
370.
of,
iv.
Improves
251.
the Italian roads, iv. 167. His fall and Contrast between death, iii. 366-370. the Sullan and Gracchan legislation, iv.
no f. C. Sempronius Tuditanus [consul, 625], " On the chronicler, iv. 248. Magis-
Sempronius Sophus [consul, 450], Subdues the Aequi, i. 484
ii.
P. Sempronius Sophus [consul, 486],
iii.
126 250 Sempronius Asellio, historian, Sempronius Gracchus [consul, 539,
541],
Ti.
ii.
304, 305, 333, 335, 339
/ 577,
Sardinian
31, 130. 591 ; censor, 585], wars, ii. 376. In Spanish war, ii. 391 Interference against f. ; iii. 215, 318. the freedmen, iii. 53
Sempronius Gracchus, character,
iii.
228. 317-320, 333. Quaestor, iii. Plebeian tribune, iii. 320-325. Agrarian iii. 325-327 law, iii. 320 f. Death, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, the spurious, 463, 473
/
Ti. Sempronius
Longus
[consul, 536],
ii.
Longus
[consul, 560],
iii.
266, 270, 273
Ti. Sempronius
44 Battle of, 49, 220. first Civil war, iv. 85
ii.
ii.
348 f.
12, 42,
In the
Senate originates in the clan-constitution, and represents it, i. 96,