Healing in the Second Temple Period (Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus 21)

NTOA 21

Larry P. Hogan • Healing in the Second Tempel Period

NOVUM TESTAMENTUM ET ORBIS ANTIQUUS (NTOA) Im Auftrag des Biblischen Instituts der Universitat Freiburg Schweiz herausgegeben von Max Kuchler in Zusammenarbeit mit Gerd Theissen

About the author Larry Paul Hogan, born in 1942, studied philosophy, psychology and theology in Rochester, New York where he received a master's degree for his thesis on «Sabbath Rest». Ordained a priest of the archdiocese of Hartford, Connecticut in 1968 he did a wide variety of pastoral and ecumenical work before commencing his studies in the Institute of jewish Studies at the Hebrew University in jerusalem where he received his Ph. D. in 1986 upon the approval of his dissertation on «Healing in the Second Temple Period». He has taught at the University of Steubenville, Ohio and is presently doing pastoral work and speaking engagements in Vienna. Together with Samuel Kottek, M. D., he is the author of the soon to be published {1992) «Medicine and Healing in the Bible», a treatment of biblical literature from the standpoint of medicine.

NOVUM TESTAMENTUM ET ORBIS ANTIQUUS

Larrv P. Hogan

Healing in the Second Tempel Period

UNIVERSITATSVERLAG FREIBURG SCHWEIZ VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT GOTTINGEN 1992

21

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Einheitsaufnahme Hogan, Larry P.:

Healing in the Second Temple Period I Larry P. Hogan. Freiburg, Schweiz: Univ.-Verl.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. 1992 (Novum testamentum et orbis antiquus: 21) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck u. Ruprecht) Gb. ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Univ.-Verl.) Gb.

NE: GT

Veroffentlicht mit Unterstlitzung des Hochschulrates der Universitat Freiburg Schweiz

© 1992 by Universitatsverlag Freiburg Schweiz Paulusdruckerei Freiburg Schweiz ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Universitatsverlag) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht)

To William Gallagher 11~

H~D

lH~lDl

~1pn-~~lH

(Ben Sira 6.14)

~llDH ~~lH

FOREWORD

The completion of a dissertation and its revision for publication is an occasion both to breathe a sigh of relief and to acknowledge one's gratitude to the many people who made the work possible. For the revision itself I want to express my thanks first of all to Professor Dr. Samuel Kottek of Hadassah Hebrew University School of Medicine in Jerusalem for his careful reading of the entire work and his valuable suggestions and to Frank J. Matera of the Catholic University in Washington, D.C. who did the same for the New Testament chapter. Second, I want to express my thanks to Maria Schlachter whose computer retyping of a machine-typed work written in several languages was a most generous Christmas present from her and her husband. Third, I acknowledge my heartfelt gratitude to Nick Heathrow whose faithful and patient technical assistance over a period of several months with the Turbofonts program for special characters was indispensable. My interest in the Second Temple period was kindled by several professors at the Hebrew Univerity. I am especially grateful to those who read parts of the manuscript and made suggestions for its improvement, chief among them Michael E. Stone, David Satran and David Rokea~. Above all I would like the acknowledge the countless helpful changes suggested by my "Doktorvater" David Flusser as well as his personal encouragement over the years of my studies in Jerusalem. Whether sitting in his library or succa Professor Flusser was always generous with his time. I cannot recall a conversation with him that was not stimulating and from which I did not learn something. Among the countless friends and family members who provided an anchor of hope during the years of the writing of this work there is one person who clearly stands out, Assyriologist William Gallagher. No one aside from its author spent more time with "Healing in the Second Temple Period" than he did, sometimes at the expense of his own research. I benefited both from his friendship and the insights he shared from literature with which I was not directly familiar. To him I dedicate this book.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGLA INTRODUCTION HEALING IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES WORDS DESCRIBING ILLNESS THE BOOK OF JOB MEDICAL CARE CONCLUSION APOCRYPHA TOBIT CONCLUSION BEN SIRA CONCLUSION WISDOM OF SOLOMON CONCLUSION PSEUDEPIGRAPHA I ENOCH THE BOOK OF WATCHERS THE BOOK OF SIMILITUDES (PARABLES) THE EPISTLE OF ENOCH CONCLUSION JUBILEES CONCLUSION TESAMENTS OF THE 12 PATRIARCHS HEALTH AND DEATH OF THE PATRIARCHS CONCLUSION TESTAMENT OF JOB CONCLUSION TREATISE OF SHEM CONCLUSION PSEUDO-PHILO CONCLUSION

1 3

18 21

23 25

27 36 38

47 49 59

61 62 70 75

76 78

91 93

101 104 106 113

115 119 120 124

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIVES OF THE PROPHETS CONCLUSION

126 130

THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES 2 MACCABEES 4 MACCABEES CONCLUSION

131 131 134 134

DEAD SEA SCROLLS DAMASCUS COVENANT THE RULE OF THE COMMUNITY THANKSGIVING SCROLL GENESIS APOCRYPHON PRAYER OF NABONIDUS FRAGMENTS FROM CAVE 4 APOTROPAIC PRAYERS CONCLUSION

136 137 140 143 146 149 157 160 165

PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA WORLDVIEW PHYSICAL AND SPIRITUAL HEALING GOD AS THE SOURCE OF HEALING AND HEALTH THE VIRTUES AND REASON THE THERAPEUTAE ANGELS, FALLEN ANGELS AND DEMONS EXCURSUS: PHILO'S MEDICAL BACKGROUND CONCLUSION

168 169 173 175 180 184 188 191 206

JOSEPHUS

208 224 229

FOLK MEDICINES AND EXORCISM IN JOSEPHUS CONCLUSION NEW TESTAMENT INTRODUCTION TERMINOLOGY EXORCISMS AND HEALINGS

232 232 233 235

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LUKE

JESUS THE HEALER CAUSES OF ILLNESSES HEALING AS "DOING GOOD" ACTS OF THE APOSTLES CONCLUSION MARK

JESUS THE TEACHER WHO CALLS DISCIPLES JESUS THE HEALER AND EXORCIST FAITH IN THE HEALING ACCOUNTS ARAMAIC WORDS & ACCOUNTS ONLY FOUND IN MK CONCLUSION MATTHEW THE ROLE OF FAITH IN MATTHEW'S GOSPEL JESUS AS TEACHER AND HEALER EXORCISM AND THE LAYING ON OF HANDS CONCLUSION JOHN CONCLUSION PAUL CONCLUSION THE LETTER OF JAMES CONCLUSION REVELATION CONCLUSION

238 244 247 250 251 255 258 259 260 262 263 266 268 269 270 272 275 276 284 286 290 291 297 298 300

GENERAL CONCLUSION CAUSES OF ILLNESS MEANS OF HEALING JUSTIFICATION OF HEALING MEANS

301 302 305 310

BIBLIOGRAPHY

313

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

335

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGLA REFERENCE WORKS AND PERIODICALS ANET ANRW APOT B.D.B. CBQ DJD Ency Jud HTR HUCA IEJ lOS JB JBL JPS JQR JSHRZ JSJ JSS L.& s. LXX N.A.B. NTS OTP PVTG RB RQ RSV SBL TDNT TU T & T VT ZATW ZNTW

J.P. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt R.H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament F. Brown, S.R. Driver, C.A. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament Catholic Biblical Quarterly Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Encyclopaedia Judaica Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual Israel Exploration Journal Israel Oriental Studies Jerusalem Bible (Ecole Biblique, English translation) Journal of Biblical Literature Jewish Publishing Society (English Bible) Jewish Quarterly Review Jlidische Schriften der hellenistischen und romischer Zeit Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal of Semitic Studies G. Liddel and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon Septuagint, English translation of Bagster when not otherwise indicated New American Bible New Testament Studies J.H. Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti graece Revue Biblique Revue de Qumran Revised Standard Version of the Bible with the Apocrypha/Deuterocanonical Books Society of Biblical Literature G. Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Texte und Untersuchungen Texts and Translations Vetus Testamentum Zeitschrift flir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift flir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

HEBREW SCRIPTURES Gen Ex Lev Deut 1,2 Sam 1,2 Kg 1,2 Chr Ps Prov Is Jer Ez Dan Hab Mal

Genesis Exodus Leviticus Deuteronomy 1,2 Samuel 1,2 Kings 1,2 Chronicles Psalms Proverbs Isaiah Jeremiah Ezechiel Daniel Habakkuk Malachi

NEW TESTAMENT Mt Mk Lk Jn Acts 1,2 Cor Gal 1,2 These = 1,2 Tim

Matthew Mark Luke John Acts of the Apostles 1,2 Corinthians Galatians 1,2 Thessalonians 1,2 Timothy

THE TREATISES OF PHILO (a modification of the abbreviations used by the French Lyon series) Abr Aet Agric Anim Cher Confus Congr Contempl Decal Deo Deter Deus Ebr Flacc Fug Gig Her Hypoth Ios Leg Leg at Migr Mos Mutat Opif Plant Poster Praem Prob Prov Quest G Quest E

De Abrahamo De Aeternitate Mundi De Agricultura De Animalibus De Cherubim De Confusione Linguarum De Congressu Quaerendae Eruditionis Gratia De Vita Contemplativa De Decalogo De Deo Quod Deterius Potiori insidiari soleat Quod Deus sit immutabilis De Ebrietate In Flaccum De Fuga et Inventione De Gigantibus Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres sit Hypothetica De Josepha Legum Allegoriarum I, II, III De Legatione ad Gaium De Migratione Abrahami De Vita Mosis De Mutatione Nominum De Opificio Mundi De Plantatione De Posteritate Caini De Praemiis et Poenis Quod omnia Probus liber De Providentia Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim Quaestiones et Solutiones in Exodum

TREATISES OF PHILO Sacrif Sobr Somn Spec Virt

De De De De De

Sacrificiis Abelis et Caini Sobrietate Somniis I, II Specialibus Legibus I, II, III, IV Virtutibus

RABBINICAL WORKS b. before name or abbreviation of tractate j. before name or abbreviation of tractate

Babylonian Talmud Jerusalem Talmud

TRACTATES Ber. Kidd. Ned. Pes. San. Shab. Shev.

Abbreviations

Berakot Kiddushin Nedarim Pesabim Sanhedrin Shabbat Shevuot

and Sigla of

some works

such as

the Dead Sea Scrolls

found within the respective chapters dealing with those documents.

are

INTRODUCTION

The reality of illness and the consequent need for healing have always been the common lot of mankind. The focus of this work is attitudes towards healing revealed in non-canonical and non-rabbinic Jewish literature of the Second Temple period. The objective is to elucidate the development of thought on healing by taking as the basis of comparison what the Hebrew Scriptures teach on illness and healing. Included also is a chapter on healing in the New Testament even though many of its books were completed after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE. Although rabbinic writings are not considered in themselves, references to them are found throughout the work. Healing is the process of restoring health to an ill person. Both healing and illness need to be carefully understood as they are used here. The first distinction that needs to be made is between disease and illness. J. Pilch defines the two as follows: "Disease refers to a malfunctioning of biological and/or psychological processes, while illness refers to the psycho-social experience and meaning or interpretation of the perceived reality"1 It is, then, the experience of something that is malfunctioning and the meaning attached to it that constitutes illness. It is possible to have a disease and be totally unaware of it because it does not (yet) affect one's life. Such a person is diseased but not ill. On the other hand, barrenness in many societies would be considered illness even when no disease is responsible for the condition (Gen 20.17-18). A broken arm is also a form of illness insofar as it is a felt experience, a deprivation of sorts. Diseases are cured. Illnesses are healed. Curing a disease means taking control of the disordered biological or psychological processes. Healing an illness repairs not simply that

1 Underlining mine, quote from "Biblical Biblical Theology Bulletin 11 (1981) p. 109.

Leprosy

and

Body

Symbolism,"

2

INTRODUCTION

part of the person diseased, injured or not functioning according to expectations. strictly speaking, a person is healed, not an illness. That person has physical, psychological and spiritual dimensions but is, nonetheless, one entity. The goal of healing is wholeness. The Hebrew Scriptures do contain material about diseases as such and their cures as well as a few specific cases of cures. This material has been well documented by J. Preuss and F. Rosner among others. The concern of the Hebrew Scriptures, however, is not biomedical, but rather socio-cultural and spiritual. They are concerned about the whole person and his response to what ails him. They wrestle with the meaning of illness, what caused it and what will heal it. Before looking at individual documents of the Second Temple period, we need, first, to consider the nature of man according to the Hebrew scriptures, second, to look at healing in the ancient world around Israel and, third, to examine how illness and healing are described by the various words chosen. The term "healing material" used throughout this work refers to the restoration of physical, psychological and spiritual health as well as terms for healing used metaphorically. Also included as healing material are some references to protection against evil forces which bring illness.

HEALING IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES

Healing in the Hebrew Scriptures is directly related to the concept of man's relationship to God defined in the opening chapters of the book of Genesis. "Let us make man in our image, after our likeness" mlDTJ 1lDJY:l O,N il!Ol1l (Gen 1.26) Man is given dominion over the earth (1.26). He is a "living soul" n•n 1091 given life by the breath of God (2. 7). God holds man responsible to him for his actions and forbids him to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (2.17). Man cannot escape from this responsibility by blaming someone or something else (3.12-13). Because of his disobedience man is to suffer death (2.17), pain (3.16) and much toil (3.18-19). Eden is lost. Eden is, however, redefined and expressed in the word 01Jv frequently translated as peace, but connoting a state of wholeness, safety, health and good relationship with God so that no one word can adequately translate it. This redefinition of Eden as 01J~, to be sure, does not take place until the covenant at Sinai. In the fulfillment of that covenant peace is promised to man (Lev 2 6. 6) , sickness is taken away (Ex 23.25, cf. Is 33.24). Violation of the covenant is punished by deadly diseases (Jer 16.4) and a removal of peace "For I have taken away my peace from this people" ':I nTn Ol1n nHD •o1'J~ nH ·n~DH (Jer 16. 5). As D 1Jv denotes wholeness, so too does n•n 1091, which describes man as a living soul, connote wholeness. There are no words in Biblical Hebrew to express the dichotomy of ac;:,..ux and lj!u Xll Man is one entity, a living soul. In regard to illness he cannot be ill in body and healthy in his mind or soul. This is not to say that Greek philosophy (and medicine) ignored the effect of illness in one part of man on the other (soul on body, body on soul). It is to say that the concept of treating one ill part of man, body or soul, could only have arisen in Greek thought, but not in Hebrew. Hebrew thought on healing is necessarily holistic by virtue of its concept of the nature of man. That concept includes his relationship to

4

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

God. 1 The created cannot be defined independently of his Creator. The most important statement about healing and sickness in the Hebrew Scriptures acknowledges this relationship. The context is a teaching after Moses has thrown a tree into the bitter water of Marah causing it to become sweet. There He made for them a statute and an ordinance, and there He proved them; and He said "If thou wilt diligently hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God and wilt do which is right in His eyes, and wilt give ear to His commandments and keep all His statutes, I will put none of the diseases upon thee, which I have put upon the Egyptians: for I am the Lord that healeth thee." (Ex 15.25-26, JPS)

To understand this statement, that the Lord is the one who sends both sickness and healing, an overview of healing and medicine in the ancient world is helpful. 2 The "cradle of civilization" is the source of the most ancient medical information, the Nippur clay tablet, the handbook of a sumerian physician, dated at the end of the third millennium. Though of great interest in itself for the historian of medicine, it does not represent the state of medicine in Mesopotamia during the period of the writing of the Pentateuch. However, it does show that the role of physician, though associated with that of priest, was distinguishable over 4000 years ago. Babylonian and Assyrian 1 This relationship is both individual and collective. W. Bittner notes: "Weiterhelfen kann uns der Hinweis, daj3 viele Stellen, die wir in der Bibel als Worte an Einzelpersonen betrachten und darum gerne individuell lesen, eigentlich dem Volk als Gemeinschaft gelten. So wird dem Volk Israel als ganzem gesagt." Heilung-Zeichen der Herrschaft Gottes, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1984, p. 19. Bittner's comment is directed to Ex 15.20. I am persuaded that individual responsibility before God is intended here by the use of the 2cd. person sing. ending as it is in chapter 20, the giving of the 10 Commandments. For a treatment of illness and healing as collective phenomena, see T. Struys' chapter "Ziekte en genezing als collectieve verschijnselen" in his work Ziekte en Genezing in Het Oude Testament, Kampen, 1968, p. 91f. The relationship between body and soul in Greek thought is a complicated one. I do not mean to infer here that all Greek philosophers maintained a body/soul dichotomy. For a discussion of the matter, see E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston, 1957, p. 138. 2 There are several good summaries of the state of medicine and healing in the ancient world. Among them are K. Seybold, Sickness and Healing, Nashville, 1981, pp. 24-34, H.E. Sigerist, Antike Heilkunde, Mlinchen, 1927 and J. Thorwald, Science and Secrets of Early Medicine, London, 1962.

5

societies were strongly theocratic. Gods sent illnesses as punishments. Hence it was natural for priests to be involved in healing. 3 In ancient Assyria there were two categories of priests who specialized in healing illness, the baru who diagnosed what was actually wrong and the 'asipu, who established the procedure to be followed which invariably involved an incantation. Although the gods themselves sent the illness they used demons to convey their displeasure, which displeasure was not necessarily connected with any wrong-doing on the part of the ill person. These sickness demons in Mesopotamia, as in Egypt, needed to be exorcised; purifications had to be performed and incense offered to obtain pardon from the god ( s) . The sick person with the I as ipu I s guidance enumerated a list of sins he might have committed. It was irrelevant whether he actually committed them. 4 . Certain gods such as Shamash, Tammuz, Marduk and the goddess Gula were specially designated gods of healing. A distinctive feature of Mesopotamian "medicine" was the use of astrology and astronomy to aid, if not determine, diagnosis. This was probably an outgrowth of the need to supply rulers with predictions. The baru priests: observed and recorded the parallels between heavenly movements and events on earth such as illnesses, recoveries, relapses, difficult births and elaborated a universal system of prophecy by means of which men's health and destinies could be determined by the stars. 5

It is difficult to generalize about Egyptian medicine. To some extent it reflects the level of civilization attained during the different kingdoms. Egypt maintained a reputation for high standards of medicine and health for a long time. In 3 G. contenau, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 1938, p. 30. A third "professional" involved in healing was the asu, a physician who used drugs and herbs in an non-magical way. Not all three, asu, 'asipu and baru, functioned at the same time in the long history of Babylon and Assyria. For specific references to the tasks of each healer see articles under the respective titles in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. For an upto-date account of the relationship between the asu and the 'asipu see J. Bottero, "La magie et la medecine regnent a Babylone," L'Histoire NS 74 (1984) pp. 11-23. 4

Contenau, op.cit., p. 94.

5

Thorwald, op.cit., p. 152.

6

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

Homer's Odyssey we read about Egypt: "There everyone is a physician and surpasses all men as regard experience" (IV 230). He also mentions the many drugs used and the esteem in which the physician is held (IV 220-223). Four centuries later than Homer Herodotus wrote that next to the Libyans the Egyptians were the healthiest people in the world (II 77). But by the time of Alexander the Great the Egyptian physicians were going for their training to Greece. 6 In Egypt as in Mesopotamia a distinction in roles was made between the priest/physician who diagnosed and the conjurer. The former, in contrast to the baru in Mesopotamia, was trained in surgery and/or herbs. The Ebers Papyrus (c. 1550 BCE) gives the impression that Egyptian medicine was a mixture of magic, "science" and exorcism and that all three were employed in the treatment of an illness much as in Mesopotamia. The Edwin Smith Papyrus (before 1600 BCE) describes 48 surgical cases in an astonishingly scientific fashion but on the reverse side of the papyrus are incantations. Scholars speculate that at least for one period of time the exorcist was not called in unless the more scientific means failed. 7 As in Mesopotamia there were gods of healing that needed to be appeased. Unlike in Mesopotamia, good hygiene was prized and its value for health respected. Of the abundant evidence of the state of Egyptian healing arts, one of the most interesting for Biblical scholars is an Egyptian grave relief from the 15th century BCE which depicts a Syrian who has set out by ox cart and ship to be healed by Egyptian physicians. 8 Healing among the Greeks developed along three different lines expressing different viewpoints about illness. These were the scientific approach, the hypothetical approach and the religious approach. They are sometimes referred to as three schools of medicine but this is an anachronism even with 6

F.H. Garrison, History of Medicine, Philadelphia, 1929, p. 59.

7

Seybold, op.cit., p. 33.

8

Ibid., p. 27.

7

regard to the first. 9 The first approach was that exemplified by the methods of Hippocrates. It is that method which disassociated illness from its connection to the gods and their wrath against man that formed the foundation for modern western medicine although Hippocrates was by no means an unbeliever in the gods and in the effectiveness of prayer. The second approach was the hypothetical approach of Asclepiades which was in some ways the predecessor of health spa treatment today. Asclepiades held there were five important principles for the treatment of all diseases: 1) diet, 2) the use or nonuse of wine, 3) friction, 4) walking, 5) exercise on horseback or in a carriage. The third approach was the religious one: Fundamental to the religious school is the notion that healing ultimately comes from the deity, hence the process takes place primarily in the realm of spirits, the body being concerned only in so far as f8ysical acts may condition the activity of supernatural power.

In the religious approach a deity had been offended without there necessarily being any connection to wrongdoing on the part of the ill person. Appeasement was in order. The ill person went (or was carried) to one of the healing shrines where an offering was made. If a cure occurred a second offering was made for the priests of the shrine. In the cult which arose around Aesculapius there were three ways in which healing customarily came to the ill person. During incubation at the shrine the god might appear and the person awoke healed. In a second method instructions were given while the person was sleeping which, when carried out, brought about healing. In the third method a priest or perhaps physician at the shrine was the mediator of the healing. among the Greeks there were several gods who specialized in healing of whom the chief was Apollo although in time he was eclipsed in popularity by Aesculapius. 9 Thus, S.J. Case, "The Art of Healing in Early Christian Times," Journal of Religion 3 (1923) pp. 245-248. The reality is that in many areas it was possible to "practice medicine" without a license. Future physicians studied with other physicians, if they studied at all. See L. Edelstein, "The Relationship of Ancient Philosophy to Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine XXVI, 4 (1952) p. 301. 10

Case, op.cit., p. 247.

8

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

The last area of potential influence on the biblical attitude toward healing is the land of Canaan itself. Unfortunately from the sources at hand we cannot derive a clear picture of the state of medicine or the approach of the inhabitants toward illness and healing. We have only one amulet with an incantation on it, several amulets without any writing and a few minor clay tablets. Of interest is the Ugaritic KRT-epic 11 in which the king seeks help from the chief of the gods, El. El then asks the other gods seven times for assistance in healing the king. Even this fails and El turns at last to incantation and magic which succeed in restoring the king to health. Despite the paucity of sources pertaining to healing from Canaan there is one that may be helpful in understanding the exclusive claim of the God of Israel in Ex 15.26. There was a Phoenician god called b'l mrp' or Ba' lu the healer. "On the basis of West-Semitic personal names written in syllabic Babylonian it has been established that this honorific title was vocalized as an active participle rapi'u. 1112 In Ugaritic the word rapi'u was the title given to kings who worshiped Baal (such as Epitheton) and it was used of Baal himself. The worship of Baal as a god of healing we read about in 2 Kg 1.2 where Ahazia sends messengers to consult Baalzebub the god of Ekron to ask if he will recover. In view of the fact that the most common word for heal in the Hebrew Scriptures is H~l (66 times), cognates of H~l in other Semi tic language and their usages are revealing. The Phoenicians, Punics and Canaanites, for example, called the spirits of the dead rp'um. There was great devotion to ancestors among these people who worshiped some of them as deities. The Greeks also had a cult of heroes whom, after their death, they called taTpoC (or ~pw~) the exact equivalent of rapi'uma. 13 Among the Israelites no worship of the dead developed. Recourse to the spirits of the dead was forbidden by the Torah (Lev 19.31) though practiced once by Saul (1 Sam 2B.7f.) and 11

ANET p. 148f.

12

J. de Moor, "Rapi'uma-Rephaim," ZATW 88 (1976) p. 329.

13

Ibid., pp. 330-336.

9

by Manasseh (2 Kg 21.6). De Moor speculates that the original vocalization of shades D'~~~ was indeed D'~~ , but, that it became a source of embarrassment to call the spirits of the dead by a title which could also mean healers, or saviors. For the Israelites the dead were feeble, without power. Hence the change was made from D'~~·, to D'~~~, the feeble ones. This, if correct, would explain why in two places in the LXX (Isaiah 26.14 and Psalm 88(87) .10) the LXX reads tonpoC healers for shades. The translators were still aware of the original vocalization. 14 DeMoor's viewpoint is, however, the source of much dispute among scholars. 15 From the semitic cognates and the limited knowledge we have of Baals worshiped for healing, 16 Seybold sees in Ex 15.26 a confessional formula, faith in Yahweh as healer "in the face of Canaanite daily life." 17 Exodus 15.26 is, in my opinion, broader in its implications than Seybold would have it. It is a clear rejection not only of the healing Baals of Canaan, but also the healing practices of other nations which included worship of their healing gods, magic, astrology and exorcism. The Exodus passage should be seen in connection with Deuteronomy 7, especially, verses 15-16:

14

Ibid., p. 340.

15 For an overview of different points of view and an extensive bibliography, see "Divine Names and Epithets in the Ugaritic Texts," Analectica Orientalia 51 (1981) pp. 460-467 (=V 53). One argument against De Moor's contention that the Israelites believed that the dead were feeble, i.e., without power, is that the concept of "shades" is unclear. Can we say that the dead actually existed? In Isaiah 26.14 we read in reference to earthly "lords": They are dead, they will not live; they are shades, they will not arise." On the other hand, the mention of a woman who divines by a ghost in 1 Sam 28.7 would indicate the belief not only that the dead existed but that they were sometimes useful. For a discussion of later Jewish understanding of the resurrection of the dead and the support the Torah gives for this doctrine see b. Sanhedrin 90b-91a and f. which, based on the Mishnah, maintains that anyone who holds that the resurrection is not a biblical doctrine has no share in the world to come.

16 Although it is in our interest to observe that Baal was worshiped for healing, it should be borne in mind that Baal was first and foremost a fertility god among whose functions was the control of rain. Elijah's challenge to the prophets of Baal (1 Kg 18) settles the issue of who is the lord of the rain, Baal or Yahweh. 18

Seybold, op.cit., p. 89.

10

HEBREW SCRIPTURES And the Lord will take away from you all sickness; and none of the evil diseases of Egypt, which you knew, will he inflict upon you, but he will lay upon all those who hate you. And you shall destroy all the peoples that the Lord your God will give over to you, your eye shall not pity them; neither shall you serve their gods, for that would be a snare to you. (see also Deut 28 and Lev 26.3-33)

The God of the Israelites is not like Aesculapius who tolerated his father Apollo as a rival healing god. That this position - God's sovereignty in healing connected with man's relationship to him could be maintained in view of the attitudes and practices of surrounding nations is remarkable. One might argue that the texts are simply silent about the practices and beliefs of the people. Indeed we have already seen that some of the rulers such as Ahaziah and Manasseh were prone to avail themselves of the help of other gods and practices regarding healing. Some of the common folks may have used amulets associated with other religions (see Ez 13). That the early "physician" in Israel was a healer of wounds is reflected in the meaning of H91 to mend, to darn, to sew together. Binding up a wound is an image frequently employed by the prophets. We read in Ez 30.21f: "Son of man, I have broken the arm of Pharaoh king of Egypt; and lo, it has not been bound up, to heal it by binding it with a bandage, so that it may become strong to yield the sword." (Cf. Is 30.26) . 18 In a literal sense the binding of a wound is referred to in 2 Kings 8. 29 (also 9.15 and 2 Chr 22. 6). King Joram returned to Jezreel to be healed of his battle wounds at Ramah. 19 Aside from wound doctors there may have been herbalists though we have no record of any. Oil and resin were used throughout the ancient world to ease pain and soothe wounds. In speaking of Babylon Jeremiah says: "Take balm for her pain; perhaps she may be healed." H91n •'J1H iJ:::J1H:JIJ'J 'I~ mp (51.8). (See also Jer 8.22, the balm of Gilead; cf. Is 1.6). some other substances regarded in the Bible as medicinal are honey 18 "A forerunner of the modern concept of rehabilitation" according to J. Leibowitz, Some Aspects of Biblical and Talmudic Medicine. Jerusalem, 1970, p. 31. 19 T. Struys argues that the "injury" may have been depression because of the outcome of the war rather than any physical harm, op.cit., p. 42.

11

{Prov 16.14), fruit (Ez 47.12}, oil (Ps 104.15), wine and a vegetarian diet. 20 The only "Prescription" in the Hebrew Scriptures is a fig poultice (2 Kg 20.7; Is 38.21} which heals Hezekiah's deadly boil after his prayer and repentance. It is prescribed by a prophet, not a physician. Prophets, in their role as representatives and messengers from God to Israel were much concerned with healing. Seybold distinguishes three ways in which they acted: As an oracular authority for a diagnosis, primarily for kings and representative persons; As a critic of customary manners of treatment, for example, by means of authorities alien to Yahweh such as Baal of Ekron, and As proclaimers of divine ~udgment which is to come in the form of plagues and pestilence. 1

As Seybold notes we can see all three of these ways employed in 2 Kings 1. Elijah criticizes Ahaziah for seeking to consult Baalzebub. He predicts that as a result the king will die. He prays to send fire from heaven which destroys two units of fifty soldiers each. Other examples of the ways in which the prophets acted in regard to illness and healing include Amos' indictment of the women of Samaria - the "cows" of Bashan - in which pestilence is announced (ch. 4), Ezechiel's criticism of the magic bands n1n0J worn by women magician/healers (ch. 13) and Hosea's message to the priests, people and king of Israel calling forth repentance (chs. 5-6). Hosea's message is of particular importance because it mocks the easy road to repentance and "healing" which Hosea uses as a metaphor for forgiveness. It shows that the model of turning to God for healing was understood superficially. Hosea writes with a bit of sarcasm the thoughts of the people: Come, let us return to the Lord; for he has torn, that he may heal us; he has stricken, and he will bind us up. After two days he will revive us; on the third day he will raise us up that we may live before him. Let us know, let us press on to know the Lord; his going forth is sure as the dawn; he will come to us as the showers, as the spring rains that water the earth. (6.1-3) 20 W. Ebstein discusses the medicinal use of wine (p. 37f.) and the praise of a vegetarian diet in Daniel 1 (p. 29) in Die Medizin im Alten Testament, Stuttgart, 1901. 21

Seybold, op.cit., p. 91.

12

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

God responds: What shall I do with you, 0 Ephraim? What shall I do with you, like the dew that goes early away ..• For I desire steadfast love and not sacrifice, the knowledge of God, rather than burnt offerings. (6.4,6)

0 Judah? Your love is like a morning cloud,

Jeremiah, like Hosea, offers no easy path to God's forgiveness. The term that characterizes the judgment he brings upon the people on behalf of God is incurable ~l)N. For thus says the Lord: "Your heart is incurable, and your wound is grievous. There is none to uphold your cause, no medicine for your wound, no healing for you (30.12-13)." Why do you cry out over your hurt? Your pain is incurable" (30.15; cf. 15.18)

For Isaiah it seems that after a time of judgment there will be a golden age in which God not only forgives his people, but actually heals them from illnesses. Thus we see healing's eschatological dimension. Moreover the light of the moon will be as the light of the sun, and the light of the sun will be sevenfold, as the light of seven days, in the day when the lord binds up the hurt of his people, and heals the wounds inflicted by his blow. (30.26)

]"lV NWJ ~ ~· ·~ ITV~ •n•)n ]JW IDN"'-7J1 And no inhabitant will say, "I am sick"; the people who dwell there will be forgiven their iniquity. (Is 33.24)

It follows that those who are representatives of God the supreme healer should act as his agents in interceding on behalf of those who need healing. After the man of God (prophet) denounced the altar at Bethel, King Jeroboam stretched out his hand to have him seized with the result that the king's hand witheredo It was only through the intercession of the man of God that the king' s hand was restored ( 1 Kg 13. 4f.).

The cycle of miracles associated with Elijah and Elisha includes healing and raising the dead to life. The raising of the widow of Zarephath's son is set in the context of a drought in the land which contributes to the worship of Baal, the god who was supposed to be in charge of sending the rain. 1 Kg 17 and 18 establish God's sovereignty as the provider of

13

food without end for the widow ( 17 .14-16), as the master of life and death in raising her son ( 17. 21f.), as far superior to Baal through the consummation of the holocaust and wood ( 18 . 3 8) and by the ending of the drought after the acknowledgment that the Lord is God (18.41). In the episode of the raising of the widow's son to life, the widow sees the presence of the prophet as a reminder before God of her sins. The death of her son 23 is the result of those sins although it would perhaps not have happened unless Elijah had been there (17.19). Elijah does not contradict her by saying that she is righteous and did not deserve what has befallen her. Instead he prays before God for the son by stretching himself upon him three times, perhaps administering a type of mouth to mouth resuscitation as perhaps Elisha did with the son of the Shunammite woman (cf. 2 Kings 4.8-37). Elijah, in praying for the son, reminds God of the woman's fulfillment of the great biblical virtue of hospitality (v. 20).

The Elisha cycle also includes God's power over water, food and life itself. Elisha unlike Elijah, does not end a drought, but heals the water of a spring at Jericho, water known for its ill effects on the inhabitants, among them miscarriages. God's power ever the produce of the land is shown in the increase of oil for the widow of the son of the prophets ( 4.1-7) and the multiplication of the barley loaves and grain (4.42-44). Much longer than these accounts is the story of the Shunammite woman (4. 8-37). The first healing is that of the womb of the woman who, like the widow of Zarephath, had been very hospitable to a prophet. When her son dies of a sunstroke she, unlike the widow of Zarephath neither thinks of her own past sins nor rebukes the prophet. Instead she has full faith in Elisha as a messenger from God who prophesied correctly that she would have a son and upon whom she could rely now to restore her son to life. She lays her son on the prophet's bed and tells no one about his death, then goes in search of Elisha. When she finds him she repeats to him what she had said before she had 23 I leave aside the question of whether the son was clinically dead (from the symptoms) or only apparently dead. In either case, the mother believed that Elijah restored him to life.

14

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

conceived: "do not deceive me" •n·N n7ton N) (28). Elisha sends his servant Gehazi with his staff to lay on the child but it does not work. It is only when the prophet goes and himself prays and stretches himself upon the boy that the child is healed, or raised to life. The content of that prayer is not mentioned. The lesson of the story is different from its parallel in the Elijah cycle. It may be to teach not to rely on the magical association of a staff even of a powerful prophet for healing, but rather on the prayer of the prophet itself. The story of the healing of Naaman (2 Kg 5) is somewhat different from the above. The Israelite girl who recommends that Naaman seek the healing power of the prophet fully expects that Naaman will see Elisha and that Elisha will pray in his presence. The king of Israel, however, understands the letter of request from the king of Syria to mean that he himself should cure Naaman' s leprosy. This power he did not claim by virtue of his office or person. Elisha hears of the king's difficulty and sends word: "let him come now to me, that he may know that there is a prophet in Israel" Nl-N ::J • )N~·::J N'::Jl ~· >::J ~1•1 •)N (5.8) indicates that his mission as prophet is verified through healing. Elisha directs Naaman to bathe in the Jordan. Naaman is, however, unsatisfied with this prescription 24 and asserts that the rivers of Damascus have just as much healing power as the Jordan. He is also disappointed that no magic rite is employed, no waving of hands. His servants' words give us the central message of the passage. It is that obedience to God as His will is expressed through the prophet effects healing. Naaman confesses his faith in God as the result of his healing. There is a secondary lesson - since healing comes from God it cannot be purchased from a prophet, nor can the prophet be rewarded when a healing occurs. Gehazi who lies to Elisha about procuring two talents from Naaman contracts leprosy for his deceit, a disease passed down to his descendants (27). The use of the staff of Elisha which fails to cure the son of the Schunammitess recalls the power associated with the 24 Prescription in the sense of the Latin "praescriptio" meaning an order and reflected in current usage by the expression "just what the doctor ordered." It does not necessarily mean medication.

15

staff of Aaron which turned into a serpent to devour the serpents of Pharaoh's magicians {Ex 7.8f.) the staff of Moses which in obedience to God's command struck the rock at Horeb from which water flowed {Ex 17. Sf.) and perhaps the bronze serpent which saved those who looked at it from the poisonous effect of the fiery serpents (Nu 12.6f.;cf. Ex 4.1-5, Ex 17. Sf.) . All such things could easily become the object of worship in themselves. For that reason Hezekiah smashed the bronze serpent of Moses: "for until those days the people of Israel had burned incense to it; it was called Nehushtan. ]nviTJ 1?-Nip'1 1? D'l~pD ?NI~'-')~ 1•n nDnn D'D'n-IU ·~ {2 Kg 18. 4). In addition to the prophets the Hebrew Scriptures assign healing powers to the patriarchs. Abraham prays to God to heal Abimelech and the women of his household who were barren (Gen 20.17-19). God hears the prayer of Isaac for Rebekah who was barren {Gen 25.21f). The flocks of Jacob in his twenty years with Laban never miscarried {Gen 31.38). Later leaders also prayed for healing as Moses did to stop the plague brought on by the rebellion of Korah, Dathan and Abiram and the grumbling of the whole community which followed (Num 16 and 17). Likewise Solomon calls the people to repentance so that the land may be healed {2 Chr 7.11-22). He makes it clear that God will render healing and forgiveness on an individual basis, not simply on a collective one {1 Kg 8.37-40). Lastly, we should note the importance of fasting in connection with healing. Fasting expresses mourning and intensifies prayer in the Bible (Judges 20.26). David mourns for his sins and also fasts that his son's life may be saved (2 Sam 12.16 and 22). The author of Psalm 35 mentions that he fasted for those who were sick (v. 13; see also Ps 69.10). The connection of healing and forgiveness to a good relationship with God had some advantages on the natural level. Indirectly it promoted preventive medicine, some of which was probably Egyptian in origin, for example, the stress on hygiene. Taken as a whole, the Mosaic code included many provisions which in the end resulted in a high standard of health, physical, spiritual and psychological. Laws concerning sanitation, proper cleansing of vessels and circumcision

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

16

prevented the spread of many diseases. The avoidance of swine and shellfish was a protection against the diseases associated with these foods. The sabbath provided an enforced rest on a regular basis to refresh the body and the whole person. Even the regulations governing sexual relationships acted to promote mar ita 1 harmony and its consequence - peace. It is true, of course, that these regulations of the Mosaic code were not written for the sake of preventive medicine. Their concern was to preserve the holiness of the community but that holiness cannot be separated from health and healing since both holiness and health as well as healing flow from one's relationship to God. The Psalms perhaps more than any book of the Hebrew Scriptures reflect the appropriate attitude of the individual toward illness and healing. Aside from the prayer of Hezekiah at the time of his grave illness (Is 38.10-20). Struys mentions seven psalms about which there is common agreement that they are prayers of a sick person or a person who has been healed of sickness. These are Psalms 6, 28, 30, 38, 41, 88 and 103. 25 In Psalm 38 we see the interrelationship of 1) sin, 2) punishment in the form of illness and 3) sorrow, confession of guilt: Lord, rebuke me not in thy anger, nor chasten me in thy wrath. (1) There is no soundness in my flesh because of thy indignation; there is no health in my bones because of my sin. (3) My wounds grow foul and fester because of my foolishness. (5) For my loins are filling with burning and there is no soundness in my flesh. (7) For I am ready to fall and my pain is ever with me. (17) I confess my iniquity, I am sorry for my sin. (18)

0

No healing is mentioned in Psalm 38 as it is in Psalm 41: Blessed is he who considers the poor! The Lord delivers him_ in the day of trouble; the Lord protects him and keeps him alive; he is called blessed in the land; thou dost not give him up to the will of his enemies. The Lord sustains him on his sickbed; in his illness thou healest all his infirmities.As for me, I said, "0 Lord, be gracious to me; heal me, for I have sinned against thee!" (41.1-5)

24

Struys, op.cit., p. 445.

17

Illness is frequently described as going down to Sheol, to the depths of the pit (88.3,4,6; 28.1). In Psalm 88 it seems as if it is in God's own best interest to heal the person. "Are thy wonders known in the darkness or thy saving help in the land of forgetfulness?" iT'll/) YIH:J lnp-,Y1 lHJ!:J "ll'·n:J lJ,l'il (13). In a similar way the author of Psalm 6 reminds God: "For in death there is no remembrance of thee; in Sheol who can give thee praise?" lJ-iT,1' >rJ J1Hili:J Tl:JT nm:J ]'H >:J (6). Psalm 30 is a psalm of thanksgiving for healing: 0 Lord, my God, I cried to thee for help, and thou hast healed me. (2) 0 Lord, thou hast brought up my soul from Sheol, restored me to life from among those gone down to the pit. (3) 0 Lord, my God, I will give thanks to thee for ever. (13)

The book of Proverbs gives us some insights into psychological healing, the effects of the mind on the body and the effect of the tongue on others: There is one whose rash words are like sword thrusts, tongue of the wise brings healing

but the (12.18)

H91D D'DJn J1~J1 Jln n11p10J ~1J ~·

Insights into following:

man's

psychological

makeup

are

shown

in

Hope deferred makes the heart sick, but a desire fulfilled is a tree of life. ~HJ ~1Hn o••n y~1 JJ-~JnD ~~ nJn1n (13.12) A cheerful heart is a good medicine but a downcast spirit dries up the bones 011-~·n ~HJl n111 ~~1 J~'' nov JJ (17.22) A man's spirit will endure sickness but a broken spirit who can bear? ~lHW' 'D ~HJl n111 1~JnD JJJJ' ~·H-n11 (18.14)

As to what heals it is none other than fear of the Lord: Be not wise in your own eyes; evil. It will be healing to refreshment to your bones :~10

fear your

the Lord, and turn from flesh (lit. navel) and (3.7-8)

11D1 ~1~'-nH HI' l'l'~ OJn ·~n-JH l'n1DY~J '1~1 l~J ·~n n1H91

the

18

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

WORDS DESCRIBING ILLNESS

Before turning to the major challenge to the paradigm on sickness and healing - the book of Job - we look first at the words used for sickness and healing. Their usage helps us understand the state of healing in Israel and gives us awareness of words used to express sickness and healing in the Hebrew material of the Second Temple period. The most common word to describe illness is n)n which is used for becoming or feeling weak, for sickness and for the effect of a wound. In Judges 16 n)n describes the weakness of Samson which enables the Philistines to bind him (vs. 7, 11, 17). In Gen 48.1 Joseph is told: "Behold your father is ill." n)'n l'~H nJn. In 1 Kings 22.34 it describes the fatal battle wound of the king of Israel "Turn around, and carry me out of the battle, for I am wounded." nmon-]D 'JH'Y1n1 l , ' l::ln •n•)nn ':J. Thus the word n)n aptly fits the concept of illness26 as distinct from disease. The way in which the word n:Jn (n:JJ) describes the action of being hit or struck down with illness emphasizes the external source of illness. It does not come from an internal biological malfunctioning. In Deut 28 God threatens to strike down His people if they do not observe the commandments and statutes placed before them: The Lord will smite you with the boils of Egypt, and with the ulcers and the scurvy and the itch, of which you cannot be healed. The Lord will smite you with madness and blindness and confusion of mind. (vs. 27-28; cf. Deut 32.39)

The fourth of the songs of the suffering servant of God uses a third word based on the root ~H:J to describe illness in addition to n)n and n:Jn. "Surely he has borne our griefs (lit. sicknesses) and carried our sorrows (lit. pains); yet we esteemed him stricken, smitten by God, and afflicted l)'Jn ]:JH nn1m n·n·)H n:JD lJ11J 1nr:1ton nmH1 n)~o 1 p~·H:JD1 HIOJ Hm (Isaiah 53.4).

26 For a fuller discussion of terms used to describe illness and healing, see K. Seybold, Das Gebet des Kranken im Alten Testament, Stuttgart, 1973, pp. 20-30. See also Struys, op.cit., p. 386f.

19

Seybold calls attention to the peculiar linguistic structure of the names of some illnesses. 27 He cites np),, nn~ and n~~~ usually translated as leprosy. However, most diseases do not follow this pattern. The Hebrews like the Greeks usually described a disease by its symptoms. Just as a number of words describe illness, so do a number of words describe healing or health. For the state of good health DlJill is frequently used as it is in modern Hebrew. "And Joab said to Amasa, 'Is it well with you, my brother?'" •nH nnH DlJilln Hll/D~J ~Hl' IDH.'l (2 Sam 20.9). The word n~liN is used for the healing of a wound and more especially for the healing of the nation (Is 58.8) and restoration of walls (2 Chr 24.13 and Ne 4.1). The word n)~ which also refers to the healing over of a wound, is used by Jeremiah in a figurative sense to describe the lack of any healing remedies for the sins of the people (30.13, 46.11). The common word to live n•n is also used to heal or to restore to health. The connotation seems to be "to revive to the fullness of life." In this last sense it is found repeatedly (11 times) in Psalm 119, for example: "My soul clings to the dust; revive me according to thy word!" np~, 11~,~ •pn '1091 ISJ~J (v. 25). It is used of the healing of Naaman's leprosy in 2 Kg 5.7 (Cf. Is 38.16). Finally, before discussing the most common word used for healing - HSJI - the word lll~n should be mentioned.which refers to binding up of all sorts, but especially of wounds. It is used figuratively by Hosea in 6.1 when the prophet says of God that He has stricken and that He will bind up. It is a parallel to NSJI in the same verse with similar meaning. Ezechiel accuses the leaders (shepherds of Israel) of not binding up the crippled (34.4). As a substantive ~ln is used by Isaiah in 3. 7: "I will not be a healer (or dresser of wounds)." ~·n n•nH HJ The word found most often in the Hebrew scriptures to express healing is the root HSJI in its various forms ( 66 times). The same word is used to mean darn, mend, repair, pacify and (metaphorically) forgive (B.D.B.). In 1Kg 18.30 HSJI means repair or mend: "And he repaired the altar of God that 26

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p. 17.

20

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

had been thrown down." D11i1i1 i11i1' n:no-nH HSII'L In Hosea 6.1 HSII could be just as easily translated as "mend" instead of "heal." "For he has torn, that he may heal us. " "]ID H1i1 • J 1lHSII'1 However, in Num 12.13, the words of Moses after observing the leprosy of Miriam, HSJI is best understood as heal. HSJI also means to forgive in several instances. Jeremiah 3 3. 6 n•nHSJI 1 HSJID 1 i1JIH i1J-i1 1JlJD • lli1 usually translated as "Behold I will bring to it health and healing, and I will heal them ... " might better be translated "Behold I will bring it health and forgiveness and I will forgive them ... " (See also Jer 30.13). What we have then in HSJI is a word that sometimes means healing, sometimes means mending (as of pottery in Jer 19.11) and even reviving or becoming fresh as of stagnant waters becoming fresh (Ez 47. 8). In evaluating the literature of the Second Temple period it is necessary to keep in mind all these possible meaning as well as the form of the verb itself. Indeed the verb form of HSJI reveals much about the concept of God as healer in the Hebrew Scriptures. In Hebrew grammar the simplest form of the verb, the qal form, indicates an action taken by the subject. The agent and the object (of healing) are clearly defined when the verb is in the active voice, e.g. God healed him. Of the 3 7 times the qal form is used God is the active agent (subject of the verb) 33, possibly 34 times. In contrast, when the passive form of the verb, the niphal is used, only once in 17 occurrences is God involved although in this case no other agent of healing is mentioned: "heal me, o Lord, and I SHALL BE HEALED; save me and I shall be saved; for thou art my praise" (Jer 17.14). In NO place in the Hebrew Scriptures do we read the equivalent of "the doctor healed him of his disease" or "the medicine healed him. 11 God is portrayed in the Hebrew Scriptures not only as the ultimate cause of healing, but, in most instances, as the direc;t cause. 28 28

There are three passages in which God is not the active agent of H91. In Hosea 5.13 it is said that the king of Assyria will not be able to cure Ephraim and Judah and heal their wound. In Lamentations 2.13 a question is posed: "Who can heal you?" In Qoheleth's poem 3.3 we hear of a time to kill and a time to heal. In instances in which the passive form is used mention is made of God sending a condition from which a person cannot be healed

21

THE BOOK OF JOB

We now turn to the major challenge 29 to the paradigm of sickness being connected to sin and healing to forgiveness, the book of Job. In the prose sections of the book (chs. 1,2, and 42) we meet a somewhat different Job than in the poetic section (3-41). In response to the sorrows that have come upon him he says in humble acceptance of God's will: Naked I came from my mother's womb, and naked shall I return; the Lord gave, and the Lord has taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord. (1.21)

and "Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?" J:::Jpl HJ lllil-nHl D'il.JHil nHD J:::Jpl :::Jmil-nH Dl (2.10). In chapter 42 Job is doubly rewarded for his sufferings to the extent that he could give his daughters the same rights of inheritance as his sons. In Job we see a concept that we do not see elsewhere in the Hebrew Scriptures, namely that Satan is allowed to tempt man with God's permission and that sickness can be permitted by God to try the righteous person. The woes that come upon Job are not a punishment for his sin but a trick of Satan to test him. Job receives double compensation for his suffering (42.10) by which the author may signify the reward of the just man who persevered to the end. He may also be hinting that God (Deut 28.28, 35). A boil of leprous disease is pronounced healed (Lev 13.18, 37; 14.3). Several instances of the use of the passive (niphal) are metaphorical such as the waters which cause the Salt Sea to become fresh (Ez 47.8-9, see 2 Kg 2.22, the water in Jericho). The only instance of the passive use of 1-!91 with a healing "medicament" (= wailing and balm) is Jer 51.8: "Suddenly Babylon has fallen and been broken; wail for her. Take balm for her pain; perhaps she may be healed." For a fuller discussion of verb forms and all references found in the Hebrew Scripture for N91 see the article by P. Humbert, "Maladie et medecine dans !'Ancien Testament," Revue d'histoire et de Philosophie religieuses XLIV (1964) pp. 16-23 and 28-29. 29 There is no doubt that protests of innocence in the face of suffering and illness is found elsewhere in the Hebrew Scriptures, e.g., in the Psalms and in Jeremiah. (See w. Bittner, op.cit., p. 18 for a listing and brief discussion). The question is whether these passages actually challenge the paradigm or whether they are confessions of misunderstanding on the part of those who consider themselves unjustly treated or sick without cause. I think the latter is the case.

22

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

had wronged Job since, according to Israelite laws of compensation the wronged party frequently received double compensation (cf. Ex 22.7,9). In the poetic dialogue the three friends represent the traditional line of thought. Eliphaz reminds Job that no mortal can be righteous before God (4.17). He tells Job that he is being chastised by God and should be happy about it ( 5. 17) "For he wounds, but he binds up; he smites, but his hands heal." iTP~In 11'1 yno• VJ:JO'l :::PI{J' Hlil •:J (5.18). Job in response protests his innocence (6.30). He admits, however, the possibility that he has sinned but asks that he may be pardoned so that he can die in peace (7.20-21). He does not know what that sin might have been. After Bildad's speech in chapter 8 Job shows the depth of his inner suffering: Though I am innocent, I cannot answer him, I must appeal for mercy to my accuser. If I summoned him and he answered me, I would not believe that he was listening to my voice. For he crushes me with a tempest multiplies and my wounds without cause. (9.15-17) If it is a contest of strength, behold him! If it is a matter of justice, who can summon him? Though I am innocent, my own mouth would condemn me; though I am blameless, he would prove me perverse. I am blameless; I regard not myself. I Loathe my life. (9.19-21)

Job laments his sufferings and though he accepts the fact that God has sent them, he continues to protest his innocence. In chapter 31 he notes the sins he did not commit as well as his acts of charity to the poor and his just ways. His manner of dealing with God, Seybold describes as a legal quest. 30 His witness is in heaven {16.19). Elihu mentions in his speech an angel sent "to declare to man what is right for him" (33. 23). This messenger seems to be a prophetic figure. Though he never accuses Job of serious sin he does seem to allude to some sin of pride against God (33.24-33). 31 This would imply that Job is not completely without guilt and need for repentance. In the end the real meaning of Job's sufferings is not revealed. God 30

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p. 82.

31

Cf. Struys, op.cit., p. 448.

23

is God. Job's attempts to understand end in resignation. "Therefore I have uttered what I did not understand, things too wonderful for me, which I did not know."l'::IH H':n •n,lil r=>J lnH HJl •100 nlHJ~l (42. 3). Nevertheless, God rebukes Job's friends for not speaking rightly about the ways of God (42.78). The conclusion they draw that illness and suffering follow sin is not wrong but it cannot be universally applied. In any case, it does not apply to Job. Hence, they must make a sacrifice and Job will pray for them to be forgiven. Thereupon follows Job's full restoration to the community. His rehabilitation is symbolized by the giving of money and the gold ring (42.11). In Job's response to Zophar Job refers to his friends as healers/physicians in a negative way. "Ye are plasterers of lies, Ye are all physicians of no value" ( 13.4, JPS) . 32 The idiom lp!ll • )~ · tl refers to wound surgeons who resorted to false surgical plasters. In the context here, the so-called friends bring no comfort to Job by their false words. Hence they do not heal (internally) at all.

MEDICAL CARE Physicians other than wound healers must have made their appearance in Israel before the time of Ben Sira. At the time of the writing of Chronicles it does appear that there were physicians to consult. In 1 Kings 15.24 we are told only that Asa suffered from a disease of the feet. In the parallel account in 2 Chronicles we read: "In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa was diseased in his feet, and his diseases became severe; yet even in his disease he did not seek the Lord, but sought help from physicians." o•ro1Jro nlto::J HDH HJn•l illil•-nH 101,-H) l'Jn::J Dll l'Jn i1Jl7DJ-,l7 l'Jli::J lnDJDJ Wlnl o•H~·..,::J •:::> (16.12). The passage admits of various interpretations. It is obvious that Asa is criticized for consulting physicians in his illness. This criticism could be interpreted to mean that it is wrong to consult physicians in times of illness. It could also mean that it was wrong in As a's case because his relationship with God was not in order. This is 31 The author's employment of these two strong images is scarcely flattering to the wound surgeons and healers (herbalists?) of his day.

24

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

indicated by his not seeking the Lord. Chronicles in other passages shows a higher interest in medical descriptions than the other historical books. (cf. 2 Chr. 26.16f and 2 Chr 16.11f) . 33 The lack of more advanced medical care, if there was one, was not necessarily a great injustice or misfortune which the Israelites experienced. We have seen earlier the ways in which the Mosaic code promoted what we would today call preventive medicine. The Israelite priests, unlike their counterparts in Greece, Mesopotamia and Egypt, did not attempt to heal illnesses. They were health inspectors who pronounced the presence of leprosy or some other illness that would render a person unclean. They determined its seriousness and, if it cleared up, pronounced the person clean and supervised the rites of atonement to purify the ill persons (Lev 11-15). To have done more than that would have probably meant becoming involved in the practices of magic and exorcism of the surrounding nations. Scientific medicine was not always very scientific and was often ineffective. Of the 42 clinical cases analyzed in detail by the great Hippocrates, cases he treated himself, 60% died in treatment. Nonetheless, whether the Israelites were actually deprived of more scientifically-based medicine or not is a moot point. The Hebrew Scriptures should not be taken as an accurate guide to the state of medicine in ancient Israel. The Bible is written largely from the standpoint of man's relationship to God. It indicates how one should behave when ill and to whom one should turn. Whether Greek or Egyptian physicians actually practiced in Israel and whether the educated classes had access to their skills and medicaments are questions about which the Bible is silent. But, from this silence we should not hastily conclude that medical care in Israel was vastly inferior to that available in neighboring lands. Ancient Israel was, after all, not a remote island, but rather a crossroads for surrounding nations in peace as well as in war. The influence of other cultures, including positive contributions such as more scientific medicine, would have been difficult to avoid. 33

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p.

41.

25

It is also axiomatic that sick persons will turn to whatever means they think will cure them from a long illness. I am not convinced that the IsraelitesfJews behaved any differently in this respect, despite some religious scruples. This is not to deny that some people had difficulties turning to physicians when ill. The book of Ben Sira (see ch. 38) written about the year 180 BCE in Jerusalem (?) makes it clear that members of the community were divided about the value of physicians and medical treatment. No doubt the strong emphasis on God as the sender of illness upon man when he had sinned and upon God as the healer when man had repented largely excluded the role of demons in bringing illness and, therefore, exorcism of these same demons. The story of Saul's affliction by an evil spirit sent by God (1 Sam 16.14-23) is also the story of God's rejection of Saul because of his sins. Later tradition enhances the story into a full-fledged exorcism but in the biblical account the story attests to the belief that music can repel evil (depression). Throughout the account of Saul's affliction it is made clear that the evil spirit is sent by God, that is, under God's control and not an independent force. Music is also used to induce ecstasy by the sons of the prophets (2 Sam 10.5). CONCLUSION

During the period of the writing of te Hebrew Scriptures, the ill person accepted his illness as God's punishment for his sins or the sins of his people. Therefore, repentance was the most effective means of healing. The book of Job and, to a lesser extent, some of the Psalms, while accepting the teaching that God is the healer, objected to the conclusion that illness is always the result of sin. Job and these Psalms express the anguish of the righteous man who, nonetheless, experiences illness and suffering. It was a major religious challenge to justify the use of medical means and the consultation of physicians. That justification was eventually based on Ex 21.18-19: When men quarrel and one strikes the other with a stone or with his fist and the man does not die but keeps his bed, then if

26

HEBREW SCRIPTURES the man rises again and walks abroad with his staff, he that struck him shall be clear; only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and shall have him thoroughly healed.

The passage as it stands refers to liability for loss of working time and proper care by (presumably) a wound surgeon. From this the Talmud argues (Baba Kamma 85a) that the physician receives his permission to heal. That, however, did not settle the matter. Even in the Middle Ages Ibn Ezra (10891164) commenting on Ex 21.19 understood it to mean that only the healing of wounds was permitted. 34 The lofty position in which the physician is held in Ben Sira 38 and the esteem of medicines one finds there is absent in toto from the Hebrew Scriptures.

34 Nachmanides, who was also a physician, acknowledged that the physician had permission to heal, but said that a person who feared the Lord would not consult a physician (see his comments on Lev 26). The church in the middle ages prohibited churchmen from practicing surgery (Council of Tours 1163). The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) decreed that the first duty of a physician when asked to see a patient was to summon a priest.

TOBIT

The Book of Tobit is a carefully crafted narrative, the purpose of which is to support the best traditions of the Jewish religion. The fact that the author draws upon folklore and tells his story in a highly engaging way1 should not obscure his serious purpose of encouraging righteousness (1.3; 14.9), proper burial of the dead (ch. 2; 14.10), almsgiving (1.3; 14.11), honoring one's parents (4.3), repentance (13.6), marrying one's own kin ( 4 .12) and prayer ( 12. 8; 13 .1) . 2 The concerns of the author are typical of the later post-exilic period. The finding of fragments in Aramaic and Hebrew at Qumran assure a Second Temple date for Tobit. The book itself purports to be written during the Assyrian captivity (1.1-3). No modern scholar supports that contention. The book lacks historical references which would date it more exactly. As a result, scholars tend to date Tobit from what it does not contain, namely, the absence of references to the troubles of the Maccabean period and the lack of influence of Greek wisdom on the book. The book's similarity in world-view to Esther and Judith, the characterization of Judaism as a closely knit group of people havurah strongly suggest a third century BCE milieu. 3

1 P. Deselaers examines seven different literary genres, each of which has its proponents, before giving his reasons for calling Tobit a "Lehrerzahlung in romanhafter Gestaltung." Das Buch Tobit, Gottingen, 1982, pp. 262-278. The author chose a popular medium to communicate his purposes to a wide audience. 2 A. DiLella says: "The book of Tobit as a whole should not be viewed as an enchanting, but nonetheless esoteric, romance that lies outside the mainstream of authentic life. It is rather a well-constructed narrative in the service of Israelite religion, a narrative that embodies many of the great traditions of the nation • s past ... The author of Tobit sought to legitimate by means of his colorful story the thought world and coordinates of Israelite religion." "The Deuteronomic Background of the Farewell Discourse in Tobit 14.13-11," CBQ 41 (1979) pp. 387-388.

3 See D. Flusser,

Encyclopaedia Biblica (Hebr) col.

370, 1958.

28

TOBIT

The provenance of Tobit is disputed. Many scholars maintain a Diaspora origin, among the Zimmerman 4 (Antioch) , Deselaers (Alexandria) and Grintz (Persia). The fact that the book is set in the Diaspora does not mean that it originated there. A charming story with a distinct setting from an earlier era would undoubtedly have been of interest to many Jerusalemites. Those who argue in favor of a provenance within the Land of Israel (Milik, J.C. McKenzie and Flusser) 5 have the evidence of the book's being read there in two languages. Although we cannot say for certain where the book was composed we should not exclude the Land of Israel from serious consideration. Given the probable third century dating of Tobit, the (unpublished) Qumran fragments in Hebrew and Aramaic, the Semiticisms in the Greek texts and the claim by Jerome that he used an Aramaic text for his translation of Tobit, most scholars today claim that the book was written in either Aramaic or Hebrew. 6 The need for a popular third century work written in Aramaic to be translated into Hebrew is not obvious, whereas it is not difficult to understand why a Hebrew work would be translated into Aramaic so that it could be read by a greater audience. 7 The Book of Tobit is not, however, available to us in a Semitic text which is based on the original. Both the Neubauer Aramaic and Munster Hebrew are translations of the Middle Ages. The Vulgate translation of Jerome is as much a paraphrase as it is a translation. The Old Latin is dependent upon the Greek Sinaiticus text. This Greek text (S) is one of 4 F. Zimmerman suggests a setting of Antioch under the Seleucids (165 BCE) at a time when Jews were forbidden to bury their dead. The Book of Tobit, New York, 1958, p. 19f. 5

See Flusser, op.cit., col. 369f.

6 Deselaers' complicated analysis of Tobit attempts to distinguish several stages in the redaction of the book with the basic story written in Alexandria followed by a Jerusalem redaction, an Alexandrian one, a further Jerusalem one and a final redaction. See I. Nowell's arguments against Deselaer's theory as well as a summary of the reasons for claiming that the original text was Hebrew or Aramaic in The Book of Tobit, Washington, D.C., 1983. 7 See Flusser, op.cit., col. 374. Possibly a translation into Hebrew would have given the book more esteem.

29

the two principal recensions available. The other, based on Codices Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, is referred to as the BA text. In addition, there is a third, mixed grouping of 107 minuscule Greek manuscripts. It is not possible to determine which of the two major recensions is based on the other one. Since there are good arguments for both texts, all critical editions print both s and BA. 8 It is certain that one of the sources for Tobit was the Story of Ahikar, a story centuries older than Tobit. Ahikar is mentioned in chapter 1 as a nephew of Tobit and a cupbearer for the Assyrian king (v. 22). D.C. Simpson cited another potential source when he described Tobit as "a tale of a Grateful Ghost, and how he made recompense to his benefactor who cared for his dead body. " 9 This position receives some support from 1 Enoch where Raphael is said to be the angel in charge of the spirits of men. 10 Moreover, the theme of burying the dead is most important to the book of Tobit. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that Raphael in Tobit lacks several characteristics of the Grateful Dead Man. Nor does he appear as an agent for one. 11 The reference in 1 Enoch to an angel set over the spirits of the dead was likely part of oral tradition upon which the author drew to create his story. The relationship of that tradition to the Grateful Dead Man, a story which began circulating many centuries later, remains to be proven. 12

8 For a thorough and up-to-date discussion of the texts of Tobit see R. Hanhart, Text und Textgeschichte des Buches Tobit, Abhandl. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, 139, 1984. For a shorter presentation see the introductory material in the Gottingen Tobit which Hanhart edited. 9

D.C. Simpson, APOT II, p. 715.

10

See Flusser's treatment, op.cit., cols. 371-373.

11 See S. Liljeblad, Helfern, Lund, 1927.

Die Tobiasgeschichte

und andere Marchen

mit

Toten

12 T.F. Glasson proposes a plausible source for Tobit. He sees Tobit as dependent upon a type or variation of the Monster in the Bridal Chamber motif. He identifies it as a legend contained in Apollodorus. "There is a Greek legend which tells how the god Apollo lived for a time disguised as a mortal in the service of Admetus. Admetus sought Alcestis in marriage; but in the bridal chamber he found coiled snakes which prevented access to the bride. His 'manservant' Apollo came to his rescue and delivered him from this situation." "The Main Source of Tobit," ZATW 71 (1959) p. 276.

30

TOBIT

The Book of Tobit contains healing material in the form of a healing minister of God, the angel Raphael; it contains an exorcism of the demon Asmodeus and an account of the healing of Tobit's eyes. In the central Biblical perspective on healing based on Exodus 15.26, the individual's relationship to God is the principal determining factor in illness or health. In the book of Tobit, however, it is clear that both Tobit (1.3) and Sarah ( 3.14-15) are innocent. Sarah's husbands repeatedly die not simply because of the demon, but also because it is part of God's plan that she marry her only eligible kinsman (5.11-12; 3 .15). The blindness of Tobit occurs because Tobit, who is ritually unclean after performing the mitzvah of burying the dead, is ignorant of the sparrows above him (2.10}. The ultimate cause of the blindness is, however, God. When Tobit is able to see again he says: "For thou hast afflicted me, but thou hast had mercy on me." EIJ.CmTCywcrcxc; KCXL 'li:.\€TJocxc; IJ.E (BA 11.15, RSV). The following statement about the physicians may simply highlight the miraculous nature of the later healing or it may be a negative comment on bad medical care similar to the comment made about the healers who had treated the woman with a hemorrhage in the gospels of Mark (5.25} and Luke (8.43). "I went to the physicians but they did not help me." KCXL £nopEV9TJV npbc; LCXTpovc;, KCXL OUK wcpEATJO&v IJ.E (BA 2.10). There is no laudatory statement about physicians in Tobit to match Ben Sir a's assessment in 38.1-15. The S text and the Vetus Latina are even more graphic. They imply that the droppings impaired Tobit's vision, but that it was the doctors themselves by their mistreatment who blinded Tobit:

on

But the more ointments they tried me with, the more the spot blinded me, and in the end I became blind altogether. 13 (S 2.10, JB).

In the next text with healing material Raphael receives his assignment from God:

13 There is no doubt that the acids in the bird droppings alone could be responsible for the blindness. Zimmerman though using the s text omits translating this part of the verse. Cf. also Deselaer's interesting discussion of blindness in the Hebrew Scriptures, op.cit., p. 131.

31

This time the prayer of each of them found favor before the glory of God, and Raphael was sent to bring remedy to them both. He was to take the white spots from the eyes of Tobit, so that he might see God's light with his own eyes; and he was to give Sarah, the daughter of Raguel, as bride to Tobias, son of Tobit, and to rid her of Asmodeus, that worst of demons. (S.l6-17, JB)

The translation of verse 16 in the BA version which reads "in the presence of the glory of the great Raphael" is surely wrong. Raphael, one the "angels of the presence" was with God. The BA text does not contain "that he might see God's light with his own eyes." The theme of light (of God, 3. 17; of heaven, 5.12; of his son, 11.14) is a distinctive feature of the S text. In these verses Raphael receives three tasks to perform: 1) to heal Tobit's eyes, 2) to give Sarah to Tobias as wife which follows upon 3) ridding Sarah of the evil demon. 14 The text also reminds the reader that God answers the cries of the innocent, Sarah (3.14) and the sorrowful, Tobit (3 .1-6). In chapter 5 Raphael arrives posing as a young man looking for work and when asked to identify himself gives the name Azariah (God helps). In the S text Raphael's arrival is connected with both joy and healing: When Raphael entered the house, Tobit greeted him first. Raphael said, "Hearty greetings to you!" Tobit replied: "What joy is left for me any more? Here I am, a blind man who cannot see God's sunlight, but must remain in darkness, like the dead who no longer see the light! Though alive, I am among the dead. I can hear a man's voice, but I cannot see him." Raphael said, "Take courage! God has healing in store for you; so take courage." (5.10, N.A.B.)

In comparison with the BA text the dialogue is enhanced in the S text and healing is mentioned. The S text uses the dialogue to portray the state of darkness that has come upon Tobit. Without sight he is like a dead man without joy. Raphael's role here is to give Tobit a word of encouragement that God will eventually heal him. He also assures Tobit that he is of 14 Asmodeus in apocryphal literature is most often seen as one of the seven evil Persian demons, namely Aeshma-Daeva. In rabbinic literature, Ashmedai, the king of the demons is defanged. It may be argued whether the two, Aeshma-Daeva and Ashmedai, are to be identified. See L. Ginsberg, "Asmodeus," Jewish Encyclopaedia II, pp. 217-220.

TOBIT

32

good lineage, a kinsman in fact. He has already assured Tobias that he knows the way to Rages in Media (5.). The story adds ironically the words of Tobit's blessing that an angel may accompany his son for safety {S 5.21) . 15 In chapter 6 Tobit leaves with Raphael accompanied by a dog in the S version. The dog may serve as a familiar traveling companion as in the Odyssey. He may also remind his reader that healing will take place. In Babylon the goddess of healing, Gula, was represented as a dog. In Egypt, Thoth, one of the gods of healing, was frequently represented as part dog. 16 The dog's role is, in any case, incidental. Not so the role of the fish. Raphael orders Tobias to catch the fish when it leaps from the Tigris River (6.2-3). Parts of the fish are to serve as a remedy for Tobit's blindness and for the release of Sarah from the demon Asmodeus. Raphael, representing the healing power of God by the derivation of his name, prescribes what each part of the fish is to be used for. Thus, he appears in the story, not as a wonder-working angel from heaven, but as a doctor. Raphael also represents God's presence in the journey of a righteous man. Finally, he acts with the power of God in binding Asmodeus after the demon has fled to upper Egypt. The texts vary in their explanations of what the fish attempted to do to Tobias, either to swallow him (BA) or to bite his foot (S). Since parts of the fish were eaten we know that the fish was not a crocodile, perhaps the understanding of the BA text. The crocodile is a non-kosher animal which no observant Jew would have eaten. 17 Speculations abound as to what type of fish it was supposed to be. Von Soden thinks he has identified the large fish as a kuppu whose gall served as a remedy for eye diseases in Assyria. 18 C. Creighton claims 15 See I. Nowell for the identification of Raphael as an "ironic person," op.cit., p. 197f. 16 Zimmerman claims that the dog's presence is derived from folklore motifs "to hold or divert a dragon when the hero attacked." When the dragon (or monster) took the form of Asmodeus, a spirit, the dog no longer had any real function." op.cit., p. 118. 17 Except when life was endangered. Simpson cites references for the use of crocodile liver for epilepsy and gall for leucoma. APOT I, p. 186. 18

W.

von

Soden,

"Fischgalle

Orientforschung 21 (1966) p. 82.

als

Heilsmittel

fi.ir

Augen,"

Archiv

fi.ir

33

that the author of Tobit was mistaken, that gall would have made the condition worse; the author must have meant some type of ink pigmentation made from the fish. 19 I. Gamer-Wallert researched all the species of fish known in ancient Egypt and the cults associated with them, but adds nothing new to the discussion. 20 Earlier authors had already pointed out (Budge, e.g.) that fish in Egypt were often used as a sacrifice to the dead and that fish were seen as guarantors of reincarnation. We cannot, however, determine the species of fish the author intended. More important than the kind of fish is its symbolic value as Deselaers notes: "Damit ist der Fisch hier als Symbol einer gro~en Macht gezeichnet, die aus der (dunklen) Tiefe des Flusses hochspringt.n2l The liver and the heart of the fish when burned together do have the power to ward off evil. Raphael explains their purpose when questioned by Tobias: As regards the fish's heart and liver, if you burn them so that the smoke surrounds a man or a woman who is affected by a demon or evil spirit, the affliction will leave him completely, and no demons will ever return to him again. (S 6.8, N.A.B.)

Folklore is full of different traditions about the use of parts of a fish for medicinal purposes. According to Pliny fish gall was a remedy for eye ailments (Nat. Hist. XXXII 24) • 22 our author seems to have been familiar with that usage.

19

C. Creighton, "Eye Diseases," Encyclopaedia Biblica, 1901, col. 1455.

20 I. Gamer-Wallert, "Fische und Fischkulte im Alten Agypten," Agyptologische Abhandlungen 21 (1970). Identified as a sheatfish, a large catfish, in the Testament of Solomon 5.10. 21

Deselaers, op.cit., p. 118.

22 Zimmerman conjectures that in the lost earliest version of the story the liver cured the blindness and the heart and gall were instruments of the exorcism. He further conjectures that the salt mentioned in verse 5 was not used to preserve the fish (the logical conclusion from the text) but, that "Salt had magical property and would control any injurious magic left in the disjecta membra of the fish." op.cit., pp. 80-81. It is true that salt has been used in many cultures to ward off evil spirits. (See E. Jones, "The Symbolic Significance of Salt," Essays in Applied Psychoanalysis, London, 1951, p. 21) But it is not evident to me why there would be any "injurious magic" left in the parts of the fish. Jerome, who certainly would have been familiar with the practice of using salt in church ritual to ward off evil understands the salt as preservative: "quod cum fecisset assavit carnes eius et secum sustulerunt in via cetera

34

TOBIT

Raphael explains the purpose of the gall: "and as for the gall, if you rub it on the eyes of a man who has cataracts, his sight will be restored" {S 6.8). The use of incense as fumigation is well attested in the ancient world. 23 Fumigation was used in the treatment of gynecological diseases and as a means of driving out evil spirits in many parts of the ancient world. 24 The use of fumigation is not sufficient of itself to bring about the permanent separation of the demon Asmodeus from Sarah. 25 Prayer on the part of Tobias seems an essential part of the deliverance. 26 Raphael tells Tobias that he and Sarah are to pray and to call out for God's mercy before consummating the marriage: Then when you are about to have intercourse with her, both of you first rise up to pray. Beg the Lord of heaven to show you mercy and grant you deliverance. (S 6.18 N.A.B.)

In chapter 8 we see that Tobias faithfully carries out the instructions of the angel. The demon flees into upper (or

salierunt

quae

sufficerent

eis

quosque

pervenirent

in

Rages

civitatem

Medorum."

Among others using gall for such treatment were Democritus (gall of a hyena), Dioscorides (sea-scorpion), Hippocrates (goat) and Meletus (human being). In the thirties a Greek ophthalmologist claimed he experimented successfully with gall as a cure for leucoma. For a precise and highly interesting overview of the subject with references to ancient, Byzantine and modern writers, some of whom wrote about Tobit's blindness and cure, see the article by J. Papayannopoulos, J. Laskaratos and S. Marketos, "Remarks on Tobit's Blindness," Koroth 9, 1-2 (1985) pp. 181-187. 23

See "Incense" by J.A. MacCulloch in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion

and Ethics 7, pp. 201-205.

24 H.E. Sigerist, A History of Medicine I, New York, 1977, pp. 479.

197, 243,

25 See P.E. Dian's discussion of ~ as a term for divorce equivalent to i\uw to describe the separation of the demon from Sarah. "Raphael l'Exorciste," Biblica 57 (1976) p. 406f. 26 Jerome adds several verses to the account to teach that the other seven husbands wanted Sarah solely out of human lust. Tobit has power over the demon because he is not so motivated but waits until the third night to consummate the marriage. On the second night the couple is admitted into the company of the holy patriarchs. The Gaster Hebrew text of Tobit, largely based on the Vulgate, has the couple calling upon the assistance of the patriarchs.

35

remote) Egypt, the traditional source of magic arts, 27 where in both BA and s versions Raphael shackles him: When they had finished eating and drinking, the girl's parents wanted to retire. They brought the young man out of the dining room and led him into the bedroom. At this point Tobiah, mindful of Raphael's instructions, took the fish • s liver and heart from the bag which he had with him, and placed them on the embers for the incense. The demon, repelled by the odor of the fish, fled into Upper Egypt; Raphael pursued him there and bound him hand and foot. The Raphael returned immediately. When the girl's parents left the bedroom and closed the door behind them, Tobiah arose from bed and said to his wife, "My love, get up. Let us pray and beg our Lord to have mercy on us and to grant us deliverance." She got up, and they started to pray and beg that deliverance be theirs. (S 8.1-5, N.A.B.)

In the Vulgate the smoke and prayer are not sufficient to drive away the demon. Raphael is also needed for this purpose: "Rafehel angelus adprehendit daemonium et religavit eum in deserto superioris Aegypti." Jerome may have added this to reduce the semi-magical associations of the fumigation. After the wedding feast (8.19-21) and the recovery of the money from Raguel (ch. 9), Tobias returns home with his wife. Immediately before arriving Raphael gives instruction as to what to do with the fish gall: "Smear the fish gall on them (Tobit's eyes). This medicine will make the cataracts shrink and peel off from his eyes; then your father will again be able to see the light of day." Then Anna ran up to her son, threw her arms around him, and said to him, "Now that I have seen you again, son, I am ready to die!" And she sobbed aloud. Tobit got up and stumbled out through the courtyard gate. Tobiah went up to him with the fish gall in his hand, and holding him firmly, blew into his eyes, and it made them smart. Then, beginning at the corners of Tobit's eyes, Tobiah used both of his hands to peel off the cataracts. When Tobit saw his son, he threw his arms around him and wept. He exclaimed, "I can see you, son, the light of my eyes." (S 11.8-14, N.A.B)

The S text and the Vetus Latina mention the procedure of blowing into the eyes previous to the administration of the gall as instructed in s 6.9. The s text also includes Tobit's 27 See L. Blau, Das Altjiidische Zauberwesen, Berlin, 1914, pp. 3749. In the Bible itself both Egypt (Ex 7.1-13) and Babylon (Is 47.9-15) are cited as centers of magic, witchcraft and sorcery.

36

TOBIT

first words upon seeing his son: "I see you, my boy, the light of my eyes" (11.14}. With the restoration of his eyesight, the joy announced by Raphael to Tobit (S 5.1) is realized and Tobit is able to praise God and his angels. In chapter 12 the time has arrived to resolve the matter of Raphael's wages. Tobias suggests giving one half of the possessions he has acquired on the journey to Raphael. Tobit agrees. Raphael has faithfully performed all the tasks the author has assigned to him. "For he has led me back to you safely, he cured my wife, he obtained the money for me, and he also healed you." OTL 1-LE cXYELOXEV OOL uyL'I] KCXL 'TTJV yuvcx'lK& j.lOU e9EpOmEUOEV KCXL &pyvpLOV j.lOU ~VEYKEV KCXL cr£ Oj.lOLW~ e9EpanEUOEV (BA 12.3, RSV). Raphael then takes them aside and mentions the importance of four things: 1} to bless, thank and openly confess the works of God; 2} to pray with sincerity; (BA has with fasting j.lE'TCx VT)O'TELcxc;} 28 3} to give alms and 4} to bury the dead ( 12. 6-12} . After this Raphael reveals who he is. The response of Tobit and Tobias recalls that of the disciples of Jesus in the transfiguration accounts in the gospels (Mt 17.18; Mk 9.2-8; Lk 9.28-36}. As in the accounts in the gospels, so here in Tobit, those present fall down and are told not to be afraid. Stricken with fear, the two men fall down and are told not to be afraid. But Raphael said to them: "No need to fear; you are safe .• Thank God now and forever." (S 12.16-17, N.A.B.)

CONCLUSION

The author of Tobit preserves part of the central biblical perspective on healing (Ex 15. 26} by using an angel sent on assignment by God to communicate healing. The BA text makes this clear by adding in the words of Raphael that he did not come "As a favor on my part, but by the will of our God" O'TL ou 'TlJ Ej.lCXU'TOU xapLTL, cXAACx 'TlJ 9EATJOEL 'TOU 9eo0 Tti-LWv l];:>..aov (12.18}. Raphael is the doctor who prescribes a remedy. He provides the knowledge of "how to do it" and shackles the demon. The 28 Zimmerman, op. cit., p. 109, suggests that a later scribe changed the reading in light of Mark 9.29 which mentions prayer with fasting. However, the addition of fasting is a variant and may not be original.

37

author avoids assigning to him the role of carrying out the healings. That would have spoiled the suspense of the. story. We knew from the beginning who Raphael really was; Tobit, Tobias and the others in the story did not. Tobias, like his father, acts in faith when he trusts a seemingly young man's advice to use various means to rid Sarah of the demon and to heal his father's eyes. Strictly speaking, except for the binding of the demon (8.3) Raphael does not perform the function of exorcist. This may be a deliberate attempt on the part of the author to avoid giving tacit approval to the pagan exorcists about whom he undoubtedly knew. our author dissociates illness from sin. In this he departs from the teaching of Exodus 15.26. Tobit's innocence is stressed from the opening chapter of the book (1.3) as is Sarah's ( ch. 3) . Tobit acknowledges, however, that it is God who afflicted him (11.14). This dissociation of· illness from sin is not without some ambiguity. The author tells us that those who continue to sin are their own worse enemies (12.10) and that if one does good evil will not find one, meaning perhaps in the case of Tobit that no true evil has befallen him. Tobit's healing leads to the glorification of God (12.7,11). Although our author dissociates illness and misfortune from sin, he, nonetheless, attributes to God any healing that takes place. That healing occurs in response to the just man or woman who cries out for help. In Tobit healing does not happen "miraculously." The means used (including gall and fumigation) were not unusual ones in the ancient world. Thus, we have a story with which everyone can identify. In our journey through life, God accompanies, helps and heals us.

BEN SIRA

The wisdom of Jesus Ben Sira presents no problems of authorship, date or original language. The author's name is given in 50.27 as Simeon son of Jesus, son of Eleazar, son of Sira. The approximate date of the writing of the book - ca. 180 BCE - may be derived from the description of when the author's grandson found the book before translating it (38th year of King Euergetes according to Prologue v. 27) as well as by other internal evidence. The grandson tells us that he translated it into Greek from Hebrew (v.22). With general agreement on these three matters, the question remains as to which texts best represent the Hebrew original, the Geniza manuscripts which, together with the Qumran and Masada fragments, yield two thirds of the book or the best critical edition of the Greek text (Gottingen)? Since the discovery of the Geniza texts by S. Schechter, scholars have debated their value as witnesses to the Vorlage.1 After considering these arguments, A. DiLella presents convincing evidence that the Geniza manuscripts are substantially genuine even if they do indicate in places retroversions from the Syriac.2 Hence, in determining what Ben Sira taught about healing, priority is given here to the Hebrew text.3 The author of Ben Sira identifies wisdom with the Torah and stresses both the observance of the mitzvot and cultic worship. His purpose is to defend Jewish religious and cultural values in view of the reality of Hellenization in Jerusalem and the threat of greater Hellenization. To both his

1 Among those who have affirmed that the Greek text best represents the original are D.S. Margoliouth, S. Zeitlin, c. Torrey and H.L. Ginsberg. Among those who have upheld the Hebrew are R. Smend, M. Segal, G.H. Box and W. Oesterley (in APOT) and A. DiLella. 2

A. DiLella, The Hebrew Text of Sirach, The Hague, 1966, p. 17.

3 Text as published by the Academy of the Hebrew Language and the Shrine of the Book in 1973.

39

fellow Jews and to others who may read his work he demonstrates that true wisdom resides in Israel. Before looking at the principal text on healing in Ben Sira (38.1-15) we observe several texts which mention healing. The first is 3. 28. y'J n::::li'J n1H91J ynn JH which is secondary and better read according to the Greek 4 as if it were: y) n::::li'J nH191 n'J l'H encxywy'iJ um:p'T]civou OUK EOTLV 'CcxoLo:piJ.cxKov £oTLv T] IJ.CXKpo8uvCcx, KCXL nOAAa a"{cx8a OLOWOLV TJ unOIJ.OV~ (cf. Colossians 1.11). 17 These 10 testings, 18 or at least many of them, would seem to have been the work of Beliar, though permitted by God. Thus, perseverance offered protection against yielding to them. In the same way fleeing to the Lord (T. Simeon 3.5) and fear of the Lord (T. Simeon 3.4) are apotropaic virtues serving as protection against evil and against giving in to sin. In 1.6 of the Testament of Joseph we read "I was weak (or sick) and the Most High visited me." f.v &o8eveCcx iJIJ.llV, KCXL u~LoTor,; f.nEoK€~cxT6 IJ.E (Kee has KVpLot,; for u~LOTOt,;). Verse 6 and the preceding ones are a Christian interpolation based on Matthew 25.35-37.

o

HEALTH AND THE DEATH OF THE PATRIARCHS Lastly, we look at the connection of health to the death of each of the patriarchs. 19 The text explicitly mentions that Issachar, Zebulon, Naphtali, Asher and Levi die in good health whereas Reuben and Simeon die from sickness. The text is unclear about Judah, Dan, Gad, Benjamin and Joseph. From the lips of Issachar we learn: "I am not aware of having committed a sin unto death" ouK E"{VWV f.n' EIJ.e Oq.J.cxpTCcxv e i. r,; 8avcxTov ( 7. 1) In 7. 9 we read: "And he stretched his legs and died at a good old age the fifth son, with all his members sound and still strong; he slept the eternal sleep." 17 Col 1.11 reads: "May you be strengthened with all power, according to his glorious might, for all endurance un~ov~ and patience ~Kpoeu~Ca with joy." Verse 13 adds that God has delivered us from the dominion of darkness. Both virtues appear in T. Joseph 2.7. Charles translates ~tla cj>ap~aKov as a "mighty charm." M.E. Stone translates the Armenian of verse 2.7b: "For longsuffering is a great talisman and patience grants many good things." Armenian Version of the Testament of Joseph, Missoula, Mo., 1975, p. 19. See also Hollander's description and explanation of cj>ap~Kov as "a remedy through which one secures God's help." op.cit., p. 29 18 For the theme of a patriarchal figure undergoing 10 trials or temptations see Abet 5.4, Ex R. 25.27, Gen R. 48.8, Jubilees 19.8. 19 In the Testament of Isaac (2nd century CE?) we read about the patriarch: "So now rejoice and be glad; for you will not be smitten (with disease) and will not be taken (in death)" (2.12).

12 PATRIARCHS

102

Kcxl. e!;;€TELVE Tovr; n6oor; oaiTou Kcxl. 6m€8cxve n€1-1-nor;, ev Yi'IPEL KcxA.Q, nav iJ.EAOt; exwv uyL'E:c; KCXL toxvwv U1tVWOEV unvou CXlWvLOV. "Eternal" does not mean without end but rather refers to that time period between death and the final resurrection when each patriarch will rise and rule over his own tribe (T. Benj. 10. 6).

No sin is mentioned in the account of Naphtali' s deeds. Naphtali was hosting a party when he received the word that he would die: When his sons were gathered together in the seventh month, on the fourth day of the month, and he was in good health, he gave a feast and drinking party. After he awoke early the next morning, he told them, "I am dying .•. " (1.2-J)

At the end of the Testament we find out that "He ate and drank in soulful glee, covered his face and died." KCXL cqW\1 KCXL mW\1 ev lA.cxpoTllTL l!Jux'ijr; ouveK&A.ul!Je To npoownov 0r1iToO Kcxl. 6m€8cxvev (9.2). Asher also dies in good health as is clear from the verse preceding his instruction to his sons on the "two ways." "While he was still healthy he said to them ... " en uyLcxCvwv etne npor; cxUTovr;. (1.2). Chapter a begins: After he had said these things he gave instructions, saying, "Bury me in Hebron." And he died, having fallen into a beautiful sleep (8.1) *better, "good" or "sound" sleep Kat &Lnwv aUTOL' Ta0Ta EV&T&LAaTO aUTOL' Aeywv ea~aT€ ~& &L' XE~pwv. Kat ane6av&v, vnvQ KaAQ KOL~~6&C,.

Zebulon also falls into a sound sleep (10.6). Of greater importance is that through his kindness he was preserved from illness when others fell ill around him. Now, my children, I tell you to keep the Lord's commands; show mercy to your neighbor, have compassion on all, not only human beings but to dumb animals. 2. For these reasons the Lord blessed me, and when all my brothers were ill, I alone passed without sickness, for the Lord knows the purpose of each man. J. Have mercy in your inner being, my children, because whatever one does to his neighbor, the Lord will do to him. 4. For the sons of my brothers were sickly and died on account of Joseph, because they did not act in mercy out of their inner compassion. But you, my sons, were preserved from illness, as you know. 5. When I was in Canaan catching fish by the sea for our father, Jacob, many were drowned in the sea, but I survived unharmed. (5.1-5)

103

In this chapter we see that Zebulon's compassion extended even to brute animals. {Cf. Philo, De Virtutibus 125f.) As a result he is preserved from illness and from drowning in the sea. In contrast, those who did not act out of mercy became sick and died. The principle of punishment for sin involving the instrument {organ) of sinning seen in T. Naph. 5.10 is extended here to include reward for virtuous behavior {cf. Matt 7.2). A more detailed treatment of the connection between treating one's neighbor and God's treatment of the person in return is found in Ben Sira 28.1-9, but in Ben Sira God is not bound to the exacting measure for measure as here in T. Zebulon. In 9.7 the author undoubtedly has Malachi 4.2 in mind when he says: And thereafter the Lord himself will arise upon you, the light of righteousness with healing and compassion in his wings. KaL f.LETa Ta(ha c'xvaTE:i-Et Uf.LLV auToc; KupLoc; cpwc; I'>LKaLoauvTJJ but this was not followed by other scholars. Aside from conjectures about the lacunae in lines 3 and 4, disagreements among scholars center on the subject and object of the verb p~ and the to what or to whom n) refers. The word I l l we find in Daniel four times (2.27, 4.4, 5.7, 5.11). In these passages it is usually translated "soothsayer" or "diviner" as indeed Milik took it to be, but the meaning of the word is by no means certain. 52 Of the authors cited, Meyer, Jongeling, Grelot and Cross accept Milik' s understanding of the word. 53 In an article in 1948 G. Furlani was the first to propose the meaning of Ill as exorcist. 54 Furlani's under50

Garcia Martinez, "4QOrNab. Nueva sintesis," Sefarad 40 (1980) p. 8.

51 Cross, 264.

"Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus," IEJ 34(1984)

pp.

263-

52 Discussed by Dupont-Sommer, "Exorcismes et guerisons dans les recits de Qoumran," Sup pl. to VT 7 ( 1960) pp. 256-258. 53 Gevaryahu's translation of Ill as ~n. wise man or sage, does not seem precise enough to account for the role of the Ill in Daniel. 54 G. Furlani, "Aram. Gazrin scongiurotori," Atti della accademia nationale et filogiche, Serie Ottava IV, 1948, pp. 177-196. Dupont-Sommer summarizes: "le nom gazir .. . est manifestement derive - est passe du sens de 'tailler, couper' et, par suite, decider, decreter' au sene precis de •prononcer une conjuration' c'est-a-dire, de commander aux esprits mauvais, aux demons." Exorcismes et guerisons," pp. 257-258. As a verb Ill means to cut.

153

standing of IT 1 as exorcist is accepted by Dupont-Sommer, F. Garcia and J. Fitzmyer 55 among others. The meaning of IT1 is, then, equivocal. We cannot determine the meaning independently of the context. The meaning of the word p~ is now generally agreed to be "forgive" the sense in which it is used in Targum Genesis XVIII, 24 and Targum Numbers XIV, 19. 56 Taking p:Jil/ to mean forgive and not send eliminates the possibility that ITl is the direct object of p~ (Milik) since there is no reason to forgive the IT 1. The question then arises whether IT 1 is the subject of p::JIO thereby making the IT 1 the last word of the preceding phrase (Dupont-Sommer, Garcia, Fi tzmyer) or is IT 1 the first word in the phrase which follows (Meyer, Jongeling, Grelot, Cross)? Fitzmyer takes IT1 to be the subject of p~ and takes rr) to refer to the Most High. Thus, the ITl forgives sins in God's name. 57 The rr) grammatically would be an expletive, a dativus ethicus 58 • More recently F.M. Cross has suggested another solution based on Aramaic grammar: The expression ~) pJV 'H~n1 can be understood in two ways, as a casus pendens, followed by a peal perfect 3.m.s. verb: 'As for my sin, he (The Most High) forgave it,' or as the familiar Aramaic passive participle followed by ) introducing the 55 Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Language and the Study of the New Testament," JBL 99 (1980) p. 15. 56 When Milik edited 4QPrNab he translated pJV as "accorder," to send or to grant, a meaning unacceptable to other scholars. The word sometimes means "send away" but that does not fit the context. 57

Fitzmyer, op.cit., p. 16: "an exorcist remitted my sins for me.

58 Dupont-Sommer, "Exorcismes et guerisons," p. 259. Jongeling considers this unlikely because if )~ is taken with pJV the 1 following phrase H1~1 would lack a verb, op. cit., p. 128. Garcia Martinez, after considering the solutions proposed by Dupont-Sommer (& Fitzmyer) and Jonge1ing, proposes that the two -waw's 'H~m and H1~1 be taken as demarcating new phrases, op.cit., p. 13. D.S.Attema proposes to read 'H~n "my sin" with preceding line (reconstructing the lacuna) and suggests )~ as the object of pJV. Thus "after I had confessed my sin, He (God) forgave it." "Wellicht is nog beter lh als aanduiding van het object op to vatten en het te laten terugslaan op ht'j dat dan in sing. gelezen moeten worden. Het object wordt dan niet met een suffix aan het werkwoord maar me 1 met suffix weergegeven, een in het Aramees gebruikelijke constructie. De vertaling luidt dan: 'nadat ik mijn zonde beleden had, vergaf (God) deze. '" "Het Gebed van Nabonidus," Schrift en Uitleg, Kampen, 1970, p. 11. 59

Cross, op.cit., p. 263.

154

DEAD SEA SCROLLS logical subject, 'and my sin he forgave.' In the latter case we should expect the full writing P'~; however, both the passive participle and the peal passive are in rare instances written defectively even in Masoretic Hebrew, and such a defective writi~~ is somewhat more likely in a manuscript of Hasmonean date.

Cross' solution makes sense grammatically, respects the length of the lacuna at the end of line 3 and fits the argument which follows that a diviner and not an exorcist is mentioned in the passage. Granted the fragmentary nature of 4QPrNab, it is still striking that in both 4QPrNab and in Dan 4 the Ill (who is perhaps Daniel in both writings) is only incidentally connected with healing. Daniel interprets the dream for the king and counsels him to turn away from sin ( 4. 2 7) . A voice from heaven confirms the interpretation of Daniel (vs. 31-32) and, without any intervention by Daniel, the king's reason is restored and he blesses the Most High God (v. 34). Daniel's role is as a prophet and diviner, a shabru whose speciality it was to interpret dreams. He does not appear as a healer or exorcist. In the Prayer of Nabonidus the ITl also does not exercise the role of exorcist/healer. He is a messenger sent to direct Nabonidus to praise the Most High. Some argue that ITl is a synonym for 'asaph which derives from the Akkadian word for exorcist 'asipu. 60 Indeed, it must be admitted that one of the functions of the 'asipu priest was to reconcile a person with God. If the IT 1 is the subject of p:::WJ as several scholars claim, then certainly the ITl plays a significant role in that reconciliation. If, on the other hand, the ITl is taken as the first word of the phrase which follows, then God has already 60

Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 258: "Dans Daniel, le mot gazir, 'conjurateur, exorciste' est done a peu pres synonyme du mot asaph, 'incanteur'; ce mot comme chacun sait, est le decalque arameen du mot akkadien •asipu, lequel designe l'incanteur, le conjurateur, a cote du mot masmasu dont le sens est a peu pres semblable. Le mot gazir, atteste seulement dans Daniel et dans notre Priere de Nabonide, est semble-t-il, un mot proprement arameen; s' il a rapidement disparu de 1 'usage, c 'est sans doute a cause de la concurrence meme du mot 'asipu, aramaise de bonne heure sous la forme asaph." 61 G. Contenau, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 94-95. See also "'asipu" in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary.

1938, pp.

155

forgiven the king' s sin before the IT l fulfills his role. There are, however, other considerations based on the historical Nabonidus which argue against understanding Ill as exorcist. First, Nabonidus was particularly devoted to the moon god Sin. His lack of attention to Marduk, the "exorcist" among the gods, brought him into conflict with the priesthood of Marduk Second, we frequently find and contributed to his downfall. references to the function of the baru, the diviner priest, not to the 'as ipu, among the royal inscriptions. 61 Thus, I would argue that Babylonian sources favor the association of Nabonidus with the baru or perhaps, the less highly trained sa'ilu, both diviners. Though our fragment is small, it is clear that the function that the Ill fulfills is that of diviner or prophet, not exorcist. The IT l instructs the king to honor the Most High God instead of the gods of various materials. The Most High was responsible for Nabonidus' illness. A comparison with the Genesis Apocryphon is illuminating. There, Abraham acts as an exorcist, but it is Lot who acts as a prophet/diviner, interpreting the king' s illness and telling him what he must do about it. Function may also be observed in the Book of Daniel where the 1• IT l are among those deemed capable of interpreting the king's dream. They are not expected to fulfill any exorcistic function. If Daniel himself is supposed to be a Ill, then, it must be acknowledged that he, too, never functions as an exorcist. Related to the question of whether the Ill was an exorcist is whether he forgave Nabonidus' sin. In the Surpu ritual of reconciliation the 'as1pu priest encouraged the confession of the sinner but did not forgive him. In the Genesis Apocryphon we have seen that Abraham acted as an exorcist in healing Pharaoh. He did not, however, forgive Pharaoh's sins in God's 62 See Kuhn's Konkordanz and the indices in DJD volumes as well as in Yadin's Temple Scroll. The only exception may be CD 14.19 ]11i1N n('OO) tll HI 19:::1' 1 ':>ww• 1 which c. Rabin translates "the Messiah of Aaron and Israel and he will make conciliation for their trespass." Rabin admits that others (Ginsberg, e.g.) have argued against this conjecture. Dupont-Sommer understands 19:::1 here as expiate with the Messiah as the subject. Vermes takes God to be the subject of 19:::1.

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name. In 11QtgJob 38.23, Job prays that his three friends might be forgiven of their sins, but Job is no exorcist. It remains to be proven whether there were Jews in the Second Temple period who believed that a human being could forgive another man's sins. It is true that the Gospels portray Jesus as forgiving sins, but they do not portray him as an ordinary human being or even as a great prophet. His exercise of authority over sins causes considerable scandal (Mt 9. 3; Lk 5.21). In rabbinic writings we know from b. Nedarim 41a that some rabbis of the second and third centuries (R. Alexandri in the name of R. J:liyya b. Abba) believed that no one could recover from illness until his sins were forgiven, but the rabbis did not pronounce sins forgiven in God's name. The subject of the verbs 19:J and n'Jo and the agents of iln•'JD in the Dead Sea Scrolls is always God. 62 In Grelot's reconstruction of the text ("ill me guerit et mon peche il le remit") the king is first healed and then forgiven. Both are acts of God. No exorcism takes place and no man grants forgiveness of sin. If we compare the account here with that in the Genesis Apocryphon we see that Pharaoh indicates his repentance by giving Sarai back to Abram. Abram, though he exorcises and heals Pharaoh, does not forgive his sins. Dupont-Sommer makes a point which invites comment: "and an exorcist forgave my sins." In the context, a formula such as this is obviously equivalent to "and this exorcist healed me of my sickness." In the Synoptic Gospels Jesus says in the same way to the paralytic, "My child, thy sins are forgiven," or "Arise, take thy pallet and walk!" 63

Dupont-Sommer's exegesis of the Gospel passage is a questionnable one. There is no reason in the context of Jesus' constant call to repentance to think that when he said, "thy sins are forgiven," that he meant anything else but that, namely, that one's sins are forgiven. This is precisely how the Scribes understood him. Their strong reaction is based on Jesus' saying these words (Mt 9.3; Lk 5.21). 63

Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings, op.cit., p. 325.

64 The messianic figure in ch. 53 of the Isaiah Targum prays for others who have sinned. They are forgiven for his sake but not by him. See verses 4 and 12.

157

To sum up, the purpose of the visit of the ,Tl of which we can be certain from our limited fragments is the message he conveys to Nabonidus that the king is to make written proclamation that honor, greatness and glory be given to the name of God most High. He is to give up the idols upon which he has relied. This is properly the role of a diviner or a prophet. It is also a role which Daniel plays in Dan 4. The verb p:::llll has God for its subject because neither T,l nor the Akkadian 'as1pu and baru denote someone with the responsibility and authority to forgive sins. The 'as1pu heard the confession, but did not forgive sins. In addition, there is no evidence from other Second Temple literature that the subject of forgiveness was anyone but God. 64 The word n) grammatically could be the object of the verb in which case it would refer back to the sin 'H~n (Attema) or the n) could be the subject following a passive participle (p:::llll) referring to the Most High (Cross). In either case God is the one who forgives sin. From the Prayer of Nabonidus we see reiterated the connection of illness to sin and healing to forgiveness.

FRAGMENTS FROM CAVE 4 Aside from 4QPrNab there are several other documents from Cave 4 which contain healing material. These include 4Q504, Paroles des Luminaires; 4QCryptic; 4Ql77, Catena A; 4QEnastrc and 4Q509, Prieres pour les Fetes. 65 We read in 4Q504,Paroles des Luminaires: nlDO •n)~J) 11non1 11~1~ llH~,n H'J JlHDVl 1'0'0 (nJJJ which Baillet translates as "[pour que n'en devions pas, allant) a droite et a gauche. Car Tu nous gueriras de la demence, (de l'aveuglement) et de l'egarement." col. II, 1. 14. 66 The column in which this line is found is. part of a large composition used in the liturgy of Qumran throughout the week, of which we have several columns and 48 small fragments. In his introduction to

,,D

65

4Q177, Catena A and 4QCryptic (as 4Q186) were published by Allegro in V, 1968. 4QEnastr" was published by Milik in The Books of Enoch, Aramaic Fragments, 1976. 4Q504 and 4Q509 were published by Baillet in DJD VII, 1982.

DJD

66

Ibid., VII, pp. 139-140.

67

In JSS 14 (1964) p. 291, then in DJD V, pp. 89-91.

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in the liturgy of Qumran throughout the week, of which we have several columns and 48 small fragments. In his introduction to the text, Baillet notes that the work reflects the influence of the stars and angels at Qumran, an interest also expressed in the Angelic Liturgy (4QShirShabb) and in the Two Horoscopes (4QCryptic). Paroles des Luminaires recounts the blessings of God upon his chosen people and his forgiveness of their sins. Column II begins by mentioning God's pardon of the ancestors of the community (or of the Jewish people?). It continues by noting the miracles done by God in the presence of the nations (1.12). The healing mentioned in 1.14 seems to be the healing of the curse placed on those who will not obey the commandments of God in Deut 28.28. That curse includes madness ]llJllll, blindness 1 llllJ and confusion of mind ]liTDn. Blindness ]11 llJ, though not mentioned in the main text, has been added above the line by a secondary hand. According to Deut 28.27 the curses cannot be lifted (healed) N~lnJ JJln NJ The author of col. II recognizes the faults and sins of his contemporaries (1.14-15) but affirms that God will forgive them ( 1. 16) . In view of the fact that miracles are mentioned in 1.12 and in view of the reference to Deut 28, it is likely that physical (and psychological) healing and not spiritual is meant in line 14. Another work of possible astrological interest, 4QCryptic, was first published as 4Q186 by J .M. Allegro in 1964. 67 It contains horoscopes of two figures more recently identified by M. Philonenko as the horoscopes of Jacob and Esau. 68 These horoscopes show the influence of the stars on man's physical and moral characteristics and invite comparison with the Treatise of Shem. The dating of both documents to the Second Temple period indicates the interest of some Jews in astrology. Whereas the pseudepigraphical Treatise of Shem connects illness with the signs of the zodiac, the Qumran fragments, published or known about, do not so far indicate any such connection. The two horoscopes show the influence of

68 M. Philonenko, "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification Personnages," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) 61-66.

des pp.

159

revealed we will not know if the Qumranites (some of them at least) believed that the stars influenced the daily course of man's life, including his state of health. 69 One of the published fragments is called 4QEnastrc. In this astrological document we read that from three gates come winds which are for the "healing of the earth, and for its revival." Destructive winds are then mentioned. The healing effects of some winds and the destructive effects of others are noted in the Hippocratic corpus, the Treatise of Shem, I Enoch and in b. Yebamoth 72a. The healing material in the next writing, Prieres pour les Fetes, col. III 12-13 reads 1[

~1n1 ·~ o•1~1~ 1'~ ·~ .3 H9lll'H[1 ]l11lJ:::I.4

and is translated 3. "[s)ans qu'on (les) comprennejaffermisse, ceux qui sent meurtris sans qu'[on (les) panse ... ] 4. dans ... iniquite [sans qu') il y a ait de medecin. Baillet (referring to the whole passage) says: "le passage semble etre un sorte (sic) de litanie chantant !'action reconfortante de Dieu pour les malheureux et les pecheurs. 1170 He calls attention to Psalms 145.14, 146.7-8, 147.3 and to Judith 9.11 (LXX). Since there is a large lacuna after N9ll and a slight one before it, it is difficult to say that those who persecute the author or the community will be punished and that the punishments will be so severe that there will be no possibility of healing them. The following work, 4Q177 catena A, is likely fragmentary. The Catena (p. 67) begins: D~'I:::IIJ .1 [.4 n1YIH~ n1n9 WD:::I ~·~J( .3 1 •'Jn JJ ~:::100 [ ~1~' I'D~1. 2 rop:::1• l!liH nl1:::I o•o·~ o•1nH:::1 1 (. 5 1 ~ao ~on 'J ( 1 Y 1~ ~·H 11rJlJ' I~H 1:::1~ 1109 [ .6 1

In the lacuna in line 2 Allegro conjectures "And Yahweh will take" and then translates the line "And Yahweh will take from thee all sickness." He calls attention to Deut 7 in which God 69 See M.R. Lehmann's comments on this point, "New Light on Astrology in Qumran and the Talmud," RQ 8 (1975) pp. 601-602. 70

DJD VII, p. 190.

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affirms the choice of His people and promises that He will protect them from all maladies. Since the end times are mentioned (1.5) at which time an important figure will arise, the healing referred to in line 2 might be connected with this (messianic?) figure. However, it is more likely that it is the Lord who will take away all illnesses, a familiar theme. Such an interpretation is supported by 10-11 of the catena: n•~ p[p!O YINJ )•)~ ~liY ~OJ n11~ nliDN n1n• nliON nnn[~

n•J·~ n~JW nnN ]JN )~ ~1n•

JlnJ ""tliNJ 'l9J •nnl I~N ]JNn nln 'J

IWN n1n• nNll nn1n9 nN •nN911 JlnJ nn·)~ ""tli(N ~lD9DNn JlJl )~•)J ·~)N ) [ 1 'N N'J n11nn ~,,, non[ DIOl~ lllYO )~ ~'N[ llNn 'lJ nN n•)·~on(

Allegro makes a conjecture in line 2 which he bases on Zechariah 3.9 ("upon the stone which I have set before Joshua, a single stone with seven facets (or eyes) I will engrave its inscription"), indicating God's watchfulness (Zechariah 4 .lOb). The "And I shall heal" •nH~Il of line 4 would then apply to those who are faithful in keeping the covenant (as in Deut 7) but that covenant as interpreted at Qumran. In the lacuna which follows (beginning of line 5) I would suggest reading as the object of God's healing action D'lll~n ~11 from sec. 9, line 3 where it is translated as "multitude of the purified ones." In the lacuna in line 7 I would then suggest reading nlHl~l following the l'H in line 6. Thus the men of Belial and the rabble (= those who have abandoned the covenant) will experience no healing, no remedies.

APOTROPAIC PRAYERS Judging by the number of fragments of prayers which could be classified as apotropaic found in caves 4 and 11, it is clear that the Qumran community had a keen interest in protection against evil forces. D. Flusser defines the objectives of apotropaic prayer as "understanding (Torah), protection against sin; forgiveness, purification and removal from sin; salvation from troubles; resistance to temptation

161

and deliverance from Satan. 1171 Two of these apotropaic writings found in cave 4 are Cantiques du Sage, 4Q510 and 511. 72 Along with llQPsApa they have been the object of much recent research. 73 The text of 4Q510 (i) is as follows: ·?~n~ n1,1~ ,,~, ,1~~~ l?[o? n1J],~ n1n1~n [ ll [1n?1~001 o·~1,p ?1J? 11,~ o·?~ ?~ n1[,1~J1 n,~~n n1~ ·~1?~? [ ,,~o 11~n·1 ?1J 1,1~n·1 1?~~· 1[n],1~1 n1JD1 n1J ,,1~1 ?1J ?~

[J1Jm vacat 1n1J?o ,1~J [?~1~?1 ,n~? 1n,~~n ,1~ ~·ovo ?·J~ 'l~1 [ .. D''XJ1 o·n~ n)•?•? (D'~ ,~ o•,roo n1n1,1 ~n 'J~?o •n1, ?1J YPP on l1 m~? w~?1 ~l'~l n1, n1~n(? 01~~ ~~ 0'~11~~1 [n]~ 'l~ n1'l~n

~~ '~1?~~

(D'P',X 1ll, [ vacat 111 'D'Dn )[1]J 1 (~]10011([

n1,1~n1)

~~,

D(?1~ n~? ~1?1 n1l11~) 1~ n1'l~n) yp? D[~ 'J] ]?1) vac. ·?~n 0'~'?

B. Nitzan calls attention to three elements in these songs: Quasi-invocations to scare off evil spirits, thanksgivings, and hymns. These are written successively, as is usual in magic incantations. One notes however two important distinctions: (1) Instead of reciting something like: "I adjure the evil spirits in the Name of God etc." the sage says something like: "I recite the glory of God to scare the evil spirits etc." (2) The sage thanks God for electing and purifying him to enable him to glorify the Almighty, unlike the magic formula to be pure and pious enough to adjure demons in the Holy Name of God. This manner of thanking God characterizes the mystical experience of Qumran sectarians. 74

This pattern is followed in 4Q511 of which one of the over 400 fragments mentions remedies (20, Col I, p. 232.). The text with translation reads: ['ll]~~·

1np[,~

l[ .. dans] sa [just]ice Il me purifi[era]

71 D. Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," ed. M.E. Stone, Writings of the Second Temple Period, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 560.

72

Jewish

Published by Baillet in DJD VII.

See B. Nitzan, "Hymns from Qumran, •?~~?1 ,n~? Evil Ghosts," Tarbiz LV, 1 (1985) pp. 19-46. J. Baumgarten, "The Qumran Songs against Demons," Tarbiz LV, 3 ( 1986) pp. 442-446. Both give abundant parallels to later literature.

73

74 B. Nitzan, "Hymns from Qumran," Forty Years of Research on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Abstract of a Symposium, Tel Aviv, 1988. p. 10.

162

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

n l:l:J lH 'xJ 1 ( ;'TI':ll/H V:J [ nlH1911 [

2 ... et lange de Sa gloire 3 ... dans une main coupable 4 ... et remedes

Since the fragment is so small, we cannot say what these remedies were. Nor do the rest of the fragments of 4Q511 shed any furthe'r light. In 1965 J.P.M Van der Ploeg first published his "un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes" whieh he described as an unusual recension of Psalm 91. 75 At the end of 11QPsApa we find two psalms of David, one of which is canonical Psalm 91 attributed in the LXX to David and the other a non-canonical psalm. In another writing from cave 11 called David's Composition, 11QPsaDav Comp, mention is made of four songs which David composed for praying over (or exorcising) those afflicted by evil spirits, one of which may be 11QPsApa. 76 The use of psalms against the power of Satan and evil spirits is well-attested in rabbinic literature. In particular Ps 91 is referred to as D'lJ119iT l'lll "Song for the Stricken." 77 Psalm 91 was prayed as protection against attacks of plague and various afflictions and evils of any sort. In b. Shev. 15b the question is raised whether the psalm may be used for healing one who is already ill as well as for protection against illness. The response is negative. 78 This would seem to settle the matter of "official" practice, but this ruling dates from the third century CE. There would have been no 75 J.P.M. Van der Ploeg, "Le Psaume XCI dans une Recension de Qumran," RB 72 ( 1965) pp. 210-217. But see rather "Un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes," Tradieion und Glaube, Gottingen, 1971, pp. 128-139.

E. Puech, "1lQPsApa :un rituel d'exorcismes. Essai de Reconstruction," 55 (1990) pp. 377-403. This important article goes beyond Van der Ploeg • s work in demonstrating that the psalm was used for exorcism. The above remarks were written long before Puech's article was published although, through his kindness, I had seen his reconstructed text. 76

RB

77 See b. Ber. Sa; Midrash on Psalms 91.1; 104.24; j. Shab. 6.2 (not 6.8 as in Jastrow). Other references in Strack-Billerbeck IV .1, pp. 528-529. See also M. Delcor, "L'utilisation des psaumes centre les mauvais exprits a Qoumran," ed. H. Cazelles, La Vie de la Parole, Paris, 1987, pp. 61-70. 78 According to b. Shev. 15b the use of Ps 91 for healing a wound or illness falls into the category of uttering an incantation and is prohibited (See b. San. 90a). According toR. Johanan (180-279) to spit (=to break a spell according to popular belief) and say the psalm excluded one from the world to come.

163

against illness. The response is negative. 78 This would seem to settle the matter of "official" practice, but this ruling dates from the third century CE. There would have been no reason for such a ruling had Ps 91 not been used by some for healing before that time. Psalm 91 is prayed both by Jews and Roman Catholics as part of their respective night prayers, VOW nH'IP and compline. Van der Ploeg, without attempting to reconstruct all of extant 11QPsApa, makes a number of plausible conjectures. For example, in I, line 3 the word demons D'~ appears so that it seems reasonable to read the same in line 4 D'l[fllil] nJH( Similarly, in Fragment A, 1. 9 we have only ]~ n( thus making it possible to read D'~ there. In col. III, line 5 we read 'l'Pn lHJD "strong angel." Because of that we may reasonably read lHJD before ""]'pn in line 2. Van der Ploeg explains further: Il semble que l'ange fort n'est pas un demon, mais un ange qui doit chasser ce dernier, come Raphael, qui saisit le demon Asmodee et l'enchaina dans la desert de la Haute Egypte. 79

In line 7 of col. III Van der Ploeg reads n:::n 01nn'J as "au grand abl:me" and asks "Est-ce ici 1' abl:me (= 1' enfer) ou sera projete le demon?" In line 8 of the same column he reads n•nnnn (JlHrl/J as "a l'enfer le plus bas" and says "Il semble bien que les demons sont menaces d'etre rejetes dans l'enfer." What is clear is that demons are referred to repeatedly throughout the psalm and equally evident that protection against them is mentioned. This we see in col. IV, 1. 4 which Van der Ploeg takes to mean the use of the Divine Name against demons. "Le nom de Jahwe est un remede tres efficace centre 78 According to b. Shev. 15b the use of Ps 91 for healing a wound or illness falls into the category of uttering an incantation and is prohibited (See b. San. 90a). According toR. Johanan (180-279) to spit (=to break a spell according to popular belief) and say the psalm excluded one from the world to come. 79

Vander Ploeg, op.cit., p. 134.

164

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

patriarchal formula, God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, was used by Jewish exorcists. Whether they also used the tetragrammaton or substituted Adonai for it we cannot determine for certain. Finally, the probable reading of nDl~ for the more usual spelling nD~ of the king's name in col. I, 1. 2 has external evidence to support it. We learn from rabbinical texts as well as from the Wisdom of Solomon, the Testament of Solomon and from Josephus (Antiquities VIII 45) that Solomon was supposed to have known various devices to be used against demons as well as knowing the means to cure illnesses. David is mentioned also (1.4). Of further significance is the certain reading of nH191 in line 7 and the possibility of so reconstructing line 8 H]lpl l~l lQV[ to mean that those who call upon or rely upon the Lord will experience healing. Van der Ploeg says: On peut penser que les !ignes 7-9 rappellent que Dieu a naguere "gueri" les Israelites et leur a rappele qu' ils doivent etre forts et courageux. On doit imiter leur exemple lorsqu'on est menace et attaque par les demons. 81

The next four documents, like the preceding, may be classified as apotropaic. The first three are part of the same psalms scroll, llQPsa. The fourth, 11QPsa155 is called Syriac Psalm III because it is known from a lOth century Syrian translation of the Hebrew. 82 In col. XXIV, 1. 12 we read 'lin~ •)H :::Jl!V'J w understood as feed from youth. In both of these God uses intermediaries to rid the body and soul of evil. In De Fuga 66-67 which explains why God does not put Cain to death for slaying Abel we read: For it is unbecoming to God to punish, seeing that He is the original and perfect Lawgiver; He punishes not by His own hands but by those of others who act as His ministers ... though not without his command given in virtue of his sovereignty .•• He ascribes to God the more important good things, by which the soul is nourished and the less important which come by escaff from sins to God's ministers. (See Confus 181)

God's sovereignty is preserved and, because He uses intermediaries to execute punishment, no evil is associated with Him. This concept, which is also expressed in wisdom literrature, (e.g. Ben Sira 15.llf.) is articulated several times by Philo. God is the cause of good things only and of nothing at all that is bad, since He Himself was the most ancient of beings and the good in its most perfect form. (Confus 180, see Spec IV 186)

The intermediaries (or mediators) which include angels, logoi and medical means among them do not simply carry out God's will to punish when sin has been committed. They also assist God in afflicting those whose sins are not serious in order to bring them to greater perfection. 24 Thus Philo interprets Sarah's dealing harshly with Hagar as something which contributes to Hagar's perfection: Not all afflictions are harmful, but there are times when they are even helpful. This is what sick people experience at the hands of physicians, and children at the hands of teachers, and the foolish at the hands of those who enlighten them. This I would never call an affliction but salvation; an aid to soul and body. (Quest G 3.25)

Some illness is not punitive then but corrective.

23 According to Philo the plague of flies that carne upon the livestock and the death of the first-born were directly sent by God without intermediaries. Mos I 97, 130. Similarly found in Exodus Rabba 12,4 and 15,27 and Tanl;lurna Exodus va-Era, 14. 24

Cf. Wolfson's discussion, op.cit., I, p. 349f.

178

PHILO

The intermediaries are never independent agents but act according to the purposes of God. Their functions are clear though the terms by which they are called are sometimes interchangeable. For example angels are referred to as logoi in Somn I 142,147; Poster 91; and Leg III 177). Following his custom of applying the term Logos to mind, whether mind in the sense of the place of the intelligible world or mind in the sense of the rational soul of man, he also applies the term to those minds or incorporeal souls which constitute the angels. 25

Both angels and logoi are incorporeal immanent powers which are agents of God's providence. The logoi are instruments of His power over all creation including the administration of the laws which govern it, whereas angels have a special care over mankind. 26 (See Quest E 2.13) Angels perform the functions of those called demons by the philosophers: 27 They are called "demons" by the other philosophers, but the sacred record is wont to call them "angels" or messengers, employing an apter title, for they both convey the biddings of the Father to His children and report the children's needs to their Father ... not that God, who is already present in all directions, needs informants, but that it was a boon to us in our sad case to avail ourselves of the services of "words" (logoi) acting on our behalf as mediators. (Somn I 141-142)

The fact that God works through intermediaries some of the time but acts independently at other times opens the possibility of miracles. In his interpretation of the Nazarite vow (Numbers 6.2) Philo tells us: that God Himself and by Himself is the cause of good things, that though the earth may seem to be the mother of fruits, rain 25

Ibid., p. 376.

26 Cf. Ibid., p. 372. Also "The plural logoi can indicate the heavenly principles which are embodied in the laws and precepts given to the Jews through Moses. In another sense, the Logos and the logoi may be conceived as heavenly figures such as angels and archangels." P. Borgen, "Philo of Alexandria," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 273. 27 Cf. D. Winston, "Philo's Doctrine of Angels," Two Treatises, pp. 197205. The quote which follows indicates that angels are sometimes called logoi though not all logoi are angels.

179

to give increase to seeds and plants, air to have the power of fostering them, husbandry to be the cause of the harvest, medicine the cause of health, marriage of childbirth, yet nothing else is His fellow-worker that we may think of them as bringing us benefit. For all these things, through the power of God, admit of change and transition, so as often to produce effects quite the reverse of the ordinary. (Deus 87-88)

In another place Philo describes miracles as "impossibilities no doubt as judged by what to outward appearance is credible and reasonable, but easily accomplished by the dispensations of God's providence" (Mos II 261). In principle, there is no reason for thinking that Philo would deny healing miracles though he does not give us any narratives of them. 28 God is the source of healing. Philo carefully preserves the central teaching of Exodus 15.26. It is to God first that one should turn when ill. Philo does not comment on Asa' s consultation of physicians for which the king is reproached in the biblical text. (2 Chr 16.12). He does, however, criticize Pharaoh for not asking Moses to pray immediately to take away the plague of frogs (Ex 8. 9) . Philo notes that Pharaoh wants to exhaust all other means first and puts Pharaoh in the category of those who "face both ways" nc:xpc:xKoJ..oueet TOtvo~TaL, TWv EVTU<jlo~€vwv &vappLnL(o~€vwv na6wv {296). This state, in turn, requires "philosophy with its healing art" uno L<XTpLK~c;; <jlLA.ooo<j>Cac;; to cure it {297). In the fourth "generation" the soul is "immovably established in all virtues" K<XL TO EV &nO!oaLc;; apET<XLUXLKov) and distributed to the parts through the nerves which are hollow.'" E. Mary Smallwood, Philonis Alexandrini Legatio ad Gaium, Leiden, 1961, p. 216. Inner quote by A.J.D. Parteous, "Anatomy and Physiology" in the Oxford Classical Dictionary.

66 R.M. Berchman, "Arcana Mundi: Magic and Divination in the De Somniis of Philo of Alexandria," SBL Sem. Papers, 1987, Atlanta, p. 419. 67 Midrash Tel)illim 73,1 is an early witness to pulse-taking in rabbinic literature. 68

Neuburger, op.cit., p. 179.

204

PHILO

his refutation of the destruction of the world.

school

of

Boethus

concerning

the

Further they say that the methods of destruction are of three kinds, namely dismemberment, annihilation of the prevailing (or inherent) quality and amalgamation ... We have amalgamation in the quadruple drug used by physicians, for the properties of the substance collected vanish and the effect thus produced is one simple value of a special kind. (Aet 79)

In De Confusione 187 Philo mentions the components of the quadruple drug without telling us its use: "This is produced, I believe, by the combination of wax, tallow, pitch and resin." KT]pocxATLTooc;, Lake Asphaltitis, is "useful not only for caulking ships, but also for the healing of the body, forming an ingredient in many medicines." Kal XP~OLIJ.Ot; o'E ou IJ.OVOV e:tc; &p1-1.ovCac; ve:Glv &:A:Aa Kal np6c; cxKe:crLv crt41
A. George,

"Le Miracle dans l'oeuvre de Luc," X. Leon-Dufour, ed. Les Paris, 1977, p. 252. How prevalent the concept of the divine man was at the time of the writing of Luke is disputable, however.

Miracles

de Jesus,

14 Jesus is, of course, not sick but his mission is, in the eyes of the people in his own hometown, handicapped by the lack of proof = miracles. See J. Nolland, "Classical and Rabbinic Parallels to 'Physician, Heal yourself' (Lk. IV 23)," Novum Testamentum XXI, 3 (1979) pp. 193-209. 15 It is not possible to assert that Jesus looked favorably upon doctors as do M. Kelsey and others (Healing and Christianity, New York, 1973, p. 85). The gospel writers do not portray him as having any opinion about scientifically-trained physicians. Despite the translation of taTpo' as "physician" in 5.31, we do not know if Jesus meant doctor or healer. Clearly Jesus is the taTpo' of the gospels though the term is not applied to him until the second century by Ignatius of Antioch (Ephesians 7. 2). Second century Fathers of the church, unlike some later Fathers, either disparage physicians and medical care or at least do not praise them.

245

us the reminiscence that Jesus healed the ear of the high priest's servant (22. 51). Nonetheless, the saying: "Those who are well have no need of a physician, but those who are sick; I have not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance. II ou XPELON E'xou';>roJ,' ,o';>ro01 ln'D 1:::1 ,~D SKEHAN, Patrick W. and Alexander DILELLA, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, New York: Doubleday, 1987. SMEND Rudolf, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, Berlin: Reimer, 1906. SPICQ, R., "Ecclesiastique," La Sainte Bible, eds. L. Pirot and A. Clarner, Paris: Letouzey, 1946. VAN DER BORN, A., Wijsheid van Jesus Sirach, Roerrnond: Ramen and Zonen, 1968. VATTIONI, Francesco, Ecclesiastico, Napoli: Institute Orientale, 1968. VON RAD, Gerhard, Wisdom in Israel, London: SCM, 1972. ZEITLIN, Solomon, "The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada," JQR 56 (1966) pp. 185190. ZIEGLER, Joseph, Sapientia Iesu Filii Sirach, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1965.

WISDOM OF SOLOMON CLARK, Douglas K., "Signs in Wisdom and John," CBQ 45 (1983) pp. 201-209. DROUET, Jacques, Le Livre de la Sagesse, Paris: Marne, 1966. DRUBBEL, A., Wijsheid, Roerrnond: Ramen & Zonen, 1957. FELDMANN, Franz, Das Buch der Weisheit, Bonn: Hanstein, 1926. FICHTNER, Johannes, Weisheit Salomos, Tlibingen: Mohr, 1938. GEORGI, Dieter, Weisheit Salomos, JSHRZ III, 4, Glitersloh: G. Mohn, 1980. GILBERT, Maurice, ''La Figure de Salomon en SG 7-9," Etudes sur le Judaisme Hellenistique, Lectio Divina 119, congres de strasbourg (1983), Paris:du Cerf, 1984. -"On est puni par au l'on peche (Sg 11, 16)," Melanges bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de H. Mathias Delcor. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 215 (1985) pp. 183-191. - "Wisdom Literature," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarurn ad Novurn Testamentum 2.2, Philadelphia, Fortress, 1984. HALPERIN, David J., "The Book of Remedies, The Canonization of the Solomon Solornonic Writings and the Riddle of Pseudo-Eusebius," JQR LXXII, 4, (1982) pp. 269-292. KAHANA, Avraharn, J"IOn , ,!prJ: O'';>rol,' , H 0' ll~'nOT 0',~001 LARCHER, C., Etudes sur le Livre de la Sagesse, Paris: Gabalda, 1969. - Le Livre de la Sagesse ou la Sagesse de Salomon, Paris: Le Coffre, I, 1983, II, 1984. LES~TRE, H., Le Livre de la Sagesse, Paris: Lethielleux, 1879. McCOWN, c.c., "The Christian Traditions as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 2 (1922), pp. 124.

316 MANESCHG, Hans, "Gott, Erzieher, Retter und Heiland seines Volkes," Zur Reinterpretation von Num 21, 4-9 in Weish 16, 5-14, Biblische Zeitschrift NF 28 (1984) pp. 214-229. REESE, James, Hellenistic Influence on the Book of Wisdom and its Consequences, Analecta Biblica 41, Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1970. REIDER, Joseph, The Book of Wisdom, New York: Harper, 1957. SWEET, J.P.M., "The Theory of Miracles in the Wisdom of Solomon," Miracles, ed. C.F.D. Moule, London: A.R. Mowbray, 1965. WINSTON, David, The Wisdom of Solomon, Garden City: Doubleday, 1979. ZIEGLER, J., Sapientia Salomonis, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962.

1 ENOCH

ADLER,

William, "Berossus, Manetho and 1 Enoch in the World Chronicle of Panodorus," HTR 76 (1983) pp. 419-442. - "Enoch in Early Christian Literature," SBL Sem.Papers 1978, pp. 271275. BAMPFYLDE, G. , "The Similitudes of Enoch. Historical Allusions," JSJ 15 (1984). BECKWITH, Roger T., "The Earliest Enoch Literature and its Calendar," RQ 9 (1981) pp. 365-340. BLACK, Matthew, Apocalypsis Henochi Graece, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970. The Book of Enoch, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985. CAQUOT, A. and P. G~OLTRAIN "Notes sur le texte ethiopien des 'Paraboles' D'Henoch," Semitica 13, 1963, pp. 39-54. CHARLES, R.H., The Book of Enoch, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1893. COLLINS, John J., "Methodological Issues in the Study of I Enoch," SBL Sem. Papers 1978, pp. 315-322. CORRIENTE, Federico and Antonio PINERO, "Libro 1 De Henoc," Apocrifos del Antiguo Testamento IV, ed. A. Diez Macho, Madrid: Ediciones Cristiandad, 1984, pp. 13-143. DAVIS, Philip G., "The Mythic Enoch: New Light in Early Christianity," Sciences Religieuses 13 (1984) pp. 339-343. DILLMANN, A., Das Buch Henoch, Leipzig: Vogel, 1853. DIMANT, Devorah, "The Biography of Enoch and the Books of Enoch," VT XXXIII (1983), pp. 14-29. - "I Enoch 6-11: A Methodological Perspective," SBL sem. Papers, 1978, pp. 323-339. Jil) O':::!llpil 0') lY'nil 0'190:::11 illlil' 1:::110 n1 )• 10:::1 "1Htllllll O':>H'x:l" .-,.·';wn ,O'Mll' ,1mpn IHln n';J:Jp ao';J ll:J'n FITZMYER, Joseph, "Implications of the New Enoch Literature from Qumran," Theological Studies 38 (1977) pp. 332-345. GREENFIELD, Jonas c. and Michael E. STONE, "The Books of Enoch and the Traditions of Enoch," Numen XXVI (1979) pp. 89-103. "The Enoch Pentateuch and the Date of the Similitudes," HTR 70 (1977) pp. 51-65. HANSON, Paul D., "Rebellion in Heaven, Azazel and Euphemeristic Heroes in 1 Enoch 6-11," JBL 96 ( 1977) pp. 195-233. HARTMAN, Lars, Asking for a Meaning, A Study of Enoch 1-5, Lund: Gleerup, 1979. HENDEL, Ronald S., "Of Demigods and the Deluge: Toward an Interpretation of Genesis 6. 1-4," JBL 106 (1987) pp. 13-26.

317 HINDLEY, J.C., "Towards a Date for the Similitudes of Enoch," NTS 14 (1968) pp. 551-565. ISAAC, Ephraim, "1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch," OTP I, 1983. KNIBB, Michael A., "The Date of the Parables of Enoch: A Critical Review," NTS 25 (1978) pp. 345-359. - The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978. MILIK, J. T., The Books of Enoch, Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1976. - "Problemes de la Litterature Henochique a la Lumiere des Fragments Arameens de Qumran," HTR 64 (1971) pp. 333-378. MEARNS, Christopher L., "Dating the Similitudes of Enoch," NTS 25 (1978) pp. 360-369. MOLENBERG, Corrie, "A Study of the Roles of Shemihaza and Asael in 1 Enoch 6-11," JJS 35 (1984) pp. 136-146. NEWSOM, Carol A., "The Development of 1 Enoch 6-19: Cosmology and Judgment, CBQ 42 (1980) pp. 310-329. NICKELSBURG, George W., "Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6-11," JBL 96 (1977) pp. 383-405. - "Enoch, Book of," Interpreter's Dictionary, Supp. Vol, Nashville: Abingdon, 1976. - "The Books of Enoch in Recent Research," Religious Studies Review 7 (1981) pp. 210-214. - "Enoch, Levi, and Peter: Recipients of Revelation in Upper Galilee," JBL 100 (1981) pp. 575-600. - "Reflections upon Reflections: A Response to John Collin's Methodological Issues in the Study of I Enoch," SBL Sem. Papers, 1978, pp. 311- 314. - "Riches, The Rich, and God's Judgment in 1 Enoch 92-105 and the Gospel according to Luke," NTS 25 (1978) pp. 324-344. OSBORN, Carroll, "1 Enoch 80.2-8 (67.5-7 and Jude 12-13)," CBQ 47 (1985) pp. 296-303. STONE, Michael E., "The Book of Enoch and Judaism in the Third Century .C.E.," CBQ 40 (1978) pp. 479-492. - "Revealed Things in Apocalyptic Literature," Magnalia Dei, eds. F.M. Cross, W.E. Lemke and P.D. Miller, G. Ernest Wright Festschrift, Garden City: Doubleday, 1976. SUTER, David W., Tradition and Composition in the Parables of Enoch, SBL Diss. Ser. 47, Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979. - "Weighed in the Balance. The Similitudes of Enoch in Recent Discussion," Religious Studies Review 7 (1981) pp. 217-221. UHLIG, Siegbert, Das iithiopische Henochbuch, JSHRZ, V, 6, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1984. VANDERKAM, James C., Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, CBQ Mono. Ser. 16, Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Assn. of America, 1984.

BOOK OF JUBILEES BERGER, Klaus, Das Buch der Jubilil.en, JSHRZ II, 3, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1981. CAQUOT, Andre, "Elements aggadiques dans le Livre des Jubiles," La Litterature Intertestamentaire, Colloques de Strasbourg 1983, Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1985, pp. 57-68.

318 CHARLES, R.H., The Book of Jubilees, London: Black, 1902. CORRIENTE, Federico and Antonio PINERO, "Libro de los Jubilees, Apocrifos del Antigua Testamento II, ed. A.D. Macho, Madrid: Ediciones Cristiandad, 1983. DAVENPORT, Gene L., The Eschatology of the Book of Jubilees, Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1971. DIMANT, D., J;,'J D':Jllp;, D'l1Y'n;, D'I9D:J1 ;,-,1;,' I:JIIJ nlJ'liJ:J "1Nijnt0 D':JNXl" .I"Mn ,D'Mll' , 1mpn IH1n n'J:Jp Ol/J ll:J'n ENDRES, John c., Biblical Interpretation in the Book of Jubilees, CBQ Mono. Series 18, Washington, D.C., Catholic Biblical Assn., 1987. FINKELSTEIN, Louis, "The Book of Jubilees and the Rabbinic Halaka," HTR 16 (1923) pp. 39-61. JELLINEK, Adolf, pp. 155-160, 1938 ,lli:JIJ:J :D'Mli'.,III ~110;, n':J LEWIS, Jack P., A Study of the Interpretation of Noah and the Flood in Jewish and Christian Literature, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968. LICHTENBERGER, H., "Zu Vorkornmen und Bedeutung von IY' im Jubilaenbuch," JSJ 14,1 (1983) pp. 1-10. MARTIN, Franc;ois, "Le Livre des Jubiles," RB 7 (1911) pp. 321-344 and 502573. MARTINEZ, Florentino Garcia, "Las Tab las Celestes en el Libro de los Jubilees," Palabra y Vida, eds. A. Vargas-Machuca and G. Ruiz, Jose Alfonso Diaz Festschrift, Madrid: UPCM, 1984, pp. 333-349. MORGENSTERN, Julian, "The Calendar of the Book of Jubilees," VT 5 ( 1955) pp. 34-82. NICKELSBURG, George W.E., Jewish Literature Between the Bible and Mishnah, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981. NOACK, B. "Qumran and the Book of Jubilees," Svensk Exegetisk Arsbox 12 (1957), pp. 191-207. RIVKIN, Ellis, "The Book of Jubilees - an anti-Pharisaic Pseudepigraph," Eretz Israel 16 (1982), pp. 193-198. RONSCH, Hermann, Das Buch der Jubilaen, Leipzig: Fues's Verlag, 1874. SCHWARZ, Eberhard, Identitat durch Abgrenzung, ..• "Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Erforschung des Jubilaenbuches," Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1982. STECK, Odil H. , "Die Aufnahme von Genesis 1 in Jubilaen 2 und 4 Esra 6," JSJ 8 (1977) pp. 154-182. STONE, Michael E., "Apocryphal Notes," IOS 1 (1971) pp. 123-131. TESTUZ, Michel, Les Idees Religieuses du Livre des Jubiles, Geneve: Librairie E. Droz, 1960. TISSERANT, Cardinal Eugene, "Fragments syriaque du livre des Jubiles," RB 30 (1921) pp. 55-86 and 206-232. VANDERKAM, James E., Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, CBQ Mono. Ser. 16, Washington, D.C.: Catholic Bibl. Assn. of America, 1984. - "Enoch Traditions in Jubilees and other Second-Century Sources," SBL Sem. Papers 1978, pp. 229-251. - "The Putative author of the Book of Jubilees" JSS 26 (1981) pp. 209217. - Textual and Historical Studies in the Book of Jubilees, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1977. WINTERMUTE, O.S., "Jubilees," OTP II. WIRGIN, Wolf, The Book of Jubilees and the Maccabean Era of Shmitah Cycles, Leeds University Oriental Society, 1965.

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ZEITLIN, Solomon, "The Book of 'Jubilees' and the Pentateuch," JQR 47 (1957) pp. 218-235. - "The Book of Jubilees: Its Character and Its Significance," JQR 30 (1939-1940) pp. 1-31.

TESTAMENTS OF THE 12 PATRIARCHS BECKER, Jlirgen, Die Testamente Glitersloh: G. Mohn, 1974.

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Untersuchungen zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testamente der Zwolf Patriarchen, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970. CHARLES, R.H., The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, London: A. & C. Black, 1908. CHARLESWORTH, James H., "Reflections on the SNTS Pseudepigrapha Seminar at Duke on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," NTS 23, 1976, pp. 296-304. DE JONGE, M., "Again: To Stretch out the Feet in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," JBL 99 (1980) p. 120-121. - Studies on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Leiden: Brill, 1978. "The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: Central Problems and Essential Viewpoints," ANRW II 20.1, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984. DE JONGE, M. , H. W. HOLLANDER, H. J. DE JONGE and Th. KORTEWEG, The Testa-

ments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text, PVTG 1.2, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978. EPPEL, Robert, Le pietisme juif dans les Testaments des Douze Patriarches, Paris: F. Alcan, 1930. GREENFIELD, Jonas C. and M.E. STONE, "Remarks on the Aramaic Testament of Levi from the Geniza," RB 86 (1979) pp. 214-230. HOLLANDER, Harm W., Joseph as an Ethical Model in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1981. and M. DE JONGE, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, A Commentary, Leiden: Brill, 1985. HULTGARD, Anders, L'eschatologie des Testaments des Douze Patriarches, Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell, I, 1977, II, 1982. KEE, Howard C., "The Ethical Dimensions of the Testaments of the XII as a Clue to Provenance," NTS 24 (1978) pp. 259-270. - "Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," OTP I. MOLDA, Aldo, "Le Interpretazioni dei Testamenti dei XII Patriarchi: A proposito di uno studio recente," Henoch II (1980) pp. 86-96. SLINGERLAND, H. Dixon, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical History of Research, SBL Mono. Series 21, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1977. STONE, Michael E., Armenian Version of the Testament of Joseph, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1975. - The Testament of Levi, Jerusalem: St. James Press, 1969.

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TESTAMENT OF JOB BROCK, Sebastian, Testamenti Iobi, PVTG 2, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967. COLLINS, John J., "Structure and Meaning in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. Papers 1974, Cambridge, Mass., pp. 35-52. - "The Testament of Job," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. KEE, Howard c., "Satan, Magic and Salvation in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. Papers 1974, pp. 53-76. KRAFT, Robert A., ed., with H. ATTRIDGE, R. SPITTLER, J. TIMBIE, The Testament of Job According to the SV Text, T & T 5, Pseudepigrapha Ser. 4, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1974. NICHOLLS, Peter H., The Structure and Purpose of the Testament of Job, doct. diss. of the Hebrew Unversity, Jerusalem, 1982. PHILONENKO, Marc, "Le Testament de Job," Semitica 18 (1968) pp. 1-75. SCHALLER, Berndt, Das Testament Hiobs, JSHRZ III, 3, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1979. SPITTLER, R.P., "Testament of Job," OTP I, 1983. VAN DER HORST, P ieter W. , "The Role of Women in the Testament of Job," Nederlands Theologisch Tijschrift 40 (1986) pp. 273-289.

TREATISE OF SHEM ALTMAN, A., "Astrology," Ency Jud 3, cols. 788-795. BOLL, Franz, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung, Die Geschichte und das Wesen der Astrologie, Leipzig: Teubner, 1926. CHARLESWORTH, James H., "Jewish Astrology in the Talmud, Pseudepigrapha, The Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early Palestinian Synagogues," HTR 70 (1977) pp. 183-200. "Jewish Interest in Astrology during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods," ANRW II, 20.2 (1987) pp. 929-950. -"Ry1ands Syriac MS 44 and a New Addition to the Pseudepigrapha: The Treatise of Shem," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 60 (1978) pp. 376-403. - "Treatise of Shem," OTP I. MIGANA, A., "The Book of Shem, Son of Noah," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 4 (1917) pp. 59-118. PHILONENKO, Marc, "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification des Personnages," Revue d'Histoire de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) pp. 61-66.

PSEUDO-PHILO BOGAERT, P.M., " 'Les Antiquites Bibliques du Pseudo-Philon' a la lumiere des decouvertes de Qumran,," Qumran, ed. M. Delcor, Leuven: University Press, 1978. DIETZFELBINGER, Christian, Pseudo-Philo, Antiquitates Biblicae, JSHRZ II,2, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1975.

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LIVES OF THE PROPHETS DE JONGE, M., "Christelijke Elementen in de Vitae Prophetarum," Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 16 (1961-62) pp. 161-178. DENIS, Albert-Marie, Introduction aux Pseudepigraphes grecs d'ancien Testament, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970, pp. 85-90. FISCHEL, H.A., "Martyr and Prophet," JQR 37 (1946-47) pp. 265-280, 363-383. HARE, D.R.A., "The Lives of the Prophets," OTP II. JEREMIAS, Joachim, Heiligengraber in Jesu Umwelt, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958. KLAUSNER, T., "Christlicher Martyrerkult, heidnischer Heroenkult und spatjlidische Heilungsverehrung: neue Einsichten und neue Probleme," Jahrbuch flir Antike und Christentum 3 (1974) pp. 221-229. PFISTER, Friedrich, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974 (reprint of 1909-1912). SATRAN, David, "The Lives of the Prophets," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, ed. M.E. stone, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. SHERMANN, Theodore, "Propheten und Apostellegenden," TU 31, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs'sche, 1907, pp. 36-44. SIMON, Marcel, "Les Saints d'Israel dans la devotion de l'lfglise ancienne," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses XXXIV (1954) pp. 98127. STECK, O.H., Israel und das gewaltsame Geschick der Propheten, NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1967. TORREY, Charles c., The Lives of the Prophets, Philadelphia: SBL Mono. Ser. 1, 1946. WOLFF, Christian, "Jeremia im Frlihjudentum und Urchristentum," TU 118 (1976) pp. 36-44.

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THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES ABEL, F.M., Les Livres des Maccabees, Paris: Lecoffre, 1949. ANDERSON, Hugh, "4 Maccabees," OTP II. - "Third and Fourth Maccabees and Jewish Apologetics," La Litterature Intertestamentaire, Colloque de Strasbourg 83, Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1985. BICKERMANN, E.J., The God of the Maccabees, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. - Studies in Jewish and Christian History II, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1980. COTTON, Henry, The Five Books of Maccabees, Oxford: University Press, 1932. DUPONT-SOMMER, Andre, Le Quatrieme Livre des Machabees, Paris: Librairie Champion, 1939. GOLDSTEIN, Jonathan A., II Maccabees, Garden City: Doubleday, 1984. HADES, M., The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees, New York: Harper, 1953. MENDELS, Doran, "A note on tradition of Antiochus IV' s death," IEJ 31 ( 1981). ZEITLIN, Solomon, The Second Book of Maccabees, New York: Harper, 1953.

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ATTEMA, D.S., "Het Gebed van Nabonidus," Schrift en Uitleg, Studies ... aangeboden aan Prof. Kampen: W.H. Gispen, 1970. BAUMGARTEN, Joseph M., "The Qumran Songs against Demons," Tarbiz LV, 3 (1986) pp. 442-446. BECKER, Jlirgen, Das Heil Gottes, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1964. BECKWITH, Roger T., "The Pre-History and Relationship of the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes: A Tentative Reconstruction," RQ 11 ( 1982) pp. 3-46. BRAYER, Menachem, "Psychosomatics, Hermetic Medicine, and Dream Interpretation in the Qumran Literature," JQR 60 (1969) pp. 112-127 and (1970) pp. 213-230. BROWNLEE, William H., "The Wicked Priest, The Man of Lies, and the Righteous Teacher - the Problem of Identity," JQR 73 (1982) pp. 1-37. CARMIGNAC, J., E. COTHENET and H. LOGNEE, Les Textes de Qumran II, Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1963. CHARLESWORTH, James H., Jewish Astrology and Early Palestinian Synagogues," HTR 70 (1977) pp. 191-193. - "The Origin and Subsequent History of the Authors of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Four Transitional Phases among the Qumran Essenes," RQ 10 (1980) pp. 213-233. CONTENAU, Georges, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris: Librairie Maloine, 1938. CROSS, F.M., "Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus," IEJ 34 (1984) pp. 260264. DAVIES, Philip R., The Damascus Covenant, Journal for the Study of the O.T. Suppl. Series 25, Sheffield: University Press: 1983. DELCOR, Mathias, "L'utilisation des psaumes centre les mauvais esprits a Qoumran," ed. H. Cazelles, Festschrift: Pierre Grelot, La Vie de la Parole, Paris: Desclee, 1987. DENIS, Albert-Marie, O.P., Les Themes de Connaissance dans le Document de Damas, Louvain: Publications Universitaires, 1967.

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DIMANT, Devorah, "Qumran Sectarian Literature," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2.2, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984. DISCOVERIES in the Judean Desert I, IV, V, VII. DUPONT-SOMMER, A., The Essene Writings from Qumran, trans. G. Vermes, Oxford: Blackwell, 1961. - "Exorcismes et gu,risons dans les r'cits de Qoumrin," Suppl. to VT 8 (1960) pp. 246-261. DRIVER, G.R., The Judean Scrolls, Oxford: Blackwell, 1965. EISENMAN, Robert, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, A New Hypothesis of Qumran Origins, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983. ETTISCH, E., "Eschatologisch-Astrologische Vorstellung in der Gemeinderegel (X, 1-8)," RQ 5 (1959) pp. 3-19. FITZMYER, Joseph A., "The Aramaic Language and the Study of the New Testament," JBL 99 (1980) pp. 5-21. FLUSSER, David, "Healing Through the Laying on of Hands in a Dead Sea Scroll," JBL 7 (1957) pp. 107-108. - "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, 1984, pp. 551-577. - "Qumrin and Jewish 'Apotropaic' Prayers," IEJ 16 (1966) pp. 194-205. GARCIA MARTINEZ, Florentino, "4QOrNab, Neuva s:lntesis," Sefarad 40 (1980), pp. 5-27. - and A.S. VAN DER WOUDE, "A 'Groningen' Hypothesis of Qumran Origins and Early History, RB 56 (1990) pp. 521-541. GARNET Paul, Salvation and Atonement in the Qumran Scrolls, Ttibingen: Mohr, 1977. GASTER, Theodore H., The Dead Sea Scriptures, Garden City: Doubleday, 1956. GEVARYAHU, C.M. I., 1::no n1 J'l/J:J 0'11 'll , "011101' I:JIIJ n1 Jl'IJIJ I'Hl1:Jl n'J9n" J"'IOn ,19D n•1p :O'Jro11' (111'J) I. Liver ,ed. ,011101' GHALIOUNGUI, Paul, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1963. GREENFIELD, Jonas C., "The Genesis Apocryphon, Observation on Some Words and Phrases," Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages, Bar Ilan Departmental Researches, 1980, pp. xxxii-xxxix. GRELOT, Pierre, "La PriE>re de Nabonide," RQ 9 (1978) pp. 483-495. HOLM-NIELSON, Svend, Hodayot, Psalms from Qumran, Aarhus: Universitets forlaget, 1960. JANOWSKI, Berndt and Hermann LICHTENBERGER, "Enderwartung und Reinheitsidee: zur eschatologischen Deutung von Reinheit und Slihne in der Qumangemeinde," JJS 34 (1983) pp. 31-62. JONGELING, B., C.J. LABUSCHAGNE and A.S. VANDERWOUDE, Aramaic Texts from Qumran I, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976. KIRCHSCHLAGER, Walter, "Exorzismus in Qumran," Kairos 18 (1976) pp. 135153. LAPERROUSAZ, E.M., Les Ess,niens, Paris: Descl,e, 1982. LEANEY, A.R.C., The Rule of Qumran and Its Meaning, London: SCM. Press, 1976. LEHMANN, M.R., "New Light on Astrology in Qumrin and the Talmud," RQ 8 (1975) pp. 599-602. LICHT, J., "The Doctrine of the Thanksgiving Scroll," IEJ 6 ( 1956) pp. 113. ,n'I:JlJOI OI~'DI:J'l1HOI Jro ~l'DJ 101101 ,n1'11'0101 nJ'liJ OI":JIOn ,p'JH':J ID1/J :O'Jro11' ,O':JIDOI nJ'l/J MAIER, Johann and Kurt SCHUBERT, Die Qumran-Essener, Mlinchen/Basel: Reinhardt, 1973.

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INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

Aesculapius Ahikar amulets anti-astrological statement apotropaic, means of preventing illness Asclepiades asipu astrology

7' 48 29' 38 8, 11, 111-114, 123, 312 82 58, 101, 112, 123, 160-165, 167 7' 123 5, 154-155, 157 5, 66-67, 81, 117-118, 158-159

Baal Baaras plant

8-10 225 5-6, 155, 157 66-67, 76, 228 n. 43 121-122, 158, 215, 264 37, 281-283

Mru Berosus blindness - for God's glory Canaan, medicine in ancient concept of man, influence on medicine confession of sin and healing confirmation by God through healings and miracles

7 4-5 5, 44, 292, 296 214-216

disease and illness, distinction between dying in peace or good health, its connection to sin

1-2 101-104

Egypt, medicine in ancient 5-6 Enoch traditions and healing 62, 69-70, 72, 75 Essenes 136-137, 166, 228-229 evil in the world, responsibility for 61, 63, 69-70, 74, 83, 86-87' 96, 100, 170 evil spirits or Satan, as the cause of illness 21-22, 25, 71, 96, 138-139, 164, 189-191, 247-249 exorcism 5, 34, 70, 139, 140, 148, 165, 225-228, 236-237, 239, 253-254 - casting out or dismissing? 235-237 - and magic 273-274 faith - and forgiveness of sins 261 fallen angels or "watchers" fasting folk medicine four humour theory fumigation gall gezer- exorcist or diviner? God as the active agent of healing grave sites of holy persons Greece, medicine in ancient

55-56, 252-253, 262-263, 269-270, 277 53, 63, 69, 72, 74, 76, 97 15, 36, 263 218, 224-226, 245, 286 198-199 33-34 33-35 152-157 20-21 127' 130 6-7

336

healing as synonymous for forgiveness 11-12, 15, 20, 40, 110, 138, 156, 183-184 healing gifts 288-289, 293, 295 health of mind and soul 4-5, 174-175 herbs or roots 10, 40, 51, 64-65, 76, 82, 85, 87, 89, 92, 228 Hippocrates 7, 24, 110, 192-196, 198, 201 incubation intermediaries of God

7

171, 176-179, 207, 211

Jesus - portrayed as healer Job's protest of innocence justification of healing remedies

244-245, 271-272 21-23 26, 42-48, 53, 86-87, 125

key text: Exodus 15.26 kindness to animals as preventive medicine

4

103

laying on of hands 148, 264-266, 274-275 leper or leprosy 14-15, 19-20, 24, 213, 245, 252, 271 ft. 12, 283,286 logos - word 56-57, 178, 180 Luke the physician? 246-247 254-255 Luke's healing accounts - magical? luminaries and their healing power 67, 80-81, 158-159 magical means of healing medical care in Israel medical metaphors medical vocabulary and descriptions medicine in antiquity mental illness Mesopotamia, medicine in ancient

messianic age and healing miracles and God's providence moderation in eating music's healing power Noah oil

64, 65, 89, 112, 123, 253, 264-265 23-25 191, 223-224 50-51, 108-110, 201-205, 221-222 5-11

51, 108-109, 202, 224 5

68, 82-83, 89-90, 142, 145, 160, 298-299 58-59, 179, 211-213 41, 186, 197, 206 123, 162, 221 63, 66, 68-70, 72, 78, 82-89, 92 10-12, 293-294

paralysis 99 n. 15, 132 n. 8, 235, 241, 249, 252, 259, 261, 267, 276, 278, 280 15, 95 patriarchs, their role in healing pestilence 54, 117, 149, 164 192-206 Philo as physician physicians, negative attitudes towards 23, 30, 39, 47, 107, 219, 221, 246, 265-266 praising God after healing, motif 243-244 prayer for healing 13-14, 34-35, 44-45, 95-98, 132-135, 179-180, 212 predestination 142-143, 165 preventive medicine in Hebrew Scriptures 15-16 prophet, Jesus as prophet who heals 242, 244 prophets, their role in healing 11-15, 127-130 Psalms, related to sickness or healing 16-17 punishment - measure for measure 96, 98, 103, 133

337

Raphael 29-37, 67, 71, 76-77, 87-88 rapi'u 8 relics 129, 130 repentance 96, 100, 105, 108, 134, 169, 183-185, 189, 207 - and healing 296 sin, as cause of illness 39, 62-65, 67-68, 75-76, 86-88, 91, 96, 107, 132, 134, 147-148, 222-223, 250-251, 286-287 Solomon as exorcist and healer 51, 123, 226-227 stones, healing 120, 212, 228, 230 suffering and sickness for God's glory 37, 145, 288-289 251-252, 287-288 suffering and the working of healings terminology describing healing, New Testament Greek describing healing, Hebrew describing illness, Hebrew - describing illness, New Testament Greek of signs and wonders, Greek

-

virtuous living as preventive medicine winds bringing healing or disease wound doctors in Israel

235, 276-277 19-20 18-21 234-235 233-234, 276-277

105, 142, 180, 183, 187-189, 207 115-116, 185, 194-195 10

Book description

This work focuses on attitudes towards healing revealed in non-canonical and non-rabbinic Jewish literature of the Second Temple period. In other words, what did the authors of these books think the causes of illness and the causes, or means, of healing were? The oldest work of this period to mention healing date from the third century BCE, namely Tobit and the Book of Watchers of 1 Enoch. The New Testament is also included even though many, if not most, of its books were completed after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE. Aside from chapters on works classified as Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha chapters are also devoted to the Dead Sea Srolls, Philo of Alexandria and Josephus. The introductory chapter on the Hebrew Scriptures forms the basis upon which the development of thought about healing is traced. Of particular importance is the Exodus 15.25-26 passage affirming God as the healer and bringer of illnesses according to one's good or bad relationship to Him. The author maintains that this perspective - that God is the ultimate healer - is never lost sight of in the literature of the Second Temple period even though illnesses are attributed to other causes such as intermediaries of God, evil spirits, and the stars. Similiarly, means of healing are expanded to include exorcism, magical means as well as scientific and folk medicine. Though this work treats its sources primarily from a philosophical and, to a lesser extent, theological point of view and is not, strictly speaking, a book on medicine in biblical-related literature, it will be nonetheless of interest to students of the history of medicine and cultural anthropology.

ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Universitatsverlag) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht)

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LARRY!'. HOGAN: Healing in the Second Tempel Period. 356 Seiten. 1992.