Geo Latin America And the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003

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Latin America and the Caribbean

Copyright © 2003 United Nations Environment Programme This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. UNEP would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this report as a source.

No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever.

DISCLAIMER The content of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of UNEP or contributory organisations. The designations employed and the presentations do not imply the expressions of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNEP or contributory organisations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or its authority, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. United Nations Environment Programme Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean (ROLAC) Division of Early Warning and Assessment (DEWA) Boulevard de los Virreyes #155, Colonia Lomas Virreyes, 11000, Mexico, D. F., Mexico Tel.: (52) 55 5202-4841 Fax.: (52) 55 5202-0950 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.pnuma.org/dewalac/ UNEP (United Nation Environment Programme), 2003: GEO Latin America and the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003, UNEP Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico

ISBN: 92-807-2294-8 Printed in Costa Rica, November 2003 Printed using paper and material from sustainable sources and produced in a ISO 14000 certified process.

GEO Latin America and the Caribbean - 2003

Environment Outlook

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GEO - LAC 2003 Produced by

In collaboration with:

With additional collaboration of:

Editor’s note: GEO repeatedly used in this publication is the acronym of the Global Environment Outlook.

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Acknowledgements This publication was developed with the help of the GEO project Collaborating Centres, as well as close to one hundred experts, members of Non-governmental Organisations, representatives of governments and regional organizations. As a result, this publication is a collective effort. We would like to pay tribute to the memory of Manuel Alepuz Llansana, Director of el Centro de Ingeniería y Manejo Ambiental de Bahías y Costas (CIMAB), Cuba, a collaborator who passed away recently.

We would especially like to thank the contribution of the lead authors of this report and the technical teams at UNEP and the Development Observatory of the University of Costa Rica. We also acknowledge the important contribution of the participants of the GEO 3 regional consultation (Costa Rica, May 2001) and of the workshop to discuss the GEO LAC 2003 report (Cuba, February 2002) whose names are listed on Page 279.

The Production Team Coordinators

Lead authors

Kaveh Zahedi, Coordinator, Division of Early Warning and Assessment (DEWA), United Nation Environment Programme Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNEPROLAC), Mexico.

This report is a collective work developed over a period of three years (2001-2003) in collaboration with experts in various countries of the region. The starting point was the draft texts about Latin America and the Caribbean prepared for the Global Environment Outlook 3 report that was published in 2002. Afterwards, the texts were further elaborated and developed. In the section below appear the names of the individuals who, with the production team of the report, contributed substantively to the writing and editing of the texts.

Edgar E. Gutiérrez-Espeleta, Director, University of Costa Rica Development Observatory (UCR-OdD), Costa Rica.

UNEP-ROLAC Team (Mexico) Ricardo Sánchez (Principal Reviewer), Kakuko NagataniYoshida (Editor, Researcher and Reviewer), María Eugenia Arreola (Researcher and Reviewer), Teresa Hurtado (Secretary), Luis Betanzos de Mauleón (Researcher), Marco Aurelio Pinzón (Reviewer, Chapter 2: Atmosphere), Enrique Leff (Reviewer, Chapter 3 and Chapter 5), Oscar Ramírez (Reviewer, Chapter 2: Freshwater and Coastal and Marine Areas), Rosana Silva (Reviewer, Chapter 3), Isabel Martínez (Reviewer, Chapter 3), Diego Masera (Reviewer Chapter 3), Myriam Urzúa (Reviewer, Chapter 3), Norberto Fernández (Reviewer), Fernando Tudela Abad (Reviewer).

UCR-OdD Team (Costa Rica) Álvaro Fernández-González (Lead Researcher and Editor), Julián Monge-Nájera (Editor), Freddy Abarca (Statistics Application Developer), Olmer Núñez (Statistician), Hazel Brenes (Statistician), Marcela Noguera (Secretary).

Overall and cover design Gerardo del Castillo Ramírez (Mexico)


Eduardo Gudynas, Uruguay (Chapter 1); Kaveh Zahedi, Mexico (Chapter 2: Socioeconomic Trends and Chapter 5); Sebastián Miller, Chile (Chapter 2: Socioeconomic Trends); Álvaro Fernández-González (Chapter 2: Atmosphere, Desasters, Environment and Human Health and Chapter 5); Nicolo Gligo, Chile (Chapter 2: Land); Pascal Girot, Costa Rica (Chapter 2: Land, Forests, Biovidersity, Urban Areas); Ivan Tomaselli, Brazil (Chapter 2: Forests); Carlos A. Klink, Brazil (Chapter 2: Biovidersity); Oscar Cordeiro Netto, Brazil (Chapter 2: Freshwater); Daniel David Hoggarth, Barbados (Chapter 2: Coastal and Marine Areas); Indrani Lutchman, Barbados (Chapter 2: Coastal and Marine Areas); Kathleen Sullivan Sealey, United States (Chapter 2: Coastal and Marine Areas); Lee Kimball, United States (Chapter 2: Coastal and Marine Areas); Bruce Potter, United States (Chapter 2: Coastal and Marine Areas); Camilo Arriagada Luco, Chile (Chapter 2: Urban Areas); Carmen Marín, Costa Rica (Chapter 2: Environment and Human Health); Kakuko Nagatani-Yoshida (Chapter 2: Environment and Human Health and Chapter 5); Eugenia Wo-Ching, Costa Rica (Chapter 3); Ramón Pichs-Madruga, Cuba (Chapter 4); Francisco Brzovich, Chile (Chapter 4), y Eric Kemp-Benedict, United States (Chapter 4), and Edgar E. Gutiérrez-Espeleta, Costa Rica (Chapter 4 and Chapter 5).

Graphic application, illustrations, photographs and editorial production Roberto Burgos S. (Costa Rica)

Translation from Spanish to English Phil Linehan (Mexico) Editor (English version) Sylvia Howe (UK)

Environment Outlook

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Index Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................................................. 4 Foreword ............................................................................................................................................................ 11 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 14

1: From Stockholm to Johannesburg: environment and development in Latin America and the Caribbean From Stockholm to Johannesburg: environment and development in Latin America and the Caribbean ...................................................................................................... 20 Stockholm: growth and population ............................................................................................................. 20 Environmental issues become international ................................................................................................ 21 “Our Common Future” and “Our Own Agenda” ........................................................................................ 23 The Earth Summit process ........................................................................................................................... 23 New economic conditions: 1990-2002 ...................................................................................................... 25 Laws and institutions ................................................................................................................................... 26 Nature and the Market ................................................................................................................................ 27 Ten years after the Earth Summit and future outlook ................................................................................... 27 References ................................................................................................................................................... 29

2 State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002 State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002 ............................................. 32 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 32 Socio-economic trends .................................................................................................................................... 33 Economy ..................................................................................................................................................... 33 Energy ......................................................................................................................................................... 35 Social situation ............................................................................................................................................ 36 Demography ............................................................................................................................................... 37 Science and technology .............................................................................................................................. 38 Governance ................................................................................................................................................ 38 References ................................................................................................................................................... 39 Land ................................................................................................................................................................... 40 Agricultural production ............................................................................................................................... 40 Land tenure ................................................................................................................................................. 41 Expansion of agriculture and livestock farming .......................................................................................... 42 Land degradation ........................................................................................................................................ 43 Agrochemical pollution .............................................................................................................................. 45 Desertification ............................................................................................................................................. 46 Policy responses .......................................................................................................................................... 47 References ................................................................................................................................................... 51 Forests ............................................................................................................................................................... 53 Deforestation trends and causes ................................................................................................................. 54 Pressures ..................................................................................................................................................... 55 Forest fires and hydro-meteorological threats ............................................................................................. 56 Impact of deforestation ............................................................................................................................... 58 Forest policies ............................................................................................................................................. 58 References ................................................................................................................................................... 61

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Biodiversity ....................................................................................................................................................... 63 Diversity of ecosystems and species ........................................................................................................... 63 Genetic resources diversity ......................................................................................................................... 65 Threats to biodiversity ................................................................................................................................. 66 Policy responses .......................................................................................................................................... 70 References ................................................................................................................................................... 76 Freshwater ........................................................................................................................................................ 78 Availability of water resources and regional variations ............................................................................... 78 Pressure on water resources ........................................................................................................................ 82 Water policies: national and regional initiatives ......................................................................................... 86 References ................................................................................................................................................... 91 Coastal and marine areas ................................................................................................................................ 93 General ecological situation in the region’s coastal and marine areas ....................................................... 93 Principal anthropogenic pressures and their impact ................................................................................... 95 Policy responses ........................................................................................................................................ 102 References ................................................................................................................................................. 107 Atmosphere ..................................................................................................................................................... 109 Air pollution .............................................................................................................................................. 109 Impact of ozone depletion and regional responses ................................................................................... 114 Greenhouse gases and climate change ..................................................................................................... 117 References ................................................................................................................................................. 127 Urban areas .................................................................................................................................................... 129 Socio-economic dynamics ........................................................................................................................ 130 Solid waste ................................................................................................................................................ 131 Water quality ............................................................................................................................................. 133 Air quality ................................................................................................................................................. 135 Vulnerability .............................................................................................................................................. 135 Built environment ...................................................................................................................................... 135 Socio-environmental impact of regional urbanisation .............................................................................. 136 Policies on basic human settlements problems ......................................................................................... 137 References ................................................................................................................................................. 139 Disasters .......................................................................................................................................................... 141 Natural disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean .............................................................................. 141 Technological disasters ............................................................................................................................. 148 The region’s vulnerability to disasters ....................................................................................................... 149 Impact of disasters ..................................................................................................................................... 149 Prevention, mitigation and rehabilitation responses ................................................................................. 150 References ................................................................................................................................................. 156 Environment and human health ................................................................................................................... 158 Epidemiological and environmental risk transition ................................................................................... 158 Anthropogenic degradation of nature and health risks ............................................................................. 160 The impact of environmental risks on sanitation ...................................................................................... 166 Regional responses to environmental health problems ............................................................................. 170 References ................................................................................................................................................. 174 Conclusions .................................................................................................................................................... 176

3: Policy responses to environmental problems Policy responses to environmental problems ............................................................................................. 180 Multilateral environmental agreements and non-binding instruments ...................................................... 181 Environmental policies .............................................................................................................................. 188 Policy implementation and impacts .......................................................................................................... 192 Economic instruments ............................................................................................................................... 195 GEO Latin America and the Caribbean - 2003

Environment Outlook

7 Industries, new technologies and sustainable tourism ............................................................................... 198 Environmental financing sources and mechanisms ................................................................................... 205 Public participation ................................................................................................................................... 210 Environmental information ....................................................................................................................... 215 Environmental training and education ...................................................................................................... 218 References ................................................................................................................................................. 220

4: Regional development scenarios Regional development scenarios ................................................................................................................. 226 Unregulated market scenario .................................................................................................................... 228 Reforms scenario ....................................................................................................................................... 232 Great transitions scenario .......................................................................................................................... 236 Conclusions .............................................................................................................................................. 238 References ................................................................................................................................................. 241

5: Options for action Options for action .......................................................................................................................................... 244 Protecting and promoting the sustainable use of priority ecosystems ....................................................... 245 Managing the urbanisation process ........................................................................................................... 246 Addressing the increasing vulnerability of the region’s population and ecosystems ................................. 246 The challenges for the 21st century .......................................................................................................... 247 References ................................................................................................................................................. 249

Statistical annex Latin America and the Caribbean .............................................................................................................. 252 Mesoamerica ............................................................................................................................................. 258 Caribbean .................................................................................................................................................. 264 South America ........................................................................................................................................... 270 References: statistical annex ...................................................................................................................... 276 GEO Latin America and the Caribbean 2003 Collaborating Centres ................................................................ 278 Other collaborators .......................................................................................................................................... 278

List of boxes and illustrations Introduction: Conceptual framework ................................................................................................................ 16 1: From Stockholm to Johannesburg: environment and development in Latin America and the Caribbean Meetings of the Forum of Ministers of Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean ................................ 22 2: State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002 Socio-economic trends Human development trends over the past 30 years ................................................................................... 34 Population in Latin America and the Caribbean per sub-region, 1970-2000 (in millions) ......................... 37 Expansion of communications media in Latin America and the Caribbean (per 1,000 inhabitants) ........... 38 Land Environmental restrictions on agricultural land use ................................................................................... 40 Land use and soil conditions: the case of Jamaica ..................................................................................... 42 Agricultural land as a proportion of total land area in the region ............................................................... 43

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Land use change and greenhouse gas emissions ........................................................................................ Loss of soil nutrients ................................................................................................................................... Fertilizer consumption in Latin America .................................................................................................... Towards harmonizing regional public policies to combat desertification ..................................................

44 45 46 49

Forests Forest extent: Latin America and the Caribbean ......................................................................................... Countries with the highest percentage of forests in the world, 2000 .......................................................... Assessment of world forest resources: definitions, methods, and sources .................................................. Use of fuelwood as a source of energy in Mesoamerica ............................................................................ Subsidies for Mexico’s agriculture and livestock sector ............................................................................. Forest rangers: indigenous community forest management ........................................................................ Image of South American hot spots in 2000 ............................................................................................... Payment for environmental services in Costa Rica ..................................................................................... Forest policy: the international framework ................................................................................................. Towards sustainable management of natural forests ..................................................................................

53 53 54 55 56 57 57 59 60 61

Biodiversity Biodiversity in Latin America and the Caribbean (number of flora and vertebrate fauna species) ............. Endemism hot spots in Latin America and the Caribbean .......................................................................... Bioprospection and intellectual property: the conflict for frogs and analgesics in Ecuador ....................... Endangered animal species ........................................................................................................................ Dangers of introducing new species to the islands .................................................................................... Domesticating and breeding Paca (Agouti paca) ....................................................................................... Biotic inventory: a Caribbean necessity ..................................................................................................... Number of protected areas, total area and percentage of protected national territory in 2002 ................. Regional action within the CITES framework ............................................................................................. National response initiatives: the cases of Colombia and Mexico .............................................................. First Ministerial Meeting of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries ..............................................................

63 64 65 67 69 70 70 71 73 74 75

Freshwater Mean annual precipitation and total renewable water resources in the region ......................................... The Amazon and Parana-La Plata, among the world’s largest water basins ............................................... Availability of water per capita in the region’s water basins ...................................................................... Annual freshwater use per sector ............................................................................................................... Access to drinking water and sanitation in the region ............................................................................... Urban and industrial sewage water pollution in Greater Buenos Aires (1968-1987) and Rio de Janeiro (1996-1998) .......................................................................................................... Regional integrated water resources management efforts ........................................................................... The Guaraní Aquifer .................................................................................................................................. The Cuban experience in water basin management – an on-going success story ......................................

79 80 81 83 84 85 87 88 90

Coastal and marine areas Large marine ecosystems of Latin America and the Caribbean .................................................................. 94 Impact of global warming and El Niño on coastal and marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean ....................................................................................................... 95 Endangered coastal ecosystems ................................................................................................................. 96 Use and management of major coastal marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean ........................ 97 Pesticide run-off into the Caribbean Sea .................................................................................................... 98 Degradation and coral loss in Jamaica ....................................................................................................... 98 Oil pollution in the Greater Caribbean ...................................................................................................... 99 Share of Peru and Chile in regional fish catch, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) ................................... 101 Total fish catch by FAO regions in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) ................................................................................... 102 Evolution of catch of small pelagic organisms in the southeast Pacific, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) ..................................................................................................... 103 Concentration of aquaculture production in countries in in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1984-2000 (in percentage) ..................................................... 103 Principal multilateral agreements on regional coastal-marine areas ........................................................ 105 Programmes to protect regional seas and the marine environment from land-based activities ................ 106


Environment Outlook

9 Atmosphere Air pollution from forest fires ..................................................................................................................... 111 National air quality controls, 1999 ........................................................................................................... 112 Pollution reduction: success stories ........................................................................................................... 113 Growth of the hole in the ozone layer (1985, 1999, 2000) ...................................................................... 115 Ozone risks in Punta Arena and Santiago ................................................................................................. 115 Global efforts to reduce ozone depleting substances ................................................................................ 116 Production and consumption of CFCs in the four main producing and consuming countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (metric tonnes of ozone depletion potential) ................................ 118 Compliance with the Montreal Protocol and its amendments (to September 2002) .................................. 119 The global effort against climate change .................................................................................................. 120 Per capita carbon dioxide emissions in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1998 (metric tonnes) ... 121 Greenhouse gas emissions in carbon dioxide equivalent terms (100 year horizon) ................................. 121 National climate change inventories ....................................................................................................... 122 Regional climate impact associated with El Niño .................................................................................... 124 Climate change mitigating and adaptation activities in selected countries .............................................. 126 Urban areas Historic urban growth of Mexico City, 1973-2000 .................................................................................. Most populated cities in Latin America and the Caribbean ...................................................................... Solid waste collection and disposal in major Latin America and the Caribbean cities ............................. Excessive groundwater withdrawals in the Valley of Mexico ................................................................... Drinking water supply and sanitation services ......................................................................................... Restoring Havana’s historic centre ........................................................................................................... Santiago, Chile: Metropolitan Region Pollution Prevention and Decontamination Plan ......................... Limits to urban spread: the case of Mexico City ...................................................................................... Disasters Natural threats and disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2001 ....................................... Ecological and social implications of earthquakes in El Salvador ............................................................ The eruption of the Soufriére Hills volcano of the Island of Montserrat ................................................... Forest fires in Central America associated with El Niño ........................................................................... Floods in the state of Vargas, Venezuela, 1999 ........................................................................................ Hurricane season in Mesoamerica and the Caribbean, 2001 ................................................................. Hurricane Mitch in Honduras .................................................................................................................. The catastrophe of small disasters ............................................................................................................ Vulnerability of Caribbean countries to natural disasters ......................................................................... Vulnerability to disasters: a geo-referenced index for Honduras .............................................................. Loss of human life from disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1999 ................................ Economic losses from disasters and affected populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1999 .................................................................................. Regional disaster early warning action .................................................................................................... El Niño of 1997-1998 in Peru: impact, prevention and damage mitigation ............................................. Environment and human health Epidemiological and environmental risk transition: the WHO approach ................................................. Ecosystems degradation and impacts on human health ........................................................................... Infections related to lack of drinking water, sanitation and poor hygiene (as percentage of the total potential years of life lost through incapacity) ................................................................. Solid waste and associated health risks .................................................................................................... Burden of disease attributable to air quality (as percentage of disability adjusted life years) .................... Health impact of air pollutants ................................................................................................................. Health impact of El Niño .......................................................................................................................... Vector borne diseases ............................................................................................................................... Deaths potentially affected by enviromnental factors, 1994 (as a percentage of total deaths: 10 main causes) ............................................................................. Pan-American Health Organization: regional cooperation projects in the field of environmental protection and development, 2000-2001 .........................................................................................

129 130 132 133 134 136 137 138

142 144 144 145 146 147 147 150 150 151 152 152 154 155

159 161 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 171

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3: Policy responses to environmental problems Parties to the principal environmental conventions ................................................................................. 183 Principal multilateral environmental agreements in the region ................................................................ 186 The evolution of PROALCOHOL in Brazil ............................................................................................... 189 Trade and the environment – at the crossroads ........................................................................................ 191 Examples of economic instruments for environmental management ....................................................... 194 Categories of economic instruments for environmental management ...................................................... 196 Categorization and regulation of Latin American and the Caribbean countries according to areas of certified organic agricultural production, in transition, or both, 1998-2001 ................................. 198 Area certified through different Rainforest Alliance programmes ............................................................. 199 Hectares of forest certified in Latin America and the Caribbean ............................................................. 200 ISO 9000 and ISO 14001 certified companies in Latin America and the Caribbean (to December 31, 2002) ............................................................................................. 201 National cleaner production centres in Latin America and the Caribbean ............................................... 202 Environmental Innovation Prize ............................................................................................................... 204 Investment in biodiversity in Latin America and the Caribbean ............................................................... 206 International cooperation sources (multilateral, sub-regional and bilateral) ............................................. 207 Monterrey Consensus: development financing ........................................................................................ 209 Millennium Declaration: advances in compliance .................................................................................... 211 National environmental information systems: some regional examples ................................................... 215 Latin America and the Caribbean environmental reports ......................................................................... 217

4: Regional development scenarios Preparing scenarios as a long-term environmental evaluation instrument ............................................... Unregulated market and reform scenarios: statistical data of base year (1995) and projections for 2015 and 2032 ................................................................................................... Comparative analysis of relevant environmental variables in the market and reforms scenarios, 1995-2032 .................................................................................................... Classification of rate of environmental deterioration in relevant scenarios ..............................................


226 228 235 239

Environment Outlook

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Foreword

T

he global scene is quite different today to how it was in 2000 when the first Environment Outlook for Latin America and the Caribbean was published. Security has become the main agenda for the global community, making it even more difficult to ensure adequate coverage and financing of environmental issues. At the same time, countries are grasping for ways to reap the rewards of globalisation while limiting its damaging effects. Environmental awareness and action has increased, but not enough to stem the destruction of the earth’s resources. In August 2002, over 190 nations and hundreds of representatives from civil society organisations gathered in Johannesburg, South Africa, for the World Summit on Sustainable Development. While there has been disappointment that nations failed to agree global timetables and targets for many issues, the Summit was an important step forward in areas such as the management of toxic chemicals, equitable access to genetic resources and the sharing of their benefits, reducing biodiversity loss, restoring fisheries, improving developing countries’ access to environmentally-sound alternatives to ozone depleting chemicals, and the provision of basic sanitation. It is within this context that UNEP is releasing the latest edition of the report, GEO Latin America and the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003. What this latest assessment tells us is that, unlike the global political scene, environmental trends in the region have changed little since 2000. The region’s rich natural resources, especially its forests, continue to be degraded at an alarming rate. At the same time, the environmental problems of cities, where over three quarters of the population live, continue to cause severe health consequences for city dwellers. Policies in the region, includ-

ing those dealing with pollution in cities, have had some success. Nevertheless, the environment is still not fully integrated into economic decision making. Indeed, of the three pillars of sustainable development, it is the economy that is driving development. Social issues such as poverty and inequality and environmental problems such as biodiversity loss and resources contamination have taken a back seat. At Johannesburg we saw a renewed commitment by the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean to confront this situation. The Latin America and the Caribbean Initiative for Sustainable Development approved during the Summit in many ways goes beyond the commitments made in the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation. The initiative signals the seriousness with which the countries of the region are treating their environmental challenges, as well as their commitment as a group to confronting these challenges. The Forum of Ministers of the Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean, through which the Initiative was developed and approved, provides a unique arena in which common problems are discussed and solutions sought. UNEP, as Secretariat of the Forum, is committed to continue providing all the support necessary so as to ensure that the LAC Initiative is implemented and concrete actions initiated in the areas of particular priority for the region. I hope that the GEO Latin America and the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003, as well as the many national and sub-regional GEO assessments already developed by UNEP and its partners in the region, form the foundation for informed decision making and inspire the region’s people in their quest for sustainable development.

Dr. Klaus Toepfer United Nations Under-Secretary General and Executive Director, United Nations Environment Programme

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Introduction

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Introduction

E

fficient environmental management requires a firm basis of up-to-date information on the state of the environment. The methodology used by UNEP to make integrated assessments answers four basic management questions: What is happening to the environment?; Why is it happening?; What is being done about it?, and What will happen if appropriate measures are not taken? The Global Environment Outlook project (GEO), was a response to the requirements of Agenda 21 for reports on the environment and to the UNEP Governing Council’s decision in May 1995 requesting that an in-depth report be prepared on the state of the global environment. An integrated analysis was to be prepared on the state of the environment that would include policy options that could lead to concrete action being taken. The project has also evolved by the efforts made at regional, sub-regional, national and municipal levels, using the same methodology and harmonised conceptual framework (See The Conceptual Framework in this section). This report has been prepared thanks to the participation, of a network of collaborating centres, scientists and politicians concerned with the environment. The project, therefore, provides a global and regional synthesis of existing environmental concerns, trends and policies. The GEO project has two main parts: a) A global cross-sectoral, participatory and consultative environmental assessment process. It incorporates regional views and builds consensus on priority issues and actions through dialogue among policy makers (particularly governments) and scientists at regional and global levels. It also aims to strengthen environmental assessment capacity through training and learning by doing. b) GEO material in printed and electronic formats, including the GEO report series. The series presents periodic reviews of the state of the global environment, trends and emerging issues, together with their social and economic impact. It provides guidance for decision making processes such as the formulation of environmental policies, action planning and resources allocation. The following reports have been published: global (GEO 1997, GEO 2000 and GEO 3); regional (GEO LAC 2000 and 2003); sub-regional (GEO Caribbean and GEO Andes); national (GEO Barbados, Brazil, Chile,


Costa Rica, Cuba, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama and Peru); city assessments (GEO cities Bogota, Buenos Aires, Havana, Manaus, Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, San Salvador and Santiago); technical reports (tropical forest fires) and GEO for Youth. The coordinated global network of collaborating centres (CCs) is at the core of the GEO process. These centres have played an increasingly active role in preparing GEO reports. They are now responsible for almost all the regional inputs, combining top-down integrated assessment with bottom-up environmental reporting. Other institutions provide specialised expertise, interdisciplinary and on thematic issues. Another essential component of the GEO process in the region is the participation of government environmental policy makers, scientists specialised in environmental questions and representatives of non-governmental organisations. Regional consultations are held and other advisory mechanisms are used to foster and contribute to the ongoing dialogue between them. Consultations help to direct the GEO process, serve to review preliminary material and ensure that each report is useful in formulating policies and planning environmental actions. The report GEO Latin America and the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003 is the result of a process undertaken in response to the request by the Forum of Latin American and Caribbean Ministers of the Environment continuously to assess the state of the environment in the region, using the GEO methodology (integrated environmental assessment). For the most difficult challenges, including improving the quality of life and conserving natural resources, this report provides a useful and timely instrument. Population growth is now increasing the demand for food, drinking water, shelter, health, energy, basic services and economic security, while at the same time increasing vulnerability of both natural and urban environments. It is a follow-up to the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg (September 2002) and in particular abides by the objectives of the Latin America and the Caribbean Initiative for Sustainable Development (ILAC). The report is an integrated environmental assessment on Latin America and the Caribbean designed to: ·

Update information about the state of the environment.

·

Establish a base to determine environmental priorities.

·

Establish criteria to prepare environmental policies and strategies.

·

Provide a mechanism to assess the efficacy of environmental strategies and policies.

Environment Outlook

15 ·

Strengthen capacities to evaluate and use the information.

This is the scenario in which the second version of the Latin America and Caribbean Environment Outlook is published. It is the most important report on the state of the environment in Latin America and the Caribbean forming the basis for decisions and action. GEO LAC 2003 contains data, indicators and validated and updated information on better environmental management. It will alert and help countries to better prepare themselves to confront, both nationally and regionally, emerging environmental issues. It contains a general description of the state of the environment in the region, giving an overall view of economic, political, social and environmental aspects. The first chapter, The Environment and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean: Three decades of effort describes the historic process of the environmental theme in the region during the period 1972-2002 (Stockholm to Johannesburg), reviewing important events and debates such as the Brundtland Report and the impact of population growth, economic growth and ecological trends. This chapter will allow the reader to learn about the historic context of the regional environmental debate. The second chapter offers a look at the state of the environment with respect to priority themes for the region: land and food, forest, biodiversity, freshwater, marine and coastal areas, atmosphere, human settlements, health, natural threats and disasters. It reflects the situation by giving concrete national examples and up-to-date information. The third chapter offers a systematic description of environmental policies in the region, focussing on ongoing initiatives and policies, identifying gaps, weaknesses and barriers that prevent policies from being suc-

cessfully implemented. This chapter focuses on planning and environmental policy, on assessing how policies are executed and on legislation. In addition, examples are given that highlight the principal existing strengths, opportunities, weaknesses and dangers in responding to environmental problems. The fourth chapter presents three scenarios - a market scenario, a reforms scenario based on public policies, and a great transitions scenario for the region and seeks to identify environmental and development aspects most sensitive to present-day decisions . For each scenario, relevant factors are described for analysis: the general context, key economic aspects, the situation of technology, society and culture, demography, migrations, governance, and analysis of the effects on natural and urban environments. Finally, conclusions and recommendations formulated by experts involved in the process are presented based on the analysis in the document, enabling readers to join forces against environmental deterioration and helping them to become agents for the promotion of sustainable development. The GEO Latin America and the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003 report, like the GEO LAC 2000 report, hopes to heighten awareness about the regional environment so that decisions made are correct, pertinent and relevant. There is still a long way to go but, by uniting the efforts of governments, organizations, institutions and civil society in the region, issues concerning the environment can be brought together to formulate and execute policies and actions to improve the quality of life of everyone living in Latin America and the Caribbean, including those yet to be born, as reflected in the Latin American and Caribbean Initiative for Sustainable Development.

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Conceptual framework

© R. Burgos

The conceptual framework used in the GEO project is based on the State-Pressure-Impact-Response (SPIR) methodology. The integrated environmental assessments that use this approach seek to respond to questions not only about the state of the environment, but also about why it is in that state, what we are doing about it and what will happen if the response is not the right one. The SPIR approach begins by depicting the state of the environment; that is, the environmental condition being analyzed: for example, land degradation, water pollution, or the loss of biodiversity. Since its first global report, GEO has used the following topics: · · · · · · · ·

Land Forests Biodiversity Coastal and marine areas Freshwater Urban areas Atmosphere Disasters

In this second regional report in the GEO series a new theme is included for the first time, that of Environment and Human Health. This theme will highlight the existing relations between the situation of the natural world and the human condition in Latin America and the Caribbean. In addition, GEO reports always include an initial section on socio-economic background to profile the


development features that have such a determining influence on the environment. In this respect, pressure refers to the forces underlying the state and evolution of the environment. Much of this pressure comes from human activities such as those described in the socio-economic background section: the prevalent patterns of production and consumption; population growth; poverty and inequality; and governance mechanisms. However, it is also necessary to consider the pressure resulting from the dynamics of nature itself. These include geological, climate and biological processes that form the basis of human activity, as well as global conditions and waste processing limits. The impact is the effect of the environment – positive or negative, constructive or destructive – on human activity and on whether human beings can continue to subsist or survive as they do in natural surroundings. Principal effects on the population include people’s health, productivity and quality of life. As to truly natural effects, an assessment should be made of the capacity of ecosystems to develop their basic vital functions of providing the population with essential environmental services. The SPIR approach ends the cycle of integrated assessment by considering the human response to three issues: the situation of the environment; the pressure that causes it; and its effects on human activity and natural surroundings. The response to the pressure is strategic, given that only by eliminating the root causes

Environment Outlook

17 Conceptual framework (continuation) will it be possible to reverse environmental degradation and achieve sustainability. However, it is of great political importance to consider the effects of the present situation of the environment, and the response to them, since this will permit the identification of the core problems that will help mobilize social action in this field. The most important of these effects include those related to human health, so that the theme of Environment and Human Health is of particular relevance in this second regional report. The following responses are of particular interest for the GEO reports: ·

Ratification and implementation of multilateral environmental agreements and non-binding instruments (including multilateral global or regional agreements and action plans). These agreements and instruments are the global framework for environmental action, creating an international regime of opportunities, rights and duties in this field.

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National environmental legal codes and institutions which form the basis for formulating and implementing policies.

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Application of economic instruments in environmental policies, within the framework of other, non-environmental, sectoral policies and macroeconomic policies. These instruments are complementary to command and control policies and at times are more effective. However, consideration must be given to the effect –generally negative– of environmental policies implicit in agricultural, industrial or trade policies, as well as in fiscal or monetary macroeconomic policies.

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Industries and new technologies related to the environment. Production and consumption initiatives, which often have important consequences for the environment.

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Sources and mechanisms of financing for environmental action, both international (development assistance, direct foreign investment) and national (taxes, payment for environmental services).

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Public participation in issues concerning the environment, perhaps the principal short-term driver for global and local change.

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Environmental information that establishes the basis of scientific knowledge behind political decisions and public participation.

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Environmental training and education, which makes possible medium and long-term transformations in decision makers and the public by building capacities.

For the first time since the beginning of the GEO project, this retrospective report attempts to prepare (as in the global report GEO 3, recently published), an analysis on the state of the environment with a thematic coverage of the whole SPIR cycle. For each theme the second chapter gives an account not only of the respective situations, but also of the main effects and responses during the period of analysis. However, given the role that policies play in helping to reverse environmental deterioration, this regional report presents, as did the first, a chapter specifically devoted to policies. Chapter 3 gives details of the types of responses mentioned above, dealing with many of the most important experiences on the themes of interest following the GEO approach. The thematic analysis used (land, forests, biodiversity, etc.) does not give a precise or specific description of existing relations between the different themes, although this is certainly mentioned when they are relevant either as pressures or effects. The growing expansion of land for agriculture, for example, leads to deforestation and land degradation or loss of natural habitats, with a great deterioration of biodiversity. Soil pollution from the use of agrochemicals has equally serious consequences for biodiversity, quality of continental waters, coastal and marine areas and, finally, the health of the regional population. Loss of biodiversity has negative medium- and long-term effects on sustainability of agriculture and human nutrition. The dynamics of unplanned urbanization and pollution by industry has adverse multiplying effects on the atmosphere, soils, forests, coasts and seas. The complex cause and effect relations fall outside the study’s specific scope, except for the section on Environment and Human Health, which analyses the inter-relationships, as far as quality of human life is concerned. In the rest of the study, however, they are not the focus of this analysis.

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Chapter:

1 From Stockholm to Johannesburg: environment and development in Latin America and the Caribbean

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From Stockholm to Johannesburg: environment and development in Latin America and the Caribbean

T

he United Nations Conference on the Human En vironment, held in Stockholm in 1972, was the first international conference on the environment that brought together 113 countries and other stakeholders to debate questions of common concern, and it was a turning point in modern thinking on the environment and development. Thirty years later, the Latin America and Caribbean region faces two huge interrelated challenges: how to introduce changes that are both productive and fair, and how to administer natural resources. The first is part of the region’s traditional aspirations and influences its politics. The second has been included more and more in the development agenda (Rosenthal, 1994). At the end of the 1960s, when the environment became an international concern, industrialised countries took the initiative by convening the Stockholm Conference. That may explain why the problem of the environment was initially considered from a rather narrow perspective, as a disease of the rich, a sequel to the economic growth from which they had derived unparalleled levels of wealth and prosperity. Developing countries saw this concern of the rich as a new limitation on their own development. They insisted that the dialogue should include questions related to poverty, underdevelopment, inequality and natural resources, closely and inextricably linked to their own environmental conditions and prospects (Strong, 1994). The Stockholm Conference made a significant contribution to the incorporation of the environment in policies and other public management instruments. Then, only a handful of Latin American and Caribbean representatives were interested in the subject, while today all countries in the region have an environmental institutional and policy base, and citizens’ organisations have multiplied. Over the past 30 years, substantial advances have been made by countries in the region. Environmental themes have been institutionalised, environmental ministries established, natural protected areas set up, environmental rights added to constitutions and a legal apparatus developed. Public opinion has also become in-

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creasingly well informed and alert. Nevertheless, there is still an awareness that the situation continues to be serious and that much still needs to be done. Concern about the environment has spread: it can be found amongst farmers who seek new ecological alternatives for their crops, as well as amongst entrepreneurs interested in eco-efficient innovations; it is defended in universities and by civil society organisations. No longer regarded as either an issue for rich countries or even a curiosity, the environment has crossed national boundaries and continents and is now the focus of global attention. It has become relevant to the extent that development can no longer be defined without including it. This chapter will review some of the most important aspects of this three-decade history.

Stockholm: growth and population The Stockholm Conference was the first important governmental meeting to concentrate on what was being called the “human environment”. It took place in the context of growing citizen protest and increasing concern in industrialised countries about deterioration of the environment. The conference debate rapidly veered towards the environment’s relations with development, pollution and environmental degradation, the role of poverty and the effects of population growth. Two of these broad themes – the relations between environmental measures and economic growth, and the effects of population growth – had been dealt with a short time earlier in “The Limits to Growth”, a study undertaken for the Club of Rome by a team of researchers (Meadow and others, 1972). This analysis found that there were environmental limits to economic growth, and that if the direction taken during those years were continued, the end result could lead to environmental catastrophe, general famine and population decline. The discussion had become largely bogged down in fixed positions, generating conflict between environmental and economic policies. Several Latin American leaders viewed environmental measures of any kind as impediments to economic progress. This polarisation is possible in any context where material development is taken to mean economic growth. A number of diplomats in Stockholm defended the need to draw up their own environmental policies independently, arguing that the requirements of developed countries – perhaps an unattainable luxury - could not be applied in the region. They went as far as to deny that there was any cause for anxiety about the environment. Concern for economic progress explains the focus on purely economic problems such as international trade

Chapter 1: From Stockholm to Johannesburg: Environment and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean

Environment Outlook

terms and the role of relations between states and national sovereignty. Concerned that industrialised countries might start imposing conditions, Latin American and Caribbean countries insisted on maintaining their sovereign right to decide how their natural resources were to be used. Meanwhile “The Limits to Growth” was being discussed in Latin American fora. One example is the Bariloche Foundation’s “World Model”, with distinguished intellectuals declaring that “there are no absolute physical limits in the foreseeable future”, insisting on the abundance of Latin America’s natural resources, emphasising the political aspects of their distribution and renewing their faith in progress (Herrera, 1975). However, going further than raising reasonable doubts arising out of economic policy, there was also a minimalist view that played down environmental aspects and suggested the better use of available technical solutions and ideal state planning. Much attention was also paid in Stockholm to population growth. The warning about a “demographic time bomb” was heard everywhere, and some countries feared that they would be called to account because of their high birth rates (Ehrlich, 1968). Their response, led by the molecular biologist and environmental activist Barry Commoner of the United States, pointed out that over-consumption and social inequality should also be included as principal causes of environmental damage (Commoner, 1971). Thus, the questions connected with consumption of environmental resources and identifying the perpetrators quickly became part of the discussion. Questions kept being raised about the relations between ecology and the economy on the one hand, and environment and consumption, on the other.

impact in various international fora, including the Earth Summit of 1992 (Urquidi, 1994). In the 1970s an intermediate opinion emerged which, although it had no repercussions on its appearance, was to serve almost 10 years later as a basis of the notion of a new “sustainable development economy”. It was called “ecodevelopment” by the French economist Ignacy Sachs. A t the beginning of that decade, he had been one of the first to highlight the reconciliation of development and environmental policies (Urquidi, 1994).

Environmental issues become international In the latter part of the 1970s and at the start of the 1980s, development meant the greater deterioration of natural areas and environmental conditions, and the emergence and strengthening of a wide network of environmental organisations. A sense of commitment appeared in discussions about the environment, especially on flora and fauna conservation. During that decade the debate, which had so far been concentrated on tropical forests, especially in

One positive result of the conference, in addition to a declaration of policy, was the recommendation that a United Nations environmental agency be established. Months later, a UN General Assembly resolution created the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) with headquarters in a southern hemisphere country (Kenya) and offices in the different regions. The Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) office was established in Mexico. The debate between environmentalists and economists broadened after 1972. To begin with, Latin American economists took little part in the debate, but later “The Interaction between Styles of Development and the Environment in Latin America” by Chilean economist Osvaldo Sunkel was published as a joint project, running between 1978 and 1989, between the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and UNEP. In November 1979 a regional seminar was held in Santiago, Chile, out of which the Argentinian economist Raúl Prebisch published “Biosphere and Development”. Later, the thinking of these people and other Latin Americans was to have an

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Central America and the Amazon, began to broaden in recognition of the global value of national natural resources. Unlike the Stockholm era, other stakeholders as well as governments became involved: multilateral development banks such as the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) or the World Bank (WB); international and national non-governmental organisations (NGOs); later on, indigenous organisations such as the Co-ordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) also joined in. During the 1970s, more than one country defended the development of the Amazon “at any price” model. The creation of the Treaty for Amazon Cooperation in 1978 was a palliative that placed conditions on the role that NGOs and indigenous groups could play. The possibility of broadening the discussion was limited by authoritarian regimes in several southern cone countries and by political and military instability in Central America. For almost 20 years UNEP stressed the economic advantages of environmental protection and the costs of damage to natural resources. This resulted in: cleaning up the Baltic Sea and part of the Mediterranean; the Montreal Protocol of 1987 to reduce, and eventually ban, the production and use of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs); the Basel Convention of 1989 on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes; the initiation of negotiations on global climate change, and several other specific and regional agreements and action plans (see the section on Atmosphere in Chapter 2). In 1982 the Forum of Ministers of the Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean was created. The Forum is the longest standing, most representative and important political gathering for reaching agreement on environmental policies and responses on a regional scale. All the countries of the region are members. The Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP/ ROLAC) acts as the Secretariat. Since 1982 there have been fourteen meetings of the Forum in different cities of the region, helping to orient environmental activities and ensure that regional and international cooperation is more and more efficient and coherent and better targets the priorities identified by the ministers. Conservation organisations flourished, promoting their interests in protecting important ecosystems or endangered species. They quickly understood that the basic causes of such problems were to be found in development strategies, especially in economic practices. Promoted by the World Conservation Union (IUCN) with the support of UNEP and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), the first World Conservation Strategy was drafted in 1980 (IUCN, UNEP and WWF, 1980). This was a key document that recognised the importance of economics and development, and linked them in an

·

environmental strategy. Its proposals place emphasis on satisfying human needs (present and future) and the quality of life rather than simply pushing economic growth; this endorsed the doubts that had been cast during that era. For many years this was the reference document of the principal environmental agencies in Latin America and the Caribbean, and provided one of the first modern definitions of development as “sustainable”, with a new look on ecological limits.

Meetings of the Forum of Ministers of Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean 1982 1983 1984 1985 1987 1989 1990 1993 1995 1996 1998 2000 2001 2003

Mexico City Buenos Aires, Argentina Lima, Peru Cancun, Mexico Montevideo, Uruguay Brasilia, Brazil Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago Santiago, Chile La Habana, Cuba Buenos Aires, Argentina Lima, Peru Bridgetown, Barbados Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Panama City, Panama

In terms of better environmental awareness a number of events stand out: the denunciations regarding the burning of the Amazon forest in newspapers within and outside of the region, the impact of the trials of the Kayapo Indians in Brazil, and the assassination of the Brazilian leader Chico Mendes in 1998 (Gross, 1989). Strong international pressure included declarations by several European presidents to proclaim the Amazon as “humanity’s heritage”. Once again, several governments reacted by claiming autonomy and asked that the subject of the environment be included in the assistance provided by developed countries. In some countries, pressure from outside the region also had a strong impact on reformulating policies. Loans by multilateral development banks began to have environmental strings attached. From the middle of the 1990s, both the IDB and the WB introduced programmes on “institutional strengthening” of the environment. In other cases, this reformulation was associated with the economic integration process in the region. For example, changes were made to Mexico’s environmental administration as a result of the negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada (between 1990 and 1992).


Environment Outlook

“Our Common Future” and “Our Own Agenda” The political side developed during the mid-1980s in tandem with the establishment by the United Nations Secretary General in 1983 of a World Commission on Environment and Development. With Gro Harlem Brundtland of Norway as president, this body had 23 members (including four from Latin America). “Our Common Future”, the Commission’s report, suggested possible economic growth based on policies of sustainability and expanding the environmental resources base. The hope it expressed for a better future was, however, conditional as it depended on resolute political action permitting proper administration of environmental resources for sustainable human progress and also the survival of the human species. The Commission observed that many “development” examples were leading to increased poverty, vulnerability and even degradation of the environment. This demonstrated the pressing need for a new concept of development that would protect future human progress: “Sustainable development” was defined as “development that satisfies the present needs of people without compromising the capacity of future generations to satisfy their needs” (CMMAD, 1987). It recognises as the warning given by the Club of Rome that the biosphere had a limited capacity to absorb environmental impacts, but that other restraints it was calling for depended essentially on human beings, and therefore could be modified by social organisation and technology. The contradiction between conservation and economic growth, becoming apparent after the Stockholm Conference, was reinterpreted. The ecological framework, that had earlier been regarded as an insuperable obstacle to growth, then became essential to ensure it. The idea of conservation as a condition for growth had already been met in discussions in several contemporary fora. In 1987, for example, a document issued by the WB and the International Monetary Fund joint development committee had pointed out that economic growth was complementary to environmental conservation and the eradication of poverty (DC, 1987). Along these same lines emerged “Our Own Agenda” (1990), an initiative for Latin America and the Caribbean promoted by the IDB and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) as a “Development and Environmental Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean” (CDMAALC, 1990). This proposal for the most part repeated the concepts of “Our Common Future”, placing emphasis on the fair distribution of the social benefits of natural resources. It is thought that the

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limited effect of this agenda was due to the lack of backing by civil organisations of the work of the editing committee set up by the initiative’s organisers, hence its proposals had little effect on the preparation of the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992.

The Earth Summit process In response to the Brundtland Commission, in December 1989 the United Nations General Assembly convened a Conference on the Environment and Development destined to be held in June 1992. It was decided that countries would be represented by their heads of state or of government at this event, that later became known as the first “Earth Summit”. Resolution 44/ 228 made it clear that this would be a conference on “the environment and development” with the subjects integrated in every aspect from climate change to human settlements. It was hoped that a series of concrete measures would emerge from the conference, including the following (Strong, 1994): ●

An “Earth Charter” or declaration of basic principles to serve countries and individuals as a guide of conduct concerning the environment and development, ensuring a future for the Earth as a hospitable home for human beings and other forms of life.

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An action agenda - “Agenda 21” - to establish the work programme agreed upon by the international community for the post-1992 period and the 21st century, with reference to subjects dealt with at the conference, together with setting priorities and goals, estimating costs, designing methods and assigning responsibilities.

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The means of putting this agenda into practice, including: - financial resources, - transfer of technology, - strengthening institutional capacities and processes.

It took several years to prepare for the Earth Summit by mobilising governments, especially non-governmental organisations. During the preparatory phase, and at the Summit itself, the conviction emerged that the success of the conference would be judged not by what happened in June 1992, but by what would be achieved in the following years (Montaño, 1994). It proved impossible to separate documents endorsed by governments at the Earth Summit from other proposals presented in the process of the preparation of the Summit. Amongst the most important was the IUCN’s second World Conservation Strategy, prepared jointly with UNEP and WWF (1991), called “Caring for the Earth”. This defined sustainable development as improv-

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ing the “quality of human life without exhausting the capacity of ecosystems that sustain it”. The report added that a “sustainable economy” was the product of this type of development where it was possible to maintain the basis of natural resources and “may continue developing by means of adaptation and improved knowledge, organisation and technical efficiency, and greater understanding”. This strategy made it clear that profound cultural changes would be needed, and proposed nine principles for a “sustainable society”: respecting and caring for the community of living beings; improving the quality of human life; conserving biodiversity; reducing to a minimum the exhaustion of non-renewable resources; keeping within the Earth’s capacity; modifying personal attitudes and practices; empowering communities to care for their own environments; providing a national framework to integrate development and conservation; and building a world alliance. These contributions expanded the environmental agenda beyond just concern for endangered species and landscapes, to a wider outlook on the concept of using biodiversity (which ranges from genetic resources to ecosystems), relations with development strategies, the institutional base, and science and technology. At the same time, civil organisations and environmental groups were promoting their own ideas in different fora. An example is the “Ya Wananchi” Agenda approved at the international meeting on “Roots of the Future” (Paris, December 1991) (Ya Wananchi, 1991). This issued a warning that the essential question was not conservation of the environment itself, but rather how to administer natural resources to achieve the most effective social, economic and physical sustainable development. In Latin America and the Caribbean declarations and contributions were made like those of “Las Vertientes”·(Chile) and “Las Leñas” (Argentina). One outstanding aspect of the NGO participation at the Earth Summit was the generation of “alternative agreements”, with their own contributions and vision of the subjects under discussion (FIONGsMS, 1993). These offered a range of approaches, depth of analysis and suggestions for preparing proposals. ·

Latin American and Caribbean governments and organisations insisted on maintaining the close relationship between the region’s poverty and environmental circumstances, which often gave rise to problems. The meeting of environment ministers called by UNEP in 1990 concluded that “there is an indissoluble link between environmental deterioration and poverty” since both are interacting effects of the same world process of defective growth. “Improving economic and social conditions”, said the environment ministers on this occasion, “will be the essential factor in halting environmental degradation in the region” (UNEP/ROLAC, 1990). In 1992, the Rio Earth Summit marked a turning point by producing agreements that attempted to treat global environmental subjects more comprehensively by including sustainable development as a main goal. At the beginning of the 1990s, the five Earth Summit agreements provided the most universal political and articulated response to the problem of how to establish an international co-operation regime designed to achieve full inclusion of the environment into development. They are:, ●

The Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development;

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Agenda 21;

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The Declaration on principles relating to forests;

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The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and

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The Convention on Biological Diversity.

The Rio Declaration was the cornerstone of the concept of sustainable development. For the first time, principles were introduced and accepted by all participants that serve to build new relations among countries and encourage economic, social and environmental balance between developed and developing countries. The following principles are especially important:


Environment Outlook

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Principle 7: States shall co-operate in a spirit of global partnership to conserve, protect and restore the health and integrity of the Earth’s ecosystem. In view of the different contributions to global environmental degradation, States have common but differentiated responsibilities. The developed countries acknowledge the responsibility they bear in the international pursuit for sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command.

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Principle 8: To achieve sustainable development and a higher quality of life for all people, States should reduce and eliminate unsustainable patterns of production and consumption and promote appropriate demographic policies.

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Principle 9: States should cooperate to strengthen endogenous capacity-building for sustainable development by improving scientific understanding by exchanges of scientific and technological knowledge, and by enhancing the development, adaptation, diffusion and transfer of technologies, including new and innovative technologies.

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Principle 10: Environmental issues are best handled with participation of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level. At the national level, each individual shall have appropriate access to information concerning the environment that is held by public authorities, including information on hazardous materials and activities in their communities, and the opportunity to participate in decision-making processes. States shall facilitate and encourage public awareness and participation by making information widely available. Effective access to judicial and administrative proceedings, including redress and remedy, shall be provided.

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Principle 11: States shall enact effective environmental legislation. Environmental standards, management objectives and priorities should reflect the environmental and development context to which they apply. Standards applied by some countries may be inappropriate and of unwarranted economic and social cost to other countries in particular developing countries.

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Principle 15: In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall be widely applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for posting cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation. Principle 16: National authorities should endeavour to promote the internalization of environmental costs and the use of economic instruments, taking into account the approach that the polluter should, in prin-

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ciple, bear the cost of pollution, with due regard to the public interest and without distorting international trade and investment. The results of the Earth Summit are still being felt today. The Commission on Sustainable Development, with a copious agenda, was constituted within the framework of the United Nations. The different international agreements are still in force and have resulted in specific protocols (such as the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, and the Kyoto Protocol of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change). Agenda 21 has been diversified, especially regarding local initiatives. With the conference as a starting point, other regional initiatives have been developed, such as the Central American Alliance for Sustainable Development (1994), the Summit of the Americas on Sustainable Development (Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia, 1996) and the commitments of the Andean Community to protect its biodiversity. The Action Programme for Sustainable Development in Small Island Developing States in the Caribbean deserves a special mention. The particular situation of the world’s small island states became obvious, both during the preparations and at the Earth Summit. This prompted the United Nations to call a special conference on how to make sustainable development feasible in those countries. As a result, the United Nations World Conference on Sustainable Development in Small Island Developing States was held in 1994. It issued the Declaration of Barbados and the Programme of Action, adopted by 111 participating governments, proposing principles and development strategies designed to protect the fragile environment in small insular developing states (ECLAC-UNEP, 2001b).

New economic conditions: 1990-2002 The debt crisis brought about political and economic changes in Latin America and the Caribbean. It also led to new conditions which, during the 1990s, had a great affect on the administration of the environment. These included liberalisation of foreign trade, reduction of state regulations, privatisation of public companies and services, liberalisation of financial markets, more flexible labour relations and contracts, and also the extension of property rights into new areas. In consequence, patterns of foreign trade and exports have been modified, leaving a number of national industrial sectors unprotected and increasing the export of raw materials. Markets were opened, countries began to import more goods at lower prices, and their consumption patterns converted to reflect short-life material goods that quickly became obsolete, and with more non-biodegradable components.

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Agricultural industries expanded with redevelopment that promoted the export of crops, in large measure those for livestock feed (sorghum, rice, soya beans), and in other cases those for specific consumption niches in developed countries (fruit from Central America and Chile, flowers from Colombia). This led to the expansion of agriculture into wildlife areas and to pollution of soils and water. Efforts were made to increase exports to the maximum and to lower costs; environmental controls were seen as impediments. While the importance of conservation was highlighted in Stockholm and at the Earth Summit, agriculture has always remained a subject for debate. Environmental regulation has been associated with restrictions on food self-sufficiency. This was made worse by the reduction of state functions and the weakening of sectoral development planning. A great deal of agricultural management is subject to market conditions, making it hard to include controls and environmental improvements (Escudero, 1998).

Laws and institutions States in Latin America and the Caribbean have given different responses to the subject of the environment. In the first place, they have included it in their programmed goals. Secondly, they have expanded their coverage by using policy measures to regulate approaches to and management of the environment. It was only after the Earth Summit that consideration of the environment as a subject was accepted not only by governments but also by other stakeholders such as business leaders. Since that time the discussion has centred on how to harmonise environmental protection with economic development, and how to resolve conflicts. Taking as a focal point the preparation of general rules, nation states specify the subjects for inclusion and the methods for discussing them. This has led to different environmental laws being passed, both in general (for example, environmental codes, or on the assessment of the environmental impact) and specific laws (laws on water or forests). However, fewer advances have been made in making environmental management and participation more democratically accessible. Mention may also be made of the general trend towards institutionalising aspects which were considered earlier to be almost exclusively the province of private political action by environmentalists. This process is reinforced by external demands (industrialised countries, multilateral development banks, co-operation agencies), and by national pressure (the environmental movement itself, the press). Participating stakeholders have many different objectives and adopt different positions. Interactions between new and old policies, as well as the impulse of the Stockholm Conference and espe·

cially of the Earth Summit, have released a torrent of new legal and institutional environmental frameworks. These reflect the sustainable development concerns of society in Latin America and the Caribbean. This is perhaps one of the most concrete consequences perceptible at state level over the past 30 years (Brañes, 2001). The recent complex political history of most of these countries has brought about an institutional renovation that is reflected in constitutional changes. Between 1972 and 1999 the following new political constitutions incorporating the environment have been drafted: in Panama (1972); Cuba (1976); Peru (1979 and 1993); and Ecuador (1979 and 1998), amongst others. The Constitution of Panama (1972) was the first to indicate that the state should protect the environment and that of Cuba (1976) substituted the word “state” for “society” (Brañes, 2001). The “first wave” of legal and institutional reforms is associated with the influence of the Stockholm Conference; laws on environmental impact and general laws on the environment were promulgated, and the first governmental agencies on the environment were established. Colombia was the regional pioneer with a highlevel institutionalisation of the environment (National Code on Renewable and Protected Natural Resources, 1974). Later, Venezuela passed a decree on Organic Law on the Environment (1976) which led to the creation of the Ministry of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources, an example followed by Ecuador, Cuba, Brazil, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru and Bolivia. The content of these laws is similar: national environmental policy, legal instruments to apply it and protection of certain natural resources (Brañes, 2001). In the English-speaking Caribbean, laws and policies to protect the environment came along later. The initial efforts were devoted to establishing ministerial responsibilities. After the Earth Summit, attempts were made to conclude regional agreements. The first comprehensive attempt was the National Conservation and Environmental Protection Act in Saint Kitts and Nevis (1987), followed by the Natural Resources Conservation Act in Jamaica (1991). Afterwards, laws of this type were established in Belize, Trinidad and Tobago, Saint Lucia and Guyana (UNEP, 2002). On a regional scale, there was a second wave” of reforms associated with the Earth Summit, expanding legislation and creating ministries of the environment. Until nearly 1990, only one such ministry existed in the region, the Ministry of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources of Venezuela, created in 1976. In general, the environmental component used to be a dependency of an existing ministry or secretariat (Brañes, 2001). After the 1992 Summit, however, innovations were proposed such as the establishment in Bolivia of the Ministry of Sustainable Development (including environmental administration with economic planning), a national comptroller’s office for the environment, and


Environment Outlook

biodiversity, forestry and mining superintendents (with the exceptional attribute of being under parliamentary control). In addition, countries in the region have increasingly been ratifying or approving international treaties, conventions or agreements dedicated to the environment (Morán, 1996). This trend has been accompanied – and, to a great extent, counterbalanced – by extensive structural reforms in the 1990s that reduced the state’s presence in several countries. The effect was to transfer part of the administration to private stakeholders, and in some cases to fragment or reduce the size of secretariats or ministries (Acuña, 2000). There are still problems about applying legislation and how to relate it to other policies, especially economic (Brañes, 2001). In general, difficulties persist in the introduction of the environmental dimension at a high level in development strategies. For example, one recent IDB assessment warned that the mechanisms of environmental assessment “are not concretely incorporated”, limiting the possibility of exerting a high-level influence (Espinoza and Alzina, 2001). Much has been accomplished in the last three decades. Nevertheless, concern about the environment is growing. Numerous environmental authorities such as secretariats and ministries have been established and environmental policies have been developed and strengthened through institutional change and legislation. Most Latin American and the Caribbean countries have included the environment in their constitutions and different environmental laws enacted have resulted in progress. The number of international and regional environmental agreements has grown over the past 30 years, bringing greater awareness of the environment and better decision-making. Groups of citizens and nongovernmental organisations in the region now play a more important role in development and conservation activities that concern the environment. This is done with timely participation and based on open and transparent information, even if these steps have not been able to reverse the trends of poverty growth and environmental degradation.

Nature and the Market While the economy-ecology discussion has been going on for years, at the end of the 1980s a price began to be placed on nature, and ways were sought to introduce the environment into the market as yet another commodity. These ideas had already been mentioned in the Earth Summit declarations, but the most important regional step was taken by combining the ideas in Changing Productive Patterns with Social Equity by ECLAC with outside influences (ECLAC, 1990: Anderson, 1992, Baden and Stroup, 1992). The problem was how to assign the concept of capital to nature and thus change conservation into a type of investment; a price would be put on nature and it

27

would be given property rights. Ideas of this kind abound in proposals made during the past ten years by the WB, the IDB and other international agencies, and have been taken up by different regional institutions. This was an advance compared to the previous situation, where nature was ignored in economic terms. In many cases the economic cost of pollution or soil degradation had become evident; in others, encouragement was given to defending natural areas for their potential economic value. Attempts were made to introduce national corrections into environmental accounts by using environmental indicators, or by means of satellite accounts that included environmental assessments (Gligo, 1990). It was also important to identify legitimate competition by seeking the highest environmental quality to improve international trade (CEPAL, 1991). However, tensions also became evident. In some cases the whole of nature has been reduced to an expression of natural capital and environmental policy confined to technical questions, usually associated with determining the true price of natural resources and naming their owners. This is no easy task; some people assign a high value to wildlife while to others it is of little value. The situation is made even more difficult when conservation efforts bring no evident economic yields or, on the contrary, when exploitation turns out to be a profitable business (Leff, 1994). This problem has had a major influence on discussions of sustainable development. The trend on economic assessment inclines towards the so-called “weak sustainability” currents. Another trend which, rather than go against the first one, overtakes it, accepts economic assessment as one of several factors. “Super strong” sustainability brings back the plurality of values (economic or otherwise), accepting that open debate is needed if better results are to be achieved.

Ten years after the Earth Summit and future outlook In October 2001the Latin America and Caribbean regional preparatory conference devised an action plan that was presented to the Commission on Sustainable Development. As a leitmotif for the Johannesburg Summit in 2002, the countries put forward ideas for an equitable, inclusive and sustainable new globalisation, pointing out the need for “greater coherence and coordination between environmental, social and economic strategies and policies” (ECLAC-UNEP, 2001a). The thousands of participants at Johannesburg included heads of state and of government, national delegates, and leaders of non-governmental organisations, business and other main groups. Attention was centred on challenges such as improving the quality of life and conservation in a world of constantly increasing population, augmenting the demand for food, water,

Chapter

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housing, energy, sanitation services and economic security.

●

Kyoto Protocol: when Russia ratified the Protocol there were enough signatures for it to enter into force.

At the extraordinary meeting of the Forum of Ministers of the Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean, held within the framework of the Johannesburg Summit, the Latin America and Caribbean Initiative for Sustainable Development (ILAC) was approved and included in the Summit’s implementation plan. Its objectives are to:

●

Natural resources: losses in seas and forests should be halted, “as soon as possible”

●

Sanitary installations: by 2015, the number of people without running water or access to sanitary services should be reduced by half.

●

Energy: it was agreed to increase renewable energy sources; however, neither goals nor timetables were set.

●

Increase the use of renewable energy sources until 10 % of the regional energy requirements are met.

●

Increase natural protected areas and forest lands.

●

Improve management of watersheds and marine and coastal zones, and reduce the discharge of pollutants.

●

Adopt regulatory frameworks for access to genetic resources, according to the fair distribution of benefits principle.

●

Reduce emissions into the air and increase coverage of drinking water services and sewage treatment.

●

Implement plans and policies to reduce urban environmental vulnerability in the face of anthropogenic disasters and those caused by natural phenomena, including the formulation of a regional early warning system.

●

Implement the Kyoto Protocol.

●

Develop technologies to ensure the quality and proper management of water.

●

Advance in areas such as health, the eradication of poverty and equity and sustainability of production and consumption patterns.

The Declaration of Johannesburg reaffirms the determination to work in the name of sustainable development. Furthermore, a Plan of Implementation was agreed with recommendations and objectives to reconcile economic growth, social justice and protection of the environment. Among the actions and goals established the following are of special interest: ●

·

Biodiversity: by 2010 there should be a “significant reduction” in the current rate of loss of animal and plant species.

●

Chemical products: by 2020 the significant adverse effects of chemical substances on human beings and nature should be minimised.

●

Fishery: there should be no excessive harvesting of fishery resources. By 2015 one of the goals is to restore damaged fish stocks.

●

Trade and globalisation subsidies that harm the environment should be eliminated.

The Declaration also left loose ends. The Plan of Implementation did not include a timetable to end rich countries’ agricultural subsidies or to end the crisis in international prices of basic products. The Plan urged all countries to “substantially increase” the use of renewable energy, but did not stipulate specific percentages or time limits to comply. Three decades after the Stockholm Conference, it is clear that environmental problems are problems arising out of development in a manner unfair to human societies and harming natural systems. The developed world bears the greater responsibility. It will be impossible to achieve environmentally and socially sustainable development if countries are not disposed to change their present growth patterns and how they use their natural patrimonies (Guimaraes and Bárcena, 2001). In seeking solutions to environmental problems on world and regional scales, and in the face of pressing needs of sustainable development, the efforts of countries in the region should be directed towards implementing ILAC by: setting action priorities to promote development by establishing models that put an end to poverty, inequity and environmental deterioration; improve environmental education in all its economic and social aspects; introduce sustainable energy use and increase the use of renewable energy sources; manage protected areas for sustainable use of biodiversity; adapt to the effects of climate change and sustainable management in urban and rural areas, with special emphasis on actions concerning health, environmental sanitation and minimizing vulnerability risks from natural disasters (UNEP/ROLAC, 2002). Amongst the changes proposed to the economic plan is a productive restoration that satisfies the three criteria of increasing competition, reducing social inequalities and stopping environmental deterioration associated with current specialisation in production. As for the social plan, a way must be found to cut the Gordian knot created by the deep socio-economic inequalities by which large majorities in the region are bound. (Guimaraes and Bárcena, 2001).


Environment Outlook

29

References ● Acuña, G., 2000: Reformas macroeconó-

micas en América Latina y el Caribe: su impacto en los marcos regulatorios e institucionales ambientales de nueve estudios de caso, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Santiago, Chile.

● Ehrlich, P.R., 1968: The population bomb.

Ballantine, New York, US.

amenidades del medio ambiente. Estudios Públicos, Santiago, 45: 147-174. ● Baden, J. y R.L. Stroup, 1992: Escassez de

● Espinoza, G., V. Alzina, 2001: Revisión de

recursos naturais, empresariado e a política econômica da esperança, in Economía e meio ambiente: a reconciliação, Instituto Estudos Empresariais y Ortiz, Porto Alegre, Brazil, pp 159-188.

la evaluación de impacto ambiental en países de América Latina y el Caribe. Metodología, resultados y tendencies, IDBCED, Santiago, Chile. ● FIONGsMS (Foro Internacional de ONGs y

ambiental Latinoamericano y su aplicación. United Nations Environment Programme, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

Movimientos Sociales), 1993: Construyendo el futuro. Tratados alternativos de Rio 92. Pacto de Acción Ecológica de América Latina, Montevideo, Uruguay.

● CDMAALC (Comisión de Desarrollo y

● Gligo, N., 1990: Las cuentas del patrimonio

Medio Ambiente de América Latina y el Caribe), 1990: Nuestra propia agenda. Inter-America Development Bank and United Nations Development Programme, Washington, D.C., US.

natural y el desarrollo sustentable. Revista CEPAL Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Santiago, Chile, 41: 123-137.

● Brañes, R., 2001: El desarrollo del derecho

ambiental en algunos países de América Latina. Contribuciones, CIEDLA, 1, 7-17.

● Escudero, G., 1998: La visión y misión de

la agricultura al año 2020: hacia un enfoque que valorice la agricultura y el medio rural, in Agricultura, medio ambiente y pobreza rural en América Latina, L.G. Reca, R.G. Echeverría, eds., IFPRI and IDB, Washington, D.C., US. pp 21-54,

● Anderson, T.L., 1992: El mercado y las

● Morán, A.E., 1996: Situación de la política

● Rosenthal, G., 1994: “América Latina y el

Caribe ante los problemas ambientales y del desarrollo”, in La diplomacia ambiental. México y la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, A. Glender and V. Lichtinger, eds. Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Strong, M., 1994: Conferencia de las

Naciones Unidas sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, in La diplomacia ambiental. México y la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, A. Glender and V. Lichtinger, eds. Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● UNEP (United Nations Environment Pro-

● CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América

Latina y el Caribe), 1991: El desarrollo sustentable: transformación productiva, equidad y medio ambiente. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Santiago, Chile. ● CMMAD (Comisión Mundial del Medio

Ambiente y del Desarrollo), 1987: Nuestro futuro común, Alianza, Madrid, Spain. ● Commoner, B., 1971: The closing circle,

Bantan, New York, US.

● Gross, T., 1989: Fight for the forest. Chico

gramme), 2002: Caribbean Environmental Law Development and Application. Environmental Legislative and judicial developments in the English-Speaking Caribbean countries in the context of the compliance with Agenda 21 and the Rio Agreements, Barbados.

Mendes in his own words, Latin America Bureau, London, UK.

● UNEP/ROLAC (United Nations Environment

desarrollo sostenible en América Latina y el Caribe desde Río-92 y los nuevos imperativos de institucionalidad. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Santiago, Chile.

Programme, Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean) 2002: Latin America Initiative for Sustainable Development, First Special Meeting of the Forum of Ministers of the Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean, Johannesburg, South Africa, 31 of August.

● Herrera, A.O., 1975: El modelo mundial

● —, 1990: Plan of Action for the Environment

Bariloche. Fundación Bariloche, Bariloche, Argentina.

in Latin America and the Caribbean. 7th Ministerial Meeting (Port of Spain), UNEP, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● Guimaraes, R. P., A. Bárcena, 2001: El

● DC (Development Committee), 1987: Envi-

● IUCN, UNEP, WWF (World Conservation

ronment, growth and development. Development Committee, World Bank, Washington, D.C., US, 14: 1-33.

Union, United Nations Environment Programme, World Wide Fund for Nature), 1991: Caring for the Earth. IUCN, UNEP and WWF, Gland, Switzerland.

● ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin

America and the Caribbean), 1990: Changing production patterns with social equity: the prime task of Latin America and the Caribbean development in the 1990s, ECLAC, Santiago, Chile. ● ECLAC-UNEP (Economic Commission for

Latin America and the Caribbean – United Nations Environment Programme), 2001a: Rio de Janeiro Platform for Action on the Road to Johannesburg, Regional Preparatory Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean for the World Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 23 and 24 October. ● —, 2001b: The Sustainability of Develop-

ment in Latin America and the Caribbean: Challenges and Opportunities, Regional Preparatory Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean for the World Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 23 and 24 October.

● —, 1980: The World Conservation Strategy.

IUCN, UNEP and WWF, Gland, Switzerland.

● Urquidi, V., 1994: Economía y medio

ambiente, in La diplomacia ambiental. México y la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, A. Glender and V. Lichtinger, eds. Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Ya Wananchi, 1991: Agenda Ya Wananchi.

● Leff, E., 1994: Ecología y capital. Racionali-

dad ambiental, democracia participativa y desarrollo sustentable. Siglo XXI, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Meadows, D.H., D.L. Meadows, J. Randers,

W.W. Behrens III., 1972: Los límites del crecimiento. Fondo Cultura Económica, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Montaño, J., 1994: Hacia la consolidación

de la Cumbre de Río, Las Naciones Unidas y el Desarrollo Sustentable en Glender, Alberto y Víctor Lichtinger. In La diplomacia ambiental. México y la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

Conferencia Raíces del Futuro, Paris, France.

Chapter

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Chapter:

2 State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002

32


State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002 Introduction This chapter presents a retrospective view of how the environment in the region has evolved over the past three decades, in the interval between the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held in Stockholm (Sweden) in 1972, and the World Summit on Sustainable Development, held in Johannesburg (South Africa), in 2002. In the 30 years under review, the state of the environment in Latin America and the Caribbean has reflected the ideas and policies that have prevailed in the region since 1972. As we shall see in this and the following chapters, the environment has come to occupy an important, although still secondary, place on the regional political agenda. Significant state regulations are being established and expanded in this field, and unprecedented action is being taken by the private sector and civil society. However, it is also clear that economic development has been the primary objective , in many cases at the expense of the environment. This situation is a confirmation of the opinions expressed by many of the region’s governments in Stockholm in 1972. As pointed out in Chapter One, at that time the regional mindset was reactive, and placed the demands of development – understood basically as economic growth – above the need to protect the environmental foundation of this development.

·

Thirty years later, there is more awareness about how development involves the environment, but it has not been possible to put a stop to the deterioration of indispensable environmental goods and services. If in 1972 the Stockholm Conference was inaugurated with participants willing to identify and respect environmental limits to growth, today there is a different reality facing Latin America and the Caribbean: the economy has not shown steady growth, there is more poverty and less security, and environmental deterioration has worsened. This chapter highlights the growing exploitation of natural resources, particularly by deforestation, loss of biodiversity and degradation, and pollution of soils and water (both on land and in coastal and marine zones). The place of exports at the top of the agenda has been accompanied by a widening of the income gap in much of the region. This, together with a high rate of urbanisation, has intensified the trend towards adopting lifestyles and consumption patterns that have a high environmental and sanitary impact, and this is reflected in the urban pollution (water, air) indices and the new disease and mortality characteristics in the region. Enormous damages have been caused by the vulnerability of the natural and urban environment, and an increase in natural disasters in the countries in the region.

Chapter 2: State of the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2002

Environment Outlook

Socio-economic trends

A

lthough democracy has advanced in many countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, it is an unstable political process. The fluctuating or downward trend of economic indicators over the past 20 years shows not only in the lost decade of the 1980s, but also over the most recent five-year period over 19982002- the lost half-decade. In this context, poverty, social inequality and environmental deterioration continue to be the main obstacles in the way of the region’s sustainable development.

Economy In the period 1972-2002, regional economic growth rates — in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) — dropped from an annual average above 5.6 per cent in 1971-1980 to only 1.2 per cent in 1981-1990 (the socalled lost decade) and to 3.3 per cent in 1991-2000 (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). Since 1980, growth rates have been lower than the annual average of 5.5 per cent for the period from 1945-1980, and are well below the annual average of –six to seven per cent that ECLAC believes is necessary to overcome the region’s serious poverty problems (CEPAL, 2000a). In spite of the relative growth of GDP in the 1990s, in 2001-2002 growth rates were even lower than in the 1980s (0.3 and 0.5 per cent, respectively). Average regional GDP growth rate per capita in the period 19982002 was 0.3 per cent and in 2002 it was two per cent lower than in 1997, which explains the talk of a “lost half decade” (CEPAL, 2002a, 2002c).

33

this strategic natural resource. As a result, regional average growth rate plunged from 8.4 per cent in 1973 to 2.2 in 1983 (World Bank, 2001). During the 1990s, countries in the region introduced economic reforms based on being more open to foreign trade and on liberalising national financial markets and foreign capital flows. Private initiative also played a role in producing goods and services, and in providing public services and social benefits. There was a significant decrease in inflation and the public sector deficit was kept under control. However, the impoverishment of the previous decade (income per capita in the 1980s fell to an annual rate of almost one per cent) was only just reversed in the 1990s with an average increase of two per cent per year in the rate of income per capita (Rodrik, 2001). Foreign debt continues to be high and is a serious impediment to development. There was a 21-fold increase in the foreign debt balance between 1971 and 1999 from US$46,300 to US$982,000 million, representing 38 per cent of total world foreign debt (World Bank, 2001). Accumulated foreign debt had reached about US$726,000 million by the end of 2001 (CEPAL, 2001b), and servicing it cost more than 45 per cent of income earned from exports of goods and services (IMF, 2001). Several countries suffered from hyperinflation - Argentina and Brazil in particular - as governments sought to finance the deficit by printing money. In the 1990s, severe macroeconomic imbalances carried over from the previous decade caused crises in Mexico (1995) and Brazil (1998) (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001), and more recently in Argentina (2001-2002). Argentina alone has a foreign debt of US$147,900 million. This represents about 18 per cent of the region’s total debt. Some highly indebted poor countries, such as Bolivia and Guyana, recently obtained the classification needed to allow them to reduce their debt to sustainable levels (World Bank, 2001).

It is important to point out that poverty in the region has kept close pace with these GDP figures (see Social situation in this section). In effect, while poverty was reduced between 1960 and 1980, it again increased during the 1980s until reaching a level in 1990 very similar to that recorded 30 years earlier (UNEP, 2000; CEPAL, 2002a). And, while it then dropped once more, it seems to have stagnated after 1997, showing an upward trend recently (CEPAL, 2002a).

In general, economic growth in the 1990s was volatile and reflected a pattern of increased dependence on foreign financing. In the first half of the decade, net transfer of resources to the region brought a boom in economic activity but at a cost of accumulating macroeconomic imbalances reflected in the region’s greater vulnerability to being affected by foreign financial crises (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001).

Since the middle of the 1970s, debt, macroeconomic imbalances and unfavourable terms of trade have blocked GDP growth in most countries in the region, seriously restricting possibilities for social development. The rise in petroleum prices in the 1970s – although certainly promoting growth in crude oil exporting countries (Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela) – made matters worse in countries that have to import

Direct foreign investments showed a notable growth during the 1990s, to reach a total of US$77,300 million in 1999 (ECLAC, 2001b). This was largely associated with the boom in asset privatisations. The world recession has caused these flows to lessen, especially in recent years. Estimates show that half the foreign investments in the 1990s were destined for the purchase of already-existing assets, and did not create new produc-

Chapter

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34


Human development trends over the past 30 years Life expectancy at birth (years) 140

75

Mortality in children under 5 years (per 1,000 live births)

120

70

100 65

Per 1,000 inhab.

Years 60

80

60 55 40

50

1965-70

1970-75

1975-80

1980-85

1985-90

1990-95

1995-00

20 1970

2000-05

Adult literacy rates (percentage)(1)

1980

1990

2000

Gross primary education rate (percentage)

(2)

150

80

140

130 70 120

%

%

110 60 100

90

50

80 1970

1980

1990

2000

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

1999

(2) Measures exceed 100 per cent when the actual enrollment includes pupulation older or younger than the age established officially for this education level.

(1) Population over 15 years.

Gross domestic product per capita (in 1995 US dollars) 4500

Percentage of households below the poverty line (1980, 1990, 2000)

4000

60 50

3500 40

Latin America (19 countries)

30

3000

20 10

2500

0 1980* 2000

1990**

* ECLAC, 1999.

Latin America and the Caribbean Caribbean Mesoamerica South America

1500

1000 1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

1999

Sources: ECLAC, 1999, 2002a; UNEP, 2002; UNCIEF, 2002; UNESCO, 2002; World Bank, 2001.

·

2000**

** ECLAC, 2002a.


Environment Outlook

tive capacities; furthermore, this process strengthened the strategic position of transnational companies (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). After a significant upturn in the period 1992-1995, the growth of regional exports suffered a progressive reduction until it became negative in 1998. The upswing in 2000 did not last, and exports fell back to negative rates in 2001 and 2002 (CEPAL, 2002b). The region’s share of world exports continues to be low, and is still under six per cent (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). The boom in manufacturing exports in countries like Mexico, Central America and several in the Caribbean has largely been associated with the proliferation of assembly activities (maquilas), with little integration into national economies. International trade recently began to reflect integration processes, including free trade agreements and customs unions. Exports from the Andean Community countries grew by 37 per cent during 2000, while their intra-regional exports increased by 29 per cent. Similarly, in MERCOSUR intra-regional trade increased by 21 per cent and, for member countries of the North American Free Trade Agreement, by 20 per cent (BID, 2000). More recently, trade within MERCOSUR has contracted due to the effects of the crises in Brazil (1999) and in Argentina (2001-2002). Nevertheless, on the initiative of the United States, negotiations continue on the Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) programmed to enter into force in 2005.

Energy Key factors in long-term regional economic development are the supply and consumption patterns of energy. Latin America and the Caribbean have 11 per cent of world petroleum reserves, six per cent of natural gas, 1.6 per cent of coal, 22 per cent of hydropower potential and 14 per cent of installed geothermic capacity (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). However, a large part of this wealth is under-used, or used inefficiently. An example is that, while only 15 per cent of regional hydropower potential is used, energy consumption per unit of output has increased in recent years. The regional share of world petroleum reserves - the strategic energy input in most countries - doubled over the past 20 years; Mexico and Venezuela have 40 and 50 per cent, respectively, of the total. Regional natural gas reserves grew still more (3.5 times in the period), again in Venezuela and México (with 51 and 28 per cent, respectively); nevertheless, their share of the world total grew by just one per cent because of increased reserves in the Middle East and the former Soviet Union. Regional coal reserves are mainly in Brazil and Colombia, who have 80 per cent of the total.

With some exceptions (Mexico, for example) most exports continue to be of raw materials, especially petroleum and its derivatives, minerals and agricultural and forestry products. Towards the end of the 1990s, more than 40 per cent of regional exports were primary products or manufactured goods that required intensive use of natural resources (CEPAL, 2001b). Between 1980 and 1995, the volume of regional exports using polluting production processes tripled (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). As a result, and since these activities are unsustainable over the long term, there was an increase in vulnerability and external dependence (because of limited access to markets and raw materials UNEP, 2000). Demands by international consumers have made the industrial sector, move towards improving the environmental quality of production, although the process is slower in the small and medium-sized companies sector (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). In several countries national industry has declined in importance (for example in Peru, Argentina and Chile), and imports continue to grow faster than exports (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). In the services sector, the tourism industry’s growth places great pressure on the environment, particularly in the Caribbean, although increased ecotourism can help to cushion this impact (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001).

35

© R. Burgos

Chapter

2

36


Although the region has large energy supplies, consumption per capita (equal to 9.4 barrels of petroleum per year) is 20 per cent below the world average (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). In addition, while regional consumption has been constantly growing over the past 20 years, its share of world consumption (5.2 percent of the total) has not changed significantly. It is also notable that productive efficiency (measured in terms of energy consumption per unit of output) has stagnated or even deteriorated in these two decades (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). While industrialised countries’ energy intensity fell by 20 per cent between 1980 and 1999, at the end of that period Latin America and the Caribbean consumed seven per cent more energy with no increase in production. The failure to use better technologies, an obsolete industry, subsidised fuel prices (with respect to international market prices) and the automotive industry’s high and inefficient consumption are all explanations for regional energy intensity. The trend towards its increase– a consequence of industry repositioning towards productive processes and exports with high consumption of energy – has been notable in countries such as Brazil. This contrasts with the region’s considerable total supply of energy as a percentage of the gross domestic product, which is 40 per cent higher than that in industrialised countries (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). This reveals a serious problem of underutilisation of energy and is one of the sustainable development challenges facing the region.

Social situation It has been estimated that in 2003 the number of people living in poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean was 225 million or 43.9 per cent of the total population, and of these 100 million (19.4 per cent) lived in extreme poverty (CEPAL, 2003). There was a considerable reduction of poverty levels between 1960 and 1980 - from 51 to 40.5 per cent of the population (an estimated total of 135.9 million people). During the lost decade of the 1980s the percentage of poor people again increased until it reached the 1960 level of 48.3 per cent of the total population in 1990. While the percentage of poor people in 1960 and 1990 was similar, even more people, 200.2 million, were considered poor in 1990 then in 1960 (UNEP, 2000; CEPAL, 2002a, 2003). This figure fell to 43.5 per cent in 1997 and has remained constant since. The absolute number of poor has increased by close to 66% since 1980 (CEPAL, 2002a, 2003). Latin America and the Caribbean is the region with the world’s biggest income inequality (ECLAC, 2001a). In the global context, a notable feature is the large concentration of national income in the wealthiest 10 per cent of the population: in all cases, this sector received more than 30 per cent of total income (35 per cent in ·

most countries but reaching 45 per cent in Brazil). The poorest 40 per cent of the population does not receive more than 15 per cent of income. During the 1990s (in 13 of the 20 regional countries for which information is available), the wealthiest 10 per cent of the population had incomes more than 20 times greater than the poorest 10 per cent (UNDP, 2001). And in most countries the trend during the decade was towards greater rigidity – and even deterioration – in income distribution; of 17 countries studied by ECLAC, only two (Honduras and Uruguay) showed a substantial improvement (CEPAL, 2001a). This rigidity or deterioration remained in spite of a relative recovery in economic growth (up to 1997) and social spending. Poverty mainly affects rural areas but, in absolute terms, most of the poor live in urban areas where almost half are children and young people. In the affected population, there has been no evidence of the growth of a middle class or any emergence from poverty (CEPAL, 2000b). In 1999, the unemployment rate reached 8.8 per cent, the highest during the decade, and similar to the rate during the period’s most severe crisis (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). The slow reduction of poverty continues to be associated with a lack of economic growth and, in particular, with its limited effect on the labour market and flagging labour productivity. Between 1990 and 1997, 69 per cent of new jobs created, were in the informal sector, which accounted for 47 per cent of urban employment (CEPAL, 2000a). With the exception of Chile and Panama, the number of people employed in the informal sector grew while unemployment increased. In the 1990s, seven of each 10 jobs were in the informal sector - seldom permanent, unregulated and with no social security benefits (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). Women’s participation in the labour market is an important trend. In 1980, women accounted for slightly more than a quarter of the labour force in Central America and South America. By 1999, they represented a third of the labour force in Central America and almost two-fifths in South America. In the Caribbean, where women’s participation had been higher, it had reached 43 per cent in 1997 (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). This trend has been more pronounced than in any other region in the world. In general, there are more educated women in the labour force, although low family incomes have meant that more of the less educated women, girls and children are also working. The number of households headed by women has been growing until, according to the country, it has reached between a quarter and a third of the total. This puts more pressure on women to enter the labour market (CEPAL, 2001a). Estimates of work loads, income and unemployment rates reveal that women suffer great inequalities; furthermore, in some countries households headed by women tend to be the poorest (CEPAL, 2001a; UNDP, 2001).


Environment Outlook

There have been important improvements in education during the past two decades. Adult literacy rates are relatively high, with an average of 88 per cent in 1999 (UNDP, 2001) compared to 77 per cent in 1980 (UNESCO, 2000). However, inequality in income distribution is also reflected in differences in access to schooling, attendance and results (UIS, 2001). Coverage of basic services such as drinking water and sanitation has improved during the past 30 years. In 1960, only 33 per cent of the regional population had drinking water, and 14 per cent drainage. These figures are now 85 and 79 per cent respectively (PAHO, 2001). Violence, including homicide, has increased in the region. Family violence, particularly against women and children, has grown. It is estimated that half the women in Latin America experience at least one episode of family violence. (CEPAL, 2000b). In recent years, the trend towards finding peaceful solutions to conflict, whether internal (Central America, Mexico) or external (Ecuador, Peru) has continued, and this has encouraged the gradual advance of democracy. In Colombia, however, negotiations have failed to solve an internal conflict that has lasted for more than 40 years. Violence associated with drug trafficking continues to be a serious problem in many countries in the region. A solution is essential to ensure stability and sustainable development.

Demography The population grew by 85 per cent between 1970 and 2001 from 285 million to about 528 million (CELADE, 2002). However, the annual growth rate fell from 2.5 per cent to 1.5 per cent (CELADE, 2000), and if the current downward trend carries on, it could fall to one per cent in 2025 (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). Fertility rates were halved from 5.3 children per woman in 1970 to 2.6 children per woman in 2000 (CELADE, 2002). Other contributing factors include higher levels of urbanisation and income and, in some cases, government birth control programmes. Estimated population growth rates for 2001-2002 are highest in Mesoamerica (around 1.7 per cent) and lowest in the Caribbean (around one per cent). The rate in South America is 1.4 per cent (CELADE, 2002). There has been sustained growth in urbanisation over the past 30 years, and in 2000 the urban population reached 73.7 of the regional total (CELADE, 2000). Migration to urban areas has continued. More of the urban population have access to electricity, drinking water and sanitary services.

variations between countries, and even within countries, largely explained by per capita income differences (PAHO, 1998). The highest life expectancy is in the Caribbean (74 years), followed by South America (73.5 years). However, life expectancy at birth is 20 years more in Cuba and Puerto Rico than in Haiti, while it is 10 years more in Venezuela and Colombia than in Bolivia. With the exception of Haiti, all countries in the region reached the objective of a life expectancy of more than 60 years, projected for the region in 1977 as part of the Global Strategy for Health for All by the Year 2000 (PAHO, 1998). More efficient health systems contributed greatly to this improvement by reducing the infant mortality index from 86per thousand births in 1970 to 37.8 in 1995 (CELADE, 2002). Most countries are in an intermediate demographic transition phase; sub-national variations are due to social and territorial inequalities. A third of the population is under 15 years of age and rural zones have the highest levels of fertility and mortality. Ageing of the population is becoming evident in countries like Argentina, Chile and Uruguay where adults over 60 years of age already account for more than 10 per cent of the total population (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). A result of the temporary reduction of the dependent population (those under 15 years of age who usually do not yet earn their living and those older than 65 who are no longer wage-earners), is a phenomenon known as the demographic bonus. In the next two decades, in most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean it would be very useful to the transition to sustainable development if the economically-active populations improved their living standards by being able to save, spend or invest (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). One response of the population to frequent economic crises is to migrate to developed countries. More than 17 million people in Latin America and the Caribbean live outside their country of birth, and half migrated during the 1990s. While the United States con-

Population in Latin America and the Caribbean per sub-region, 1970-2000 (in millions) 600 500 400 300

South America

200 100 0

Mesoamerica Caribbean

19 70 19 72 19 74 19 76 19 78 19 80 19 82 19 84 19 86 19 88 19 90 19 92 19 94 19 96 19 98 20 00

In a large part of the region, the greatest drop in the mortality rate was recorded in the middle of the 20th century. Life expectancy rose from 65.8 to 72.5 years between 1970 and 2000 but there are considerable

37

Source: UNEP, 2002.

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tinues to be the principal destination, migrations to Europe are increasing.. According to conservative estimates, the flow of remittances to the region increased from US$5,200 million in 1990 to US$18,000 million in 2000. In some of the smallest economies, these funds have come to represent more than 40 per cent of export income, for example in El Salvador (52 per cent) and Jamaica (42 per cent - ECLAC and UNEP, 2001).

Governance

Science and technology Traditional information and communications technology continues to expand; the number of newspapers, radios, telephone lines and television sets has increased significantly over the past two decades. In addition, the use of personal computers, the Internet and cellular telephones has started to become common. However, there are still marked inequalities between countries, and a notable lag in relation to more developed regions. For example, although in Latin America use of the Internet has been increasing by more than 30 per cent per year, in 2005 only 12 per cent of the population will have access to it. Low household income is one limiting factor to the use of these technologies (UNDP, 2001).

Expansion of communications media in Latin America and the Caribbean (per 1,000 inhabitants) Daily newspapers Radios Telephone lines Televisions Personal computers Internet users Cellular telephones

1980 76.2 260.5 40.6 99.0 No data 0.0 0.0

1999 70.7 418.8 130.1 271.8 37.7 18.9 14.8

Source: Prepared by the Development Observatory (University of Costa Rica), from World Bank data, 2001; CELADE, 2002.

With 8.6 per cent of the world’s population, the region has only 2.7 per cent of its scientists who, in 1988, produced 2.5 per cent of publications in this field (Massarani, 2001). There is still very little investment in scientific research: in 1999, it was about US$10,000 million or 1.9 per cent of the total global figure

·

(Massarani, 2001). Brazil invests about one per cent of its GDP in research and development (compared with the regional average of 0.53 per cent), and Mexico is in 11th place among the world’s principal exporters of high-technology products (UNDP, 2001). However, improvements in access to information and communications have reduced research costs, especially via the internet (Massarani, 2001).

The trend towards the decentralisation of authority is worldwide. Concern is growing about rights and opportunities, particularly in the field of human and women’s rights. The private sector reflects this trend with more horizontal corporative structures and decentralised decision-making processes. Some institutions have no formal command structures, for example the internet and NGO networks. In the public sector, the establishment of new democratic governments is evident, as is the empowerment of smaller and local government institutions, and the emergence of civil society as an important voice. During the past 20 years, two important political events have taken place in the region. The first is the change from military dictatorships to governments elected by popular vote, and all the countries now have popularly-elected governments. In recent years local governments and legal systems have strengthened, and the democratisation process has advanced. The second important achievement has to do with civil society participation and the creation of institutions such as NGOs. In 13 of 17 countries, 50 per cent or more of the population prefers democracy to any other form of government (Latinbarómetro, 2000). Increased citizen participation increased interest in aspects such as the environment, sustainable development and state reform, although some of these subjects have still not been included in decision-making policy processes. It is important to stress that the deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the region destabilizes government systems now in place and has recently given rise to serious political crises (most dramatically in Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador). The configuration of stable and socially fair economic development is essential to sustainability in Latin America and the Caribbean.


Environment Outlook

39

References ● BID (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo),

2000: Informe Anual 2000, BID, Washington, D.C., Estados Unidos. ● BID (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo),

2000: Informe Annual 2000, BID, Wasington, D.C., Estados Unidos. ● CELADE (Centro Latinoamericano y Cari-

● —, 1999: Panorama social de América

Latina 1998, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile. ● ECLAC, UNEP (Economic Commission for

● —, 2000: GEO Latin America and the Car-

Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations Environment Programme), 2001: The Sustainability of Development in Latin America and the Caribbean: Challenges and Opportunities, Regional Preparatory Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean for the World Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 23 and 24 October.

ibbean: Environment Outlook 2000. UNEP Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

beño de Demografía), 2002: América Latina y Caribe: Estimaciones y proyecciones de población, 1950-2050, Boletín Demográfico (Santiago, Chile), No. 69 (in http:// www.eclac.cl, consulted on 1 February 2002).

● IMF (International Monetary Fund), 2001:

● —, 2000: “América Latina: Proyecciones de

World Economic Outlook, IMF, Washington, D.C., US.

población urbano-rural, 1950-2025”, Boletín Demográfico (Santiago, Chile), No. 63 (in http://www.eclac.cl, consulted on 1 July 2002).

Latina y el Caribe), 2003: Panorama social de América Latina 2002-2003, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

ta 1999, Latinbarómetro, Santiago, Chile.

short in science spending, Scidev, Londres, UK (in http://www.scidev.net, consulted on 7 January 2003).

● —, 2002b: Situación y perspectivas. Estudio

2001: Regional Report on the Evaluation in the Region of the Americas: Water Supply and Sanitation, Current Status and Prospects, PAHO, Washington, D.C., US.

económico de América Latina y el Caribe 2001-2002, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

● PAHO, 1998: Health in the Americas,

Latina 2001-2002, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

PAHO, Washington, D.C., US. ● —, 2002c: Balance preliminar de las

economías de América Latina y el Caribe 2002, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile. ● —, 2001a: Panorama Social de América

● Rodrik, D., 2001: “¿Por qué hay tanta inse-

guridad económica en América Latina?”, in Revista de la CEPAL, No. 73, April, Santiago, Chile, pp. 7-31.

Latina 2000-2001, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile. ● UNDP (United Nations Development Pro-

nomía latinoamericana, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

gramme), 2001: Human Development Report 2001, Mundi-Prensa, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● —, 2000a: Equidad, desarrollo y ciudada-

● UNEP (United Nations Environment Pro-

● —, 2001b: Balance preliminar de la eco-

nía, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile. ● —, 2000b: Panorama Social de América

Latina 1999-2000, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

Latin America and the Caribbean: Regional Report, UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Société Editions, Provence, France.

entific and Cultural Organisation), 2002: UNESCOSTAT, UNESCO, Paris, France (in http://www.uis.unesco.org/en/stats/stats0. htm, consulted on 1 August 2002).

● Latinbarómetro, 2000: Informe de la encues-

● PAHO (Pan-American Health Organization), ● —, 2002a: Panorama social de América

● UIS (UNESCO Institute for Statistics), 2001:

● UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Sci-

● Massarani, L., 2001: Latin America falls ● CEPAL (Comisión Economica para America

grated Data (EWA-GRID), Geneva, Switzerland.

gramme), 2002: Global Environment Outlook 3 Data Compendium, UNEP/DEWA/ RS.02-5, UNEP Division of Early Warning and Assessment, Global and Regional Inte-

● —, 2000: UNESCOSTAT, UNESCO, Paris,

France (in http://unescostat.Unesco.org/indicator/indframe.htm, consulted on 1 August 2002). ● UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund),

2002: Statistics. Child mortality, UNICEF, New York, US (in http://www.childinfo.org/ cmr2.html, consulted on 1 August 2002). ● World Bank, 2001: World Development In-

dicators 2001, World Bank, Washington, D.C., US.

Chapter

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verse: from slash-and-burn clearing with long fallow periods, to irrigated areas of intensive agriculture. Plantations of coffee, sugar cane, soybean, palm and banana use high levels of mechanisation and agrochemicals.

Land

T

he Latin America and Caribbean region has the world’s largest reserves of arable land with an es timated 576 million hectares (ha) equal to almost 30 per cent of the total territory of 1,995 million ha (Gómez and Gallopín, 1995). In 1998 grassland covered almost 80 per cent of the region’s potential agricultural land; of the 20 per cent cultivated, very little is used for permanent crops (WRI, 2001). The region also contains 16 per cent of the world total of 1,900 million ha of degraded land, after Asia and Africa. The impact is relatively greater in Mesoamerica (where it reaches 26 per cent of the total: 63 million ha), than in South America (where it affects 14 per cent of the total: almost 250 million ha) (UNEP, 2000). Agriculture is a key to the evolution of Latin America and Caribbean societies. A large number of domesticated plants such as maize, tomato, cocoa and potatoes, of enormous importance to production, trade and consumption throughout the world, are native to the region. Regional agricultural ecosystems, a prime source of the population’s food, forage and fibre, are very di-

The growth of agriculture has, in general, intensified the use of natural resources and, as a result, exacerbated many of the land degradation processes in the region where, for example, there is constant threat of desertification. The past three decades have seen an increase in arable land and grassland at the expense of forests and wetlands, as well as an increase in the irrigated area and the use of agrochemicals. Negative effects include the emission of greenhouse gases, and damage to human health. All is not lost. The success of some land recovery experiments indicates that corrective action is possible.

Agricultural production During the 1990s, profits from the region’s agricultural exports doubled at an average rate of 6.4 per cent annually (from 3.3 per cent annually over the previous decade). This growth was achieved in spite of adverse climate conditions, political instability in some countries and general financial crises during the 1990s. As the decade drew to a close, growth became more

Environmental restrictions on agricultural land use Land is the primary substratum for vegetal and animal life on Earth, as well as an indispensable resource for essential human activities: agriculture, forestry production, water collection, settlements and recreation. However, the use of land to satisfy human needs is limited by environmental factors such as climate, topography and soil characteristics, as well as by very diverse social and cultural factors: population density, land tenure, markets and agricultural policies. The expansion for agriculture of land with severe environmental limitations in Latin America and the Caribbean is shown in the following table. Sub-region

Total expansion

6

(10 ha) Caribbean 23.4 Mesoamerica 248.4 South America 1,777.6 2,049.4 Latin America and the Caribbean Developing countries 8,171.5 Developed countries 5,228.0 World total 13,399.5

Land with severe agricultural restrictions Total with Very Very With very restrictions cold dry steep inclinations 6 (10 ha) (%) (%) (%) (%) 15.7 67 0 0 15.8 184.8 74.4 0 31.5 26.3 1,251.8 70.4 0.5 10.6 7.5 1,452.3 70.9 0.4 13.0 9.9 6,235.5 76.3 2.7 34.4 12.8 4,231.8 80.9 29.6 15.8 10.2 10,467.3 78.1 13.2 27.1 11.8

Source: FAO, 2002b.

·


With poor soils (%) 65.8 59.7 63.6 63.2 60.9 70.7 64.7

Environment Outlook

41

Chapter

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© R. Burgos

marked in large countries like Colombia, Brazil and Argentina. In countries with less agricultural production, the trend slowed, even though strong support was given to exports during the period, as in Costa Rica and Chile (CEPAL, IICA, 2001). During the 1990s great changes took place in the structure and dynamics of regional agricultural production. Although there were increases in some traditional crops, the greatest growth was in livestock. By 1999, there was a 4.6 per cent growth in agricultural production, up from only 1.8 per cent in 1998, a year in which El Niño had a considerable effect on agriculture. The main contribution to the good results in 1999 was the strong 5.1 per cent growth in production in South America; in Brazil, there was a notable increase of an estimated seven per cent. In that same year growth was more modest in Mesoamerica, although the rate of 3.4 per cent was a considerable improvement over the 1.1 per cent recorded in 1998. However, agricultural production contracted during most of the 1990s and in 1999 fell by 1.1 per cent in the Caribbean (FAO, 2001a). In 1999, livestock production grew by 5.8 per cent, following a growth rate of 1.5 per cent in 1998. Cereal production, after dropping by 2.7 per cent in 1998, increased by almost 4.6 per cent in 1999. On the other hand, transgenetic crops - principally maize, soybean and cotton - showed a great expansion worldwide throughout the 1990s, covering a total of 45 million ha in 1996. Argentina has the third largest extension of these crops, after the United States and Canada (CEPAL, IICA, 2001).

Finally, between 1980 and 1999, the economicallyactive population in the agricultural sector fell from 35 per cent to only 21 per cent of the region’s total labour force. This substantial change was a result of a productive reconversion of agriculture, which meant that more labour became available for non-agricultural rural activities and there was a significant growth in migration from rural to urban areas (CEPAL, IICA, 2001; see the section on Urban Areas).

Land tenure Land tenure is an essential element in defining how biological diversity management functions. Experience worldwide has shown that inequitable land distribution and the lack of a clear legal definition of land rights can lead to irrational use of land and even the destruction of land resources. The basic problems of land tenure in Latin America and the Caribbean are the concentration of property and the lack of titles to the land. Both problems have their historic origins in the colonial system of land grants,which produced an agrarian property structure dominated by large properties (latifundios), and very small properties (minifundios). In spite of the many agrarian reforms introduced in the region, there have been no great changes in land tenure, with a growing concentration of agricultural properties (van Dam, 1999). This process was stimulated by population increases and by modernising agriculture with technologies that favour large agricultural extensions and increase the

42


number of landless farm workers (van Dam, 1999). This inequality of land distribution has significant consequences regarding access to fertile soils, irrigation and technology. At present, 38 per cent of the region’s rural population are smallholders and 31 per cent are landless farm workers (Jazairy and others, 1992). In Brazil, for example, 1.3 million smallholders own 2.6 per cent of permanent cropland, with an average holding of 1.5 ha. Although the landless movement in Brazil has gained some ground in recent years, this is one of the region’s highest averages. In Panama, 71.5 per cent of farm properties are smallholdings, which occupy 4.2 per cent of agricultural land. In Mexico, the average size of agricultural smallholdings is 1.4 ha (van Dam, 1999). From the environmental point of view, both the large agricultural properties and the smallholdings have adverse effects. On large properties, extensive livestock grazing or the use of mechanised crops causes land to become eroded and compacted, and it suffers from salinisation (inadequate irrigation) and chemical pollution. Smallholdings tend to increase deforestation, erosion and loss of soil fertility because of intensive use

with insufficient fallow periods (Jazairy and others, 1992). The environmental effects of the large property/ smallholding combination are particularly dramatic in Central America where smallholdings and crops lie on highly vulnerable hillsides, while extensive livestock farming and export crops are concentrated on lowlands. In this sub-region, more than 80 per cent of basic grains are planted on hillsides. This happens most in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, where farm production is based on plots of less than five ha with very low technology. In addition, it is estimated that three-quarters of the total area of annual crops, and two-thirds of the total area of permanent crops, are planted on hillsides (López Pereira and others, 1995).

Expansion of agriculture and livestock farming The expansion of agricultural production led to the conversion of what used to be forest land; it also led to further exploitation of natural resources, particularly land

Land use and soil conditions: the case of Jamaica As in the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean, the land tenure regime in Jamaica is inequitable and few land conservation and recovery methods are used either on large properties or on smallholdings. In the 1970s, land reform favoured large properties in the form of cooperatives based on mechanisation, increased irrigation (on 12 per cent of arable land in 1983), intensified use of crops and monoculture. Environmental effects have been typical of large properties with intensive agriculture: land erosion and soil compacting from mechanisation, salinisation caused by deficient irrigation systems and chemical pollution although, unlike the rest of the region, Jamaica did not show any marked increase in the use of the agrochemicals that are a feature of this agricultural model. However, in these types of properties often only less than one-sixth of the land is cultivated so that absolute returns are low, however high the level of intensification in the part that is cultivated. In the 1980s one quarter of Jamaican territory was under cultivation and more than 90 per cent of farms covered 4 ha or less. These smallholdings were concentrated in ecologically fragile mountain areas of low fertility and were only suitable for forest protection of water sources. They used traditional agricultural methods including slash-and-burn cultivation and organic fertilisers, especially cattle manure. The farms had no physical infrastructure or basic services, farmers had little or no access to suitable technology for their ecosystems, little or no credit and very little schooling. In general, the expansion of large agricultural properties and the marginalisation of peasant farmers have meant that the land now has fewer fallow periods and there is less crop rotation. Other environmental effects of this agricultural model are deforestation of mountainsides and a reduction in the number of draught animals, since agricultural expansion often takes place at the expense of pastureland. In zones with smallholdings, land degradation tends to increase, especially the loss of fertility from erosion, which is reflected in a marked drop in production. Intensive use without fallow periods and the lack of crop rotation and adequate technologies are also reflected in floods and in a sharpening of the effects of drought in both the region itself and lowland and even in coastal ecosystems, especially in the small Caribbean islands. Comparative studies indicate that the effects of land ownership detailed here for Jamaica are common throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Sources: van Dam, 1999 and Library of Congress, 2000.

·


Environment Outlook

and water, worsening the land degradation process. Between 1970 and 2000, the area of agricultural land (including grassland) expanded in Latin America and the Caribbean to five per cent of the total land area, reaching 37.7 per cent at the end of the period (FAO, 2002a). The largest increases were in the Caribbean and South America (16.1 and 15.8 per cent, respectively), although in the past decade less land has been devoted to agriculture in the Caribbean. It is important to note that most agricultural land in the region is grazing land; 79.2 per cent of the total agricultural land in 2000. This proportion decreased by 3.9 per cent between 1970 and 2000 (with a pronounced fall of 21.2 per cent in the Caribbean); this indicates the continued inefficient use of land, both in terms of regional food security and the environmental impact of livestock on land and water.

Agricultural land as a proportion proportion of total land area in the region 70 60 50 40 % 30 20 10 0 1970

1980

1990

2000

Year


Mesoamerica

Caribbean

South America

Source: FAO, 2002a.

bour force. This is the case of the Legal Amazonia in Brazil and of livestock companies in Bolivia that rented land to peasant farmers to be cleaned and cultivated, and then got it back deforested when their leases expired (UNEP, 2002). This change in land use had another significant impact, this time on a global scale. It increased the emission of three gases which play an important role in the global warming process (FAO, 2001b; IFA and FAO, 2001; see section on Atmosphere): carbon dioxide (a consequence of deforestation), methane (basically from using the land for livestock) and nitrogen oxides (from the use of fertilisers on crops and grasslands).

Land degradation © R. Burgos

The expansion of livestock farming in many areas, such as the Amazon, to meet national and international market demands has lessened the productive capacity of the land. In Nicaragua, the load capacity of pastureland has been reduced by between 50 and 85 per cent, from 1.0 to 0.15 and 0.5 animal units per hectare (Pratt and Jones, 1999). Breeding has also fallen by between 50 and 80 per cent, due to nutritional deficiencies in pastureland. Regional livestock expansion could not have been successful without strong support from governments through tax incentives, credit policies, the construction of roads and the availability of a trained and cheap la-

43

Land degradation, one of the most serious environmental problems in the region, originated in processes such as erosion and acidification, the loss of organic material, soil compacting, the loss of nutritive elements, chemical pollution and salinisation. As a consequence, it is estimated that more than three million square kilometres of agricultural land in Latin America and the Caribbean have suffered a significant loss of productivity. In the region, erosion is the main cause of land degradation, as well as subsequent losses of nutrients and productivity that affect 14 per cent of the territory in South America and 26 per cent in Mesoamerica (Oldeman, 1994). The Global Assessment of Soil Degradation (GLASOD) indicates that 74 per cent of Central American agricultural land was degraded in 1990

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Land use change and greenhouse gas emissions An important consequence of increasing cropland by eliminating forests is the emission of greenhouse gases, an effect aggravated when, after deforestation, the land is used for methane-emitting livestock raising. In 1994 carbon dioxide emissions caused by change in land use and forestry in the region accounted for approximately 28 per cent of the emissions from the energy and industrial sectors. In the Caribbean, on the contrary, the gases captured in reforestation and forestry plantations account for 55 per cent of the emissions generated by the other two sectors. Altogether, the region emits 48.3 per cent of the global total of carbon dioxide resulting from change in land use, principally through deforestation, and 9.3 per cent of the methane from anthropogenic sources, especially livestock. Concerning methane, while 30.0 per cent of world emissions come from livestock, the figure rises to 71.4 per cent in South America and is 48.0 per cent in Mexico (see the section on Atmosphere). Carbon dioxide emissions in Latin America and the Caribbean (in equivalent carbon tonnes), 1990-1996 * Region Latin America and the Caribbean (30) Caribbean (12) Mesoamerica (7) South America (11)

Energy 798,262 45,473 318,720 434,069

Industrial Processes 49,498 6,443 14,356 28,699

Land use change and forestry 241,034 -28,355 111,418 157,971

* The year 1994 is taken as a reference, with the following exceptions (due to data availability): 1990 for Antigua and Barbuda, Trinidad and Tobago, Guatemala, Mexico, Ecuador and Venezuela; 1995 for Honduras and 1996 for Costa Rica.

Source: Prepared by the Development Observatory of the University of Costa Rica, based on UNFCCC, 2002, COPPE, 2002, and Perdomo and others, 1995.

(Oldeman and others, 1991). The countries most endangered by land deterioration are the smallest, such as many Caribbean islands (for example, Haiti), and Central American countries such as El Salvador. Also particularly vulnerable are countries such as Nicaragua, Guatemala, Bolivia and Paraguay, whose economies depend mostly on agriculture. Many of these processes vary in intensity according to location, inclination (land with a slope of more than eight per cent) or the use of irrigation and agrochemicals. The limitations imposed by the degree of fertility and inclination are also reflected in production levels. Soil fertility comes from an interaction among multiple factors: organic matter content, availability of nutrients (particularly nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium), water retention capacity, acidity, salinity and physical characteristics like soil structure and texture. The Latin America and Caribbean region has quality limitation parameters comparable to the world average (Wood and others, 2000). Only 12.4 per cent of its agricultural land has no fertility limitations (compared to a world average of 16.2 per cent).

·

However, some factors have alarmingly high levels, duplicating global averages: almost 40 per cent of land in the region has low potassium reserves and just under one-third, especially in the tropical zone, has aluminium toxicity. A reduction in cereal yields per hectare has been detected in some critical places (in rice, maize, wheat or sorghum), indicating nutrient deficiencies. Fertility is being lost in zones like the northeast of Brazil, the north of Argentina and some areas in Paraguay, Bolivia, Colombia and Mexico (WRI, 2000). It is true that yields are growing or remain stable in parts of Uruguay, Venezuela, Ecuador and Nicaragua. However, the growth in yields should not always be interpreted as a positive sign; it may be the result of unsustainable agricultural practices, based on intensive agrochemical use. Salinisation does particularly serious damage to the soil, because it is hard to treat and can lead to desertification. Salinisation from irrigation is particularly notable in Cuba (1.0 million ha), Argentina (0.6 million), Mexico (0.4 million) and Peru (0.3 million) and, more specifically, in arid regions in the Brazilian north-


Environment Outlook

east, the centre of Chile and some areas in Central America (UNESCO and others, 1978; FAO, 2000).

Agrochemical pollution

Land degradation has increased poverty in the region and this, in turn, has been the cause of greater environmental deterioration, particularly of soils; a cyclical phenomenon that has been observed especially in silviculture and agriculture (both peripheral and marginal activities). Economic losses resulting from this cycle may be high; for example, the losses from soil erosion in different regions of Mexico vary from three to 13 per cent of the agricultural gross domestic product (WRI, 2000).

Chemical soil pollution is another growing environmental problem of in Latin America and the Caribbean, a result of the intensification of agriculture and the use of pesticides over the past 30 years. Agricultural technology has increased production throughout the region, but environmental costs have been high. In particular, the loss and exhaustion of nutrients in the region may be an important cause of the increase in the use of fertilisers, which grew from 2.9 to 13.2 million tonnes between 1970 and 2000 (FAO, 2002c).

45

Chapter

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Loss of soil nutrients Gradual intensification of agricultural production in the region has been the most important factor of soil nutrient exhaustion which, in South America, has affected 68.2 million ha (43.7 million to a moderate or severe degree). Organic material stored in the soil is an important indicator of the health of the agricultural ecosystem. It has been 2 estimated that the 6.2 million km of agricultural land in Latin America and the Caribbean contain some 59,000 million tonnes of carbon in the top metre of soil, equal to 15 per cent of the world total of agricultural land carbon. However, the average density of carbon in the region's soil is 95 tonnes per hectare, a value somewhat below the global average of 102 tonnes. The annual loss of nutrients for the period 1983-1985 was more accentuated in the Caribbean, with 67 kg of nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium lost per hectare annually, followed by South America with 65 kg. Ten years later these levels had improved, so that for the period 1993-1995 the Latin American average was 54 kg per hectare annually, compared to 59 kg in 1983-1985. Only Soil Fertility Hot Spots and Bright Spots (b) Trends in profits (c) Potentially critic Mesoamerica worse- (a) Balance of cereal resulting from cereals nutrients and positive areas ned between these two referenced periods, from 39 to 43 kg of nutrients lost per hectare annually, although the sub-region continued to be better off compared with the regional average.

Loss or increase of nutrients (kilogram of nitrogen, phosphate and potassium per hectare). < -100 -100 - -25 -25 - 0 =0 Not applicable

Decrease Stable Increase No data available

Potentially positive areas Some negative trends Potentially critical areas Not applicable

Note: Balances of cereal nutrients are obtained from calculating the difference between the application of mineral and organic fertilisers and recycled crop garbage (inputs) and the nutrients resulting from the cereal grains (products). The balances of nutrients were applied to specific geographic zones using subnational statistics for the period 1993-1995 and information on climate, soils and height. Trends in profits obtained from cereals are based in subnational data for the period 1993-1995 for rice, wheat, corn and sorghum. The map of potential hot spots and bright spots combines the maps of balances of nutrients and the trends in the profits from cereals.

Source: Wood and others, 2000.

46


Fertilizer consumption in Latin America When compared to global consumption, Latin America is an important consumer of fertilisers, representing 9 per cent of the world total and with an annual growth rate of 4 per cent. Although regional fertiliser consumption is cyclical, total consumption in 2000 was more than four times greater than in 1970. Brazil, the largest country in the region, accounts for about 50 per cent of regional consumption, Mexico 15 per cent and Argentina 8 per cent.

Fertilizer consumption in Latin America (million tonnes nutrients) N (Nitrogen)

P205 (Phosphate)

K20 (Potssium)

12 10 8 6 4

2 Brazilian consumption increased by 48 per cent between 1991 and 1994, when terms 0 70/71 80/81 90/91 2000/01 of trade were favourable for fertilisers and agricultural products. In 1995, credit problems caused a reduction of 9 per cent in consumption although, when the situation improved for Brazilian producers, total consumption of nutrients again increased, this time by 35 per cent. The cycle continued: in 1999 consumption decreased by 7 per cent, due to economic problems and low prices for agricultural products, with imports of fertilisers also falling by 6 per cent in that year. Between 1995 and 1998 there was a large increase in production of beans and soybeans, with nitrogen consumption rising by 0.3 million tonnes, while phosphate and potassium salts increased by 1.2 million tonnes.

Mexico is closely associated with the United States to which it sends close to 80 per cent of its exports, and it is affected by its neighbour's economic cycles. In 1999 drought in the north of Mexico had an effect on the consumption of fertilisers for wheat and maise. Finally, the shortage of urea that year was compensated by more ammonia imports.

Source: IFA, 2001, 2002a, 2002b.

The impact of agrochemical pollution on soil and water and, therefore, on human health, is of prime concern. One of the main impacts of the use of agrochemicals is the growing nitrification of the land and problems caused from eutrophication (in surface waters) and the appearance of red tides in coastal zones. There are also the effects of the emission of nitrogen greenhouse gases.

1990s. Consumption increased from 132,736 tonnes in 1980 to 446,400 tonnes in 1998, while imports grew from 5,577 tonnes in 1984 to 15,350 tonnes in 1997 (OdD-UCR and UNEP, 2001; UCH and others, 2000). In Peru the use of fertilisers in 1998 reached 520,411 tonnes, with an increase of 19 per cent over the previous year. However, in 1999 it fell by two per cent (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001).

Land pollution by agrochemicals does not happen only because of their excessive or inadequate use, but also when they are used according to the manufacturers’ technical recommendations. The environmental impact of agrochemicals is particularly notable in the case of fertilisers which cause massive global nitrification of land and water (UNEP, 2000; IFA, 2001). Serious pollution has also occurred as a result of the sterilisation of banana plantations; from the use of nematocide copper in Mesoamerican countries such as Costa Rica. This has also affected people and coral reefs (van Arsdale, 1991).

Desertification

Total consumption of fertilisers and agrochemical imports tripled in Chile between the 1980s and the

·

The United Nations Organisation defines desertification as the degradation of land in arid, semiarid and dry subarid zones, caused by such factors as human activities and climate variations. These ecosystems cover more than a third of the world’s land surface and are highly sensitive to inappropriate land use, especially to overexploitation. The land may lose productivity because of improper irrigation, deforestation, excessive grazing, poverty and political instability. This can result in a food crisis and even famine and desertification, and is therefore considered a global problem. Some crises begin in areas that suffer from


Environment Outlook

47

Chapter

2 © R. Burgos

land degradation and drought, and the situation becomes worse when food is in short supply or is not properly distributed.

pay for itself in only seven years (PNUMA/ORPALC, 2002).

Desert or arid areas cover a quarter of the territory in Latin America and the Caribbean (some 5.3 million km2). Water shortages and erosion increasingly affect a large number of islands in the eastern Caribbean, to which can be added arid zones in the Netherlands Antilles, Cuba, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. In Mesoamerica, Mexico, a predominantly arid or semiarid country (especially in the north) is of particular importance. In South America numerous countries are affected. Extensive semi-arid regions are covered by tropical savannah in the Brazilian northeast, and on the Pacific coast the desert extends from the south of Ecuador, along the Peruvian coast and the north of Chile. An arid strip stretches from Patagonia in the south of Argentina to the north of the Chaco in Paraguay. The dry Andean high plains cover extensive areas at altitudes of between 3,000 and 4,500 metres in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru (PNUMA/ORPALC, 2002; UNCCD, 2002a).

Policy responses

Overgrazing, poor irrigation techniques, deforestation and removal of vegetal cover for domestic uses, are among the factors that endanger 70 per cent of the highly vulnerable dry soils, which also suffer from a significant degree of desertification (FAO, 1998b). In Latin America and the Caribbean, 313 million ha are affected by desertification (250 million in South America and 63 million in Mesoamerica), causing annual losses of approximately US$2,000 million. While the cost of restoring the region’s degraded lands has been estimated to be US$13,000 million, it is an investment that would

In the past 10 years, and as a result of the United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development (Rio de Janeiro, 1992), the traditional focus of agricultural policies, previously concentrating almost exclusively on aspects of land production and productivity, has been broadened to include integrated and participatory planning for sustainable management of land resources (FAO and UNEP, 1997; FAO and UNEP, 2000). Agenda 21, which was a result of the Rio conference, proposed the integration of biophysical, social and economic themes, active participation by local communities and strengthening of institutions to satisfy sustainable development objectives. Substantial elements of the new integrated focus include considerations of the importance of food security and the capacity of agricultural ecosystems to provide a continuous supply of food, forage and fibre, among other environmental goods and services. The overuse of agrochemicals in Latin America and the Caribbean, which has been associated with a significant deterioration of the environment, brings with it a growing immunity to common pests and the appearance of new ones, as well as negative effects on human health. All this has led international organisations and governments to implement integrated pest control projects for an increasing number of crops (Hall and Menn, 1999). These initiatives have caused specific

48


policies to be adopted on integrated systems (FAO, 1998a). Many countries in the region have also undertaken important experiments on agricultural conservation designed to increase productivity while, at the same time, reducing erosion and reversing the loss of soil fertility, aimed at improving rural life and restoring the environment (FAO, 2001b). Some of the most notable of these experiments are reducing or eliminating slash-and-burn agriculture in some areas in Honduras, introducing minimum cultivation practices on Brazilian smallholdings, freeing areas for cultivation by intensifying livestock farming in Costa Rica, and the massive adoption of zero cultivation in El Salvador and organic agriculture in Cuba (FAO, 2001b; CIGEA, 2001). These experiments show that the development of intensive production systems in the tropics is technically feasible and economically profitable through improved land use, agricultural biodiversity and carbon fixing. For many decades, problems of land degradation have also featured in global and regional discussions. The principal declaration of policies in this field is the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), drafted in 1994 as a result of the Rio summit of 1992. The 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean are parties to the convention and some countries have received financial support to prepare their national plans and reports (UNCCD, 2002a; 2002b).

action programmes; another 13 countries are in the process of formulating or approving similar programmes (UNCCD, 2002b). This action has encouraged the establishment of such programmes in countries like Peru and Argentina, as well as the creation of monitoring systems that are already in use (PNUMA/ORPALC, 1999; Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2001). The third round of Global Environment Facility (GEF) financing anticipates emphasising activities aimed at improving coordination between the conventions. At national level, in particular, there is an urgent need for greater efficiency in administering resources and combining efforts to combat desertification, to conserve biodiversity and protect wetlands. A regional programme has been prepared to apply the convention, with nine new priority projects and six sub-regional action programmes: the Great American Chaco, the American Puna, Mesoamerica, the Española, the programme of the eastern Caribbean islands on biodiversity and land degradation, and the bilateral Chile-Argentina programme on gender perspectives (UNCCD, 2002b). There is also a project under way on the harmonisation of regional public policies to combat desertification, starting with the Mexican government’s experience (PNUMA/ORPALC, 2003a).

At the World Summit on Sustainable Development, held in Johannesburg (South Africa) in 2002, participating countries reaffirmed the commitment to implement the UNCCD through national action plans, mobilising the necessary resources and seeking concerted action with other convergent multilateral agreements such as the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Convention on Biological Diversity (UN, 2002). However, in the 28 national reports presented that year to the Committee to Examine the Application of the Convention, most countries in the region mentioned limitations encountered in applying it. One such limitation is a bias in the agenda towards policies that favour economics but ignore the economic implications of desertification. Also recognised are problems such as ineffectual national liaison officials, usually because they are frequently changed, and weak mechanisms to finance policies in this field (UNCCD, 2002b). Public awareness campaigns have been organised. National reports emphasise the importance of public participation in efforts to combat desertification, and nearly a third of the reports mention the vital contribution made by the International Network of Non-Governmental Organisations against Desertification and Drought (RIOD) in applying the convention (UNCCD, 2002b). In 2002, six countries in the region (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Cuba, Mexico and Peru) approved national ·


© R. Burgos

Environment Outlook

The Great Chaco sub-regional action programme involving Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay, in spite of not having received all the funds needed to carry out its activities, has made important progress since its initial forum in May 2000. It has organised a meeting of NGOs on desertification and rural poverty (Argentina, June 2001) and prepared the Declaration of Cooperation for Sustainable Development in the Great American Chaco (Argentina, September 2001), which sets priority objectives. At the institutional level, monitoring units have been set up in participating countries; locally, various indigenous and agricultural communities have managed microprojects (UNCCD, 2002b). Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador and Peru participate in the Sub-regional Action Programme on Sustainable Development in the American Puna. At its coordination meeting in Bolivia in May 2001, advances were

made in defining the programme’s principles and concepts, priorities and strategies, its proposed institutional framework, and a programme of activities. The programme is concerned with the land tenure problem, deficient land regulation and the elimination of incentives for expanding the agricultural boundary. Participation of indigenous populations and community associations planning and implementing the programme is encouraged (including the Aymará Parliament for indigenous communities, established in 1996 to protect watershed resources and ecosystems affected by non-sustainable activities in the Andes). In January 2002, official recognition was given to the declaration on the sustainable development of the American Puna that makes express reference to the UNCCD, marking an important stage for this sub-regional programme. The programme’s institutional framework has been strength-

Towards owards harmonizing regional public policies to combat desertification Within the framework of the Convention to Combat Desertification, and with the support of the Global Mechanism created to channel technical and financial resources to apply the convention, the United Nations Environment Programme, Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, is executing a project to harmonise regional public policies (PAPP). The project was approved by countries attending the convention's Fourth and Fifth Regional Meetings in 1998-1999; its objective is to contribute to the struggle against desertification by adopting appropriate management strategies for natural resources, taking as a basis the Mexican government's preliminary assessment, in 1998, of public policies and the degradation of natural resources. To contribute to improving the environment and implementing an early warning system on environmental problems, the project includes undertaking six pilot experiments in the same number of countries in the region, as well as holding methodology and systemisation workshops. A study will also be formulated on the international framework for reforms to rural development policies and a database prepared on policy instruments, both inputs designed to orient the countries' harmonisation work. The Mexican government has now prepared a design to integrate the National System to Combat Desertification (SNLD) and the results of the harmonisation work will be included in the legislation process on the Law of Sustainable Rural Development. This law includes the process of land use contracts that provide a suitable instrument to harmoniously coordinate three policy elements in this field: the application of publicly-funded programmes to support production, the concept of desertification as a global soil degradation process, and the SNLD itself, which is a national coordinating body. Congress is also debating a draft law on land conservation. As complementary support for these national exercises, the project to harmonise regional public policies has formulated, in coordination with the Chapingo Autonomous University, the preparation of a database on rural policy instruments. The database will provide systemised information on experiences in several countries throughout the world, starting with global research on public policy instruments meant to improve and conserve land. With this it is sought to learn from already formulated and executed experiments, and to make the countries' work on reform more effective. An international study has also been made on existing trends and margins to harmonise rural development policies against desertification. The study presents a panorama of the state of desertification in the region, gives a description of the instruments in use and profiles the main international bodies that define the international framework for policies in this field. Sources: PNUMA-ROLAC, 2003a, 2003b.

49

Chapter

2

50


ened by the creation of a secretariat and an operational technical committee composed of national liaison officers and representatives of indigenous communities (UNCCD, 2002b).

vention on Wetlands of International Importance especially as Waterfowl Habitat (Ramsar Convention) and the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES).

The regional programme has also made important advances in developing parameters and indicators to create and monitor an information network to combat desertification and apply integrated watershed management (UNCCD, 2002b).

Among the most important actions directed at halting land degradation in Latin America and the Caribbean, priority should be given to those densely-populated countries with accelerated rates of output and fertility loss. These responses may be backed by policies that allow the participation of producers’ organisations, thus creating institutional conditions and incentives to increase land conversion capacities. Many local initiatives on land conservation, reduction or diversification of inputs, cover crops and agroforestry systems, have halted land degradation or even reversed it in many regions in Latin America. The boom in organic agriculture in some countries, is an encouraging sign; emphasis is on maintaining the soil’s natural fertility. These isolated experiences should be included in national and regional agricultural policy agendas.

Action has been taken, globally and regionally, to strengthen collaboration and exchange of information about combating desertification, including the Third High Level Forum on Cooperation between Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Venezuela in 2002 (UNCCD, 2002b). There is a trend for global multilateral agreements concerned with desertification to be converged and coordinated. To unify the collection and dissemination of information on environmental themes worldwide, under the coordination of UNEP, letters of understanding have been signed between the secretariats of global conventions such as UNCCD, the Convention on Biological Diversity, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Con-

·


Environment Outlook

51

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América Latina y el Caribe; Instituto Interamericano de Cooperación para la Agricultura), 2001: Panorama de la agricultura de América Latina y el Caribe 1990-2000, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile. ● CIGEA (Centro de Información, Gestión y

Educación Ambiental, 2001: Panorama ambiental de Cuba, CIGEA, Editorial Academia, Havana, Cuba.

lines for land resources management in the 21st century, FAO y UNEP, Roma, Italia. ● Gómez, I. A., G. C. Gallopín, 1995: Poten-

cial agrícola de la América Latina, en el futuro ecológico de un continente: una visión prospectiva de la América Latina, Editorial de la Universidad de las Naciones y Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, D. F., Mexico. ● Hall, F. R., J. J. Menn (eds), 1999: Biopesti-

● CONAM, PNUMA (Consejo Nacional del

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by region, 1970/71 to 1998/99, Latin Ame rica and the Caribbean, IFA, Paris, France (in http://www.fertiliser.org/statsindcnlam. asp, consulted on 13 June 2001). ● IFA, FAO (International Fertiliser Industry As-

sociation; Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations), 2001: Global estimates of gaseous emissions of NH3, NO and N2O from agricultural land, IFA y FAO, Rome, Italy. ● Jazairy, I., M. Alamgir, T. Panuccio (eds),

1992: The state of world rural poverty, International Fund for Agricultural Development y New York University, New York, US. ● Library of Congress, 2000: Federal Research

Division: Land Tenure, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., US (in http://memory.loc. gov/frd/cs/cxtoc.html, consulted on 31 March 2003).

Caribe en cifras. Informes sobre temas hídricos No. 20, FAO, Rome, Italy.

ridad alimentaria y desarrollo sostenible en las laderas de Centroamérica: retos futuros para la investigación y la formulación de políticas, International Food Policy Research Institute; Instituto Interamericano de Cooperación para la Agricultura; Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical (CIAT)LADERAS, Tegucigalpa, Honduras.

● —, 1998a: Integrated Pest Control in Nica-

● OdD-UCR, PNUMA (Observatorio del

agrícolas: Desafíos y prioridades hacia 2030. Análisis Regional de América Latina y el Caribe, FAO, Rome, Italy. ● —, 2000: El riego en América Latina y el

en América Latina, in Revista Agricultura 21, noviembre, FAO, Rome, Italy (in http:// www.fao.org/ag/esp/revista/spot4.htm, consulted on 31 March 2003).

Desarrollo, Universidad de Costa Rica; Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe), 2001 : GEO Estadísticas ambientales de América Latina y el Caribe, OdD-UCR, PNUMA, San José, Costa Rica.

● FAO, UNEP (Food and Agriculture Organi-

● Oldeman, L. R., 1994: Global Extent of Soil

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Degradation, en D. J. Greenland, I. Szabolcs (eds), Soil Resilience and Sustainable Soil Use, CAB International, Wallinford, UK, pp. 99-118.

● —, 1997: Negotiating a sustainable future

● Oldeman, L.R., R.T.A. Hakkeling, W.G

for land: Structural and institutional guide-

Sombroek, 1991: World Map on the Status

ragua, FAO, Managua, Nicaragua. ● —, 1998b: La conservación de las tierras

Unidas para el Medio Ambiente; Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe), 2003a: Proyectos Regionales - Armonización de Políticas Públicas en Latinoamérica y el Caribe (in http://www.rolac.unep. mx/deselac/html/armoni.htm, consulted on 4 June 2003).

de Armonización de Políticas Públicas (PAPP) para GEO-ALC 2003, PNUMA y ORPALC, Mexico D. F., Mexico. ● — 2002: La desertificación en América

Latina y el Caribe, PNUMA y ORPALC, Mexico D. F., Mexico (in http://www.rolac. unep.mx/deselac/index.html#ladeserti ficacion, consulted on 21 December 2002). ● —, 1999: Aplicación de la Convención.

Examen de los progresos realisados en la formulación y ejecución de los programas de acción subregionales y regionales en América Latina y el Caribe, PNUMA y ORPALC, Mexico D. F., Mexico. ● Pratt, L., C.A. Jones, 1999: The Environment

and Central America’s Competitiveness, Centro Latinoamericano para la Competitividad y el Desarrollo Sostenible, Alajuela, Costa Rica. ● UCH, CAPP, PNUMA (Universidad de

Chile; Centro de Análisis de Políticas Públicas; Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), 2000: Informe País, Estado del Medio Ambiente de Chile, 1999, UCH, CAPP y PNUMA, Santiago, Chile. ● UN (United Nations), 2002: Johannesburg

● López, S., J. Scherr, F. Mendoza, 1995: Segu● —, 2001b: Estudio global sobre sistemas

● PNUMA/ORPALC (Programa de Naciones

● — 2003b: Nota técnica sobre el Proyecto ● IFA (International Fertiliser Industry Associa-

● FAO (Food and Agriculture Organisation of

the United Nations), 2002a: FAOSTAT Agriculture Data. Land use, FAO, Rome, Italy (in http://apps.fao.org/page/collections, consulted on 27 September 2002).

of Human Induced Soil Degradation, International Soil Reference and Information Centre y United Nations Environment Programme, Nairobi, Kenya.

Summit 2002, UN, New York, US (in http:/ /www.johannesburgsummit.org/, consulted on 07 October 2003). ● UNCCD (United Nations Secretariat of the

Convention to Combat Desertification), 2002a: Fact Sheet 13: Combating desertification in Latin America and the Caribbean, UNCCD, Bonn, Germany. (in http:// www.unccd.int/publicinfo/factsheets/ showFS.php?number=13, consulted on 20 December 2002). ● —, 2002b: Síntesis de la información

contenida en los informes nacionales de los países partes afectados de América Latina y el Caribe, UNCCD, Bonn, Germany (in http://www.unccd.int/cop/officialdocs/cop4/ pdf/3add2(d)spa.pdf, consulted on 30 March 2003). ● UNEP (United Nations Environment Pro-

gramme), 2002: Global Environment Outlook: GEO-3, Earthscan Publications Ltd, London, UK.

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● Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2001: Indi-

ibbean: Environment Outlook 2000, UNEP Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

cadores de la desertificación para su monitoreo con teledetección y SIG en el Valle de Santa María (Catamarca), Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Argentina (in http://www.rec.uba.ar/pc_98_00/htm/ag13. htm, consulted on 12 June 2001).

● UNESCO, MAB, SCOPE, UNEP (United Na-

tions Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation; Man and the Biosphere Programme; Scientific Committee On Problems of the Environment, United Nations Environment Programme), 1978: Environmental Effects of Arid Land Irrigation in Developing Countries, MAB, Paris, France.

Regional para Sud América), Santiago, Chile. ● Wood, S., K. Sebastian, S. Scherr, 2000: Pi-

lot Analysis of Global Ecosystems (PAGE), Agroecosystems Technical Report, World Resources Institute, Washington D.C., US.

● van Arsdale, C., 1991: Banana Develop-

● WRI (World Resources Institute), 2001:

ment In Costa Rica, in Multinational Monitor, Washington, D.C., US, Volume 12, Numbers 1- 2 (in http://multinational monitor.org/hyper/issues/1991/01/mm0191 _06.html, consulted on 31 March 2003).

IADB Environmental Indicator Briefing Report, WRI, Washington, D.C., US. ● —, 2000: World Resources 2000-2001. Peo-

● UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Con-

vention on Climate Change), 2002: Status reports 2002 (Greenhouse gas inventories), NFCCC, Bonn, Germany (in http://unfccc. int/program/mis/ghg/statrep2002.html, consulted on 30 March 2003).

·

● van Dam, C., 1999: La tenencia de la tierra

en América Latina. El estado del arte de la discusión en la región. Iniciativa global tierra, territorios y derechos de acceso, Unión Mundial para la Naturaleza (Oficina


ple and Ecosystems: The fraying web of life, WRI, Washington, D.C., US.

Environment Outlook

Forest extent: extent: Latin America and the Caribbean

Forests

I

n 2000 the Latin American and Caribbean region had 25 per cent of the world’s forest cover, some 960 million hectares (ha), on only a seventh of its territory (FAO, 2001a). The proportion of forested areas is much greater than the global average; 47 per cent of regional territory is covered with forests, while the world figure is 30 per cent (FAO, 2001a). South America has 92 per cent of regional forests, mainly in Brazil and Peru, which are among the 10 countries that account for two-thirds of the world’s forests (FAO, 2001a). Planted forests make up a little more than one per cent of the forested area in Latin America and the Caribbean and almost half are in Brazil (FAO, 2001a, 2001e). The woody biomass of Latin America and the Caribbean is the world’s largest, with more than 17 per cent of the global average of 109 tonnes per hectare (FAO, 2001a). South America has 54 per cent of the world total and Brazil alone has 27 per cent. This underlines the importance of the region –and Brazil in particular– in capturing or emitting atmospheric carbon because of changes in use, a key element in regulating the planetary climate change process. No detailed analysis is available of world or regional forest cover between 1970 and 2000, not only because

Latin America and the Caribbean is the most heavily forested region in the world, but it lost almost 47 million hectares in the period 1990-2000 (second only to Africa). Note: The dark green shows the closed forest (areas with more than 40% of trees higher than 5 meters); the medium green represents open forests (with a cover of between 10 and 40 percent) or fragmented trees, and the light green represents other forest lands, with bushes or wild grass.

Chapter

2

Source: FAO, 2001e.

information is lacking in many countries but because of changes in international statistical methods. However, the new estimates made by FAO for 1990-2000 indicate that, of the world’s total forest area that disappeared

Countries with the highest percentage of forests in the world, 2000 35

30

% of total area

25

20

15

10

5

0

Russian Federation

Source: FAO, 2001a.

53

Brazil

Canada

United States

China

Australia

Democratic Republic of Congo

Indonesia

Angola

Peru

Others

54


during that decade, half of the loss was in Latin America and the Caribbean (FAO, 2001a). According to these estimates, the regional percentage of global forest cover fell from 25.5 to 24.9 per cent in that period. During the past 20 years, world loss of natural forest has continued at approximately the same levels (FAO, 2001a, 2001c). In tropical forests, the loss continues at an “alarmingly high” rate of close to one per cent annually. In the specific case of the South American tropical forests, although there was a reported reduction in deforestation rates in the 1980s and 1990s, a sample taken from satellite data did not find any statistically-significant differences between the two periods (FAO, 2001c). Because of their socio-economic role in most Latin American and Caribbean countries, the fate of natural forests is critical for the region. These ecosystems supply wood for domestic and industrial consumption and for exports that earn foreign currency. Many communities have coexisted with forest ecosystems for generations. Forests provide traditional forest goods – such as food, medicines and other non-wood forestry products - to many rural populations (Bryant and others, 1997), as well as environmental goods and services (carbon

capture, containing natural disasters, recharging aquifers, halting erosion and soil loss).

Deforestation trends and causes The greatest reduction in forests during the 1990s was in Africa where 5.3 million ha were lost every year. Latin America and the Caribbean was in second place, with a loss of 4.6 per cent of its forest cover between 1990 and 2000, a total of 46.7 million ha, with an average annual deforestation rate of 0.5 per cent. This is over double the global average (FAO, 2001a). According to FAO, 88 per cent of the region’s forest areas are found – in descending order – in seven countries: Brazil, Peru, Mexico, Bolivia, Colombia, Venezuela and Argentina, with Brazil accounting for 56 per cent of regional forests or 544 million ha (FAO, 2001a). Almost half the total loss of cover between 1990 and 2000 was in Brazil (23 million ha, or 4.2 per cent of the country’s forests), with Mexico (6.3 million ha) and Argentina (2 million ha) far behind. Annual deforestation rates were more than twice as high in these two last-men-

Assessment of world forest resources: definitions, methods and sources The last assessment made by FAO of world forest resources –the 2000 FRA– establishes new reference statistics for the year 2000 and to analyse trends from 1990 (FAO, 2001a). In its new estimates, FAO includes (as it did in the earlier assessment for 1990) natural forests and forest plantations but now, for the first time, applies a uniform and broader definition of the concept of forest for all countries, both for 2000 and 1990, thus correcting its previous assessment. In the 1990 FRA, FAO applies the concept of forest to trees at least 7 metres high on areas larger than 100 ha, with crown cover of 10 per cent for developing countries, and 20 per cent for industrialised countries. The definition now includes all wooded territory with trees at least 5 metres high and a crown cover of more than 20 per cent on an area of more than half a hectare. Therefore, while estimated world cover for 1990 is 15 per cent higher in the new study, this is due in large part to the use of a broader definition of forest for all countries (FAO, 2001c). The increase is also explained by the use of new forest inventories after 1990 (as in the case of Mozambique), or by reclassifying as forest areas those previously classified as other wooded land (in Kenya, for example). For developing countries, the 1990 FRA estimated forest cover trends in the period 1980-1990 by using a mathematical model based on demographic factors to project the little national information available (FAO, 2001c). The model was not used for the 2000 FRA as it was recognised there was little relation between these factors and the change in cover. Instead, an extrapolation method was used for the years under review (1990, 2000) based on greater availability of data than in the earlier assessment, which in turn was corrected with experts' criteria and the results of satellite information sampling for tropical forests. The exercise encountered many limitations, one of them being that more than half of the developing countries had only one forest inventory, and more than a quarter had none at all (FAO, 2001a). Of 45 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, 19 (four in the Caribbean) had inventories comparable by country, but 14 countries had no inventories (31 per cent, 13 in the Caribbean) and four had only a partial inventory. Furthermore, the inventories are very dissimilar as to their reference year; the most recent statistics for Brazil, for example, whose forest cover is the region's most extensive, are for 1989 (FAO, 2001e). The inventories can also differ from the statistics prepared by FAO; In Mexico, for example, the National Forest Inventory for 1993-2000 shows annual deforestation rates above 800 000 ha, while FAO indicates 631 000 in the period 1990-2000 (Morán and Galleti, 2002).

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Environment Outlook

tioned countries (1.1 and 0.8 per cent respectively, compared to 0.4 in Brazil). Only three countries showed increases in their forest cover during the period, but to a much smaller degree than the losses suffered in countries with more forests: Uruguay (501,000 ha), Cuba (277,000 ha) and Guadalupe (15,000 ha) (FAO, 2000). Annual rates of change in forest cover varied considerably from one sub-region to another in the 19902000 period. Caribbean countries had the lowest average annual rate of change in forest cover (0.2 per cent), followed by South America (0.4 per cent) and Mesoamerica (1.2 per cent - FAO, 2000). There are also great differences within each subregion. In the Caribbean, for example, Saint Lucia and Haiti showed high rates of deforestation (4.9 and 4.6 per cent annually, respectively), which was not the case in Cuba and Guadalupe. In Mesoamerica, deforestation rates range from 4.6 per cent annually in El Salvador to 0.8 in Costa Rica. Nicaragua, Belize, Guatemala and Panama resemble El Salvador - their rates are above the sub-regional average; only Costa Rica, Honduras and Mexico are below the average. In South America, deforestation rates in Ecuador and Argentina are notably higher than the sub-regional annual average (1.2 and 0.8 per cent, respectively), while the others maintain rates similar to the sub-regional average. NB - in 1990-2000 South America had 40 per cent of the world’s deforested area (FAO, 2001a).

Pressures The main pressure affecting natural forests in the region is the conversion of forest land to other uses. More land is made available for agriculture, livestock

and urbanisation, as well as for road building and other infrastructure (electric networks, dams), or for mining. Other significant pressure comes from harvesting timber, forest fires and climate phenomena (Bryant and others, 1997). Negative effects are also caused by biological phenomena such as the proliferation of pests, often reflecting ecological changes caused by humans, particularly due to exotic forestry species monoculture (Monge-Nájera, 1997). Unlike other regions, the loss of forest cover is explained more by the expansion of transport networks, extensive livestock-raising and mechanised agriculture (especially soybeans) than by timber harvesting, which occurs in relatively few countries (Kaimowitz, 1996; Kaimowitz, 1997). Penetration roads into the forest, and associated timber harvesting, expand the agricultural boundary, and contribute to forest degradation through loss of biodiversity. Regionally, as in the rest of the developing world, timber is harvested, to supply fuelwood and, to a lesser extent, for industrial production and sawmills. In 2000, regional production of roundwood and sawnwood (including all kinds of industrial roundwood and fuelwood) was 432.7 million m3, almost twice the 1970 production (FAO, 2002a). In the same year, 61.6 per cent of this production was used for energy (fuelwood and charcoal), half in Brazil and almost a third in Mesoamerica (particularly in Mexico and Guatemala). Industrial production is concentrated on a regional market restricted to only a few species, which places them under great pressure. In particular, selective timber harvesting in remote areas is threatening important native species such as cedar (Cedrela odorata) and mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla -UNOFOC and others, 2000).

Use of fuelwood as a source of energy in Mesoamerica An analysis of the regional generation of energy from wood and its derivatives reveals that over the past 30 years there has been a constant increase, particularly in Mesoamerica and Brazil, where consumption is greatest and represents 48.0 per cent of the total. In Mesoamerica, with 17.5 per cent of the total for the region, the main consuming countries are Mexico (8.7 per cent of the regional total), Guatemala (3.4 per cent) and Honduras (2.0 per cent). Two-thirds of Mexico's timber potential is found in temperate forests, and half the timber produced comes from pine forests. Of total processed volume, 80 per cent is used for energy by producing fuelwood and vegetable carbon. In Central America, much of the fuelwood comes from agricultural land, live hedges and secondary forests. Of harvested wood, 92 per cent is used as fuelwood, both for domestic and industrial use, although with strong contrasts between the countries in the sub-region. For example, domestic fuelwood use reaches 1.5 cubic metres per capita annually in Honduras, but only 0.34 in Belize. Sources: UNOFOC and others, 2000; FAO, 2002a, 2002b.

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Subsidies for Mexico's Mexico's agriculture and livestock sector Mexico's agriculture sector grew by more than 4 per cent annually from the end of the 1940s until the mid-1970s, largely due to government funds allocated to provide direct and indirect support to this branch of economic activity. Added to the lack of adequate legislation and monitoring, this stimulated the expansion of agriculture into forest areas. Besides direct investments in the sector, end products including fertilizers, pesticides, fuel, electricity, water and seeds, were also subsidised. In addition, crops were insured, productive activities were promoted by parastate organisations and loans were given with little likelihood of repayment. Just the opposite was the case in the forestry sector, where credit was restricted and the few people with access to it had to discount their activities at very high rates because the sector was considered to be too risky. By 1965, most of the best land was already under cultivation and productivity per hectare had stagnated. From that time until 1980, the agricultural gross domestic product grew at only 2.4 per cent but protectionist policies continued from 1970 until 1998: measures included subsidies for maize, price guarantees, high taxes on permanent crops (sugar cane, coffee, cocoa) and trade restrictions. In recent years the government programme PROCAMPO has removed price subsidies and replaced them with direct payments to producers according to the areas planted. Although no systematic studies have been made on their influence, anecdotal evidence points to a great propensity in rural areas to clear forests in order to expand areas for cultivation and thus claim subsidies under the programme. Sources: Morán and Galleti, 2002.

Economic pressure and poorly-directed subsidies or incentives have been a main cause of the conversion of forest soils into land for agriculture and raising livestock. In some countries this has become worse as a consequence of policies to increase exports that provide the foreign currency needed to pay for imports and repay the foreign debt (Contreras-Hermosilla, 2000). Land tenure and institutional arrangements that govern forest management are also an important factor influencing forest degradation or conservation (Ostrom, 1990; Gibson and others, 2000; FAO, 2001a; Geist and Lambin, 2001; Gibson and Lehoucq, 2002). In many cases, strategies to protect forest environmental services depend on forms of community or socialised administration (such as may be developed by certain indigenous groups, community organisations or even the State itself). In the Amazon and Mesoamerica, indigenous people are the legal owners of significant areas of tropical forest as well as of temperate forest in the southern cone. In Mexico, ejidos and communal land predominate. In cases where much forest land is in the hands of the State, it releases part of them to private interests through private forestry concessions (as in Bolivia, Guyana, Suriname and other countries). When property rights over land are not clear, people tend to clear forests and build on those areas to establish a claim to them. A primary pressure on forests is the predominance of a short-term and strictly financial view of the economic benefit of identifying development options. Notwithstanding the important social and cultural function

·

of forests in the region – in particular for communities and social groups that directly depend on them for their subsistence – this feature of the forests is often not taken into account in infrastructure development plans and productive investments. In many investment projects, decisions on the permanence of forests, or on a change of land use. both private and public, are more frequently based on conventional cost-benefit analyses (focussed on financial gain) rather than more wide-ranging analyses that include economic, social and environmental considerations.

Forest fires and hydrometeorological threats Fires continue to affect important extensions of forests in the region. In Central America more than 2.5 million ha of forests caught fire during the 1997-1998 El Niño, and one million ha of agricultural land were also damaged. In Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras 900,000, 650,000 and 575,000 ha, respectively, were lost. In 1998 those countries suffered the impact of Hurricane Mitch, which caused loss of forest cover which exacerbated landslides and floods. In Bolivia, fires affected three million ha. In the state of Roraima in Brazil, fires devastated more than five million ha, including 1.4 million ha of tropical forests (Cochrane, 2002). In the same year another 850,000 ha caught fire in Mexico. In 1999, the NOAA-12 satellite images identified about 219,000 heat sources in South America. Approxi-


Environment Outlook

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Forest rangers: indigenous community forest management There is an international dispute about the need to keep biodiversity users away from protected areas to guarantee their conservation. Many opponents of this thesis argue that biodiversity can be maintained and even improved through sustainable use by promoting different mechanisms –such as community management– to make conservation part of development. When it comes to forest resources, there are multiple experiences in Latin America and the Caribbean in community forestry (within and outside protected areas) that make this second thesis credible. The ancestral experience of many indigenous communities is of great value in this respect, especially in countries with large pre-Columbian indigenous populations such as Mexico, Guatemala and Bolivia. The importance of indigenous inhabitants to the sustainable administration of forests is also essential in places whose indigenous populations are proportionally smaller: Brazil, among countries in Amazon, and Chile, among countries in the southern cone. In Mexico, for example, it is estimated that 80 per cent of forest land is in the hands of one-seventh of the population living on ejidos and other indigenous community land. But even countries with very small aboriginal populations, like Costa Rica, bear witness to the notable function of indigenous groups as forest rangers. In that country, protected territory belonging to indigenous communities adds 22 per cent to protected wild areas with more than 41 per cent of the total extension under forest cover. Sources: Cabarle and others, 1997; Fernández-González, 1999; UNOFOC and others, 2000; FAO, 2001a; Gibson and others, 2000, 2002; Obando Acuña, 2002.

mately 66 per cent were in Brazil, 11 per cent in Argentina, 11 per cent en Bolivia, eight per cent in Paraguay (UNEP, 2000). In 1999-2000, the total number of incidents dropped by 29 per cent in the South American countries monitored. Although there was a decrease in Brazil, there were increases in Colombia and Venezuela. In general, human activity causes forest fires through land clearing, agriculture and hunting, but they are also due to earlier fires, bonfires and burning litter (Cochrane, 2002). Fragmentation following deforestation and a change in soil cover exposes the forest to more fires and increases the risk of accidental fires. Forest fires have significant sanitary, economic and environmental effects. Smoke causes cardiovascular and eye problems, as well as constrictive and obstructive pulmonary illnesses, asthma, pneumonia, bronchitis, acute laryngitis and bronchiectasis (Cochrane, 2002). At local level, environmental effects include soil degradation, an increase in the risk of flooding in the rainy season and of drought when there is no rainfall, a reduction in animal and plant varieties, and a greater possibility of recurrent fires. At world level, these effects include the release of greenhouse effect gases, a reduction in precipitation and the extinction of the animal and plant populations. No estimates have been made of the broad spectrum of effects mentioned here when assessing the economic impact of forest fires. However, in 1998 when fires destroyed at least 9.2 million ha throughout the region, estimates of damage ranged from US$10-15,000 million (Cochrane, 2002).

Image of South American hot spots in 2000

South American Hot Spots

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Impact of deforestation While over the past 30 years the extraction of fibre from natural forests and plantations has practically doubled in the region, it has been at the cost of other forestry goods and services. To begin with, a reduction in forest cover tends to cause deterioration in the amount and quality of water resources, and there is increased soil erosion and sedimentation of water courses. But perhaps the greatest evident impact is on biodiversity goods and services affected by the increase in the number of endangered species, the conversion and fragmentation of forest habitats, the extraction of wood and the introduction of exotic species. To all these is added a reduced carbon fixing potential as a consequence of deforestation and soil deterioration (FAO, 2001a). These effects – which represent a permanent loss of the potential capacity of forest resources to provide economic benefits (IDB, UNDP, ACT, 1992) – are more severe in some countries than in others. In the Caribbean, for example, imported forestry products represent 14.2 per cent of total consumption. Although it has dropped from a maximum of 22.8 per cent in 1984, this figure is much higher than in Mesoamerica (2.6 per cent and growing) or South America (0.3 per cent and decreasing) (FAO, 2002a). The high consumer imports into the Caribbean are mostly of sawnwood and wood panels (imported to meet about 80 and 60 per cent, respectively, of total consumption).

In countries with large extensions of forests like Brazil, deforestation has had fewer general effects although local effects may be important. In the past two decades, wood production in Brazilian Amazon has increased from 14 to 85 per cent of national production, 80 per cent of which is estimated to be illegal (UNEP, 2000). The southern states of Brazil import hard woods from the northern states and from Paraguay where most of the remaining forests are protected (Tomaselli, 2001).

Forest policies As a response to deforestation problems, degradation of forests and forest fires, some countries have adopted new forestry laws and policies that include better regulatory measures, sustainability principles, expanding protected areas, certifying forestry products and expanding forest plantations in non-forest areas. These countries include Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica and Peru (BOLFOR and others, 1998; Gobierno de Perú, 2000; Tomaselli, 2000). Laws passed in the 1990s contemplate fiscal and economic instruments such as certification to promote sustainable management of natural forests and forest plantations. Countries with new legislation include Mexico (1992, 1997), Bolivia, Costa Rica and Guatemala (1996), and Cuba (1998) (Brañes, 2001). In some countries, the response to deforestation has combined

© R. Burgos

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Environment Outlook

development based on forest resources with regulation of forest activities, recognising that policy and institutional aspects are often more important market factors in determining the rhythm and effects of deforestation (Kaimowitz, 1997). Bolivia’s new forestry law, for instance, places forest land at the disposal of private companies by awarding concessions and involving local and indigenous communities (Tomaselli, 2000). Managed forest areas represent 3.8 per cent of total forest cover (FAO, 2001e). These areas, listed in descending order, are in: Mexico (7.1 million ha); Bolivia (6.9 million); Guyana (4.2 million); Brazil (four million); Venezuela (3.9 million); and Paraguay (three million). More than two million ha have been certified by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), an organisation with headquarters in Oaxaca, Mexico (FAO, 2001e). The FSC awards certificates to logging operations that comply with resource management standards, the fair distribution of benefits and environmental protection. As shown by the case of Mesoamerica during the 1990s, this has brought a boom in associative enterprises (cooperatives, community companies) that capitalise on agroforestry traditions to enter new markets.

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Protected forests in South America occupy almost 123 million ha, or 19.5 per cent of the remaining world forests, and 62.15 per cent of the total protected areas (UNEP, 2001). This region still has vast tracts of intact tropical and temperate forest, including those in the northern Andes, which is one of the world’s richest biological zones. As indicated above, planted trees cover 1.2 per cent of the region’s forest surface for a total of 11.7 million ha (FAO, 2001a, 2001e). These plantations are concentrated in Brazil (five million ha) and Chile (two million), followed, in descending order, by Argentina, Venezuela, Peru, Uruguay, Cuba and Mexico which, together, have a total of 3.8 million ha. In general, they are industrial exotic species plantations (mainly eucalyptus and pine). These plantations will grow in size and economic importance as commercially-exploitable forests shrink, and by using more sustainable silviculture techniques, although there serious institutional and private sector weaknesses still limit their expansion. Although the plantations are being converted into an economic alternative to other soil uses (such as agriculture) and, thus, help to reduce deforestation, they always imply a loss

Payment for environmental services in Costa Rica In Costa Rica, the concept of payment for environmental services (PSA) is based on the principle that the proprietors of forests and forestry plantations have a right to compensation for the cost of preserving or restoring the benefits such ecosystems bring to the country and to the rest of the planet. According to the Forestry Law of 1996, these services include reducing, absorbing, fixing and storing carbon to lessen the greenhouse effect; protecting water for urban, rural or hydropower use; protecting ecosystems to conserve them and make them fit for sustainable use (scientific, pharmaceutical and genetic improvement); protecting ecosystems, forms of life and scenic natural beauty for tourism and scientific purposes. Since 1997 Costa Rica has applied a programme of payment for environmental services in 5 per cent of the national territory (more than 260,000 ha and 22,000 small and medium-sised properties); 85 per cent of the area consists of protected private forests and more than 9 per cent is under sustainable forest management for wood production. While in the period 1979-1995, reforestation accounted for 76 per cent of forestry incentives, from 1997-2000 this activity only received 7 per cent of the payments for environmental services. In 2001, the PSA received 5,412 million colons (about US$16.5 million) from fuel and hydrocarbon consumption taxes; the Tax Simplification and Efficiency Law of that year allocated a fixed amount of 3.5 per cent of such taxes to be paid to the programme. Other funds come from the sale of environmental services both nationally and internationally, including new experiments such as the municipal water tariff of the Heredia Public Services Company and the emission reduction certificates for renewable energy projects within the framework of the Kyoto Protocol (see sections on Freshwater and Atmosphere) The programme is administered by the Ministry of Finance which collects the resources, and the Ministry of the Environment and Energy (MINAE), which executes it through the National Conservation Areas System (SINAC) and the National Forest Financing Fund (FONAFIFO). Funds provided by the Ministry of Finance and other financing sources are administered by FONAFIFO. Requests by interested parties are processed by SINAC, which approves payments through conservation areas and each year determines the priority areas where the programme is to be applied. Sources: Obando Acuña, 2002; MINAE and UNEP, 2002; Proyecto Estado de la Nación, 2002; INBIO, 2002.

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of existing biodiversity in natural forests (Cavelier and Santos, 1999; FAO, 2001a). Experience with incentives and payment for environmental services, and other innovative financing schemes in the region, has shown the long-term feasibility of managing forest resources to be an excellent renewable resource (UNOFOC and others, 2000). In 1996, for example, Costa Rica established a mechanism in its Forestry Law for economic compensation for services provided by forests and forestry plantations. This has been a source of additional financing for several protected areas and in the practical implementation of many of the precepts of the Clean Development Mechanism in the Kyoto Protocol (1997) (State of the Nation Project, 2001; see Chapter Three). Other countries, including Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, are exploring options to develop similar mechanisms (Rosa and others, 1999). Most governments receive international help in formulating environmental policies to address deforestation problems, strengthening institutions and establishing structures and mechanisms to improve monitoring and control. In general, the programmes and projects which are given international support are related to world concerns such as the conservation of biodiversity

and global warming. Silviculture programmes and projects with international support include the BOLFOR Project in Bolivia, the PPG 7 (Pilot Project to Conservation Tropical Brazilian Forests) in Brazil and the Iwokrama Project in Guyana. International organisations such as FAO and ITTO are active in the region. One of the challenges to forest policies in the region is the lack of recognition that the knowledge belonging to people living in forests can be protected by biodiversity patents. It is also necessary to develop sustainable logging practices that affect wood-yielding and non-wood yielding products. Ecotourism and recreation are particularly promising as a non-consumer use of forest resources. In spite of the efforts to respond to deforestation, and notwithstanding positive responses in recent years, most countries in the region have not faced up to the problem’s root causes. They do not yet implement policies that would effectively reduce deforestation by ensuring compliance with forestry laws and regulations. In particular, urgent and efficient measures are needed to put a stop to corruption in implementing laws. Demographic and economic pressure on agricultural land and human settlements often leads to overexploi-

Forest policy: the international framework The United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development (Rio de Janeiro, 1992) ended with the declaration of a set of forestry principles and a chapter in Agenda 21 on policies against deforestation. This led to a suggestion for a global-scale forest sustainability regulation. Following the Rio conference, forest policies became the subject of international discussion, first of all within the framework of the Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF), and then of the Inter-governmental Forest Forum (IFF). These negotiations led to the creation in 2000 of the United Nations Forum on Forests. The work of the IPF-IFF produced proposals to be executed by the new Forum on Forests. These include the development of national forestry and land use plans; emphasis on the underlying causes of deforestation; the promotion and protection of traditional knowledge on forests; the assessment of forestry goods and services; the development of adequate institutional and legal mechanisms (among them the possibility of an international convention on forests); as well as financial matters and technology transfer. Another proposal was to prepare criteria for sustainable forestry regulation to allow more specific parameters to be established on the subject, and regional and sub-regional initiatives have been developed throughout the world. In general, Latin American and Caribbean countries have adhered to the three initiatives named after the places where they originated (FAO, 2001e): Tarapoto (in South America), Lepaterique (in Central America) and Montreal (Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela and Uruguay, here coinciding with Canada and the United States). An important focus of international debate in the Forum on Forests is the harmonisation of guidelines relating to forestry in the three conventions resulting from the Rio conference biological diversity, combat against desertification, climate change as well as other relevant multilateral agreements, such as the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands. Source: FAO, 2001a.

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Environment Outlook

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Towards owards sustainable management of natural forests Among the principal subjects emerging from the discussion on forests is the concern for the loss of the region's natural forests –with their biodiversity and associated environmental functions– and the sustainable management of natural formations. Most countries provide incentives for managing their native forests: exemption from land taxes (Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay), technical assistance (Ecuador), subsidies (Argentina, Mexico, Colombia) or payment for environmental services (Costa Rica). In addition, most countries are demanding prior management plans and place limitations on changes in forest land use. Some countries demand prior studies on environmental impact before approving forestry projects of any importance (Chile, Guyana), while others are already applying forestry certification (Mexico, Belize, Costa Rica, Brazil). A positive initiative by some countries –for example, Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, Costa Rica and Mexico– is the establishment of model forests designed to demonstrate the application of sustainable management, taking into account productive and environmental aspects, and with wide participation by civil society, including community and indigenous groups. In Cuba, the creation of integrated forest farms has had notable success in rehabilitating vegetation in the Cauto basin (CIGEA, 2001; Granma Internacional, 2002). Sustainable forest management, taking into account all the elements involved, requires an enormous research effort, especially on how the region's complex natural forestry ecosystems function. However, regional forestry research is clearly deficient in this respect and in most countries concentrates on matters related to the establishment, management and utilisation of forest plantations, usually with introduced species. Source: COFLAC, 2001; FAO, 2001a.

tation of the environment and of remaining natural resources. More comprehensive policies are needed that recognise and include measures to counteract this.

dress the protection and restoration of forests (including purchasing land and maintaining personnel), research and citizen education, among other issues.

The main burden for their implementation, unfortunately, falls on regional governments. Their budgets and capacities are often insufficient to allow them to ad-

References ● BOLFOR, CIFOR, IUFRO (Bolivia Sustain-

● Cabarle, B., F. Chapela, S. Madrid, 1997:

● CIGEA (Centro de Información, Gestión y

able Forest Management Project; Center for International Forestry; International Union of Forest Research Organisations), 1998: Memoria del Simposio Internacional Sobre Posibilidades de Manejo Forestal Sostenible en América Tropical, 15-20 July 1997, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia

Introducción: El manejo forestal comunitario y la certificación, en L. Merino (coordinator), El manejo forestal comunitario en México y sus perspectivas de sustentabilidad, Centro Regional de Investigaciones Multidisciplinarias de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México; Secretaría de Medio Ambiente, Recursos Naturales y Pesca; Consejo Mexicano para la Silvicultura Sostenible; World Resources Institute, Cuernavaca, Mexico.

Educación Ambiental), 2001: Panorama ambiental de Cuba 2000, CIGEA, Editorial Academia, Havana, Cuba.


ambiental latinoamericano y su aplicación, Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Bryant, D., D. Nielsen, L. Tangley, 1997: The

last frontier forests: ecosystems and economics on the edge, World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C., US.

● Cochrane, M., 2002: Spreading like Wild-

fire: tropical forest fires in Latin America and the Caribbean – prevention, assessment and early warning, United Nations Environment Programme Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● Cavelier, J., C. Santos, 1999: Efecto de plan-

● COFLAC (Comisión Forestal para América

taciones abandonadas de especies exóticas y nativas sobre la regeneración natural de un bosque montano en Colombia, in Revista de Biología Tropical, San Jose, Costa Rica, 47 (4), 775-784.

Latina y el Caribe), 2001: Situación forestal en la región - 2000, Serie Forestal N° 15, Oficina Regional de la FAO para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

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● Contreras-Hermosilla, A., 2000: The Under-

● Gibson, C. C., F. E. Lehoucq, J. T. Williams,

● Ostrom, E., 1990: Governing the commons.

lying Causes of Forest Decline, in Occasional Paper, No. 30, Center for International Forest Research, Bogor, Indonesia.

2002: Does Privatisation Protect Natural Resources? Property Rights and Forests in Guatemala, in Social Science Quarterly, Oxford, UK, in press.

The evolution of institutions for collective action, Cambridge University Press, New York, US.

● FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization),

● Proyecto Estado de la Nación, 2001: Estado

2002a: Producción de madera en rollo y producción de leña y carbón, en FAOSTAT Forestry, FAO, Rome, Italy (in http:// apps.fao.org, consulted 8 August 2002).

● Gibson, C. C., M. A. McKean, E. Ostrom

● —¯, 2002b: FAOSTAT Forestry, FAO, Rome,

● Gobierno del Perú, 2000: Ley Forestal y de

Italy (in http://apps.fao.org, consulted el 25 February2002).

Fauna Silvestre, No. 27.308, 16 June, Lima, Peru.

● —¯, 2001a: State of the World’s Forests

● Granma Internacional, 2002: Los árboles

2001, FAO, Rome, Italy (in http://www.fao. org/forestry, consulted on 25 February 2002).

perdidos del diario de Martí, digital edition (http://www.granma.cu/), Havana, 14 November.

● ¯—, 2001b: Situación forestal en la región

● IDB, UNDP, ACT (Inter-American Develop-

de América Latina y el Caribe, FAO, Roma, Italia (in http://www.rlc.fao.org/organos/ coflac/98sf-s.htm, consulted on 25 February 2002).

ment Bank; United Nations Development Programme; Amazon Conservation Team), 1992: Amazonia Without Myths, Commission on Development and Environment for Amazonia, IDB, Washington, D.C., US.

de la Nación en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible: Sétimo Informe 2000, Proyecto Estado de la Nación, San Jose, Costa Rica.

(eds), 2000: People and Forests. Communities, Institutions, and Governance, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachussetts, US.

● Rosa, H., D. Herrador, M. E. González,

1999: Valoración y pago por servicios ambientales: Las experiencias de Costa Rica y El Salvador, en Boletín PRISMA, San Salvador, El Salvador, No. 35, 1-20. ● Tomaselli, I, 2001: GEO-3, Latin America

and the Caribbean. Forests, technical paper prepared for UNEP, Global Environmental Outlook-3, United Nations Environment Programme, Nairobi, Kenia. ● — 2000: Investing in the Future: The Pri-

vate Sector and Sustainable Forest Management – South America Perspective, paper prepared for the International Workshop of Experts on Financing Sustainable Forest Management, 22-25 de enero de 2001, Oslo, Noruega.

● ¯—, 2001c: FRA 2000: Comparison of For-

est Area and Forest Area Change Estimates Derived from FRA 1990 and FRA 2000, Forest Resources Assessment Programme, Working Paper 59, FAO, Rome, Italy. ● ¯—, 2001d: FRA 2000: Global Ecological

Zoning for the Global Forest Resources Assessment 2000. Final Report, Forest Resources Assessment Programme, Working Paper 56, FAO, Rome, Italy.

● INBIO (Instituto Nacional de Biodiversidad

de Costa Rica), 2002: El Pago de Servicios Ambientales en Costa Rica. Información General (in http://www.inbio.ac.cr/es/ conserv/psa.htm, consulted 15 October 2002).


gramme), 2001: An Assessment of the Status of the World’s Remaining Closed Forests, Early Warning and Assessment Technical Report, UNEP, Nairobi, Kenia.

● Kaimowitz, D., 1997: Factors determining

low deforestation: insights from the Bolivian Amazon, in Ambio, Stockholm, Sweden, 26 (8), 537-540.



● ¯—, 2001e: Global Forest Resources Assess-

ment 2000. Main report, FAO Forestry Paper 140, FAO, Rome, Italy. ● ¯—, 2000: Forest Resources Assessment

● —, 1996: Livestock and Deforestation in

Central America in the 1980s and 1990s: A Policy Perspective, Center for International Forest Research, Bogor, Indonesia.

● UNOFOC, CICAFOC, UICN (Unión Nacio-

2000, FAO, Rome, Italy. ● Monge-Nájera, J., 1997: Moluscos de impor● Fernández-González, A., 1999: Sondeo ins-

titucional rápido sobre iniciativas de conservación en la Gran Talamanca, Proyecto WWF – Gran Talamanca (Costa Rica), Centro Científico Tropical, San Jose, Costa Rica.

tancia agrícola y sanitaria en el trópico: la experiencia costarricense, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, San Jose, Costa Rica. ● Morán, J.A., H. A. Galletti (editores), 2002:

● Geist, H.J., E.F. Lambin, 2001: What Drives

Tropical Deforestation? A Meta-Analysis of Proximate and Underlying Causes of Deforestation Based on Subnational Case Study Evidence, LUCC Report Series no. 4, Land Use and Cover Change International Project Office, New Lovaina, Belgium.

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Deforestación en México, causas económicas, incidencia del comercio internacional, Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental – Centro de Estudios del Sector Privado para el Desarrollo Sustentable, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.


nal de Forestería Comunal; Coordinadora Indígena y Campesina de Agroforestería Comunitaria Centroamericana; Unión Internacional para la Conservación de la Naturaleza), 2000: Comunidades y gestión de bosques en Mesoamérica, UNOFOC, CICAFOC y UICN, San Jose, Costa Rica.

Environment Outlook

Diversity of ecosystems and species

Biodiversity

B

iodiversity refers to the variability among all living organisms, on three basic levels: ecosystems, species and genes. The biodiversity of a country or a region in the world, marine or terrestrial, is reflected in the different types of ecosystems, the number of species, how species vary between one location and another and the number of endemisms, as well as subspecies and varieties or strains of the same species (UNEP, 2002). Latin America and the Caribbean contain an exceptional variety of species and genetic varieties, as well as ecosystems. This biological wealth is undoubtedly one of the region’s main assets, and its loss, one of its principal environmental problems. The greatest challenges are irreversible habitat loss or change, extinction, loss of genetic diversity, introduction of exotic species that damage native species, fragmentation of ecosystems and trade in endangered species.

The principal ecosystems in Latin America and the Caribbean, according to size (Dinerstein and others, 1995): ·

Broadleaf tropical forests, humid and dry(9.3 million km3; 42.8 per cent of the region’s territory).

·

Grassland (floodplains or montane), shrub and savannah (7.1 million km3 - 40.6 per cent of the territory).

·

Mediterranean shrub or chaparral and deserts (1.9 million km3; 11.5 per cent of the territory).

·

Temperate broadleaf forests and tropical or sub-tropical conifer forests (1.1 million km3; 5.1 per cent of the territory).

·

Mangroves (0.2 per cent of the territory).

Biodiversity in Latin America and the Caribbean (number of flora and vertebrate fauna species) 0

Brazil Colombia Mexico Venezuela Ecuador Peru Bolivia Costa Rica Argentina Panama Guatemala Paraguay Nicaragua Guyana Cuba Honduras Suriname Dominican Rep. Chile Haiti Belize Jamaica El Salvador Trinidad and Tobago Uruguay Source: WRI, 2000b.

63

10000

20000

30000

40000

50000

60000

Megadiverse Others

70000

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Endemism hot spots in Latin America and the Caribbean Worldwide, 25 endemism hot spots have been identified by their exceptional concentration of endemic vascular plants (at least 0.5 per cent of the world total), and because they suffer an exceptional loss of habitats (more than 70 per cent of their primary vegetation) (Myers and others, 2000). Vascular plants were selected as a guide because they have the best known taxonomy and form the basis for much of animal life. Together, the 25 hot spots contain more than 44 per cent of the world's vascular plants. The seven in Latin America and the Caribbean, which together have 16.2 per cent of the world's known endemic plants and 17.0 per cent of it vertebrates, are: the whole of Mesoamerica, the Caribbean, the Chocó-Darién region and western Ecuador, the Atlantic forests, the savannah of the Brazilian Cerrado, the tropical Andes, and central Chile. The variety and density of endemic species in these areas are a reflection of how biology has evolved in the Neotropics. Together, these hot spots harbour more than 46,000 vascular plants, 1,597 amphibians, 1,208 reptiles, 1,267 birds and 575 mammals, all endemic. Because it is insular, the Caribbean shows a high level of endemism, with 23.5 endemic plants for each 2 100 km , surpassing by 3, 4 and 12 times, respectively, the density in the Remaning % of Number of primary % of Brazilian Atlantic forest, the tropical Endemic endemic vegetation remaining ENDEMISM world Andes and Mesoamerica. protected plants HOT SPOTS

Although this is recognized as a useful tool to prioritize global conservation areas in situ, even its advocates confess that it excludes areas that may be important not only regionally or sub-regionally, but also globally. For example, Amazon is not one of the hot spots suggested by Myers and others (2000), not so much because it is not an important world biological diversity reserve, but because it does not have the loss of primary vegetation to be considered as such.

Tropical Andes

plants per 2 100 km

(% or original)

vegetation

20,000

6.7

6.3

25.0

25.3

Brazilian Atlantic forest

8,000

2.7

8.7

7.5

35.9

Caribbean

7,000

2.3

23.5

11.3

100.0

Mesoamerica

5,000

1.7

2.1

30.0

59.9

Brazilian Cerrado

4,400

0.014

1.2

20.0

6.2

Chocó/Darién/ Esmeraldas

2,250

0.007

3.5

24.0

26.1

Central Chile

1,605

0.0005

1.7

30.0

10.2

The principal ecosystems may be subdivided into large habitat types (biomass) and ecoregions (relatively well-defined units within the biomass); 178 ecoregions have been identified in Latin America and the Caribbean (Dinerstein and others, 1995; Olson and others, 2001). It is estimated that these ecosystems contain more than 40 per cent of the world’s vegetable and animal species (UNEP, 2000). Freshwater fish is a particularly good example of this wealth (WRI, 2000a). While North America has some 500 and Europe 150 fish species, some researchers estimate that Amazon harbours close to 2,500 species, or half the world’s total, although many ·

total

have still not been described scientifically. This diversity makes the Amazon region the richest deposit of freshwater fish in the world (Zimmerman, 1997). In Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, 190,000 of the world’s 300,000 known vascular plants have been identified (a third of the world total are in Brazil and Colombia) (Mittermeier and others, 1999). These six countries are part of the group of nations that, worldwide, has been identified as having biological megadiversity; together, they harbour between 60 and 70 per cent of all forms of life (CONABIO, 1998; CCAD, 2003). Their topography, climate variety, geology and biology have contributed to a mosaic of


Environment Outlook

many and diverse small-scale environmental conditions that support a large variety of habitats and life forms. Brazil is the country in the region with most species (57,704 species of plants, fish, amphibians, reptiles, birds and mammals), but some small Central American countries and Caribbean islands - Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Haiti, Jamaica, Panama and Trinidad and Tobago (WRI, 2000b) - also have a high density. In Panama 732 bird species have been identified and in Costa Rica 600; there are 100 species of mammals known in Trinidad and Tobago and 3,308 plant species in Jamaica (WRI, 2000b). Endemism is the term for species that are only found naturally in a specific territory. Several countries and territories in Latin America and the Caribbean are distinguished not only because of the variety of their species but also for their high rate of endemism. Of the vascular plant species identified in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, 37 per cent are endemic (Mittermeier and others, 1999). In the region, Mexico is outstanding in this respect; of 704 species of reptiles, 393 are endemic (56 per cent), 179 of 282 species of amphibians (62 per cent) and 139 of 439 species of mammals (32 per cent) (INE, 1995). The endemism of the tropical Andes (in Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, the northeast of Chile, Paraguay

and the northeast of Argentina) and its great habitat losses (Myers and others, 2000) has made this place the world’s principal biodiversity hot spot.

Genetic resources diversity Genetic diversity, variations between the genes of individuals in a species, is the basis for evolutionary processes. Individual genetic differences determine different capacities to adapt to the environment; this explains why some individuals develop characteristics that allow them to adapt to the environment while others do not, and disappear. High levels of genetic diversity allow species to adapt to environmental changes, while low levels make it more likely they will become extinct (SCBD, 2001). An awareness of genetic diversity is an essential tool to satisfy basic human needs. Agricultural species are a reserve of genetic adaptability, and their loss endangers global food security when unforeseen environmental and economic changes occur (FAO, 2002; MMABI, 2002). Twenty-five per cent of the international pharmaceutical market consists of products based on biological material and, in 1999, world sales of products derived from traditional medicines reached US$4,300 million (WIPO, 1999).

Bioprospection and intellectual property: the conflict for frogs and analgesics in Ecuador The search for substances that control or eliminate pain must be as old as medicine itself, and with the passage of time it was discovered that an analgesic could have severe side effects, such as addiction to the drug. There can also be ecological and legal effects, as has been so well demonstrated by ABT-594, an analgesic derived from epibatidine, which is said to be 200 times more powerful than morphine. It is a compound of various substances extracted from the skin of a poisonous frog of the Latin American tropics (Epipedobates tricolor), and its habitat stretches from the Ecuadorian Andes to the north of Peru. Indigenous inhabitants in Ecuador poison the arrows of their blowpipes with this substance which has a very quick effect when it enters the hunted animal's circulatory system. The cause of the conflict is two-fold: appropriation of intellectual property and smuggling of a species of wildlife. As to intellectual property, the production of the analgesic is based on information on the physiological effects of the secretions which is the property of the indigenous and local communities. The discovery required trials with 750 frogs smuggled out of the country. This smuggling was exacerbated because this is the very species whose use as a source of genetic resources is prohibited by the Ecuadorian Forestry and Natural Areas Institute, a prohibition that has been in force since 1996. Ecuador has been a party to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES) since 1975, so that the export and use of these frogs for commercial purposes requires a special licence that the manufacturer of the analgesic did not request. When it became public that the substance was being patented in the United States, and based on the Convention on Biological Diversity and on Ecuadorian laws, the Ecological Action Group requested that the patent be revoked, and that the benefits from the synthesized products be recognized and “shared fairly and equitably“. Source: GRAIN, 1998.

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Although some countries and indigenous communities have been using and protecting this biodiversity for thousands of years, they have so far derived very little benefit from it. Through a process recently described as biopiracy, private companies in developed countries take advantage of these communities’ knowledge and genetic resources, and exercise monopolistic control over them by means of patents or plant reproduction rights (CIPR, 2002). The resulting products sell for high prices in their domestic markets and in markets in developing countries, and provide continuous profits.

Threats to biodiversity Physical changes and habitat pollution, as well as direct damage to organisms, are among the main threats to biodiversity in the region. Changes in habitats are caused by excessive harvesting of renewable resources (water and forests, for example), mining, extraction of petroleum, infrastructure construction in coastal zones, forest fires, expansion of agriculture and raising livestock. Pollution comes from agrochemical products, urban and industrial waste, and sewage. Finally, the introduction of exotic species and illegal wildlife trade directly affects organisms.

Converting habitats Regions with their own climates, flora and fauna, like the Chaco or the Cerrado, are called ecoregions. As a result of conversion and loss of habitats, 31 of 178 ecoregions in Latin America and the Caribbean are critically endangered, 51 are endangered and 55 are vulnerable. Together these represent 77 per cent of the total (Dinerstein and others, 1995). Only 4.5 per cent of the ecoregions can be defined as relatively intact. A significant number of ecoregions are critically endangered or endangered in northern Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, the northern Andes and eastern South America. There have been very serious changes in habitats in Central American forests, the Chaco, the savannah ecosystems of the Brazilian Cerrado, the Mediterraneantype shrub of the Pacific coast and the Brazilian Atlantic coast forests (Dinerstein and others 1995; Mittermeier and others, 1999). For example, the Cerrado — Brazil’s second largest biomass after the Amazon rainforest — that covers approximately two million square kilometres, was mainly used for extensive cattle raising until 40 years ago. Now nearly 47 per cent of its natural vegetation has been converted into grassland, cropland, dams, urban settlements and degraded areas. The main cash crops – besides grassland – are soybeans, maize, rice, coffee and beans. Only one per cent of the Cerrado is under any type of protection (Klink and others, 1995).

82.7 million hectares (ha) in 1990 to 73million ha in 2000 (almost 971 000 ha of forests annually), with a deforestation rate of 1.25 per cent annually — the highest in the region, and almost six times the global rate (FAO, 2000). The biggest losses were in Mexico (6.3 million ha) and Nicaragua (1.2 million ha); Belize, Nicaragua and El Salvador suffered the greatest relative losses of, respectively, about 20.9 and 37.3 per cent of the 1990 forest cover. The conversion and loss of habitats have a direct impact on the vulnerability and extinction of the species they contain. For example, critical sites in Mexico where almost half of all migratory birds (Hernández and others, 2000) take refuge during the northern hemisphere’s winter are endangered by pollution, deforestation and other land use changes (UNEP, 2000; de Alba, 2001).

Species threatened or endangered with extinction Most of the species endangered or threatened with extinction are found in countries with the most biodiversity, including Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. Four of these countries —Brazil, Colombia, Peru and Mexico— harbour more than 75 per cent of the continent’s endangered bird species (BirdLife International, 2000). Between 1996 and 2000 the total number of endangered animal species grew from four per cent in Mexico and Peru to 10 per cent in Ecuador, 11 per cent in Colombia and 13 per cent in Brazil (Hilton-Taylor, 2000). In Peru alone, the number of threatened or endangered species rose from 162 in 1990 to 222 in 1999 (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001). However, the degree of danger varies: 12 per cent are in danger of actual extinction, 21 per cent are “vulnerable”, 27 per cent are classified as “scarce species” and no determination has been made about the remaining 40 per cent (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001). In Costa Rica, another country in the megadiverse group, barely two per cent of known species are endangered or threatened with extinction, but the situation is becoming alarming in the case of freshwater fish: practically all 135 known species are endangered to a greater or lesser extent (MINAE, PNUMA, 2001). Mexico accounts for 5.2 per cent of the species extinguished worldwide over the past 400 years: 15 species of plants and 32 species of vertebrates (CONABIO, 1998). The sea cow (Phocoena sinus), for example, is now only found in the northern part of the Gulf of California. It is estimated that in 1997 only 567 remained, mainly due to accidental fishing - it can be confused with fish or gets caught in shrimp nets (WWF, 2003b).

The Mesoamerican forest area was reduced from

·


Environment Outlook

67

Endangered animal species 450 Latin America and the Caribbean

South America

Mesoamerica

Caribbean

400

350 Vulnerable 300 Endangered 250 Critically endangered

Chapter

200

2

150

100

50

Mammals threatened or endangered

Amphibians

Reptiles

Fish

Venezuela

Mexico

0-8

0 - 12 13 - 27

Mammals

Birds threatened or endangered

Venezuela

Mexico

Birds

Amphibians

Reptiles

Fish

Mammals

Birds

Amphibians

Reptiles

Fish

Mammals

Birds

Amphibians

Reptiles

Fish

Mammals

Birds

0

Bolivia

9 - 21 22 - 39

28 - 63 64 - 140

Bolivia

Argentina

40 - 113

Argentina

Note: The colour represents the number of species threatened in each country in 2000. The dark area in pie charts represents the fauna species within all species threatened at the national level in sample countries. Source: Hilton-Taylor, 2000.

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Trade in species Judging only by declared import values, probably underestimated, world trade in wild animals and plants (alive or as products), amounts to about US$159,000 million annually (Cook and others, 2002). It has been calculated that a quarter of this trade is illegal, making it the second largest illegal trade in the world, after drugs (WWF, 2003a). The value of the animal, which rarely is more than US$200 in the country of origin, may easily reach US$10,000 on the international market. One tordo chaqueño (charrúa, guira-hú or melro) bird, Gnorimopsar chopi, may be bought in southern Brazil for US$150 but, once in the United States, it sells for US$13,000. A tamarind monkey or golden-headed tití, Leontopithecus chrysomelas, is worth US$180 in Brazil and US$1,500 in Europe (Ecoportal, 2002). Countries in Latin America and the Caribbean are among the biggest exporters of wild organisms to consumer countries, especially the United States and the European Union (Cook and others, 2002). One estimate suggests that South America provides 47 per cent of animals illegally captured in the world; 37 per cent come from Brazil, the country with the world’s greatest biodiversity, and the rest from Peru, Argentina, Venezuela, Paraguay, Bolivia and Colombia (Ecoportal, 2002). It is estimated that illegal trade from Brazil represents an annual value of US$1,000 million, a tenth of the world total (UNEP, 2002). In Mexico, at least one of each five wildlife export cargoes checked by Customs in April 2002 was illegal, according to the Federal Attorney General’s Office for Environmental Protection (Ecoportal, 2002). Approximately half the cactus native to the Chihuahua desert in Mexico and confiscated in Europe and the United States, are protected from international trade by CITES (Robbins, 2003). In Colombia, smuggled organisms are sent to large cities and neighbouring Amazon countries, whence they are re-exported (MMA, 2000). In 2001, specimens protected by international conventions and worth almost five million US dollars were illegally traded in Chile; the main sources are in Peru and Bolivia, countries popular among traffickers because of their rich biodiversity. The number of organisms confiscated in a year suggests that, worldwide, vertebrates and plants are the main victims of illegal trade (Cook and others, 2002): primates (230,000), wild plants (1.1 million), live birds (1.1 million) and live reptiles (3.7 million). The pattern is not necessarily the same throughout the region. In Colombia, for example, confiscations indicate the following percentages of animal groups: birds (44.6 per cent), mammals (31.0 per cent), reptiles (16.8 per cent), fish (0.5 per cent) and crustaceans (0.1 per cent). A large number of mammals are primate and feline species, all considered to be critically endangered. Live examples ·

represent between 80 and 95 per cent, but there is also trafficking in stuffed animals, skins and various other products (MMA, 2000).

Introduction of exotic species Human beings can also dramatically change the distribution of species in an ecosystem. The introduction, by accident or design, of exotic organisms, has intensified with the boom in sea and air transport all over the world. Invading exotic species do not always manage to establish themselves immediately, but their populations could eventually explode and threaten ecosystems, habitats and native species (UICN, SSC, 2000), as changes in ecosystems make conditions favourable. In Latin America and the Caribbean examples include the introduction into freshwater ecosystems of exotic fishes mainly linked to aquaculture such as tilapia or trout. Invasion by aquatic plants such as water hyacinth and tifa has been detected in some wetlands. The problem is more marked in islands and isolated ecosystems like cloud forests, coastal habitats, high mountains, lakes and lagoons (UICN, SSC, 2000).

Genetic impoverishment of domestic species Human food comes from plants and domestic animals, although in some places fishing and other wild sources play an important role. The principal domestic species originated in areas with a high degree of biodiversity, ecologically varied (almost all mountainous zones) and with more advanced and diversified cultures. For example, two of the six hypothetical centres of origin of the principal cultivated plants are in Latin America and the Caribbean (FAO, 2002). Human beings have used thousands of species for food over many thousands of years, and domesticated a large number of them, but we now see genetic impoverishment because only relatively few are cultivated or bred. The impressive number of varieties of maize cultivated by the ancient Mexicans, as well as many varieties of potato that used to be seen in Andean markets, are long gone. At the beginning of the 21st century, only 150 vegetable species were cultivated, and only four produce more than half the food for human consumption (FAO, 2002; Sarukhán, 2002). The same applies to animals: of the 50,000 known species of mammals and birds, only some 30 have been widely bred and 15 account for more than 90 per cent of world livestock production. In the past 15 years, 300 of the 6,000 livestock species defined by FAO have been extinguished. At present, 1,350 of these species run the risk of extinction, and an average of two species disappear every week. Selection means that very few domesticated organisms, whether plants or animals, can still survive in nature without human intervention (FAO, 2002). There is


Environment Outlook

a natural, and very important, reason why genetic impoverishment must be prevented: to maintain the evolutionary potential of species and, thus, their capacity to adapt and survive (CONABIO, 1998). Similarly, mixed crops may provide better harvests because their genetic variety acts as a barrier against diseases and predators. Genetic impoverishment is indirectly associated with the relationship between international trade in agricultural products and the sustainability of the environment. Increasingly impoverished domesticated biodiversity earns more profits than wild biodiversity. However, both types require investment to resist, for example, a mutant virus which (because of a lack of genetic variability) could deal a severe blow to the dairy industry by finishing off a variety of dairy cattle The wild relatives of cattle and other domestic varieties make up the genetic reservoir that could prevent this. Domestic and wild varieties need to be kept in a delicate balance between facilitating trade and conserving biodiversity.

Transgenetic contamination Genetic diversity is the basis of biotechnology, particularly in the case of genetic engineering, which is generating great changes in agriculture, industry, medicine and even legislation (Munich Re Group, 2002). However, taking biotechnological advantage of natural diversity may eventually endanger it through “genetic contamination”. Natural genes pass uncontrolled from one species to another with no problem. That modified genes might do so is a real risk. The possible transgenetic contamination of Mexican maize is a good example of this con-

cern about the intromission of modified genes into domestic varieties and their wild relatives. One of the main dangers is that intromission would affect their characteristics, placing in danger a biodiversity essential for humanity’s food security. In Mexican maize fields in the remote mountains of Oaxaca, pieces of DNA produced by genetic engineering were detected (Quist and Chapela, 2001). The study was attacked with the argument that it was the result of a biased test and a misinterpretation of the literature (Metz and Fütterer, 2002), an accusation denied by the authors of the original study (Quist and Chapela, 2002). Although the debate continues (Aldhous, 2002), a cause for concern is the lack of cooperation from transnational companies that dominate the market (on the pretext of trade secrets) ; indeed, an attempt was made to disallow the study just before a meeting of the Convention on Biological Diversity (The Hague, Netherlands, 8-26 April 2002). There is a widely-held belief among geneticists and plant improvement specialists that contamination of traditional crops is inevitable (AGETC, 2002; ISIS, 2002; Pearce, 2002). Mexico’s National Commission on Biodiversity Knowledge and Use has reported that two independent studies found large-scale contamination in varieties of maize planted close to highways (ISIS, 2002; Pearce, 2002). Apart from the possible environmental consequences of transgenetic pollution, this causes concern about the medium- and long-term effects of genetically modified food on human health. Again, this debate polarises positions and touches on large commercial interests; until there is scientific consensus on the subject, precaution is advisable (Butler, 2002).

Dangers of introducing new species to the islands Implicit in human occupation of a region is the transfer of plants and animals, which often become established in the new territories. Almost always the introduction of species to new zones is uncontrolled and may produce serious alterations in ecosystems. When the new territories are islands, the consequences are even worse because, in most cases, there are no natural predators that control the growth of the introduced populations. Also, due to the isolation in which they have evolved, island species have not developed the defence mechanisms they need and are very vulnerable to attack by new predators. Furthermore, island species generally have low reproduction rates and long life cycles, so that their populations are smaller than continental populations and it is more probable that they will become extinct. There is a serious problem with fauna introduced to the islands: it is calculated that 75 per cent of the 484 species registered as extinct in the world since the 17th century were species endemic to islands and that 67 per cent of the extinctions are totally or partially due to introduced species. An example of this danger is Isabel Island, off the coast of the state of Nayarit in Mexico, where rats and cats were 2 introduced more than 80 years ago. The density of cats is now one of the highest, 113 cats per km , of any island in the world and they have had a serious impact on bird populations. Of the various bird species that nest on the island, an endemic tern (Stena fuscata), is the most affected; because it nests on the ground it is easy prey for the animals so that, in the absence of control measures, it has a an uncertain future. Source: CONABIO, 1998.

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Domesticating and breeding Paca (Agouti paca) Paca or tepezcuinte (Agouti paca), is a rodent found from Mexico to Paraguay and the southern part of Brazil, usually in woody areas close to freshwater. It lives in burrows in the ground and rests during the day to become active at night time when it goes in search of small plants, fruit and seeds. As it weighs up to 12 kg and its meat has an excellent taste, it is a good candidate for domestication. It has been suggested that its meat be used to feed rural populations which, for one reason or another, are unable to keep larger animals. Normally it is hunted for its meat; this has affected wild populations and led to the establishment of experimental captive breeding programmes in countries such as Costa Rica and Panama. It is hard to breed tepezcuintes: they form monogamous couples that reproduce slowly, are aggressive in defence of their territory and, therefore, do not tolerate overcrowding, and there are cases of cannibalism and infanticide. By being aware of how the young learn, Panama has been able to achieve an artificial tolerance to captive conditions. In Costa Rica, this has been done successfully for several generations and has enabled veterinarians to learn more about the animals; the cost of keeping them has taken an unexpected turn by selling the meat to luxury restaurants instead of using it as food for rural communities. Source: FAO, 1995.

Policy responses Responses range from national initiatives, generally connected to the establishment of protected areas, to the adoption of multilateral and regional environmental agreements which have recently stressed the subject of access to biodiversity resources. The establishment of new protected areas and better management of existing ones are among the most significant actions taken in the region to conserve biodiversity. There are 65 UNESCO-designated biosphere reserves in Latin America and the Caribbean, about 15 per cent of the global total of 411 reserves. In the last three decades of the 20th century, although the number of protected areas almost doubled, their extension only increased by 50 per cent, indicating a trend

to establish smaller areas. In the latter part of the 1990s, a total of 148 million ha of very varied ecosystems, classified under different management categories, received some type of protection (WRI, 2001); some countries have created extensive maritime-terrestrial protected areas, as Ecuador did with the Galapagos Islands. There are countries where a large proportion of the territory is protected, and Ecuador is again an example (42 per cent), followed by Venezuela (35 per cent), Belize (20 per cent) and Panama (18.8 per cent). In contrast, other countries in the region have a low proportion of protected territory: Jamaica (0.1 per cent), Haiti (0.3 per cent) and Uruguay (0.3 per cent) (WRI, 2000b; OdDUCR, PNUMA/ORPALC, 2001). In spite of advances in conservation in natural conditions (or in situ), this strategy needs to be perfected. In

Biotic inventory: a Caribbean necessity In the Caribbean, less than 10 per cent of original island vegetation is still intact. Worse still, only a part of that 10 per cent is protected by parks and reserves. As the small intact areas are generally found in the smaller islands, they are under greater pressure. In addition, the smaller the island, the more endemic species it has so that there is less margin for error in maintaining the biotic heritage of small islands than there is in preserving it in larger islands or on continents. To conserve and take advantage of this biotic heritage, an inventory is needed to identify existing resources. However, economic and conservation decisions are haphazard and pose a serious risk of errors and damage to the islands' heritage. Therefore, the need for a biotic inventory for the small Caribbean islands is urgent, in particular because the importance to global biodiversity of the species involved is out of proportion to the size of the islands. A recent analysis of vascular plants and biodiversity of land vertebrates classified these islands as one of the three locations whose biodiversity is most endangered, according to Mittermeier and others (1999). Source: Ivie, 2001.

·


Environment Outlook

general, national protected areas are still not representative, since they neither include the countries’ ecosystems nor protect all the organisms that need protecting. Also, as they are not connected, seasonal migration routes and the normal genetic flow between subpopulations and populations are often interrupted. Areas that have significant protection are often too small compared to actual needs, not only as to whether they are representative of the ecosystem, but in more organic aspects such as the minimum area required to maintain viable populations, especially in the case of predator vertebrates. To the problems of representation and size is added the sharp contrast between the legal situation of natural protected areas and their actual situation, so that – it is said – they are really fictitious areas that exist only on paper. However, a quantitative inventory of the efficiency of 93 protected areas in tropical countries, including Belize, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay and Peru, found that — in spite of their limitations — most parks are successful in preventing land being opened up and, to a lesser extent, are efficient in putting a brake on logging, hunting, fires and grazing (Bruner and others, 2001). Just as the problem of representation has been addressed by increasing protected areas, an attempt is being made to link them by establishing biological corridors. These corridors are the result of new trends that favour protecting the whole ecosystem and integrating protected areas and agricultural, forestry and pasture land. Thus, people who live in or close to protected areas may join in conservation efforts by encouraging the restoration of the landscape and the maintenance of environmental goods and services. Biological corridors connect fragments of natural and managed forests so that fauna can move between them; this helps to keep their populations viable by preventing the in-breeding that can lead to genetic defects. Various corridors have been proposed and others are already in existence, such as the Mesoamerican Biological Corridor and the Amazon/Andes interface in the south of Peru and adjacent parts of Bolivia. The Mesoamerican Biological Corridor is a system of land regulation that connects buffer and multipleuse zones to the Central American Protected Areas System. It covers almost 30 per cent of Mesoamerican territory (including 19 per cent of Mexican territory) (CBM, 2001; OdD-UCR, 2003). It is expected to have a positive effect on problems like deforestation, forest fires, illegal hunting and fishing, indiscriminate extraction of basic natural resources and the fragmentation of the main protected areas in the eight Mesoamerican countries. In addition to strictly-protected areas, it includes restored ecosystems and private land whose proprietors will make voluntary ecofriendly use of the resources. The creation of the corridor was formally guaranteed by the Central American presidents (including the presi-

71

dents of Belize and Panama) at the Presidential Summit in Panama on 12 July 1997, and is a priority of the Central American Alliance for Sustainable Development. Its implementation is directed by the Central American Integration System in collaboration with the Government of Mexico and it receives international support (CBM, 2001). Buffer zones work with the corridors as a form of potentially important land regulation. They are spaces around the protected areas where only limited use is made of resources, because difficult access has prevented the market economy from penetrating. Whether legally constituted or not, buffer zones combine the objectives of conservation and sustainable use of resources. They may be attractive for future policies because it can be shown that they have contributed to the conservation of many renewable natural resources (Gierhake, 2002). Sustainable use of a resource has been demonstrated to be the best means of protecting and conserving it. It is therefore important to develop this biodiversity conservation component so that it can be incorporated in sustainable production processes. Experiments of this type are being fostered in various countries in the region, such as Brazil and Costa Rica.

Number of protected areas, total area and percentage of protected national territory in 2002 Percentage of sub-regional territory protected 20 15 10 5 0 Caribbean

Total Latin America and the Caribbean: 213.54 millions of ha (10.58%) (2,675 zones)

Mesoamerica

South America

South America: 182.89 million of ha (10.43%)

Mesoamerica: 26.39 millions of ha (10.91%)

526 zones

Caribbean: 535 4.26 millions zones of ha (18.62%)

Source: UNEP and WCMC, 2002.

1,614 zones

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The other important component in biodiversity environmental policies is the implementation of global, regional or sub-regional multilateral agreements. The implementation plan approved at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg (South Africa) in 2002 includes among its goals achieving, by 2010, a significant reduction in the present rate of biodiversity loss. This plan reflects concerns expressed in a great many multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), with biodiversity at their heart. Among the principal MEAs in which the region is involved are the global conventions on: ·

the Convention on Wetlands of International Importance especially as Waterfowl Habitat (Ramsar), 1971;

·

the Convention on the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage (World Heritage), 1972;

·

the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS), 1979; and

·

the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).

There is also an important set of regional or subregional MEAs related to biodiversity. The most important of these is the Convention on the Protection of Flora, Fauna and Natural Scenic Beauty in the Countries of the Americas (1940). Among the main sub-regional agreements are ·

the Convention on the Conservation and Management of Vicuña (1979),

·

the Convention on the Protection of the Marine Environment and Coastal Areas of the south-eastern Pacific (1981),

·

the Cartagena Convention on the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment in the Greater Caribbean (1983) and its protocol on protected areas and wildlife (in force since 2000),

·

the Convention on the Conservation of Biological Diversity and the Protection of Priority Wildlife Areas in Central America (1992) and

·

the Central American Regional Convention on the Management and Conservation of Natural Forest Ecosystems and the Development of Forestry Plantations (1993).

Although ratification of global MEAs has been high in the region, with 75 per cent of the countries adhering to most of them (with the exception of the agreement on migratory species, which only a fifth of the countries have accepted), in practice their application differs from country to country. The CBD and CITES are of particular interest, because of the range of their cover.

·

The CBD, in particular, is considered to be a framework convention; it expresses a national and international commitment to the overall conservation and sustainable use of ecosystems, species and genetic resources, as well as fair and equitable participation in the benefits. In the region, the CBD or its objectives have been applied either by including it in general regulations (Brazil, Costa Rica, Peru and Venezuela), or by means of sectoral laws (Cuba, Costa Rica, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua and Panama). In 1994 Brazil established a National Programme on Biological Diversity. In Peru the Law on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Biological Diversity, which entered into force in 1997, covers most of the commitments of the CBD. Between 1998 and 2000, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Panama and Mexico also completed their country studies and formulated national biodiversity strategies. Costa Rica and Venezuela have had laws on biological diversity since 1996 and 2000, respectively. It is hoped that the nine Caribbean countries now preparing national biodiversity strategies – Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Dominica, Guyana, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago – will support the implementation of the CBD with legislation, clear institutional mechanisms and adequate resources (UNEP, 2000). Putting the CBD into practice depends to a great extent on national and international financing. This includes the biodiversity funds of agencies such as the World Bank, the IDB, other international organisations, the Global Environment Facility, non-governmental organizations and bilateral cooperation agencies. By February 2000, the GEF had supported seven regional and 84 national projects on biodiversity in Latin America and the Caribbean, all declared to be in tune with the goals and objectives of the CBD (GEF, 2000). As part of the mandate of the CBD, the Conference of the CBD Contracting Parties held a meeting in Cartagena, Colombia, in February 1999 on the subject of biosecurity, resulting in a signed protocol. After arduous negotiations, the CBD Protocol on Biosafety was adopted by consensus in January 2000 in Montreal, Canada and, in May 2000, was opened for signature in Nairobi, Kenya. It has already been signed by 60 countries and it will enter into force when ratified by 50 countries. The protocol will regulate transboundary movements of genetically-modified live organisms, with clear measures to prevent their intentional introduction into the environment. It will also protect traditional agriculture and wild fauna and flora species against genetically-modified organisms. The most controversial items in Cartagena and Montreal were the commercial aspects of applying the protocol, especially the demand (on the principle of prior informed consent) that products with modified live organisms be clearly labelled, and handled differently to those without them. It obliges exporting countries to


Environment Outlook

73

Regional action within the CITES framework The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna y Flora (CITES) entered into force in 1975. To prevent international trade in certain excessively harvested species of flora and fauna, the convention established international prohibitions on endangered species (Appendix I), as well as regulations for those that might be endangered because of excessive or inappropriate trade (Appendix II). Appendix III lists species subject to national self-regulation and that require export permits from the regulating state and certificates of origin issued by other exporting states. At their biennial meetings, the parties review the list of species in each appendix and, by a two-thirds majority, decide which to include in Appendices I and II. Any contracting state may have reserves about one or several of the species included in these appendices, in which case they are considered as not being subject to regulations established for those particular species. At present, the lists include some 30 000 species, of which 25 000 are plants. More than 800 species of flora and fauna can be found in Appendix I, about 29 000 in Appendix II, and 230 in Appendix III. Two types of organisms in the region that have been paid particular attention within the framework of CITES are sea turtles in the Caribbean and mahogany in Mesoamerica and South America. In 1977, the parties to CITES agreed to prohibit international trade in the six species of Caribbean sea turtles, considered as under treat of extinction (three of them critically endangered) by the World Wildlife Fund. National compliance in the sub-region has differed widely, with high levels of concern, resources and compliance in some countries, but with very low levels in others. Only a third of the region's countries have ratified the InterAmerican Convention on Protection and Conservation of Sea Turtles (2001), the only international agreement in this field. It is estimated that Caribbean trade in sea turtles and their harvesting outside the sub-region continue, although they are dropping. Accidental catches predominate, above all because sea turtles are already so scarce that there is little profit to be had from catching them commercially.

Chapter

CANADA

2 EUROPE

UNITED STATES

MEXICO BELIZE GUATEMALA

CENTRAL AMERICA

NICARAGUA

Trade between

Central America

ASIA

PERU

BRAZIL

Flow of big leafed mahogany

BOLIVIA In the case of mahogany (Swietenia out of Latin America and the macrophylla), the agreement to regulate its Caribbean (1997) international trade was adopted at the twelfth conference of the parties (COP-12), held in Chile in November 2002. The other two American species were already included although there is practically no trade in them because overharvesting has exhausted the supply. About 14 countries in the region export mahogany, mainly to North America and Europe. In 1998 the United States imported about 60 per cent of the total volume, which originated mainly in Brazil (45 per cent), Peru (31 per cent) and Bolivia (17 per cent).

In 1998 Brazil, the world's principal exporter of mahogany in that year, decided to include it in Appendix III of CITES, and in 2001 prohibited its logging and export; Bolivia, Costa Rica and Mexico have also included the species in that Appendix. Exports from Bolivia have dropped since it decided to restrict logging, while Peruvian exports have increased since the government gave concessions for it to be harvested in the Biabo-Cordillera Azul region. Until Nicaragua and Guatemala proposed including Appendix II in the COP-12, most illegal exports came from Brazil, Peru and Bolivia and, to a lesser extent, from Central America. There has been good experience in certifying sustainable harvesting of mahogany in Brazil, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico, in the three last-mentioned countries under the auspices of the Forest Stewardship Council. Sources: Fleming, 2001: Robbins, 2000.

74


give prior information to importing countries about the characteristics of these organisms. This implies particular attention to strengthening institutional capacity to apply these new control functions, with a view to protecting wild aquatic, marine and agricultural biodiversity in the region. An additional aspect closely linked with the CBD, on which it is sought to establish agreements, is access to genetic resources and equitable benefit sharing. This is one of the subjects that have recently caused most debate about standards and public policies, both nationally and internationally. The ultimate objectives of the CBD include “fair sharing in benefits derived from the use of genetic resources”, through adequate access mechanisms. The International Treaty on Phytogenetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, approved in 2001, recognises the rights of farmers in centres of origin and

diversity based on their contribution to conservation, improvement and availability of resources. These rights include their participation in the adoption of decisions and the “fair and equitable” sharing of benefits (FAO, 2001). In February 2003, the treaty had been signed by 13 countries in the region although none of them had yet ratified it. However, various countries —including those of the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) — have already formalised many of its principles (SEMARNAT, 2002a). Guatemala, for example, has established its own protection systems for genetic resources, and uses them to protect intellectual property. The Andean countries (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) have developed a common legislation within CAN, in 1996 approving Decision 391 on a Common Access to Genetic Resources Regime, making it the cornerstone for

National response initiatives: the cases of Colombia and Mexico Colombia and Mexico have had good experience in designing and implementing public policies, with private sector participation, on the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. In Colombia, the Green Markets Programme (PMV) seeks to respond to the world demand for “ecofriendly” products that has grown between 20 and 30 per cent annually (more than for traditional products). This is a good opportunity for countries with great environmental wealth to reduce the environmental impact of productive activities and generate resources that satisfy local development needs. The PMV was created by the Ministry of the Environment to provide incentives for the production of environmentally friendly goods and services or of sustainable production to compete in national and international markets. It is expected to provide self financing for activities that help protect the environment, and allow consumers to choose products that not only protect the environment, but are also healthier than traditional products. In Mexico, two notable initiatives have been developed in the field of biodiversity knowledge and awareness. In 1992 the National Commission on Biodiversity Knowledge and Use was created as an cross-sectoral commission whose main objectives were to: set up and maintain the National Biodiversity Information System; support projects and studies on awareness and use of biodiversity; provide advice to government institutions and to other sectors; undertake special projects; disseminate information about biological wealth; follow up on international conventions and provide services to the public. Outstanding among the commission's achievements are: the creation of the Mexican Biodiversity Information Network; the automated system to detect hot spots; the programme to conserve biodiversity priority regions; the preparation of the “BIOTIC” information management system; and the publication of more than 190 titles. The commission is also the scientific authority for CITES and the focal point for the Clearing House Mechanism, OSACTT, IGT and other groups of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). In 1994 the Mexican Fund for the Conservation of Nature (FMCN) was established as a private civil association to conserve Mexico's biodiversity and promote the sustainable use of natural resources. The FMCN was capitalized with a contribution of US$10 million from the Mexican government and US$19.5 million from the United State International Development Agency. In 1997, the FMCN received a donation of US$16.5 million from the Global Environment Facility (GEF) to establish a fund to protect natural areas and it supports the management of 10 priority protected areas. These resources have permitted an additional US$14.5 million to be collected, including patrimonial contributions from the Mexican government and private foundations, for certain natural protected areas. A second GEF donation includes a project costing US$31.1 million, of which US$9.5 million of the patrimonial funds were spent in May 2002 on four additional natural protected areas. Sources: CONABIO, 1998; FMCN, 2001; FUNBIO, 2001; MMA, 2002.

·


Environment Outlook

national policies and norms on access to genetic resources and benefit sharing. Bolivia’s Superior Decree 24676 (1997) very specifically regulates Decision 391. Colombia and Venezuela, for their part, are applying the decision without additional norms or regulations. Ecuador and Peru are in the process of approving regulations on access to genetic resources. The Regional Biodiversity Strategy of CAN is designed to define guidelines and take joint action regarding access. Both CAN and Costa Rica require informed consent about the source before issuing intellectual property rights on genetic resources (CIPR, 2002). These initiatives will probably be reflected in much of the region’s future legislation.

75

In the region, and particularly in megadiverse countries, some of the obstacles to access to resources and benefits are: ·

vast genetic resources have already left those countries (for example, in botanical gardens and collections);

·

it is hard to enforce access regulations in one country if other countries do not have them (in cases where resources are shared or are in more than one country);

·

practical difficulties in controlling access;

Chapter

First Ministerial Meeting of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries In February 2002 Mexico convened the first Ministerial Meeting of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries. The meeting was attended by ministers of the environment from Brazil, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Peru, South Africa and Venezuela, to establish agreements on the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and to seek coordination mechanisms on environmental policy. An additional objective was to present a common front at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. The meeting gave particular consideration to access to genetic resources and the fair distribution of benefits (including intellectual property and the respect and protection of traditional knowledge), the conservation and harvesting of biodiversity, biotechnology and bioprospection. Among the agreements reached –expressed in the Cancun Declaration– are the following: ·

To create the “Group of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries” as a mechanism for consultation and cooperation to promote their interests and priorities related to the preservation and sustainable use of biological diversity to: coordinate efforts to present a common front at international fora dealing with biodiversity; promote in situ and ex situ conservation of biodiversity in the countries of origin; develop joint projects to make inventories of their resources; invest in the development and use of endogenous technologies to support local- level sustainable conservation of genetic materials and economic activities.

·

To ensure that the goods, services and benefits arising from the conservation and sustainable use of biological resources are utilized for the development of the populations, among other objectives seeking to improve food safety, solve health problems and preserve cultural integrity.

·

To jointly explore ways to exchange information and harmonize their respective national laws on the protection of biological diversity, including related knowledge as well as access to biological and genetic resources, and the sharing of benefits arising from their sustainable use.

·

To seek the creation of an international regime to effectively promote and safeguard the fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of biodiversity and its components.

·

To develop strategic projects and bilateral, regional and international agreements, within the framework of more effective South-South cooperation, for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and genetic resources.

·

To encourage the current system of intellectual property rights to take into account traditional knowledge of biological diversity when evaluating requests for patents and other related rights.

·

To hold the first meeting of heads of state of the Group of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa.

Source: SEMARNAT, 2002b.

2

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·

limited capacity to negotiate bioprospection projects;

·

lack of appropriate incentives to add value to resources within a country (and the passivity of national stakeholders);

·

difficulties in agreeing upon common positions in international negotiations;

·

pressure exercised by other negotiations (for example, the World Trade Organization); and

·

difficulties in effectively articulating the interests of indigenous communities.

To confront these obstacles, megadiverse countries in the region have begun policy and normative processes to legislate on the subject. At the same time, many academic institutions and private enterprises have adapted their access policies to the new reality of biological material. Access that was once free now requires, as a prior condition, information and transparency, negotiations on potential benefits, discussions on possible joint investments and the acceptance of other commitments with respect to each country’s norms, as well as the goodwill of the parties involved.

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S., C. Valadez G., 2000: “Distribución temporal de aves rapaces diurnas en la Reserva Playón de Mismaloya, Jalisco, México”, in Revista de Biología Tropical, San Jose, Costa Rica, volume 48 (number 4), 1015-1018.

Environment Outlook

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● Ivie, M., 2001: The need for a biological

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dence of transgenic contamination”, in Nature, London, UK, volume 416, 600 - 601.

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en Colombia, MMA, Bogota, Colombia (in http://www.minambiente.gov.co/biogeo/ menu/biodiversidad/especies/comercio ilegal.htm, consulted on 14 June 2001). ● MMABI (Ministerio del Medio Ambiente y

Bosques del Gobierno de la India), 2002: Biotecnología y Bioprospección para el Desarrollo Sostenible. Presentación de la India para la Reunión de Ministros de los Países Megadiversos, Reunión de Países Megadiversos Afines, 16-18 February 2002, Cancun, Mexico. ● Munich Re Group, 2002: Annual Report

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Chapter

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Freshwater

L

atin America and the Caribbean is a region rich in water resources. With only 15 per cent of the world’s land and 8.4 per cent of its population, it receives 29 per cent of total precipitation and has a third of the world’s renewable water resources (FAO, 2002). Despite this, there are marked differences in water availability throughout the region. Three of its principal water zones – the Gulf of Mexico, the South Brazilian Atlantic and the Paraná-Uruguay-La Plata Water basins – concentrate 40 per cent of the region’s population in 25 per cent of the territory with only 10 per cent of total water resources. Many areas in Mesoamerica, the Andes, the Brazilian northeast and the Caribbean suffer from recurrent or chronic water shortages (WWC, 2000). The region’s two most serious water problems are a reduction in available reserves and a drop in quality. Reserves are reduced because of deforestation, urban expansion and excessive use (due to population growth and agricultural and industrial demand). The drop in quality is caused by untreated sewage, excessive use of fertilisers and pesticides, and industrial, mining and energy pollution. There is a lack of awareness of the need to maintain ecological water flows (that is, the water needed for natural ecosystems’ other vital functions) or it is underestimated. If these trends continue, they could be a significant obstacle to sustainable development in Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). Of growing concern is the absence of integrated water management and laws to protect freshwater.

Availability of water resources and regional variations Of the world’s total supply of water, only 2.5 per cent or 35 million km3 is freshwater, almost all (close to 70 per cent) as polar ice caps. Of the remainder, most is found as soil humidity or in deposits too deep to be accessible for human consumption (some up to two kilometres below sea level - UNEP, 2002; SAMTAC, 2000). Freshwater recharge depends on evaporation and subsequent precipitation. Oceans are responsible for 80 per cent of water evaporation throughout the world, and only 20 per cent of precipitation falls on land. Usable water - representing less than one per cent of the planet’s existing freshwater - is found in lakes, rivers, soil humidity and relatively shallow groundwater deposits with recharge produced by run-off or seepage. Although this water is theoretically fit for use, it is found far from populated zones, so in fact it is difficult or even impossible to reach. ·

Present estimates are that the Latin America and Caribbean region receives an average of 1,556 mm of annual rainfall (equal to 31.8 km3), considerably more than any other region. Internal renewable water resources – composed of the annual flow of surface water and groundwater recharge – reach a total of 13.4 km3 annually, a third of world resources. That represents 27,673 m3 per capita, almost four times the world average (FAO, 2002). However, the irregular distribution of water resources in the region, in space and in time, adversely affects its availability. The result is that many territories and populations suffer from water stress because distribution does not keep pace with demand. Two parameters are used to measure water stress. One is the shortage of water to meet per capita needs, here considered to be a supply of less than 1,700 m3 annually per capita; when supply falls below 1,000 m3 the shortage is considered severe; when it is less than 500 m3 it is absolute (Falkenmark and Widstrand, 1993; Ohlsson, 1998). Local use has to be taken into account when assessing such values, since agriculture may demand more water – although of lower quality – than is required for domestic or industrial needs. Hence population figures are not an accurate measure of stress in watersheds with a low population density but with high agricultural use. The second parameter, used by the United Nations Organization (UNO), refers to extraction of more than 10 per cent of available water, estimated as the maximum natural replacement rate limit above which future availability is affected. Stress is classified as moderate if it is less than 20 per cent, medium-high between 20 and 40 per cent and severe when extraction is higher than 40 per cent of the replacement rate (Raskin and others 1997). The effect of extraction on availability depends, among other factors, on climate and run-off variations. In general, there is a very low level, only two per cent, of water extraction stress in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNEP and others, 2002). In the Caribbean, the average rises to moderate stress level (18.5 per cent) because of the rates in Cuba (13.7 per cent), the Dominican Republic (39.7 per cent), and Barbados (98.8 per cent); levels are low in other countries for which information exists (from 7.5 per cent in Haiti to 9.6 per cent in Jamaica). Levels in Mesoamerica fluctuate between 0.6 per cent in Belize and 5.1 per cent in Costa Rica, except for Mexico where pressure is greater (19per cent). In South America, with the exception of Argentina (10.4 per cent), levels fluctuate between 0.4 per cent in Bolivia and Colombia and 3.9 per cent in Ecuador. In some countries the quantity of usable water is fixed or decreasing, due to stress caused by moderate or greater withdrawal and growing demand. If future


Environment Outlook

79

Mean annual precipitation and total renewable water resources in the region

Mean annual precipitation ST. KITTS AND NEVIS

ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

DOMINICA

ST. LUCIA ST. VICENT AND THE GRENADINES

BARBADOS

GRENADA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

Annual precipitation (mm)

Chapter

2

0-100 100-200 200-400 400-700 700-1,000 1,000-1,500 1,500-2,000 2,500-5,000 > 5,000 No data

Total Renewable Water Resources (TRWR) ST. KITTS AND NEVIS MEXICO

ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

CUBA

DOMINICA HAITI DOMINICAN REP.

BELIZE GUATEMALA EL SALVADOR HONDURAS COSTA RICA

JAMAICA NICARAGUA

LESSER ANTILLES

VENEZUELA PANAMA

ST. LUCIA ST. VICENT AND THE GRENADINES

BARBADOS

GUYANA

COLOMBIA GRENADA SURINAME

ECUADOR

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

PERU BRAZIL

3

m - per capita 0 - 000 2,000 - 10,000 10,000 - 25,000 25,000 - 50,000 50,000 - 75,000 75,000 - 85,000 > 85,000 No data Report not collected

Source: FAO, 2002.

BOLIVIA PARAGUAY CHILE ARGENTINA URUGUAY

80


climate change reduces rainfall (see section on Atmosphere) this is likely to become a problem.

The Amazon and Paraná-La Paraná-La Plata, among the world's world's largest water basins

Below is a more detailed sub-regional water resources analysis.

Area of the 10 largest water basins

South America South America, with 29 per cent of the world total, is the sub-region in Latin America and the Caribbean richest in water resources (UNEP and others, 2002). In decreasing order, average annual rainfall is: 1,991 mm in Andean countries, 1,758 in Brazil, 1,421 in Guyana and Suriname and 846 in the Southern Cone (FAO, 2002).

Amazon Congo Mississippi Nile Ob Parana Yenisey Lake Chad Lena Niger

Two of the world’s six largest watersheds are in South America: the Amazon and Paraná-La Plata rivers (WRI and others, 2001). The Amazon water basin is the world’s most extensive with 8.14 million km2 in seven countries (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana and Venezuela) and contains a fifth of its fluvial water (Revenga and others, 1998; GIWA, 2002). The Paraná-La Plata water basin is in sixth place, with 2.58 million km2 in four countries (Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Bolivia). Other important water basins in this sub-region are the Orinoco (Colombia and Venezuela) and San Francisco (Brazil) rivers. Ocean currents, the wind and mountain barriers, especially the Andes, determine the existence of extremely arid zones on the south Pacific coast, such as in the north of Chile where there are areas with no rainfall, and very humid territories such as the Baudó mountain range in Colombia where annual rainfall can be above 9,000 millimetres (mm) (Brown and Saldivia, 2000; SAMTAC, 2000). Arid and semiarid zones cover about 23 per cent of South America. In Argentina, the most arid country in the sub-region (60 per cent of the territory), 85 per cent of water resources are concentrated in the La Plata water basin, which occupies only 30 per cent of the territory (SAMTAC, 2000). In many areas with high precipitation there are also accentuated seasonal differences in some months, as well as a high level of variation from one year to another, intensified by intermittent global or local climate phenomena such as El Niño. Chile is illustrative in this respect; its extensive length presents great variations of rainfall, between the arid north where the scarce rainfall is concentrated between November and April, and the rainy south with abundant precipitation throughout the year, while the centre experiences the greatest variations between seasons and years (Brown and Saldivia, 2000). In 1998, average freshwater availability in South America was estimated at 35,437 m3 per capita annually, with wide national variations, from 7 453 m3 in Argentina to 316,891 in Guyana (UNEP and others, ·

0

1

2

3 4 5 6 Millions of km2

7

8

Population in the 10 largest water basins Amazon Congo Mississippi Nile Ob Parana Yenisey Lake Chad Lena Niger 0

30

60 90 120 Millions of people

150

Source: WRI and others, 2001.

2002). As indicated above, there are also great sub-national variations. In Chile, some northern regions received only 311 m3 per capita in 2000; this is in dramatic contrast to some southern regions with annual volumes of more than 3 million m3 (SAMTAC, 2000). In Brazil, water availability in the state of Roraima, in the Amazon region, is 1.5 million m3 per capita annually, while in the north-eastern state of Pernambuco it is only 1,270 m3 (Rebouças, 1999). In the Brazilian northeast there are other variability factors related to rainfall patterns and soil permeability, producing fluctuations from 0 to 600 mm between one six-month period and another. The Paraná-La Plata water basin, which covers 15 per cent of the South American territory and contains about 23 per cent of its population, is the only one below the shortage threshold, severe in this case, with a water availability of less than 1,000 m3 per capita per annum (Revenga and others, 1998). Applying the UNO parameter on national extraction averages to availability figures, it may be concluded that in general there is a low level of water stress in


Environment Outlook

South America. With the exception of Argentina (10.4 per cent), levels fluctuate between 0.4 per cent in Bolivia and Colombia and 3.9 per cent in Ecuador (UNEP and others, 2002).

Availability vailability of water per capita in the region's 's water basins

them, the Bravo and the Usumacinta, share a border with the United States and Guatemala, respectively. The Bravo, which covers 608,000 km2, is the largest of these water basins; it rises in the state of Colorado (United States) and crosses several Mexican states until it flows into the Gulf of Mexico. The Rio Balsas water basin is below the severe stress threshold as to availability of water per capita (Revenga and others, 1998). Other important basins in Central America cover several countries and include the following rivers: San Juan (Nicaragua-Costa Rica); Coco (Nicaragua-Honduras); Lempa (El Salvador-Honduras-Guatemala); and Motagua (Guatemala-Honduras) (López, 2002). In Mesoamerica, levels of stress due to water extraction fluctuate between 0.6 per cent in Belize and 5.1 per cent in Costa Rica, with the exception of Mexico where pressure is greater (19.0 per cent) (UNEP and others, 2002).

1.0 a 2.0 very low >2,0 a 5.0 >2.0 5,0 low >5.0 a 10.0 medium >10.0 a 20.0 high >20.0 very high No data Source: UNEP, 2002.

Mesoamerica In Mesoamerica, the average rainfall is 772 mm in Mexico and 2,395 mm in Central America (FAO, 2002). In 2000 it was estimated that the average annual availability of internal renewable water resources was 4,137 m3 per capita in Mexico and 20,370 m3 in Central America, with a sub-regional average of 8,122 m3 (UNEP and others, 2002). There is a notable variation in national averages: from 2,831 m3 per capita annually in El Salvador to 70,695 in Belize. In addition, there are dramatic subregional differences. Mexico, for example, has tropical zones with very high precipitation, but also large desert areas (WWC, 1999). In Central America, two-thirds of the population on the Pacific coast of the isthmus receive only 30 per cent of total run-off (CATHALAC, 1999). Five of the main Mesoamerican water basins are found totally or partially in Mexico: the Yaqui, Bravo, Balsas, Lerma-Chapala and Usumacinta rivers. Two of

81

Averages can hide dramatic situations. For example, in Costa Rica the extraction index for groundwater supplying 60 per cent of the needs of the San José large metropolitan area (with half the national population), rose from 16 to 62.5 per cent between 1996 and 2000. This represents an extreme water stress level – for example, similar to or greater than in Egypt, Libya, the Arab Peninsula and the Near East (Fernández-González and Gutiérrez-Espeleta, 2002). In Mexico, groundwater represents a third of the country’s total extraction and two-thirds of the urban drinking water supply (WWC, 1999). In the Valley of Mexico metropolitan zone, including the federal capital, extraction levels now double the aquifer’s recharge capacity and are an important contributor to what the government has called “a matter of national security” (GDF-BID, 1999; GDF, 2000; Weiner, 2001; see the section on Urban Areas).

The Insular Caribbean Precipitation in the Caribbean fluctuates between 1,141 mm annually in the Lesser Antilles and 1,451 in the Greater Antilles, with an average annual availability of 2,668 m3 per capita (FAO 2002; UNEP and others, 2002). Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Haiti and Saint Kitts and Nevis suffer from the region’s most severe water shortage. These countries and other territories in the Lesser Antilles have almost no freshwater ecosystems and depend extensively on their groundwater to meet the demand of human activities (UNEP, 1999). Water stress is classified as absolute in Barbados and as severe in the other cases, except Haiti (UNEP and others, 2002). Even a slight reduction in rainfall and a rise in sea level would have serious consequences for the islands whose freshwater sources are limited and whose coastal aquifers are susceptible to saline intrusion. Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas and Barbados are already using desalinated sea water (Cordeiro-Netto, 2001).

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82


Pressure on water resources The main pressure on water availability comes from excessive extraction and the impermeability of receiving zones due to urban infrastructure and deforestation (WRI and others, 2001). Forests and other vegetation help to maintain the quantity of water and preserve its quality, reducing runoff in periods of high precipitation and maintaining flows in dry periods (see the section on Forests). Soil impermeability caused by construction prevents rainwater from seeping into aquifers and accelerates run-off in periods of high precipitation (see the section on Urban Areas). To satisfy demand for water for agriculture, industry and direct consumption, excessive extraction of water resources may exceed their natural replacement capacity, exhausting water sources and leading to salinisation of groundwater close to coasts (CESACM and others, 1995). In the case of moderate or greater withdrawal levels, it is cause for concern that, while the amount of usable water is fixed or decreasing, demand is increasing, above all because it is the region with the largest agricultural land reserves and, thus, with most demand for irrigation water.

Water demand and use in the region Water has not been a limiting factor to social development, except in a few countries. Over the past 30 years, however, there has been a considerable change. Because of population growth, urbanisation and economic progress, the demand for water is growing

throughout the region (WWC, 2000). In specific areas, especially the Caribbean, drinking water availability has quickly become one of the principal factors that limit socio-economic development. Many governments find it hard to supply water to the whole population, while at the same time maintaining or improving quality standards. In the past three decades withdrawal and consumption of water have doubled in Latin America and the Caribbean, at a rate much higher than the world average. It is expected that this trend will continue, with an increase of 21 per cent in total withdrawals in Mesoamerica, and 43 per cent in South America by 2025 (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). In general, there is good access throughout the region to drinking water and sanitation services. In 2000, for example, 85 per cent of the regional population had access to drinking water and 79 per cent had some kind of basic sanitation (drainage, septic tanks or latrines), significant increases over 1971 when only 53 per cent had access to water (PAHO, 2001). However, these access figures must be qualified by taking into account the great inequality among users, even in countries with most water resources. Many rural and urban poor have no access to clean water or to sanitation services (WWC, 2000). In countries such as Brazil, for example, the poorest 10 per cent of the population pay up to three times more for water than the richest 10 per cent (relative to their incomes), with most inequality in rural areas (OPSOMS, 2001). Up to now, drinking water standards have centred on its bacteriological quality, usually obtained by chlorination which has an impact on health because of its

© R. Burgos

·


Environment Outlook

residual effects (Craun, 2993). Physical-chemical controls on water for human consumption – although included in regional norms – are much more recent and much weaker.

Demand for water for direct domestic consumption is also increasing, resulting in significant pressure on aquiferous layers that bear a significant part of that demand. In many Caribbean countries, as well as in Colombia and Panama, the highest volume is destined for domestic use. At present, 150 million urban dwellers in the region (31.3 per cent of the total population) depend on groundwater for their direct needs (CELADE, 1998; Revenga and others, 2000). In Barbados, where 79 per cent of water resources come from groundwater, 98.6 per cent of the drinking water supply depends on this source (Ministry of Physical Development and Environment, 2001).

The principal demand for and the main use of water is in agriculture, followed by domestic and industrial consumption. In the three sub-regions, more than 70 per cent of use is agricultural (UNEP and others, 2002). Only Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, Venezuela and the countries in the Lesser Antilles are below the regional average. Domestic use of water fluctuates between 18 and 25 per cent in the sub-regions, while industrial use varies between one and 11 per cent, also with naAnnual freshwater use per sector tional differences. It is important to bear in mind Consumption per sector (%) Total that statistics on domestic water consumption are normally consumption Agricultural Industrial Domestic * calculated as the amount (km3) of water distributed by public services and, thereLatin America and the Caribbean 262.8 73.5 8.7 17.8 fore, includes consumption by industries conCaribbean 15.9 74.0 1.0 25.0 nected to public netMesoamerica 90.0 77.9 5.4 16.7 works. South America 156.9 70.9 11.4 17.7 Irrigation is one of the * Domestic consumption is usually calculated as the amount of water distributed by the public uses of freshwater that water system; it includes, therefore, consumption by industries connected to the public network. shows the greatest inSource: UNEP and others, 2002. crease in the region. In 1997 more than 18 million ha of land, or around 0.9 per cent of the total territory and 2.4 per cent of agricultural land, were irriIndustry is the third main user of water resources. In gated (FAO, 2000). In general, agricultural irrigation South America it is estimated that industrial extraction technologies are inefficient; irrigation by flooding, for reaches 15 km3 annually, with 80 per cent of the deinstance, only benefits 30 or 40 per cent of crops mand coming from Argentina and Brazil (SAMTAC, (Cosgrove and Rijsberman, 2000; SAMTAC, 2000). The 2000). The mining sector, especially in Chile and Peru, remaining water, although it may be re-used, has lost requires increasingly large amounts of water; this could quality by increasing its concentration of salts, nutri- mean that the Andean territories will have to import ents, sediments and chemical contaminants, and may water in the near future. In Venezuela and Trinidad and damage both surrounding ecosystems and, by seepage, Tobago, the oil sector is an important consumer. Anunderlying aquifers. Among the main causes of ineffi- other significant industrial use is hydropower generacient use are subsidies which affect the allocation of tion; in Mesoamerica and South America it provides 53 water rights and the provision of low-cost irrigation in- and 80 per cent, respectively, of total electricity (Cordeiro-Netto, 2001). frastructure (SAMTAC, 2000). The pattern of groundwater use seems to be similar, with most withdrawal destined for agriculture. Although data are only available for Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and Peru, these indicate that only in Brazil does domestic use of groundwater equal agricultural use (38 per cent compared to 25 per cent for industrial use UNEP and others, 2002). In the other countries, agricultural use is always higher, fluctuating between 60 and 70 per cent, while domestic use is 11 to 25 per cent, In Argentina industrial use is higher than domestic use (19 per cent compared to 11 per cent).

83

Effects on water quality Water pollution problems in Latin America and the Caribbean became evident during the 1970s. Most pollution is caused by agriculture and the discharge of untreated urban and industrial sewage. Before that the Seventies, low levels of intensive agriculture, urbanisation and industrialisation confined such problems to the largest cities. Over the past 30 years there has been a significant lowering of the quality of surface water and groundwater.

Chapter

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84


Agriculture contributes to the deterioration of surface water and groundwater by excessive run-off, soil erosion, pollution (from fertilisers, herbicides, pesticides and organic waste) and disproportionate irrigation. Excessive use of fertilisers in agriculture has increased eutrophication of lakes, dams and coastal lagoons. Rising levels of nutritive substances increase the growth of algae which compete with other living beings for oxygen, reducing biodiversity in bodies of water. In Nicaragua, pesticides have contributed to degrading water quality, particularly in Leon, the Sebaco valley, the Matagalpa and Jinotega horticultural areas, and the tobacco production zones in Esteli (MARENA, 2001). In Costa Rica, metropolitan and rural nitrate levels have been found to be close to or above international standards (Fernández-González and Gutiérrez-Espeleta, 2002). At the beginning of the 1990s, that Mesoamerican country’s coffee wastes represented 68 per cent of the volume of pollutants in Central Valley rivers; norms introduced since then to reduce the discharge of coffee wastes have succeeded in bringing this figure down to 45 per cent (Boyce and others, 1994). In South America the situation is similar. In Colombia, for example, coffee wastes accounted for a biochemical oxygen demand of 3.7 million tonnes annually (PNUMA- PAM, 2001). In Peru the high doses of agrochemicals and fertilisers in coca crops, and compounds used to prepare basic coca paste affect rivers in the highland forests (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001). Although concentrations of nitrates in South American riv-

ers seem low compared to European rivers (the world’s most polluted), they are greater in the more populated Magdalena and Uruguay water basins where agriculture is more intensive. In Chile, a study of water in the Rapel river basin and sediments found a close relationship between toxic effects and mutations and the use of pesticides in agriculture and mining activity in the zone (Castillo and others, undated). Furthermore, it has been shown that eutrophication of bodies of water is rapidly increasing all over the country (CAPP, 2000). Another effect of intensive agriculture is the extension of irrigated areas, with a subsequent increase in the concentration of salts on the soil surface and seepage of agrochemicals into surface and groundwater. Some irrigated zones in the north of Chile, for example, now suffer from severe salinisation (CAPP, 2000; ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). When irrigation water is contaminated by industrial or residential effluents, agricultural products become a threat to the health of farmers and consumers. In general, waste waters in Latin America and the Caribbean are untreated and discharged raw into bodies of water. About 21 per cent of the population has no access to any type of sanitation, 31 per cent only has septic tanks or latrines, and 49 per cent has access to drainage, although most effluents are untreated. However, there are significant national and sub-national differences. All the effluents in Antigua and Barbuda and

Access to drinking water and sanitation in the region Access to drinking water

Access to sanitation

0% - 25%

0% - 25%

26% - 50%

26% - 50%

51% - 75%

51% - 75%

76% - 90%

76% - 90%

91% - 100%

91% - 100%

No data

No data

Source: WHO and UNICEF, 2000.

·


Environment Outlook

Barbados are treated to some extent, while there is no treatment at all in countries like Grenada, Dominica and Haiti (PAHO, 2001). Although there are sewage installations, most do not have enough capacity for effective treatment. The increase in pollution from urban run-off, as well as the discharge of untreated sewage into bodies of water that serve urban areas, add to the difficulties of satisfying a growing demand for water in cities (WWC, 2000). A study carried out between 1996 and 1998 in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro showed a failure to comply with Brazilian norms on the concentration of: ·

faecal coliform (more than 50 per cent of the samples);

·

nitrates (31 per cent of the samples in the zones studied); and

·

aluminium (100 per cent of the groundwater samples and more than 75 per cent the distribution system samples) (Freitas and others, 2001).

Matiz, Santa Fe, Tigre and Pis-Pis rivers in Nicaragua, and the Junin Lake and Mantaro river in Peru, resulting from the use of mercury methyl to sift gold (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001; MARENA, 2001). A study of the Tapajos River in Brazilian Amazon confirms that gold mining

Urban and industrial sewage water pollution in Greater Buenos Aires (1968-1987) and Rio de Janeiro (1996-1998) Greater Buenos Aires (1968-1987)

Chapter

2

Similar results have been obtained since the 1970s on excessive concentration of nitrates in other metropolitan areas such as Greater Buenos Aires (Foster and others, 1987). Industrial growth and resulting toxic, bacteriological and organic (from food production industries for example), pollution has had a serious effect on water quality. Animal wastes from industrial livestock activities contaminate aquifer deposits with coliform bacteria. In general, the evolution of the biochemical oxygen demand from emissions between 1980 and 1997 clearly indicates a rise in pollution caused throughout the region by industrial activities, although countries differ as to the degree of pollutants in industrial sectors (mining and petrochemical, among others - WWC, 2000).

85

Rio de Janeiro (1996-1998)

Mexico’s industrial sector, for example, consumes 4.1 km3 of water annually, 7.6 per cent of the country’s total use. Of the water extracted, 89 per cent is converted into sewage, adding an annual biochemical oxygen demand of 6.2 million tonnes. This amount could be used in the same period by 95 million people, equal to Mexico’s total population in 2000 (SEMARNAP, 2000). Most industrial effluents are untreated before they are discharged into water, coastal or marine ecosystems. In the Dominican Republic, for example, only 31 per cent of industrial wastes are given primary treatment (PNUMA, PUCMM, 2000). By draining generally toxic liquid and solid wastes, mining causes a serious impact on the environment and on health. An example is the quality of water in the Sources: Freitas and others, 2001; Foster and others, 1987.

86


and the erosion, of soils naturally rich in mercury by deforestation and agriculture have caused high concentrations of this element to enter aquatic environments (UNEP, 2002). Another growing problem is the salinisation of coastal aquifers due to excess extraction for industrial use. In the Caribbean this is particularly severe as a result of the rising demand for water, above all to supply the tourism industry (UNEP, 1999). Such pressure affects not only the direct human use of water resources (consumption, transport, recreation) but also other environmental services of freshwater ecosystems, including their capacity to serve as habitats for huge numbers of flora and fauna species, as well as flood mitigation (Revenga and others, 2000). Other sources of human pressure, such as building dams and diverting or changing river courses, are associated with those already mentioned in reducing the ecological flow needed to maintain these functions.

Water policies: national and regional initiatives During the second half of the 20th century, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean promoted sectoral strategies, including projects to confront development challenges in relation to water resources. Various specific guidelines were prepared on drinking water supply, sanitation, irrigation and hydropower. There were divergent legal and administrative responsibilities and the initiative was generally in the hands of centralised state agencies, with little or no participation by other interested stakeholders. Regulations and controls adopted a punitive approach, with few incentives or economic instruments. Furthermore, the capacity to ensure compliance with legislation –generally disperse and often conflictive – did not have the necessary force. The limits of these policies became evident. When the demand for water was concentrated in particular regions and on particular uses, it gave rise to growing conflicts about water use and the impact caused by the resource’s degradation and depletion. These conflicts have highlighted the strategic importance of questions such as:

·

·

The need for adequate mechanisms to allocate water to different users (taking into account not only effective availability, but also types of demand, as well as the true value of the water for each use, with the environmental services needed to produce it);

·

Closely linked to the above, the question of whether to privatise or decentralise elements of water production and distribution (including the creation of local or regional markets for the different uses of water, and

the definition and allocation of property rights needed to establish such markets); ·

Administering water resources through an integrated approach that goes beyond a fragmented sectoral vision and promotes national and international watershed management initiatives, and

·

Defining and urgently implementing adequate urban and industrial sewage treatment.

To respond to these challenges, in recent years most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have begun to introduce political, legal and institutional reforms (Jouravlev, 2001). Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Jamaica and Mexico have already reformed their water administration frameworks, and in the remaining countries substantial changes are being proposed in the midst of a strong public debate. There is a trend towards creating institutions that represent the public sector and the main users’ groups. Their objectives include: ·

formulating water policies;

·

coordinating multiple use of water through concessions and standards;

·

directing the development of large hydraulic works;

·

supervising pollution control, protecting against flooding, and

·

and estimating the ecological water flow (Jouravlev, 2001; FAO, 2002).

Examples of this trend may be seen in Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and the Dominican Republic. National water resources authorities are also being established in Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, El Salvador, Panama and Saint Lucia, to coordinate basin authorities or users’ associations. Regulatory frameworks are being reviewed to include these new institutional processes in countries like Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama and the Dominican Republic. Another important trend in the past decade has been the partial or total transfer of water services from the public sector to decentralised bodies, public (local governments) and private (including community associations), especially for drinking water but also for sewage collection and urban sanitation (Jouravlev, 2001; PAHO, 2001). Mexico, Colombia, Cuba and Ecuador have begun decentralisation processes although, as they were undertaken in haste and without adequate technical support and regulations, results have not always been positive. An active community presence has been recognised as effective and important when making deci-


Environment Outlook

sions on how to supply the services. This has happened especially in rural areas and zones on the outskirts of urban areas, and most countries in Central America and the Caribbean, for example, have had some success in this respect. Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Colombia have promoted the sale or concession to private operators of supply and sanitation services (Jouravlev, 2001; PAHO, 2001). Efforts have also been made to promote new tariff rates so that water is paid for at its true value (including costs of replenishing, maintaining and expanding services). In 1998 a provincial state public company in Costa Rica became a public corporation in which municipalities were the shareholders. Since 2000, this company has been charging a water tariff that incorporates the cost of protecting the forests and water basins needed to guarantee users a sustainable water supply (Jouravlev, 2001; MINAE, PNUMA, 2002; ESPH, 2002; Barrantes and Castro, 1999). However, the efficiency of privatisation and the use of economic instruments such as the price of services continue to be highly controversial (WWC, 2000). Some States have not yet adjusted to their new role as supervisors or regulators of privately-held public services in order to deal with distribution or social equity prob-

lems regarding access to the resource (WWC, 2000). The need to transfer water-saving technology and improve control strategies, both with respect to tariffs and fines, has also become evident. Throughout the region the idea that a hydrographic basin is the most appropriate geographic entity for planning and managing the multiple use of water resources has gained ground (CEPAL, 1999). Over the past 50 years considerable experience has been gained in administering water basins at the sub-national and sub-regional levels (CEPAL, 1994). These include the Papaloapan Commission and other commissions in Mexico, promoted in the period 1947-1960 as a regional but centralised development instrument (building roads, schools, urban improvement, and health). Other similar examples are the San Francisco Valley Commission in Brazil (1948) and the Cauca Valley Corporation in Colombia (1954) (CEPAL, 1994). There have been more recent national and sub-regional water basin management initiatives. One of the most developed sub-regional experiences is the La Plata Water Basin System established in 1967 by Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay, which was endorsed by an international agreement in 1969 (CIC, 2003). For 25 years the System has been administering

Regional integrated water resources management efforts The idea of integrated and participatory resources management began to gain ground worldwide following the first international conference on water in Dublin and the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, both held in 1992, and was reinforced following the Dublin + 10 and Rio + 10 conferences and the three world water fora, all held during the period 1997-2003. This new vision has gradually been adopted by a growing number of international, regional and national organisations. As part of this trend, in 1993 the Inter-American Water Resources Network (IWRN) was established as a network of networks of more than 130 institutions, with a technical secretariat at the headquarters of the Organization of American States (OAS) and 34 national focal points. The IWRN held Inter-American Dialogues in 1993 (Miami), 1996 (Buenos Aires), 1999 (Panama City) and 2001 (Foz do Iguazù, Brazil). Its main objective is to create and strengthen water resources associations, as well as collaboration between governments, academic institutions, NGOs, private sector water users' associations and individual professionals, to exchange information and technical experiences on integrated management of the continent's water resources. At present IWRN's main agenda items are: · · · ·

transboundary water basin management, metropolitan zones water management, the effects of climate on water resources and the management of water resources in arid and semiarid zones.

Other important continental initiatives are being developed within the framework of this new vision. Those with global coverage include consultations and studies promoted by the Global Water Partnership (GWP) and the Global International Waters Assessment, (GIWA). Regional or sub-regional projects include the Everglades-Pantanal, the Guaraní Aquifer, the La Plata water basin initiative, and the Central American Water Resources Action Plan. Sources: RIRH, 2001, 2003.

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a fund which now amounts to US$350 million, promoting projects on road, rail and river transport, other infrastructure works such as bridges, dams and pipelines and regional development poles (CIC, 2003; FONPLATA, 2003). On a national scale, there have been some recent experiences in Cuba, Brazil and Argentina. Cuba established a National Hydrographical Basin Council in 1997, defining a water basin as the basic environmental management unit. This has allowed notable advances to be made in reforestation, soil conservation and pollution control, particularly in the Cauto river water basin, the country’s most important. In Brazil, the 1997 National Hydraulic Resources Policy (Law 9433) established a National Hydraulic Resources Administration System that seeks to unify measures concerning water use (Brañes, 2001). Argentina has found, with inter-provincial water commissions, that tensions can arise between centralism and federalism when making collective decisions on distributing flows between provinces, supplying the population, using irrigation, generating hydropower and industrial, mining and petroleum uses of water (CEPAL, 1999). However, in spite of the significant advances made in the region in the approach to the use of water basins, in general terms it may be said that present experience in Latin America and the Caribbean is limited to sectoral water management for specific uses (hydroelectricity, irrigation, supply of drinking water and sanitation).

management. Management policies tend to depend on centralised authority, control measures and institutions instead of on economic instruments and incentives or new territorially-decentralised institutional arrangements. Investment is needed to improve the capacity of institutions responsible for managing water. Without it, the use of economic instruments, although raising income to some extent, will not reduce impact on the environment or improve efficiency (Motta and others 1997). Although Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole continues to be a region rich in water resources, the increase in the demand for and the pollution of such resources is exerting growing pressure. While estimates suggest optimistic outlooks for most countries in the region, the figures do not distinguish in what measure the water is technically and economically useable (Cosgrove and Rijsberman, 2000); in effect, because of limitations as to economic capacity or infrastructure, not all water in these countries is fit for human consumption. In addition, the water availability indicator does not provide information on the distinction between water use and policy options to mitigate shortages. It does not reflect seasonal volume variations, or consider the quality of available water and its suitability for use. If things go on as they are, water availability will become one of the most critical matters facing the region in the coming decade.

Water basin management as multi-sectoral water management or even as a geographically-integrated approach to ecosystem management, still hardly exists and is given little consideration in the region. In most countries, water resources management takes no account of water’s vital interaction with much larger ecosystems, or with other ecological functions and water services. Little information is available on water resources’ environmental and socio-economic conditions and impact on efforts to establish basin-scale

The Guaraní Aquifer 2

The Guaraní Aquifer System is one of the world's largest, covering about 1.2 million km in southeast of South America, with a population of 15 million in Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. The system's water reserves are estimated at approximately 40,000 km3, with an annual recharge of 160 km3. These reserves can meet the water demands of 360 million inhabitants (estimated at 300 litres per day per capita) for 100 years, using only 10 per cent of its total capacity. In 2002, the four governments, with support from donors and international organisations, began to prepare a joint management framework for the water system, adhering to principles of environmental sustainability and public participation. The project includes taking advantage of the enormous geothermic potential of the water system which in some regions produces up to 100,000 litres per second at temperatures between 33 and 50 degrees Celsius. Sources: WHO and UNICEF, 2002; ANA, 2003.

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Environment Outlook

89

The Guaraní Aquifer

BOLIVIA

BRAZIL Ribeirão Preto

Chapter

PARAGUAY

C

H

I

L

E

2

la M goa irim

la go

a

do s

Pa to s

ARGENTINA

URUGUAY

Drainage not related to the Guaraní Aquifer (not included in the System) Potential indirect recharge area From surface drainage From groundwater

Potential direct recharge area Porous: Guaraní outflow (afloramiento) Fissure/porous: basalt and sand

Potential discharge area Fissure/porous: basalt and sand (combined) Porous: Guaraní outflow Fissure/porous: (relation to Guaraní to be defined)

Notes: - Figure prepared by CAS/SRH/MMA (UNEP/Brazil) approved by the Superior Preparatory Council for the Project for Environmental Limit of the La Plata hydrographic basin Protection and Sustainable Development of the Guaraní Aquifer System (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay) GEF/World Bank OAS. Limit of the Paraná hydrographic basin - Coloured sections represent areas that are potentially part of the Guaraní Aquifer System. White and grey sections are not part of the Rivers Flooded areas Guaraní. The Guaraní Aquifer limits are not totally defined in Argentina and Paraguay and they have no relation to the indicated discharge Country political limit areas. State/province political limits Sources: City - Hydro-geologic map of South America, 1996. DNPM/CPRM/UNESCO - Hydro-geologic map of the Guaraní Aquifer, 1999, Campos H.C. State/provincial capitals - Geologic Integration Map of the La Plata Water Basin, 1998. Country capitals MERCOSUR/SGT2 - Geologic Map of the Rio de La Plata Water Basin, in preparation. Approximate scale 1: 13.600.00 MERCOSUR/SGT2. 100 200 300 km - Geologic Map of Brazil, 2nd edition, 1995. MME/DNPM. 0 - Geologic Map of the Rio de la Plata Water Basin, 1970, OAS.

90


The Cuban experience in water basin management - an ongoing success story The National Water Basins Council (CNCH) was established in 1997 as a result of Agreement 31/39 of the Cuban Council of Ministers' Executive Committee. The CNCH made it possible to modify concepts of integrated water basin management by defining water basins as “the basic units of environmental management”, bringing together all existing natural resources and the economic and services structure, to achieve an environmentally-balanced social development. The first stage defined the country's eight priority water basins according to their economic, social and environmental complexity and the effect on their natural resources and general features. These are: Cuyaguateje, Almendares-Vento, Ariguanabo, Zaza, Hanabanilla, Cauto, Toa and Guantánamo-Guaso. They cover 15,000 km2 in 11 provinces, with more than 40 per cent of the Cuban population, and they account for about 60 per cent of the country's economic activity. In the period 1999-2001 the (annual) National Economy Plan allocated close to 57.000 million pesos for national water basin management. To complete the organisational structure, 15 provincial councils were created, one in each province (including the Special Municipality of the Isla de la Juventud), as well as five councils for specific water basins (Cauto, Almendares-Vento, Ariguanabo, Zaza and Hanabanilla. Their main function was to coordinate activities for water basins shared by provinces. In turn, the provincial councils selected 49 as of interest to the provinces, planning and periodically evaluating the work being done, and deciding how to allocate investments according to the problems identified. Applying their own methods, they prepared diagnoses and action plans to be applied with the coordination and participation of all the State Administration Agencies (OACE). The diagnoses showed that today's most serious environmental problems in water basins are deforestation, soil degradation and water pollution. More than 30,000 hectares are affected by deforestation, 498,291 by heavy erosion, 831,435 by deficient drainage and 977,040 by heavy salinity. Of the pollution sources identified in the national inventory, 26 per cent (542) account for an annual biochemical oxygen demand of 89,836 tonnes (246 tonnes a day), equal to a population of 5,860,143. Of all the water basins, the Cauto has been most affected by centuries of human activity. For this reason the best examples of integrated water basin management in the country are activities in the Cauto basin in the period 19972001.

In the period 1997-2000, an area of 19,474.6 ha was reforested and in 2001 reforestation was completed on 4,600 hectares of the main river's (Cauto) hydro-regulating channel. A total of 159 forest farms have been established which cover an approximate area of 7,780 ha and employ 1,300 farm workers. There are more soil conservation and improvement measures in place and in 2001 close to 35,000 tonnes of organic material were applied. Expressed as the biochemical demand for oxygen, pollution has been reduced by the treatment and economic exploitation of sewage water, in percentages of 6.3, 16.3 and 8.7 in the three years from 1999-2001, indicating a solution may be found for the most serious water pollution problems. Source: CIGEA, 2002.

·


© R. Burgos

This water basin is the most extensive and important in 2 Cuba, with 8,969.2 km , or eight per cent of the national territory and 10 per cent of the population. Its area includes part of the eastern provinces of Las Tunas, Granma, Holguín and Santiago de Cuba. The basin is of special importance because of its valuable natural wealth, a significant and varied agricultural and industrial activity, strong hydraulic development, important mining and fishing resources as well as important cultural and historic values.

Environment Outlook

91

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● CELADE (Centro Latinoamericano y

● ESPH (Empresa de Servicios Públicos de He-

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● Barrantes, G. y E. Castro, 1999: Estructura

tarifaria hídrica ambientalmente ajustada: internali-zación del valor de variables ambientales, Empresa de Servicios Públicos de Heredia (ESPH). Heredia, Costa Rica.

● CEPAL, 1999: Informe del III Taller de Ge-

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O. Segura, 1994: Café y desarrollo sostenible: del cultivo agroquímico a la producción orgánica en Costa Rica. Editorial Fundación Universidad Nacional, Heredia, Costa Rica. 248 p.

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ambiental latinoamericano y su aplicación. Informe sobre los cambios jurídicos después de la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Medio Ambiente y el Desarrollo (Río 1992), Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente, Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Brown, E. y J.E. Saldivia, 2000: Informe

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(Comité de Academias para el Estudio de Suministro de Agua de la Ciudad de México, Water Science and Technology Borrad, Comisión on Geoaciences, Environment and Resources, Nacional Reserach Council, Academia de la Investigación Científica, A.C., Academia Nacional de Ingeníería, A.C.), 1995: El suministro de agua de la Ciudad de México: mejorando la sustentabilidad, Nacional Academy Press, Washington, D.C., US. ● CAPP (Centro de Análisis de Políticas

Públicas, Universidad de Chile), 2000: Informe País. Estado del medio ambiente en Chile – 1999, CONAMA (Comisión Nacional del Medio Ambiente), PNUMA-ORPALC (Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambien-te, Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe), Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile. ● Castillo G., B. Dutka, R. McInnis, s.f.: Eco-

toxicidad en aguas superficiales y sedimentos, Proyecto IDRC 92-1058-05 (en http://www.cepis.ops-oms.org, consultado en noviembre de 2001). ● CATHALAC (Water Center for the Humid

Tropics of Latin America and the Caribbean), 1999. : Vision on Water, Life and the Environment for the 21st Century. Regional Consultations. Central America and Caribbean, CATHALAC, Panama City, Panama. 35 p.

rentes de Organismos de Cuenca en América Latina y el Caribe. LC/R.1926, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile)

● Falkenmark, M. and Widstrand, C., 1993:

Population and water resources: a delicate balance, Population Bulletin, Population Reference Bureau, Washington, D.C., US. ● FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of

the United Nations), 2002: AQUASTAT General summary Latin America and the Caribbean, FAO Agriculture, Land and Water Service, FAO, Rome, Italy (in http:// www.fao.org/ag/agl/aglw/aquastat/regions/ lac/index.htm, consulted on 30 September 2003).

● CEPAL y PUCMM (Comisión Económica de

las Naciones Unidas para América Latina y el Caribe, Pontificia Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra) 2000. Desarrollo Económico y Social en la Republica Dominicana: los ulti-mos 20 años y perspectivas para el Soglo XXI, Tomo I. PUCMM, Santo Domingo, The Dominican Republic. ● CIC (Comité Intergubernamental Coordi-

nador de los países de la Cuenca del Plata), 2003: Sistema de la Cuenca del Plata, CIC, Buenos Aires, Argentina (in http://www. cicplata.org.ar/html/frames1.htm, consulted on 10 January 2003). ● CIGEA (Centro de Información, Gestión y

Educación Ambiental, 2001: Panorama ambiental de Cuba, CIGEA, Editorial Academia, Havana, Cuba.

● —, 2000: Irrigation in Latin America and the

Caribbean in figures, Water Reports 20, FAO, Rome, Italy. ● Fernández-González, A., and E. Gutiérrez-

Espeleta, 2002: “Freshwater in Costa Rica: abundant yet constrained”, in E. A. Page and M. Redclift, eds, Human Security and the Environment. International Comparisons, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, Northampton, UK, Massachusetts, US, pp. 267-284. ● FONPLATA (Fondo Financiero para el Desa-

rrollo de la Cuenca del Plata), 2003: Acerca de FONPLATA, FONPLATA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia (in http://www.fonplata.org/ site_map.htm, consulted on 10 January 2003). ● Foster, S., M. Ventura, R. Hirata, 1987: Con-


Ambiente, Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), 2001: Informe Nacional sobre el Estado del Ambiente – GEO Peru 2000, CONAM, Lima, Peru. ● Cordeiro Netto, O., 2001: Freshwater in

Latin America and the Caribbean, technical paper prepared for UNEP, Global Environmental Outlook-3, United Nations Environment Programme, Nairobi, Kenya. ● Cosgrove, W.J., F.R. Rijsberman, 2000:

World water vision: Making water everybody´s business, World Water Council, Earthscan, London, UK.

taminación de las aguas subterráneas: Un enfoque de la situación en América Latina y el Caribe en relación con el suministro de agua potable, Organización Mundial de la Salud, Organización Panamericana de la Salud, Centro Panamericano de Ingeniría Sanitaria y Ciencias del Ambiente, Lima, Peru. ● Freitas, M. B., O. M. Brilhante, L. M. Almei-

da, 2001: “Importância da análise de água para a saúde pública em duas regiões do Estado do Rio de Janeiro: enfoque para coliformes fecais, nitrato e alumínio”, in Cadernos de Saúde Pública, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 17(3): 651-660. ● GDF (Gobierno del Distrito Federal), 2000:

● Craun, G. F. (ed.), 1993: Safety of water dis-

infection : balancing chemical and microbial risks, International Life Sciences Institute Press, Washington, D.C., US.

La ciudad de México Hoy, bases para un diagnóstico, Fideicomiso de Estudios Estratégicos sobre la Ciudad de México, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● ECLAC, UNEP (Economic Commission for

● GDF-BID (Gobierno del Distrito Federal y

Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations Environment Programme), 2001: The Sustainability of Development in Latin America and the Caribbean: Challenges and Opportunities, Regional Preparatory Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean for the World Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 23 and 24 October.

Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo), 1999: Estudio sobre el acuífero de la ciudad de México, GDF-BID, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● GIWA (Global International Waters Assess-

ment), 2002: “Important results from the world’s largest reservoir”, Global International Waters Assessment Newsletter No 6 December 2002, p. 1.

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● Jouravlev, A., 2001: Administración del agua

● PNUMA-PAM (Programa de Acción Mun-


en América Latina y el Caribe en el umbral del siglo XXI, serie Recursos naturales e infraestructura, No.27 (LC/L.1564-P), Comisión Económica de las Naciones Unidas para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

dial para la Protección del Medio Marino frente a las Actividades Realizadas en Tierra), 2001: Las aguas residuales municipales como fuen-tes terrestres de contaminación de la zona marino-costera en la región de América Latina y el Caribe, PNUMA Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.


● López, A., 2002: “Conflicto y cooperación

ambiental en cuencas internacionales”, in A. López Ramírez, ed., Conflicto y cooperación ambiental en cuencas internacionales centroamericanas: repensando la soberanía nacional, FUNPADEM (Fundación del Servicio Exterior para la Paz y la Democracia), San Jose, Costa Rica, pp. 1740.

● —, 1999: Caribbean Environment Outlook,

UNEP, Nairobi, Kenya. ● UNEP, DEWA, GRID (United Nations Envi-

ronment Programme, Division of Early Warning and Assessment, GRID), 2002: GEO-3 Data Compendium, UNEP, Geneva, Switzerland.

● Raskin, P., P. Gleick, P. Kirshen, G. Pontius,

K. Strezerek, 1997: Water Futures: Assessment of Long-Range Patterns and Problems, Comprehensive Assessment of the Freshwater Resources of the World, Stockholm Environment Institute, Stockholm, Sweden.

● Weiner, T., 2001: “Mexico Grows Parched,

With Pollution and Politics” in The New York Times, 14 April (in http://www. nytimes.com).

● Rebouças, A. C., 1999: Água Doce no

Recursos Naturales), 2001: Informe del Estado Ambiental en Nicaragua 2001, MARENA, Managua, Nicaragua.

Mundo e no Brasil. In: Rebouças, A.C.; Braga, B. e Tundisi, J.G. Águas doces no Brasil, Escrituras, São Paulo, Brazil, p 565599.

● MINAE, PNUMA (Ministerio del Ambiente

● Revenga, C., J. Brunner, N. Henninger, K.

y Energía, República de Costa Rica; Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), 2002: GEO Costa Rica: una perspectiva sobre el medio ambiente 2002, MINAE-PNUMA, Observatorio del Desarrollo, Universidad de Costa Rica, San Jose, Costa Rica.

Kassem, R. Payne, 2000: Freshwater Systems, Pilot Analysis of Global Ecosystems, World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C., US.

● MARENA (Ministerio del Ambiente y los

● Ministry of Physical Development and En-

vironment, 2001. Barbados State of the Enviornment Report 2000 – GEO Barbados, Ministry of Physical Development and Environment, Bridgetown, Barbados. ● Motta, S., Ruitenbeek, J., and Huber R.,

1997. Applying economic instruments for environmental management in the context of institutional fragility: The case of Latin America and the Caribbean, in Protecting Oceans from Land-based Activities . GESAMP Reports and Studies No. 71. GESAMP, London, UK. ● Ohlsson, L.,1998. Water and Social Re-

source Scarcity. Water Resources Development and Management Service, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome, Italy. ● OPS-OMS (Organización Panamericana de

la Salud, Organización Mundial de la Salud), 2001: Brasil. Desigualdades en el acceso, uso y gasto con el agua potable en América Latina y el Caribe, Serie de Informes Técnicos No. 2, OPS-OMS, Washington, D.C., US.

● WHO, UNICEF (World Health Organiza-

tion, United Nations Children’s Fund), 2002: Project appraisal document on a proposed Global Environment Facility trust grant in the amount of SDR 10.8 million (US$13.40 million equivalent) to Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, amd Uruguay for the environmental protection and sustainable development of the Gurani Aquifer System Project, Report No. 23490-LAC, the World Bank, Washington, D.C., US.

● Revenga, C., S. Murray, J. Abramovitz and

A. Hammond, 1998: Watersheds of the World: Ecological Value and Vulnerability, World Resources Institute, Worldwatch Institute, Washington, D.C., US. (en http:// www.wri.org/wri/watersheds/index.html consulted on 28 November 2001).

● —, 2000: Global Water Supply and Sanita-

tion Assessment 2000 Report, WHO and UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, Washington, D.C., US.

● RIRH (Red Interamericana de Recursos Hí-

● WRI, UNEP, UNDP, WB (World Resources

dricos), 2003: Red Interamericana de Recursos Hídricos, RIRH, Washington, D.C., US (in http://www.iwrn.net/mainspanish. html, consulted on 9 January 2003).

Institute, United Nations Environment Programme, United Nations Development Programme, World Bank), 2000: World Resources 2000-2001, World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C., US.

● —, 2001: Informe Final del IV Diálogo

Interamericano sobre Administración de Aguas, RIRH, Washington, D.C., US (in http://www.iwrn.net/dialogs/dialog-4/ DialogueIV/IVDialogo.esp.pdf, consulted on 9 January 2003).

● WWC (World Water Council), 2000: Water

● SAMTAC (South American Technical Advi-

● —, 1999: Vision on Water, Life and the En-

sory Committee – Global Water Partnership), 2000: Agua para el siglo XXI, de la visión a la acción. América del Sur, SAMTAC, Stockholm, Sweden and Buenos Aires, Argentina.

vironment for the 21st Century. Regional Consultations. North America, WWC, Marseille, France.

in the Americas for the Twenty First Century, Roundtable Meeting of the Americas, Final Report, July 26-28 2000, Montreal, Canada, WWC, Marseille, France.

● SEMARNAP (Secretaria de Medio Ambiente,

Recursos Naturales y Pesca), 2000: La Gestión Ambiental en México, SEMARNAP, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● PAHO (Pan American Health Organization),

2001: Regional Report on the Evaluation 2000 in the Region of the Americas: Water Supply and Sanitation, Current Status and Prospects, PAHO, Washington, D.C., US.

·




Environment Outlook

Coastal and marine areas

T

he main environmental problems endangering coastal and marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean are pollution and degradation. Pollution comes from human settlements (especially if there is a concentration of industrial and electric power generation installations in port zones), agriculture, tourism, maritime transport (above all because of spills of hazardous substances or the introduction of exotic species), and the extraction, processing or transport of petroleum and gas. Degradation, which affects ecosystems and species, is a consequence of the excessive use of these resources and the conversion of natural habitats by either human activities or the impact of natural events. It is predicted that limited change will bring about a significant worsening of coastal and marine degradation (UNEP, 2000). For both historical and geographical reasons, Caribbean habitats are particularly vulnerable to this phenomenon, because their small island territories and extensive coasts have fewer defences against any rise in sea level or frequently occurring extreme hydro-meteorological event. The underlying causes of these problems are linked to growing demographic pressure on coasts and the subsequent expansion in coastal land use. This settlement entails agriculture, the construction of settlements, ports, roads and tourism infrastructure and, in many areas, the establishment of mariculture installations. Not only have these pressures reduced the natural productivity of coastal areas; it is also estimated that most coastal fish species have been seriously over-harvested. The Latin America and Caribbean region has drawn up policies that are reasonably comprehensive in response to the main environmental pressures on coastal and marine areas, particularly with respect to global, regional and sub-regional issues (Hoggarth and others, 2001). More specific action needs to be taken at both national and local levels to mitigate the impact of landbased activities on coastal areas, particularly when integrating basin and coastal management into mitigation policies and, above all, preventive policies. There is also a need for sub-regional integration of global and regional policies that define the different management options. A critical problem arising here is the availability of resources in national institutions – especially in small countries or dependent territories – in order to deal effectively with the most serious pressures and their impact on these countries. A major obstacle is the difficulty to articulate in multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) what are the different commitments and priorities related to the coastal-marine problem, espe-

93

cially when small countries are unable to make effective use of the international support offered by MEAs to implement their agreements.

General ecological situation in the region’s coastal and marine areas Coastal and marine areas provide the population with environmental services (benefits) and strategic natural resources. These services include regulation of the climate, protection of coasts and balancing the chemical composition of the atmosphere. Raw materials extracted from the sea include petroleum, gas, salt and various construction materials, to which must be added the direct extraction of energy that started in the region several years ago. These areas also provide a habitat for flora and fauna that have been intensely harvested for thousands of years for food and for traditional artisanal use. They also maintain genetic diversity and offer opportunities for tourism. The coastal and marine areas of Latin America and the Caribbean support a complex interaction of ecosystems, with an enormous range of biodiversity, and figuring amongst the most productive ecosystems in the world. They are subject to natural factors and socioeconomic (or management) factors, the latter incorporating anthropogenic (or human) “pressures”. Natural conditions may be classified on different scales. These range from biogeographic “provinces”, or large marine ecosystems, that extend over tens of thousands of square kilometres, to “regions” (with hundreds of thousands of square kilometres), and local coastal ecosystems that extend over areas of dozens or hundreds of square kilometres (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Large regional marine ecosystems are defined by the geomorphology and local geography of seabed and coast, as well as by climate, solar radiation, water salinity, the deposit of sediments from land sources and the dynamics of hydrological events brought about by winds and the main ocean currents. A major climate event in the region is El Niño, which cyclically alters the temperature of marine currents and patterns of precipitation, affecting fishing and leading to drought and severe flooding. Although El Niño is independent of any global warming allegedly caused by human activities, it is thought that its recent more frequent occurrence, persistence and intensity may be influenced by global warming (IPCC, 2001; see box on page 124). The great regional marine ecosystems may be classified in two large groups: open seas and semi-enclosed seas (UNEP-GPA, 2001). Some of the former are limited by ocean currents (in the North or South Pacific, and in the Atlantic south of Brazil) or by the continental

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Large marine ecosystems of Latin America and the Caribbean North Pacific 1. California Current* 2. Gulf of California* 1 2

Gulf of Mexico* 3. Caribbean Sea* 4. Caribbean Islands

Caribbean 4 6

3

Southeast Pacific 5. Humboldt Current * 6. Eastern Equatorial Pacific 9a

9b

8 5 Southeast Pacific

7 Southwest Pacific

Eastern South America 7. Patagonia Platform* 8. Brazil Current * 9. Northeast Brazil Current * 9a. Northeast of Brazil 9b. Amazon * Indicates Large Marine Ecosystems. Large Marine Ecosystems are oceanic regions that include coastal areas from basins and river estuaries to marine zones bordering continental platforms and margins of common coastal systems. They are relatively large regions characterised by their distinctive bathymetry, hydrography, productivity and tropically dependent populations.

Source: GIWA, 2003; EDC-RIU, 2003d.

platform (Mexican and Central American South Pacific, the Atlantic south of Argentina and north of Brazil). The semi-enclosed seas are classified according to their high or low ecological charge capacity and cleanliness; among the first are the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico, while the Gulf of California is an example of the second. Local ecosystems are also subdivided into two groups: those defined by geomorphologic aspects and those defined by vegetation. Among the first are the deltas that form drainage rivers, cliffs, coastal lagoons, dunes, sandy or stony beaches, estuaries (riverside plains periodically flooded by tides) marshes (swamps with vegetation and brackish water) and rocky and coral reefs. Further away from the coast can be found the neritic zone (water on the continental platform), the pelagic zone (open sea) and the deep bottom or abyssal plain where benthic (totally submarine) ecosystems are found together with submarine ditches and hydrothermal vents (hot water outflows surrounded by living organisms). The principal ecosystems defined by their vegetation are mangroves, marine grasslands and large algae or “macroalgae” communities. Latin America and the Caribbean has 64,000 km of coastlines covering 16 million square kilometres (km2)

·

of marine territory (UNEP-GPA, 2001). The American Pacific coasts characteristically have a very steep narrow platform (usually less than 20 kilometres wide) descending abruptly to extreme marine depths (6,669 metres in the Mesoamerican ditch and 8,065 metres in the Atacama ditch, both off the coasts of Chile and Peru), with strong ocean influences (namely, the California current north of the Equator, and the Humboldt current south of the Equator). In the Caribbean and the Atlantic, on the other hand, the continental current is usually shallower and more extensive, fluctuating between 2,400 and 4,500 metres. The most important exceptions to this general rule are the broad continental platform of the Gulf of Panama in the Pacific, contrasted with the depths of over 8 380 metres in the Puerto Rico ditch (Bakun and others, 1999; EDC-RIU, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c; Richards and Bohnsack, 1990; Wells and Enfield, 1999). Among the marine areas with the greatest biological productivity are open sea surges, where deep currents drag up nutrients from the sea bottom, and also the mouths of large rivers that bring nutrients from the land to the sea (UNEP-GPA, 2001). Seventy per cent of commercially important species are to be found in these areas. As a result of the surges caused by the California current in the north and the Humboldt current in the


Environment Outlook

south, productivity in the Pacific is greater than in the Atlantic or the Caribbean, especially from fishing organisms that are pelagic (open sea) and small demersal species (found on or near the ocean floor) (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Large-scale variations in currents and nutrient flows, such as those caused by El Niño, have significant effects on the fishing of coastal and deep water species. Mangroves and coral reefs form two large and very productive coastal ecosystems (in relation to their biological diversity) and are generally located in the regional tropics. Mangroves cover between 40,000 and 60,000 km2, mostly along the Equatorial coasts (UNEPGPA, 2001). Brazil, together with Indonesia and Australia, is one of the three countries in the world with the largest areas of mangroves; Chile, Argentina and Paraguay are the only countries in the region without any mangroves. As for reefs, 12 per cent of the world’s coral reefs are located in the Greater Caribbean, which has the second largest barrier reef, extending for 700 kilometres along the coasts of Mexico, Belize, Guatemala and Honduras. These reefs serve as habitats for many critically endangered species (UNEP-GPA, 2001). Tropical marine systems are generally more vulnerable than temperate climate systems to the impacts of human activity and climate change. Other determining factors are the extension of the continental platform,

the depth of adjacent seas, surges and the speed of marine currents crossing them. For example, the Central American Pacific coast is often less vulnerable to polluting discharges than the Caribbean because the sea is deeper (which increases its diluting capacity) and there are more currents to carry pollutants.

Principal anthropogenic pressures and their impact The state of coastal and marine areas also depends on patterns of socio-economic use and management. The degradation caused by the over-harvesting of resources and the conversion of natural habitats occurs in densely populated areas or zones with a high concentration of road, port or oil infrastructure, and subject to pressure from fishery, shipping and tourism activities. In such places water use is intensive but management is poor with little or no regulation or serious effort made for conservation. Taking into consideration population density, road infrastructure and the existence of gas or oil pipelines, one general assessment of the world’s coastal areas has suggested that 29 per cent of the coasts in Mesoamerica and 50 per cent in South America are either endangered or critically endangered (WRI and others, 1996).

Impact of global warming and El Niño on coastal and marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), warming of the land atmosphere —aggravated by burning fossil material, among other human activities— could have dramatic effects on coastal and marine zones in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 21st century. The IPCC considers it “highly probable” that a projected increase of 5 millimetres annually in sea level (as a result of the melting of the North Pole ice caps) will cause extreme meteorological events such as floods and hurricanes with “fairly probable” negative effects on coastal ecosystems and settlements, including impacts on productive activities and infrastructure. It is “highly probable” that biodiversity losses will increase. In small island states, like those in the Caribbean, it is “highly probable” that coastal erosion will increase, with property losses and displacement of populations. Coastal ecosystems (coral reefs, “marine grasslands” and mangroves) will lose resilience, and fauna and associated economic activities will be affected. In addition, there will be an increased risk of heavy swells caused by storms and of salinisation in freshwater underground deposits. Climate change is increasing the effects of El Niño, a phenomenon produced by changes in the trade winds affecting ocean water depths and raising its surface temperature (see the section on Atmosphere). One of the first effects of El Niño on the human population to attract attention was its impact on fisheries. The principal effect is on the surges which are normally very rich in nutrients but become impoverished because incoming masses of warm water disrupt the trophic chain. Furthermore, the warmer water brings with it tropical and semitropical organisms capable of swimming great distances to sites outside their natural distribution. This has an ecological effect which, although not yet well understood, is known to reduce the fishing catch in the usual fishing grounds while increasing it in others. Source: IPCC, 2001; CICESE, 1999.

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We also need to consider what policy responses have been made to these pressures. Significant efforts have been made for some of the region’s coasts that are subjected to intensive use (such as Cancun in Mexico, a large part of the Lesser Antilles and parts of the Brazilian tropical northwest Atlantic). In general it can be said that little environmental management exists for most of the large regional marine ecosystems (Sullivan and Bustamante, 1999).

Endangered coastal ecosystems

High Moderate Low

Source: Bryant and others, 1995.

Population Sixty of the 77 largest cities in Latin America and the Caribbean are situated on the coasts, and sixty per cent of the population live less than 100 kilometres from the sea (Cohen and others, 1997). Rural-urban migratory patterns, together with the growth of medium and small cities, are causing coastal population density to rise, exerting growing pressure on coastal waters and plains (UNEP, 2000). This demographic factor has been estimated to endanger some 39 per cent of South American coasts – a percentage considerably higher than the world average (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Rivers are bringing pollutants from inland watersheds and population centres down to estuaries and coastal zones, so the number of people whose inland activities affect coastal and marine zones is higher than the number of the coastal population. Generally speaking, while the population continues to grow, its impact on coastal ecosystems will also increase, principally be·

cause most urban and industrial sewage is reaching the coasts without proper treatment, and there is growing use of agricultural chemicals that later reach the sea through run-off.

Tourism Tourism is one of the main economic activities in countries throughout the region, especially in the Caribbean. The total annual income from tourism rose from US$14,300 million to US$45,400 million in the period 1990-2001, and its share of world tourism income grew from 5.5 to 6.8 per cent (WTO, 2002a; 2002b). During the same period, the number of tourists visiting the region annually rose from 21.1 to 35.8 million. The Caribbean sub-region accounted for 54 per cent of this income and 47 per cent of visitors. In coastal areas, the development of tourism encourages greater competition for sites to build hotels, ports, roads and for other intensive-use activities. Such expansion of the tourism infrastructure (like urban expansion in general) is leading to erosion and changes in habitats which are interrupting the basic ecological processes. Liquid wastes, litter and hazardous wastes are discharged into the open sea from cruisers and then pollute marine and coastal ecosystems, affecting both flora and fauna.

Land-based marine pollution Land-based marine and coastal pollution comes from agricultural and industrial activities and human settlements, getting worse in areas where tourism has expanded. Sewage, sediments, nutrients, floating solid wastes, petroleum hydrocarbons, toxic wastes and pesticides all end up on the coast (PNUMA, 1994). Land pollutants reach the coast by run-off and erosion conveyed by rivers and also, in some cases, by the wind. Ninety per cent of pollution from sewage discharged into the coastal zone is carried by rivers and streams (UNEP-GPA, 2001). A dramatic example of the capacity of rivers to carry pollutants to the sea is shown in the transboundary effects of five main watersheds: the Amazon, the Mississippi, the Orinoco, the Plata and the Santa Marta. Satellite images have revealed substantial discharges of sediments emerging from coastal rivers and some large islands and travelling over hundreds of kilometres of ocean. During one episode of fish mortality in the Windward Islands in February 2000, pathogenic bacteria were detected which had earlier only been reported in freshwater continental systems. It was suggested that the pollutants had been introduced in sediments as a result of flooding in the Orinoco basin (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Only around 14 per cent of sewage from public drainage (covering only 6.6 per cent of the regional


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Use and management of major coastal marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean Conditions of use

Highly populated intensively used coastal areas Intensive fishing pressure on coastal populations and coastline fisheries High density or concentration of oil terminals, ports and shipping lanes

Infrastructure management and support

Biogeographic zones

Intensive management much Infrastructure support regulatory, conservation and educational efforts

Some areas of the northwest tropical Atlantic: including Cancun, Mexico, and the Florida Cays, United States

Moderate management regulatory efforts with little monitoring of compliance limited efforts devoted to conservation and education

Most areas in the northwest tropical Atlantic such as Puerto Rico, parts of the U.S. Virgin Islands, Barbados and most of the Lesser Antilles.

The warm temperature zones in northeast Pacific The Galapagos Islands The southwest Atlantic, Brazil

Moderately used coastal resources

Lightly used coastal resources

Little or no regional management

Most areas in the warm waters of eastern tropical Pacific, the south western Atlantic with warm waters Some areas of the eastern tropical Pacific

Intensive management

Areas of the southeast Pacific with temperate waters - especially related to fishing pelagic species

Moderate management

South America: cold-temperate waters

Light management

Southwest tropical Atlantic

Intensive management

There are only a few examples of protected high-profile light use and intensive management-remote marine areas

Moderate management, little or no management

There are few areas in this category even large remote areas like the Orinoco river delta are altered by changes in land use in the delta and in areas of the upstream watershed, although there is little use of estuary resources Juan Fernández and Desventuradas Islands

Source: Sullivan and Bustamante, 1999.

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Pesticide run-off into the Caribbean Sea Information available on the type, concentration and effects of pesticides in marine and costal ecosystems in the Caribbean is specific and isolated. However, a recent study coordinated by the Caribbean Environmental Programme of UNEP in Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama and Colombia presents an initial survey of the situation. In all these countries, appreciable concentrations of organic phosphorous and organic chlorate compounds (such as aldrin, dieldrin, lindane and DDT) have been measured in samples of water, sediments and live organisms taken from the Caribbean Sea and coasts. Between 1983 and 1987, the Cauca River in Colombia was found to contain organic chlorinated compounds in concentrations above the limits established by the United States Environmental Protection Agency. The extensive use of pesticides in the Cauca zone has its effects in the Caribbean Sea. The presence and highly toxic potential of organic chlorinated compounds have also been demonstrated in fish, crustaceans and other species. In Costa Rica, for example, pesticides have been found close to the Tortuguero Conservation Area and the Cahuita National Park in concentrations that represent an acute and chronic degree of toxicity for aquatic organisms. In Panama, pesticide run-off reaches the San-San River, designated as a refuge for endangered manatees. All four countries concerned have water-quality monitoring and control programmes. However, existing knowledge must be integrated and systemised to reveal the connection between sources of pollution and the current state of natural resources and public health. The lack of resources presents a key challenge for following up recommended actions and when responsible institutions wish to disseminate information. Source: PNUMA, 1999.

population) is treated in Latin America and the Caribbean; another 30 per cent of the population is treated by in situ sanitation (septic tanks, and other similar systems) (PAHO, 2001), leaving just over 60 per cent without any sewage treatment means. A large proportion of their untreated sewage is discharged into the sea, either directly through being deposited in rivers, or indirectly through run-off. In the Caribbean, for example, between 80 and 90 per cent of sewage is discharged into the sea without any treatment whatsoever (UNEP, 2000). Besides being a threat to health, these polluting discharges endanger the amount and the quality of marine food available for human consumption (PNUMA, 1999). Large quantities of insecticides, herbicides, fungicides

and other agrochemicals reach and affect species with which no contact was intended. Due to their high toxicity and tendency to accumulate in marine and coastal organisms, these substances form a serious public health risk. The same may be said of discharges of hydrocarbons and heavy metals coming from industry and transport. There is also a significant impact of pollution and the discharge of sediments onto the region’s coral reefs. This is particularly noticeable in the Caribbean, where two-thirds of the reefs are endangered and one-third are at a critical level (Bryant and others, 1998).

Degradation and coral loss in Jamaica The coral reefs on the northern coast of Jamaica present a classic example of degradation in coastal communities. These reefs have changed significantly since the 1950s, when the first description was given of the active growth of coral reefs in Discovery Bay. The combination of overfishing, degradation of water quality and loss of mangroves has left the reefs almost without fish and has particularly led to the disappearance of fish species that had been drawn to the coral because they feed on algae and coralline snails. When hurricane Gilbert hit Jamaica in 1988, it caused such damage to the reefs that they lost their original coral cover, which has not been restored. The reefs are now mainly populated by algae and little stony coral is left. Unlike coral, the algae do not form a stony skeleton, therefore they leave the coastal zone more vulnerable to the effects of violent storms. Furthermore, the algae do not provide the habitat necessary for many reef fishes, which also reduces the potential for recovery of fishery production. The general impact experienced is both a loss of environmental benefits and of ecological functions in the communities that inhabit the reefs. The reef communities lose stability, resistance and finally flexibility to subsist and recuperate when faced with disruption. In Jamaica, the environmental services of a whole productive reef have been lost. Sources: Hughes, 1994; PNUMA, 1989.

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Environment Outlook

99

Oil pollution in the Greater Caribbean The Greater Caribbean is one of the world's most important oil-producing regions. The largest producers are Colombia, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, the United States and Venezuela. Most of the region's oil is shipped through a complex network of distribution routes. It is estimated that 90 per cent of petrochemical pollution in the Greater Caribbean comes from industrial sources such as refineries, three-quarters of which are on the Gulf of Mexico coasts. Nearby coastal and marine environments also suffer from high pollution UNITED STATES levels because of emissions from these 7 10 4 industrial sources and from spills in off11 6 shore production 3 zones. Tanker traffic and refineries have caused pollution in alCUBA most half the coastal 2 14 JAMAICA areas studied, with 9 PUERTO 5 1 levels of dispersed hy13 HAITI RICO BELIZE DOMINICAN MEXICO drocarbons rising REPUBLIC above permitted limNETHERLAND HONDURAS ANTILLES its. GUATEMALA TRIN. 15 NICARAGUA & TOB. EL SALVADOR The following table 8 Legend shows the most imCOSTA RICA 12 See the event list by number. portant oil spills in VENEZUELA Transit routes of petroleum the Caribbean from and derivates. PANAMA COLOMBIA 1970-1997.

No.

Year

Source and spill zone

Millions of litres (type of oil)

1 2 3 4 5 6

1971 1973 1975 1976 1977 1978

Saint Augusta, St. Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands Zoe Colocotronis, Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico Garbis, Florida Cays, United States Ruptures pipeline in Corpus Christi, Texas, United States Unidentified ship, Guayanilla Bay, Puerto Rico Howard Star, Tampa, Florida, United States

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1979 1979 1979-80 1984 1985 1986 1991 1994 1997

Burhah Agate, Texas, United States Atlantic Empress, off the coast of Trinidad and Tobago Ixtoc I, marine platform explosion, Campeche, México Alvenus, Louisiana, United States Ranger, marine platform explosion, Texas, United States Las Minas Refinery, Panama Vista Bella Barge, off Saint Kitts and Nevis Berman, San Juan, Puerto Rico Nisos Amorgos, tanker, Gulf of Venezuela

Source: PNUMA, 1994; IOCARIBE, 1997.

13 (crude) 5 (crude) 24 - 25 (crude) 1 (crude) 2 (crude) 15-20 per cent crude, 80 per cent bunker 5 - 41 158 528 - 1 626 (crude) 25 24 - 52 8 (crude) 2 (bunker C) 375 (gasoil No. 6) 3,2

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Habitat conversion In general, the conversion of land for agriculture and urban and tourism use is the main cause of degradation in coastal habitats, including mangroves, estuaries and coral reefs. Mangroves are habitats for land organisms that include a variety of plants, invertebrates, reptiles, birds and mammals, and for aquatic organisms like fungi, algae, gastropods, clams, oysters, crabs and fish. The building of aquaculture tanks amongst mangroves, and other coastal uses, such extracting carbon and substances for dyeing leather, are causing very serious damage to important ecological functions, such as protecting the coast against erosion from waves, and incubating newly-spawned fish species that are vitally important for economic reasons, species such as shrimp, prawns and lobsters (UNEP, 2000). As well as erosion, the side effects include sedimentation and an increase in the discharge of nutrients into the sea (PNUMA, 1999). Concrete examples of critical damage to the region’s mangroves can be seen in Guyana (exploited for fuelwood), Virgin Islands (spoiled by sand extraction) and Suriname, Colombia and the Dominican Republic (used for breeding shrimp and fish) (PNUMA, 1999).

Hydrocarbon spills The production, transport and distribution of petroleum are also of great importance because of their potentially major impacts on the environment. In certain areas in this region – such as the Greater Caribbean (including the Gulf of Mexico) and some Brazilian coasts – the greatest pressure on the coastal-marine environment comes from the risk of spills from drilling, production and distribution of gas and oil. During the 1990s the Greater Caribbean — one of the world’s largest oil areas —produced about 170 million tonnes of petroleum annually, most of it from Colombia, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela (PNUMA, 1994). Most of the oil is shipped from ports in the producing countries and is transported over a dense network of sea routes that carry 7 million barrels of crude oil every day (OLADE, 2001). Oil exploration and production activities are also going on in the depths of the Gulf of Mexico and off Brazil, constituting two of the world’s three principal deep sea production zones. PETROBRAS, the Brazilian state enterprise, has drilled the deepest: 1,853 metres for production and 2,443 metres for exploration (ONU, 2001). Of the ten largest oil spills in the world occurring before 1990, three happened in the Caribbean (Mexico, Tobago and Barbados). The worst damage, bigger than the better-known Exxon Valdez oil spill, came from the underwater explosion of the Ixtoc well in Campeche Bay. Other important spills occurred between 1991 and 1997 in Saint Kitts and Nevis, Puerto Rico and Venezuela. The largest was in Puerto Rico in 1994 with a

·

total spill of 375 million litres of diesel oil. More recently, in January 2000, a pipeline connecting the Duque de Caxias oil refinery to the terminal on Agua Island broke, resulting in a spill of 1.3 million litres of petroleum which affected an area exceeding 40 km2 in Guanabara Bay in Brazil (IBAMA, 2002). A year later, in January 2001, the tanker Jessica caused a spill of more than 726,000 litres of fuel, after a navigational error drove it aground close to the island of San Cristóbal in the Galapagos (AP, 2001).

Maritime transport Maritime transport is generally agreed to be a major source of marine and coastal pollution in Latin America and the Caribbean. Between 1970 and 2000, marine cargos in the region increased from 315.8 to 704.9 million tonnes (UNCTAD, 2001). By the mid-1990s, ports in the region had become the second most important destination after Asia for container transport from the United States; the Panama Canal, through which 234.5 million tonnes of cargo were transported in 2002, continues to be one of the world’s principal links for maritime trade (Hoffmann, 2000; ACP, 2003). With increased marine transport, it is believed that more and more pollution is coming from ships discharging (often intentionally) sewage, litter and hazardous chemical products. The United Kingdom and France, for example, both send radioactive fuel and wastes to Japan in armed convoys that voyage around South America or go through the Panama Canal (ONU, 2001). In addition, maritime transport is also the source of introduction of exotic and potentially invasive species, principally hiding in cargos and ballast. Cargos that in former times had introduced pests like rats and the plague to most parts of the world are today bringing crustaceans, land molluscs and insects that subsequently become agricultural blights (CSU, 2001).

Comercial exploitation of fishery resources One of the main direct threats to coastal and marine fisheries is the overexploitation of resources, including the accidental capture of species such as turtles, marine mammals, seabirds and other smaller but ecologically important species. In a recent study that established geographic priorities for marine conservation in the Greater Caribbean ecoregion, experts identified overexploitation as a threat to 34 out of 51 local production systems (Sullivan and Bustamante, 1999). Fisheries are located in three major types of habitat: continental platforms of coastal or shallow waters (where the main commercial pelagic or demersal fisheries are found); deep water (where large commercial fleets catch migratory species, generally in international waters); and coral reefs (of particular importance to artisanal fishing in the Greater Caribbean).


Environment Outlook

As for volume, the greatest productivity in the region is in the southeast Pacific marine ecosystem where it is mostly small pelagic organisms (living in the water column without contact with the seabed, especially anchovy) that are fished off the coasts of Peru and Chile. Next come three ecosystems with similar volumes of fishing: the southwest Atlantic, where most catches are of demersal species (principally hake and squid that live on the seabed); next comes the central-west Atlantic, where coastal and shallow water species predominate, particularly lacha (Brevoortia tyrannus) in the Gulf of Mexico (all are caught by United States vessels) and the Caribbean using artisanal reef lobster and conch fishing; finally, tuna and small pelagic fishing is predominant in the central-east Pacific where, between 1950 and 1998, the tuna catch formed 59 per cent of the region’s total catch (Hoggarth and others, 2001) The total amount of marine fishing in the region’s surrounding waters reached its maximum level – over 26 million tonnes –in 1994 (forming close to 28 per cent of the world catch at that time). From 1985 to 1995, many South American countries doubled or tripled their catch and Colombia’s catch quintupled. But in 1998, regional fish catches fell sharply to a mere 13.8 million tonnes (15.6 per cent of the world total), recovering in 2000 to reach 22 million tonnes (22.9 per cent of world fishing catch) (FAO, 2002). These fluctuations in volume may be pointing to the dangers of overfishing. The greatest fluctuation has been seen in fishing small pelagic organisms in the southeast Pacific. Anchovy catches reached two peaks of 13.1 million tonnes in 1970 (the highest catch in the world

at that time) and 12.5 million in 1994, but then fell dramatically to only 94,000 tonnes in 1984 and 1.7 million in 1998. It is thought that the second decline had been exacerbated by the overfishing that had occurred between 1994 and 1996 (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Other small pelagic fish species (such as sardine and mackerel) suffered the same fate as the anchovy. Making up for anchovy losses, fleets from distant nations significantly increased their catch of other species until the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea entered into force in 1994. However, the recent collapse of fisheries in the southeast Pacific has also affected these species. The socio-economic impact of this collapse is notable, for example, in Chile, where exports of fishery products fell by 30 per cent between 1997 and 1998, and profits dropped by 10.6 per cent. There was also a reduction in other higher value species such as tuna which feed off the smaller species (Hoggarth and others, 2001). Although reef fishing is not commercially important, it has significant social and environmental repercussions. Many communities in the Caribbean make their living from the artisanal exploitation of reef species. As mentioned above, this has meant that overexploitation in the central Caribbean is now threatening two-thirds of the local production systems (Sullivan and Bustamante, 1999). The extraction of a growing number of organisms from the coral reefs’ food chain, needed to maintain the environmental quality of the reef systems, is also causing concern as it contributes to the overexploitation of valuable commercial species.

Share of Peru and Chile in regional fish catch, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) 30,000 25,000 20,000

LAC*

15,000

Chile Peru

10,000 5,000 0 70

72

74

76

78

80

82

84

86

Year Source: FAO, 2002.

101

88

90

92

94

96

98

00

* Latin American and the Caribbean

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Total otal catch by FAO FAO regions in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) 30,000 25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 0 70

72

74

76

78

80

82

84 86 Year

88

90

92

94

South east Pacific

Central west Atlantic

Central east Pacific

Southwest Atlantic

96

98

00

Source: FAO, 2002.

Aquaculture Although only in its early stages, regional aquaculture is already acquiring some economic importance. In 2001 total production was 1.1 million metric tonnes, with a value of US$3,900 million representing 2.9 per cent and 7.1 per cent of world production by volume and value respectively. In the same year, aquaculture produced 6.3 per cent of the region’s total fishery production value. In 2001, five countries were responsible for 84 per cent of total aquaculture production in the region: Chile with 51 per cent; Brazil 19 per cent; Mexico 7 per cent; Ecuador 6 per cent; and Peru 1 per cent (FAO, 2002). Two principal trends mark the evolution of regional aquaculture: first, the fall in Ecuador’s share, which dropped from 49 per cent in 1984 to 6 per cent in 2001, and second, the boom in Chile, which increased its share from 3 to 51 per cent during the same period (FAO, 2002). In spite of its drop in the regional share, aquaculture in Ecuador continues to be economically important. In 1997 its products represented 16 per cent of the total value of the country’s exports (oil included); the principal activity is the breeding of sea shrimp with an annual production volume that makes it the biggest producer on the continent and the second largest in the world after Thailand (CIDEIBER, 1999b). Chile holds ·

second place in world production of cultivated salmon and trout; productivity of salmon family species, in particular, has been sustained since 1993 (CIDEIBER, 1999a; CAPP, 2000). In Brazil – third in the region for volume of production – the most important species cultivated are shrimp and clams; in 2000, Brazil was the continent’s largest and world’s eight largest and producer (IBAMA, 2002). Unfortunately, regional aquaculture has been developed largely at the price of destruction of habitats such as mangroves, estuaries and salt marshes. It is essential to use these natural habitats for alternative economic and social activities such as fishing and tourism. Crops are also damaging ecosystems through the discharge of nutrients, pathogenic agents and hazardous chemical substances (BID, 1998). This explains why food production and disease control are the central problems affecting aquaculture. Ecuador is a regional example of the serious loss of mangroves and saltwater lagoons to the building of tanks to breed shrimp (CIDEIBER, 1999a).

Policy responses Presenting a policy response to the current situation of coastal and marine areas in Latin America and the Caribbean, the region has adopted many international, regional, sub-regional and national legal instruments and programming initiatives that cover a broad range of


Environment Outlook

103

Evolution of catch of small pelagic organisms in the southeast Pacific, 1970-2000 (1,000 metric tonnes) 20,000 18,000 16,000 14,000 12,000 10,000 8,000 6,000 4,000

Chapter

2,000

2

0 70

72

74

76

78

80

Anchovy

82

84 86 Year Chilean juruel

88

90

92

94

96

98

00

South American sardine

Source: FAO, 2002.

Concentration of aquaculture production in countries in Latin America and the Caribbean 1984-2000 (in percentages) 100 90

Others

80

Chile

70

%

Mexico

60 50

Panama

40

Peru

30

Brazil

20

Ecuador

10 84

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

00

Year Source: FAO, 2002.

problems. Most of the regional or sub-regional responses are based on a number of agreements related to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), international conventions on maritime transport and conventions on fisheries.

Since its adoption in 1982, and especially since it entered into force in 1994, UNCLOS has been the general legal framework for international marine policy. This convention brings together most of the previously established pieces of international legislation and has been

104


ratified by 25 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. A number of agreements have also been signed by specific countries at regional level (in these smaller areas) on matters such as protecting the marine environment, prevention of pollution from marine or terrestrial sources, and the management of commercial fisheries. These agreements include the Convention on the Protection of the Marine Environment and Coastal Areas of the Southeastern Pacific (1981), the Convention on the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment in the Greater Caribbean Region (1983), the Action Programme for the Southwestern Atlantic (1998) and the Convention on the Northeast Pacific (2002). For its part, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is supporting several regional bodies related to fisheries in which countries of Latin America and the Caribbean take part; several agreements are concerned with international tuna fishing, while others are more general. One of the main reasons for the development of regional policies is to respond to threats posed by marine and land-based activities. The first two – specifically regional – legal instruments adopted by Latin America and the Caribbean in this field were the conventions on the protection of the marine environment in the southeast Pacific (1981) and the Greater Caribbean (1983). Both are directed at mitigating and preventing pollution from marine or land-based sources and were preceded by the International Convention on the Prevention of Pollution from Ships (MARPOL) of 1973, and the protocol of 1978 (related to the convention on security of life at sea) which modifies and complements MARPOL. The latter is now known as MARPOL 73/78 for which the International Maritime Organization (IMO) is the depositary. The greatest advances in designing legal instruments on prevention of marine pollution have been made in the Caribbean. The Cartagena Convention of 1983 on the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment in the Wider Caribbean and its two protocols on oil spills and protected areas and wildlife together constitute the first framework convention for sub-regional action to manage marine and coastal resources (UNEP-CEP, 2003). The Convention covers all the countries with territories in the Caribbean, including North, Central and South America; the following seven countries in the region have not yet ratified the convention or its protocol on oil spills: Bahamas, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Suriname. The protocol on protected areas and wildlife entered into force in 2000, and has been ratified by nine countries in the region: Colombia (1998), Cuba (1998), Barbados (2002), Panama (1996), Dominican Republic (1998), Saint Lucia (2000), Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (1991), Trinidad and Tobago (1999) and Venezuela (1997). A third protocol on terrestrial sources of pollu-

·

tion was adopted in 1999 with the signature of four American countries (Colombia, 2000; Costa Rica, 1999; Dominican Republic, 2000; the United States, 1999) and two European countries; however, no country has yet ratified it. This protocol deals with sewage from agricultural run-off and other unspecified agricultural sources. Countries in the region with territorial seas in the southeast Pacific (Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama), the northeast Pacific (Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia) and the southeast Atlantic (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay) have also identified priorities for action to confront the challenges of protection and sustainable development of the marine environment. However, the relevant programmes and strategies are still in the early stages of implementation and a few are still being defined (Hoggarth and others, 2001; UNEP, 2003). In the southeast Pacific, the priorities are sewage, oils, heavy metals and persistent organic pollutants. In the northeast Pacific, one prime objective is to control the pollution that comes from the largest cities close to the coasts. In the southeast Atlantic, priority has been given to domestic and industrial sewage, and to the physical alteration of habitats and oils. As for specific threats from marine activities, the International Maritime Organisation’s world conventions have been strengthened by two sub-regional Memoranda of Understanding – one for Latin America and the other for the Caribbean – that permit countries to verify whether ships in their ports are complying with agreed standards (Hoggarth and others, 2001). In the Caribbean, special guidelines have been developed for inspecting small ships and boats that travel mainly within the region and are not subject to international standards, to ensure that they do not present risks to the environment or to human health. The Greater Caribbean has been declared a special area within the scope of MARPOL 73/78, with severe restrictions placed on waste discharges. Implementation has not been possible because the necessary infrastructure needed to collect and treat the waste is lacking (Hoggarth and others, 2001). UNCLOS is also important in the area of fisheries policies, in the fight against illegal fishing (especially of tuna). As already mentioned, UNCLOS seeks to articulate other regional agreements or action programmes on this theme, such as those promoted by FAO. One important recent international instrument in this field is the agreement on the conservation and management of highly migratory fish populations (FSA, Fish Stocks Agreements), that entered into force in 2001 and is now strategically important for conserving regional fishery resources. However, so far only the six following countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have ratified the FSA: Bahamas, Barbados, Brazil, Costa Rica, Saint Lucia and Uruguay (UNCLOS, 2001).


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Principal regional multilateral coastal-marine zone agreements Regional marine conventions and programmes Convention on the Protection of the Marine Environment and Coastal Areas of the Southeastern Pacific (1981) · Agreements to combat oil pollution emergencies (1981, 1983) · Protocol on land-based pollution (1983) · Protocol on the conservation and management of protected marine and coastal areas (1989) · Protocol against radioactive pollution (1989) Convention on the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment in the Wider Caribbean (1983) · Protocol on cooperation to fight oil spills (1983) · Protocol on specially protected wildlife and wildlife areas (1990) · Protocol on pollution and land-based activities (1999) Draft Convention for the Northeast Pacific Action Plan for the Southwest Atlantic Regional Environmental Programme for Central Ameri-ca, Coastal Zone Management Component (PROARCA-Costas)

Agreements on protected areas and species Global conventions Convention on Wetlands of International Importance, especially on Waterfowl Habitat (1971) Convention on the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972) Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) (1973) Convention on Biological Diversity (1992) Non-binding agreements Action Plan for Biosphere Reserves (1984) and the Seville Strategy and Statutory Framework for the World Network of Biosphere Reserves (1995) Regional conventions (see also the two abovementioned protocols to regional marine conventions) Convention on Nature Protection and Wildlife Preservation in the Western Hemisphere (1940) Inter-American Convention for the Protection and Conservation of Sea Turtles (1996)

River basin agreements Amazon Co-operation Treaty (1978) Great Caribbean

Southeast Pacificl

Southwest Atlantic

International transport agreements Global International Convention on the Prevention of Pollution from Ships (1973) and 1978 Protocol Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution from Dumping Wastes and Other Matter (1972) and its 1996 Protocol (These are two fundamental conventions of the International Maritime OrganizationThere are many others that are also relevant).

Treaty on the River Plate Basin (1969) Treaties on transboundary waters between the United States and Mexico

Agreements on regional fisheries Eastern Pacific Tuna Agreement Council Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission Joint Argentina-Uruguay Maritime Front Technical Commission Regional Fisheries Advisory Commission for the Southwest Atlantic (COPACO) Central-Western Atlantic Fisheries Commission

Regional (see also the two protocols on oil spills in the abovementioned regional marine conventions)

Latin-American Fisheries Development Organisation (OLDEPESCA)

Viña del Mar Agreement on Control of Port States (1992) International Atlantic Tuna Conservation Commission (CICAA) Memorandum of Understanding on the Control of Port States in the Caribbean Region (1996)

Source: Hoggarth and others, 2001.

Commission for the Conservation of the Southern Blue Fin Tuna

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It is important to note that most fishing countries in the region have regulations governing access to their main fishing grounds, and several countries have legislation to control illegal open sea fishing. It is generally a matter of “command and control” procedures, and the use of economic instruments is still limited. Mechanisms tare now used to regulate access include the issue of licences (limiting, for example, the total number of vessels or of fishermen), the declaration of closed seasons, and the control of inputs (such as limiting engine size). Cuba and Guyana may be mentioned as examples in the Caribbean. Cuba’s Fishery Law has been in force since 1996 and establishes mandatory licences for fishing, defines offences and sets penalties. Legislation in Guyana imposes an obligation of compliance with conservation and regulatory measures for vessels before open-sea fishing licences are granted (ONU, 2001). Peru, Argentina and Chile are also active in South America. Peru’s laws permit foreign vessels to fish within its national jurisdiction if they buy fishing and navigation permits, provided they comply with fishery regulations. Most permits are awarded for giant squid fishing. In 1998 Argentina signed its Federal Fisheries Law (No. 24922), creating a Federal Fisheries Council that prescribes fisheries policy, annual catch quotas, issues fishing permits and regulates an “invitation to participate” system. The Law has not been fully applied because of jurisdictional conflicts. Finally, in Chile the fishery sector is highly regulated, mainly by economic instruments. There are individual and transferable catch quotas for new fish species (such as deep-water cod) and for species in recovery (such as red and yellow prawns). Property rights are awarded by public auction, (CAPP, 2000). Besides this, the Chilean Fishery Law prohibits all unloading, the taking on of supplies and other services in national juris-

diction zones by vessels whose open sea activities are deemed to damage the environment, and also regulates all fishing within the country’s exclusive economic zone (ONU, 2001). Other regionally important agreements exist, such as programmes or multilateral projects, including several administered by UNEP (such as the regional seas programme, a programme on the protection of the marine environment from land-based activities and the project on global assessment of international waters). A world project also exists to eliminate barriers to the implementation of ballast water controls and management measures in developing countries, proposed by the International Maritime Organization for the period 2000-2002. The international network for action on coral reefs supported by the United Nations Foundation is another important effort to contain their degradation. Finally, the Caribbean Planning for Adaptation to Global Climate Change project is promoting actions to assess vulnerability (especially regarding the rise in sea level), plans for adaptation and development of appropriate capacities. Marine and coastal biodiversity is an emerging topic of great importance. Not long ago the initiative here passed to the Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity. In 2000, the conference adopted a work programme in this field with five core subjects: integrated marine and coastal regulation; protected marine and coastal zones; live marine and coastal resources; mariculture and exotic species; and coral reefs (ONU, 2001). This new approach of integrated marine and coastal regulations highlights the policy limitations on regional development in this field. The coastal-marine zone is a highly sensitive area where many ecosystems interact harmoniously and are affected not only by what happens at sea but also by land activities. Due to the strong

Programmes to protect regional seas and the marine environment from land-based activities In 1995, when more than 100 countries adopted the World Action Programme for the Protection of the Marine Environment against Land-Based Activities (PAM), UNEP was invited to act as its secretariat. The Programme was conceived as a conceptual and practical orientation source to which national and regional authorities could have recourse when developing and applying regional and sub-regional agreements, and to mobilise international collaboration to prevent or mitigate the negative impact of land-based activities on the marine environment. UNEP also directs the Global Assessment of International Waters (GIWA), an environment project which has been developing a global assessment of 66 transboundary marine water areas since 1999. GIWA is concentrating on five aspects: shortage of freshwater, pollution, conversion of habitats and communities, non-sustainable exploitation of fishing and other natural resources, and global environment change Sources: PNUMA-ORPALC, 2003; GIWA, 2001.

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Environment Outlook

pressure of human settlement and economic activity, a comprehensive policy design is needed within the “integrated coastal management” model.

end, it is indispensable that national focal points be established to assume responsibility for implementing and accepting such agreements.

Although the region has made progress and a legal and institutional framework exists to implement this model, it has not yet been possible to develop an integrated approach to the problems on an appropriate geographical scale (Hoggarth and others, 2001). There is still a need for the sub-regional integration of policies and institutional arrangements, stressing the protection of marine fisheries (especially for over-harvested species) and of endangered non-commercial species, with efforts devoted to the control of pollution and degradation of essential marine habitats. An overall view is needed for the simultaneous consideration of watersheds and coastal zones, with emphasis on protecting fishery resources in the early stages. In addition, recognition must be given to the services to the environment afforded by coastal-marine areas, including the mitigation of natural threats (see section on Disasters).

A serious weakness here is lack of information on international agreements, and on the state of the environment and actions to conserve it. As far as the agreements themselves are concerned, better understanding is needed of what benefits they will bring and what they will cost. In the case of managing the environment, regional environmental monitoring processes that collect basic information should be directed towards assessing environmental conditions and monitoring activities in a way that will help the implementation of policies designed to achieve sustainable development of coastal and marine areas.

More specific action is also required to focus attention on the impact of land-based activities on coastal areas, especially the inclusion of watershed and coastal management in preventive and mitigation policies. Existing mechanisms must be strengthened to define policy priorities in relation to environmental protection and sustainable development, as well as conciliating interests between nations and different stakeholders. To this

Strategic problems arise from the limited financial, technical and human resources available to national institutions, especially in small countries and dependent territories. International support offered by multilateral environmental agreements must be properly mobilised if the commitments and priorities contained in such agreements are to be articulated (Hoggarth and others, 2001).

References ● ACP (Autoridad del Canal de Panamá),

● Bryant, D., E. Rodenburg, T. Cox, D. Niel-

● —, 1999b: Ecuador. Actividades del sector

2003: Tráfico de buques de alto calado a través del Canal de Panamá por mes. Años fiscales 2001 y 2002, ACP, Ciudad de Panamá, Panamá (en http://www.pancanal.com/ esp/maritime/reports/tabla02.pdf, consulted on 7 April 2003).

sen, 1995: Coastlines at Risk: An Index of Potential Development-Related Threats to Coastal Ecosystems, World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C., US.

primario. Sector pesquero, CIDEIBER, Madrid, España (in http://www.cideiber.com/ infopaises/ecuador/ecuador-04-04.html, consulted on 15 October 2002).

● Bryant, D., L. Burke, J. McManus, M. Spal-

● Cohen, J. E., C. Small, A. Mellinger, J. Gal-

ding, 1998: Reefs at Risk: A map-based indicator of potential threats to the world’s coral reefs, World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C., US.

lup, J. Sachs, 1997: “Estimates of Coastal population”, in Science, Washington, D.C., US, volume 278, 1211-1212.

● AP (Associated Press), 2001: “Oil Spill

Threatening Heart of Galápagos Ecosystem”, in The New York Times, 21 January 2001 (in http://www.nytimes.com/2001/01/23/science/23GALA.html, consulted on 14 April 2003). ● Bakun, A., J. Csirke, D. Lluch-Belda, R.

Steer-Ruiz, 1999: “The Pacific Central American Coastal LME”, in Large Marine Ecosystems of the Pacific Rim, Blackwell Science, Cambridge, US. ● BID (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo),

1998: Estrategia para el manejo de los recur-sos costeros y marinos en América Latina y el Caribe, BID, Washington, D.C., US.

● CSU (Colorado State University), 2001: The ● CAPP (Centro de Análisis de Políticas

Públicas), 2000: Informe País. Estado del Medio Ambiente en Chile - 1999, Centro de Análisis de Políticas Públicas, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile.

Invasive Species Problem, CSU, Fort Collins, Colorado, US (in http://www.nrel.colostate. edu/brd_invasives/posters.html, consulted on 12 June 2001). ● EDC-RIU (Environmental Data Center,

● CIDEIBER (Centro de Información y Docu-

mentación Empresarial sobre Iberoamérica), 1999a: Chile. Actividades del sector primario. Sector pesquero, CIDEIBER, Madrid, Spain (in http://www.cideiber.com/ infopaises/Chile/Chile-04-04.html, consulted on 8 April 2003).

Rhode Island University), 2003a: Large Marine Ecosystems of the World. Caribbean Sea (in http://na.nefsc.noaa.gov/lme/text/ lme12.htm, consulted on 25 April 2003). ● —, 2003b: Large Marine Ecosystems of the

World. Gulf of Mexico Large Marine Eco-

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system (in http://na.nefsc.noaa.gov/lme/text/ lme5.htm, consulted on 25 April 2003).

● ONU (Organización de las Naciones Uni-

World. Pacific Central American Coastal LME (in http://na.nefsc.noaa.gov/lme/text/ lme11.htm, consulted on 25 April 2003).

das), 2001: Los océanos y el derecho del mar. Informe del Secretario General a la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en el quincuagésimo sexto período de sesiones, A/56/58, 9 March 2001, ONU, New York, US.

● —, 2003d: Large Marine Ecosystems of the


World. LME Map Downloads (in http:// www.edc.uri.edu/lme/maps.htm, updated on 6 June 2003, consulted on 17 June 2003).


● —, 2003c: Large Marine Ecosystems of the

UNCLOS, New York, US (in http://www.un. org/Depts/los/reference_files/status2001. pdf, consulted on 19 November 2001). ● UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on

Trade and Development), 2001: El transporte marítimo en 2001, Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Comercio y Desarrollo, 22-24 October 2001, Geneva, Switzerland. ● UNEP (United Nations Environment Pro-

gramme), 2003: Regional seas (in http:// www.unep.ch/seas/rshome.html, consulted on 25 April 2003).

● FAO, 2002: Databases and Statistics. Fishstat

Plus, FAO Fisheries, Rome, Italy (in http:// www.fao.org/fi/statist/FISOFT/FISHPLUS. asp, consulted on 9 September 2002). ● GIWA (Global International Waters Assess-

ment), 2003: Regions and network (in http:/ / w w w. g i w a . n e t / a r e a s / r e g i o n s _ a n d _ network.phtml, consulted on 25 April 2003).

● PNUMA, 1999: “Evaluación sobre las fuen-

tes terrestres y actividades que afectan al medio marino, costero y de aguas dulces aso-ciadas en la región del Gran Caribe”, in Informes y Estudios del Programa de Mares Regionales del PNUMA Nº 172, PNUMA/Oficina de Coordinación del PAM/ Programa Ambiental del Caribe, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.


ibbean: Environment Outlook 2000, UNEP Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● UNEP-CEP (United Nations Environment

Programme; Caribbean Environment Programme), 2003: Convention and Protocols Status Page, UNEP and CEP, Kingston, Jamaica (in http://www.cep.unep.org/law/ cartstatus.html, consulted on 14 April 2003).

● —, 2001: Global International Waters As-

sessment - GIWA, Global International Waters Assessment, Kalmar, Sweden. ● Hoffmann, 1998: Concentration in liner

shipping: its causes and impacts for ports and shipping services in developing regions, Economic Commission pf the United Nations for Latin America and the Caribbean), LC/G.2027, Santiago, Chile. ● Hoggarth, D. D., K. Sullivan, L. Kimball,

2001: Latin America and the Caribbean Coastal and Marine Resources, background paper prepared for GEO-3, United Nations Environment Programme Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● Hughes, T.P., 1994: “Catastrophes, phase

shifts and large-scale degradation of a Caribbean coral reef”, in Science, Washington, D.C., US No. 265, pp. 1547-51.

● —, 1994: Perspectiva regional sobre las

fuentes de contaminación de origen terrestre en la Región del Gran Caribe. Informe Técnico del PAC Nº 33, PNUMA, Kingston, Jamaica.

● UNEP-GPA (United Nations Environment

Programme; Global Programme of Action for the Protection of the Marine Environment from Land-based Activities), 2001: Municipal Waste Water as a Land-based Source of Pollution in Coastal and Marine Areas of Latin America and the Caribbean, UNEP Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● —, 1989: Evaluación de los impactos

económicos del huracán Gilbert sobre los recursos marinos y costeros en Jamaica. Informe Técnico PAC Nº 4. PNUMA, Kingston, Jamaica. ● PNUMA-ORPALC (Programa de las Nacio-

nes Unidas para el Medio Ambiente; Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe), 2003: “Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente, Programa de Acción Mundial, Introducción”, PNUMAORPALC, Mexico, D.F., Mexico (in http:// www.unep.mx/gpa/intro.htm, consulted on 3 June 2003).

● Wells, N. C., D. B. Enfield, 1999: “Oceans”,

in Britannica CD. Version 99© 1994-1998, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., Chicago, US. ● WRI, UNEP, UNDP, World Bank (World Re-

sources Institute; United Nations Environment Programme; United Nations Development Programme), 1996: World Resources 1996-97. A Guide to the Global Environment. The Urban Environment, Oxford University Press, New York, US.

● Richards, W. J., J. A Bohnsack, 1990: “”The ● IBAMA (Brazilian Institute for the Environ-

ment), 2002: GEO Brazil 2002: Environmental Outlooks in Brazil, IBAMA Editions, Brasilia, Brazil. ● IOCARIBE 1997: Regional Marine Pollution

Emergency, Information, and Training Center. Wider Caribbean (REMPEITC-Carib) – Fact Sheet, National Response Team, Washington, D.C., US. ● IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate

Change), 2001: Climate Change 2001: Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability. Contribution of Working Group II to the Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK. ● OLADE (Organización Latinoamericana de

Energía), 2001: Informe Energético de América Latina y el Caribe 2000, OLADE, Quito, Ecuador (in http//:www.olade.org.ec/ InformeEnergetico/, consulted on 14 April 2003).

·

Caribbean Sea: A Large Marine Ecosystem in Crisis,” in Kenneth Sherman, et al. (eds.), Large Marine Ecosystems: Patterns, Processes and Yields, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C., US. pp. .44-53. ● Sullivan, K., G. Bustamente, 1999: Setting

● WTO (World Tourism Organization), 2002a:

International tourist receipts 1990-2001, WTO, Madrid, Spain. ● —, 2002b: International tourist arrivals

geographic priorities for marine conservation in Latin America and the Caribbean, The Nature Conservancy, Arlington, Virginia, US. ● UNCLOS (United Nations Convention on

the Law of the Sea), 2001: Status of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, of the Agreement relating to the implementation of Part XI of the Convention and of the Agreement for the implementation of the provisions of the Convention relating to the conservation and management of straddling fish stocks and highly migratory fish stocks. Table recapitulating the status of the Convention and of the related Agreements, as at 12 November 2001,


1990-2001, WTO, Madrid, Spain.

Environment Outlook

Atmosphere

T

he most serious atmospheric problems in Latin America and the Caribbean are air pollution, de pletion of the stratospheric ozone layer and the process of climate change, as well as their impacts on the health of the region’s population and ecosystems. As much as one-fifth of the regional population is exposed to air pollutants that surpass recommended limits (CEPAL, 2000a) mostly in the mega cities and large metropolitan areas, but spreading to medium-sized and smaller cities. On a more global scale, but nonetheless with substantial local impact, the depletion of the stratospheric ozone layer is largely affecting the southernmost portion of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, while climate change is having widespread environmental and socio-economic effects throughout the region, especially in the Caribbean.

Air pollution Atmospheric emissions from the transport, industrial and agricultural sectors, waste disposal processes, forest fires, and domestic sources, are the leading causes of degraded air quality in Latin America and the Caribbean. In combination with specific local topographic and meteorological conditions that aggravate their effect, these emissions have a very significant health impact on both rural and urban populations. Some of these pollutants have a transboundary, and even transcontinental origin, such as emissions created by human activities in cross-border areas, smoke from forest fires, or the dispersion of suspended particles from Africa to the Caribbean.

Outdoor air pollution Air pollutants are usually classified in three categories: suspended particles, gases and odours (WHO, 2000). In the urban centres in Latin America and the Caribbean, the most prevalent air pollution is related to high concentrations of particles and ground-level ozone (PAHO, 2002). Particles with a diameter of less than 10 micrometers (MP10) are a cause for concern (WHO, 2000). Among these, those larger than 2.5 micrometers are generally composed of earth and minerals (carbon, asbestos, lime, cement or metals such as zinc, copper, iron, lead), and tend to precipitate quickly. Particles smaller than 2.5 micrometres are generally carbons, sulphates and nitrates from burning biomass and diesel, or in chemical ozone formation reactions, sulphur di-

109

oxide oxidisation and nitrogen oxides produced from burning fossil material. These smaller particles remain in the air longer and may more easily become deposited in the human respiratory system. In large metropolitan zones like Sao Paulo, Santiago, Chile, and the Valley of Mexico, both the maximum 24-hour MP10 concentrations and their annual averages are above the existing standard, although in Santiago the annual averages dropped between 1989 and 1999 (PAHO, 2002). Many smaller cities in the region were above the standard, including Guadalajara and Monterrey (Mexico) and the capitals of Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama and Peru (PAHO, 2002). Gaseous pollutants include ozone, sulphur or nitrogen compounds, carbon monoxide, hydrocarbons and other volatile organic compounds (WHO, 2000). As to ozone pollution, Sao Paulo, Santiago, and the Valley of Mexico showed decreasing trends of between 20 and 30 per cent at the end of the 1995-2000 period for which systematic measurements were made. However, in 1999-2000 concentrations of ozone in the three metropolitan areas remained above the norm for between18 and 88 per cent of the time, and Mexico City experienced the most serious problems (PAHO, 2002), Vehicular and industrial emissions are significant contributors to outdoor air pollution in Latin America and the Caribbean. They have significantly increased in recent decades, and originate mostly in large and some medium-size metropolitan areas and industrial zones. Other important outdoor pollutants are produced by the inadequate disposal or incineration of solid waste, aerial spraying of crops, wind erosion and the combustion of biomass for fuel. Fossil fuel combustion in the transport sector is particularly problematic. For example, Mexico City and Buenos Aires register 75 and 70 per cent respectively of emissions from this source (INEGI, 2000; PAHO, 1998). In Santiago, Chile, the most significant sources of air pollution are urban transport and small and mediumsized enterprises (IMO, 1995). The transport sector in that city is responsible for up to 92 per cent of carbon monoxide, 71 per cent of nitrogen oxide and 46 per cent of volatile organic compound emissions (CAPP, 2000). Air pollution from road transport is made worse because of the high average age of motor vehicles, the accelerated growth of the fleet, insufficient or inadequate public transport and the horizontal expansion of cities, with people living far away from where they work, increases transport distances, as well as local topography and meteorological conditions in cities like Mexico and Santiago, where the surrounding mountains limit the dispersion of polluted air. In Mexico City the number of vehicles quadrupled between 1970 and 1996, whereas in Jamaica it doubled between 1993 and 1998 as it did

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in Santiago between 1990 and 1999, and in Trinidad it grew by 18 per cent (Schteingart, 1987; CEPAL, 2000c; UNEP, 1999a; PAHO, 2002). In some cases, the increase was due to the increased importation of used cars.

tary landfills (and even in open-air dumps) that do meet emission standards for biogas emissions or leachate control (see section on Urban areas).

Major oil-producing countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico and Venezuela are also affected by oil refinery emissions. Other mining activities degrade local air quality in countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela. Heavy metals from petrol combustion and mining activities (lead, mercury) are also significant in polluting air masses (UNEP, 1999a; PAHO, 1998).

In Sao Paulo and Brasilia controlled incineration is used for only one per cent of the waste and there is none in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro or Santiago. Furthermore, in many rural areas in the region solid waste is commonly burnt, without any control. Both controlled and uncontrolled incineration release dioxides, shown to be cancerous, into the atmosphere; uncontrolled practices can raise the concentration of emissions by several orders of magnitude, depending on the contents of the material to be burnt and on combustion conditions (Lemieux and others, 2000).

The use of fossil materials to generate electricity produces emissions of 27 tonnes of mercury annually in South America alone (less than the levels in Asia and Africa, from 860 and 197 tonnes annually (UNEP, 2002a). In the metallurgic area of Vinto (close to Oruro, Bolivia), residents’ blood and urine show concentrations of lead and arsenic above the risk levels defined by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (PAHO, 1998).

In peri-urban and rural areas, chemical compounds used to fumigate agricultural crops are an important source of air pollution. Exposure to pesticides occurs through inhalation and skin contact, affecting farm workers and populations close to agricultural land, as seen in Ecuador, Colombia and Nicaragua (WRI and others, 1998).

In the case of solid waste atmospheric emissions, two potential sources are biogas from sanitary landfills and incineration dioxins. Practically all final urban solid waste disposal in the region is in sanitary landfills, while in some countries controlled incineration is only used for hazardous hospital waste (PAHO, 1998). However, in the 33 large cities for which reliable information is available, 43 per cent of solid waste is deposited in sani-

Large dust clouds cross the Atlantic every year from the north of Africa and affect North America, Central America, the Caribbean and the northeast Amazon basin: a type of pollution not previously identified. it is feared that they might worsen respiratory infections (mainly asthma), create new public health risks by acting as hosts for bacterial, viral and fungi spores and add to coral reef degradation (USGS, 2000; Griffin and others, 2001).

© R. Burgos

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111

Air pollution from forest fires Forest fires may destroy up to 50 per cent of the woody surface biomass, with potentially serious effects on fauna. In addition, they release carbon into the air, making global climate change worse. Finally their direct impact on the economy and health in Mesoamerica and South America has increased, even on populations hundreds of kilometres away from the fires (see section on Forests). In 1998, smoke and air pollution from fires in Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico reached a large part of the southwest of the United States, obliging the government of Texas to issue a health warning. In 1999, smoke from fires in Mato Grosso, Brazil, polluted the air in Paraguay, and the smoke produced in Paraguay polluted the air in Argentina. These problems reveal the transboundary dimension of the pollution caused by forest fires and show the need for a regional action plan to control and combat fires in Latin America and the Caribbean. Source: UNEP, 2000; Cochrane, 2002.

Chapter Burning biomass (from agroindustrial processes, domestic usage and forest fires) is another important source of air pollution. It is calculated that about 40 per cent of the agricultural waste produced annually in developing countries is burnt on the land.

Indoor air pollution Although less research has been done on indoor air pollution, it is of great importance in the region. It is caused by the emission and circulation of both biological particles (pollen, mites, insects, microorganisms) and inorganic particles (different types of smoke, including tobacco smoke, lead, carbon oxides, asbestos, synthetic chemical compounds) (WHO, 2000), A major determinant of the level and type of indoor air pollution is the energy source used to cook and to light or heat houses and buildings. Globally, 50 per cent of households use biomass combustion for these purposes. In the most urbanised countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, domestic biomass combustion is much less than in other parts of the world, but even so a fifth of the population uses biomass as the main household fuel (WRI and others, 1998). Of the region’s total energy consumption in 1997, traditional combustion accounted for 15.7 per cent (close to the average in developing countries); however, in countries such as Peru and Brazil the traditional combustion rates were 24.6 and 28.7 per cent respectively, while in Paraguay, Costa Rica, Honduras, Guatemala and Haiti consumption was above 49 per cent (UNDP, 2002). Indoor pollution is worse where there is urban poverty. Overcrowding and lack of physical space preclude proper ventilation, and burning biomass for cooking affects those who stay indoors for long periods – usually women, children and the elderly. Studies in Colombia and Mexico indicate that women who use biomass for cooking are three to 75 times more likely to contract chronic lung disease than the average person,

depending on the length of exposure (WRI and others, 1998).

Regional impacts and responses More than 80 million people in Latin America and the Caribbean are permanently affected by air pollutants. In large metropolitan areas such as Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Santiago and Mexico City, air pollutants exceed the maximum limits recommended by the WHO (ECLAC, 2000a). In addition, pollution is increasing in many smaller metropolitan areas and even in mediumsize cities. This is a consequence of the growing pressure of transport and industry, and the lack of appropriate regulatory, monitoring and control action. Exposure to air pollutants has critical effects on health, as well as significant economic impacts, due to the cost of medical treatment and considerable losses in productivity from worker absenteeism (O’Ryan, 1994). Some estimates suggest that air pollution in the region is the leading cause of about 2.3 million cases annually of chronic respiratory illnesses in children, and of 100,000 cases of chronic bronchitis in adults (CEPAL, 2000a; 2000b), Concentrations of sulphur dioxide in Santiago, Chile, and of nitrogen dioxide and tropospheric (lower atmosphere) ozone in Mexico City have been found to have a high correlation to respiratory infections, the acceleration of pulmonary diseases and ageing of the lungs (PAHO, 1998; WHO 2000). Exposure to lead, even at a low level, has an adverse impact on human health, including systematic (gastrointestinal problems, anaemia, hypertension or hearing loss), nervous system (hyperactivity), developmental (learning problems), reproductive, genotoxic and carcinogenic effects (ATSDR, 1999). In Mexico, the concentration of lead in the bones of the mother has a negative effect on the weight of the newborn, as does the level of lead in the blood on the intellectual capacity of children between nine and 12 years of age (WHO, 2000).

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112


Air pollution also has a considerable impact on mortality. Estimates for Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro indicate that it leads to about 4,000 annual cases of premature death, with observed links in Rio de Janeiro and Cubatao between child mortality from pneumonia and a decrease in infant lung functions (CETESB, 1992; WHO, 2000). Other studies suggest that higher concentrations of suspended particles are connected to increases in daily mortality rates (in Chile and Mexico) and particularly with more adult mortality over the age of 65 (in Brazil) (WHO, 2000). It is estimated that a reduction of 10 per cent in tropospheric ozone and suspended particles, by 2020, would prevent more than 37,000 deaths in Mexico City and 13,000 in Sao Paulo (The Economist, 2002). It is important to consider the effects of indoor air degradation in particular, because people are exposed to it inside their dwellings. Smoke from burning biomass, in particular, contains significant quantities of pollutants, such as carbon monoxide, suspended particles, volatile organic compounds and nitrogen oxides and is associated with various ill effects on human health: irritation of tissues, chronic pathologies and various types of cancer. There are more than 2.5 million annual premature deaths in developing countries as a result of prolonged inhalation of these pollutants (WHO, 2000). Universities and ministries of health in the region began to measure emissions of air pollutants in the 1950s. In 1967, the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) created a regional monitoring programme, which by 1973 had 88 stations in 26 cities in 14 countries: the Pan-American Normalized Monitoring Network for Air Pollution. In 1980 the network was brought

within the United Nations Environment Programme’s Global Environmental Monitoring System. There are now two regional programmes on air quality improvement in Latin America: the World Bank’s Clean Air Initiative for Latin American Cities (with projects in Lima and Callao, Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires) and the Central American Pure Air Programme, financed by the Swiss Development and Cooperation Agency (OPS, CEPIS, 2000). Cities with air quality measuring systems have introduced new technologies to expand their capacity to prevent episodes exceeding the permitted thresholds. Mexico City, Santiago and all large Brazilian cities have established standards similar to those of the World Health Organization, although they are more tolerant to burning coal and sulphur dioxide (CEPAL, 2000c). An increase in emissions may be offset by taking old vehicles out of circulation, raising the price of petrol and switching to alternative fuels (such as hydrated ethylic alcohol or liquid or natural gas instead of petrol), Several of these measures have been promoted in Brazil since the 1980s and in Mexico since the mid1990s (UNEP, 2000; INEGI, 1998). In addition, most countries in the region are phasing out the use of leaded gasoline. By the end of 2001, there were 23 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with lead-free petrol and, compared to 1990, the region as a whole had achieved a reduction of 90 per cent in atmospheric emissions of lead from petrol (ARPEL, 2001). Nevertheless, some pollutants are more difficult to reduce than others. For example, in 2000, in four of six Central American capitals, annual average concentrations of suspended particles from mobile sources (total and less than 10 micrometers in diameter) exceeded international norms (Swisscontact, 2001). Nitrogen di-

National air quality controls, 1999

Air quality standards

Emission limits Mobile sources

Fixed sources

Monitoring Emission networks inventories

Control strategies (mobile, fixed and other sources) Present

Applied

Latin America and the Caribbean (24)

11

13

13

15

14

14

10

Caribbean (5)

2

0

2

1

2

2

2

Mesoamerica (8)

2

6

3

7

3

6

3

South America (11)

7

7

8

7

9

6

5

0-25%

26-50%

51-75%

76-100%

Source: Compiled by the Development Observatory (University of Costa Rica), from PAHO and CEPIS, 2000.

·


Environment Outlook

113

Pollution reduction: success stories Brazil In Brazil, action to control and monitor air pollution was first developed and implemented in the city of Sao Paulo, and then in Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul. In 1976, federal air quality regulations strengthened alreadyexisting controls in the pioneering cities, and extended them to others, applying WHO guidelines for suspended particles, sulphur dioxide, carbon monoxide and photochemical exidants (such as ozone). Local air pollution controls began by prohibiting domestic garbage incinerators in residential buildings and open-air burning of rubbish in urban areas, and controlling emissions of smoke, first on stationary sources and later on diesel vehicles. Controls on diesel vehicles led to the establishment in 1986 of the principal national automotive air pollution control programme (PROCONVE) which, since 1993, has been backed by a federal law. PROCONVE has established emission controls for vehicles of otto and diesel cycles, resulting in gradual reductions for the new otto cycle emissions by 92 per cent overall (including 97 per cent for carbon monoxide, 94 per cent for hydrocarbons and 86 per cent for nitrogen oxides). In 1990 air quality standards were reviewed to improve air pollution controls for stationary sources, to regulate critical air pollution episodes and to establish preventive criteria regarding external combustion processes (such as thermoelectric generators and furnaces) in conservation areas and non-saturated areas (Teixeira, 2001). The second most important line of action in controlling vehicular emissions was the introduction in 1975 of anhydrous alcohol (known as ethyl alcohol or gasohol) together with incentives for the production of exclusively gasohol-run vehicles. By the mid-1980s, 90 per cent of vehicles sold used gasohol, reducing emissions by 20 per cent overall, and with very substantial drops in lead, bromide and chloride, for which petrol motors were the main source. Although manufacture of gasohol vehicles declined in the 1990s to 0.1 per cent of total sales, due to lack of state policies to guarantee production of the fuel, the government has since renewed incentives for this technology (see box on Page 189 in chapter 3). © R. Burgos

Chile In Chile, the Plan to Decrease Air Pollution in the Metropolitan Region was prepared in 1990 and extended in 1997. The plan's strategies included regulating household and industrial emissions, introducing taxes, removing highly polluting buses, controlling bus circulation and emissions, introducing automobiles with catalytic converters, improving fuel quality, and paving streets (O'Ryan and Larraguibel, 2000). In addition, the government introduced a system of transferable pollution permits, which industries could buy or sell to reduce their total emissions (The Economist, 2002). An assessment of the plan's implementation revealed that almost 60 per cent of proposed actions were successful (CEPAL, 2000d). As a result, both the emission of particles and the number of days when alerts were sounded or emergencies declared have been reduced significantly. Between 1989 and 1999 concentrations of suspended particles, for example, fell by 24.1 per cent for those smaller than 10 micrometres and by 47.4 per cent for those smaller than 2.5 micrometres (CAPP 2000). The same system that reduced the concentration of suspended particles is now being applied in preliminary tests on other pollution sources. In the framework of a public-private clean production committee, 46 metallurgy companies have established an agreement to promote the adoption of clean production measures, particularly in relation to air pollution and solid waste management.

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Pollution reduction: success stories (continuation) Mexico In Mexico, the Comprehensive Programme Against Air Pollution in the Valley of Mexico began in 1990 with a view to improving the air quality of that metropolitan area. The 1995-2000 Programme to Improve Air Quality in Mexico City included initiatives such as: · · · · · · ·

the establishment of the Valley of Mexico Environmental Trust Fund, to finance air quality improvement programmes through a tax on petrol; the Automatic Environmental Monitoring Network;. environmental emergency programmes; a Day Without a Car vehicle restriction programme; an epidemiological surveillance system; a reforestation programme; environmental education in the Mexico City metropolitan area.

Assessments for the period 1991-1999 reveal that the concentrations of carbon monoxide, sulphur dioxide and lead tended to remain below the limits established. In the case of ozone, although there is a trend to reduce concentrations, they are still above the standard on many days throughout the year; the concentration of suspended particles, on the other hand, rather increased in the period 1995-2000 (SEMARNAP, 2000; PAHO, 2002). Improving air quality in Mexico City -in spite of persistent difficulties- required institutional capacity building; improvements in regulatory, communications and citizen participation mechanisms; and strengthened integration of metropolitan policies. Citizen participation has proved to be of fundamental importance (CEPAL, 2000b).

oxide was below the norm in only two cities, while tropospheric ozone and lead exceeded the norms in the other two.

Impact of ozone depletion and regional responses In September 2000, the hole in the Antarctic ozone layer reached its maximum recorded size of approximately 28 million square kilometres, more than 2.5 times greater than the average recorded between 1979 and 1992. At the end of September, minimum ozone levels were also the smallest ever recorded; half the average between 1964 and 1978, before the hole appeared (WMO, 2001; NASA, 2001). The hole in the ozone layer has a major regional impact in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. Official reports in Argentina, for example, indicate that Tierra del Fuego and (to a lesser degree) the south of Patagonia, were under the hole for 10 days in 2000, with ozone values among the smallest recorded (Canziani, 2000). This produced ultraviolet radiation levels “similar to those in Buenos Aires in summer”.

·

Global production and consumption of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) are the principal causes of stratospheric ozone depletion, and have been under control since the Montreal Protocol entered into force in 1987. The protocol’s implementation in developed countries has signified a dramatic reduction — almost 95 per cent – in annual production (from more than a million tonnes in 1986 to a little over 46,000 tonnes in 1998) although it increased slightly in 1999-2000. On the other hand, production in developing countries continued to increase (especially in Asia where it reached three-quarters the amount of total production in developing countries) and doubled between 1986 and 1995 (from 56,068 to 115,185 tonnes) until it started to decline in 2000 (UNEP, 2002c). Global CFC consumption dropped from 1,078,634 tonnes in 1986 to 148,151 tonnes in 1999 (there are no data available for 2000 on consumption in China; the 1999 figure was 42,983 tonnes) (UNEP, 2002c). This reduction of more than 85 per cent mostly occurred in developed countries and explains why, in 1999, total consumption in developing countries was five times greater than in developed countries.


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Growth of the hole in the ozone layer (1985, 1999, 2000) Hole in the Antarctic ozone layer. layer Dark blue represents severe depletion.

September 1985

September 1999

September 2000

Chapter

2 Source: : NASA, 2001.

In Latin America and the Caribbean CFC production between 1986 and 2000 reached an accumulated total of 342,034 tonnes, equal to 5.8 per cent of global production and approximately a third of total production in developing countries during the same period (UNEP, 2002c). Mexico, Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina (in descending order) were the only producers in the region, with Mexico and Brazil accounting for 72.8 per cent of total production in that period. By the end of the period, the four countries had been able to reduce their annual CFC production. As a result, regional CFC production in 2000 was 44 per cent less than the total in 1985. Brazil stopped producing CFCs in 2000 (UNEP, 2002c). Accumulated regional consumption of these substances during the period, at 391,929 tonnes, was slightly above production. In 2000, regional consumption was only 61.2 per cent of the 1986 figure. The main

consuming countries were again Brazil, Mexico, Venezuela and Argentina (in descending order), with 78.9 per cent of total regional consumption in 2000. In Brazil, the time limit for eliminating CFC consumption is more restrictive than the general agreements in the Montreal Protocol, although it has been extended from January 2001 to 2007 (three years before the deadline foreseen in the protocol) in an effort to avoid “forcing out small and medium-sized enterprises that do not have enough time to adapt”, according to officials of the Ministry of the Environment (Campanili, 2000). Imports of CFC-12 (dichlorofluoromethane) in Brazil are being gradually restricted, beginning with a reduction of 15 per cent in 2001, and 35 per cent in 2002, until they are totally eliminated in 2007. Imports of CFC-11 (trichlorofluoromethane) are only permitted to companies with projects to convert to CFC-11-free technologies. Officials in the private environmental sector be-

Ozone risks in Punta Arenas and Santiago The hole in the ozone layer is not a pleasant topic for the 120,000 inhabitants of Punta Arenas, the southernmost city of Chile and of South America. However, in 2000 it was discovered that, contrary to what had been assumed, the hole is a greater health risk to residents in Santiago, 2000 kilometres to the north, where the incidence of skin cancer is much higher. Residents in the extreme south, despite receiving more unfiltered solar radiation, are less affected because of the hostile and windy climate —in October winds of 120 km/hour have been recorded— life in Punta Arenas takes place indoors, in heated homes, and people are less likely to be out in the open with head and arms uncovered. Source: Guijarro, 2001.

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Global efforts to reduce ozone depleting substances In 1974, the first study was published linking stratospheric ozone destruction to the release of chlorine in the production of foams and refrigerants. The main ozone-depleting substances and ozone-generating industrial processes include: l

chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and hydrochlorofluorocarbons in commercial and household refrigeration equipment, aerosol propellants, foaming agents and pre-polymers for insulation and other applications;

l

solvents such as trichloroethane and methyl chloroform for cleaning metals;

l

halons found in portable and fixed fire extinguishers;

l

hydrobromofluorocarbons;

l

methyl bromide in products for spraying crops and goods for export.

Although 90 per cent of emissions of ozone-depleting substances occur in Europe, North America and Japan, they spread out over the entire world's atmosphere in 12 to 24 months. The chlorine and bromide in these emissions remain latent when they are over Antarctica during the southern hemisphere winter because of its peculiar atmospheric characteristics. When light returns to the south pole in the spring (September-November), these compounds rapidly destroy the existing ozone, which has decreased to levels up to 60 per cent less than those observed before this phenomenon appeared in the 1980s (WMO and UNEP, 1998; 2002). Global loss of stratosphere ozone has caused an increase of between four and seven per cent in ultraviolet B radiation (UV-B) throughout the year in the mid latitudes of the northern hemisphere and six per cent in the same latitudes in the southern hemisphere (UNEP, 1999b). However, during the southern spring, the increase in UV-B radiation is much greater — about 130 per cent— as a consequence of the loss of ozone. In recent years, there have also been unusually low ozone concentrations in high northern latitudes although not as low as in the southern latitudes believed to be the result of extraordinarily severe stratospheric winters in these zones (WMO and UNEP, 2002). In 1977, the first conference of experts on the depletion of the ozone layer was convened by UNEP, and the first global action plan in this field was adopted, leading to the prohibition of certain CFC-emitting products. These initiatives gave rise to the Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer (1985) and the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer (1987), in which the developed countries assumed commitments to reduce, by 1999, production and consumption of CFCs and other controlled substances by 50 per cent of the 1986 levels. Subsequent amendments to these agreements (London, 1990; Copenhagen, 1992; Montreal, 1997; and Beijing, 1999) have increased the list of controlled substances and reduced some of the periods for phasing them out. As 2002 drew to a close, 184 countries had ratified the Vienna Convention, 183 countries had ratified the Montreal Protocol, while the London, Copenhagen, Montreal and Beijing amendments had been ratified by 163, 141, 83 and 36 countries, respectively (UNEP, 2002c). The 1997 conference established an ozone layer action plan, coordinated by UNEP and the World Meteorological Organization, which serves as a framework for many activities in this field. In the Montreal Protocol, countries with annual per capita CFC consumption rates prior to 1999 of less than 0.3 kilograms are classified as Developing Countries. These countries, including all Latin America and Caribbean countries, were given a 10year grace period to put the control measures in place, provided the financial assistance and technology transfer actions also agreed to in the treaty had been complied with. For these countries the protocol established a freeze on CFC consumption and production in 1999 at 100 per cent of the annual average between 1995 and 1997. Together with subsequent amendments to its agreement, the protocol has also set time limits to freeze the consumption of halons (2002), methyl bromide (2002) and other CFCs (2003) and to reduce consumption of ozone-depleting substances by 2005 (85 per cent for carbon tetrachloride, 50 per cent for CFCs and halons, 30 per cent for trochlorethane, and 20 per cent for methyl bromide). Estimates indicate that the Montreal Protocol's degree of implementation to date will allow stratospheric ozone concentration to be restored to its pre-1980 levels by the year 2050, eliminating the hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica (UNEP, 1999b). Although the combined levels of ozone-depleting substances in the troposphere (lower atmosphere) have been decreasing since 1994, it was only recently that the levels of chlorine have reached - it seems - the maximum level in the stratospheric layer, while the level of bromine continue to rise in the layer (WMO and UNEP, 2002). It is estimated that their maximum ozone-depleting levels will be reached in the first or second decade of the 21st century (WMO and UNEP 1998). Other concerns are related to the ozone-depleting impact of increasing tropospheric concentrations of bromide from industrial halons and methyl bromides (WMO and UNEP, 2002). Recent evidence suggests that these concentrations may have more than doubled since the 1950s and are still growing at an annual rate of about three per cent (two-thirds of the reported rate in 1996). At present, the fractional contribution of bromine to total polar ozone loss ranges from 30 to 60 per cent, and will continue to increase relative to chlorine until the current upward trends of the bromine source gases reverse.

·


Environment Outlook

lieve that a halt to Brazilian CFC production could encourage smuggling for use in refrigeration systems that still depend on this gas; such illegal imports supplied about 15 per cent of total CFC consumption in 2000 (Campanili, 2000). The Mexican strategy to reduce CFC consumption includes agreements with industry, regulating imports and exports of controlled substances, developing technical training programmes and implementing clean technologies. Projects have included domestic and commercial refrigeration, solvents, foams and both central and motor vehicle air conditioning, and many such projects have been supported by international agencies like the World Bank, the United States Environmental Protection Agency, UNDP and UNEP (SEMARNAP, 2000). In the region two other substances, halons and methyl bromide (used basically in fire extinguishers and agriculture, respectively), are among the main ozone destroyers, although they are not produced in the region and consumption is relatively low (UNEP, 2002c). In the case of halons, which it was agreed to freeze in 2002, only Mexico and Belize reported any consumption in 2000. In the region as a whole, annual halon consumption was reduced by 81.2 per cent in the period 1986-2000. The consumption of methyl bromide was also agreed to be frozen in 2002, but here the situation is not so encouraging. During the 1991-2002 period, the region consumed 11 per cent of the global volume, with the last year representing 16 per cent of the total. Regional consumption tripled between 1991 and 1994, although in 2000 it dropped to double that of the first year. Sixteen countries were still consuming the ozone-depleting substance in 2000. Mexico, Brazil, Costa Rica and Argentina (in descending order) accounted for 72 per cent of accumulated consumption during the period.

117

tation of the Protocol and the Global Environment Facility. In the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, the Regional Office of UNEP acts as one of the programme’s executing agencies. It is responsible for promoting regional networks and refrigeration management plans, and for supporting 22 of the ongoing 33 institutional strengthening projects. The Multilateral Fund’s resources have played an important role in these activities. The actions reviewed, however, are not enough fully to solve the problem. The present state of production and consumption of ozone-depleting substances and regional trends highlight the major challenges to meeting the objectives of the Montreal Protocol (UNEP, 1999c). One such challenge is that, taking 1995-1997 production as a basis for the agreed elimination timetables, the duplication in production between 1986 and 1997 increases the permitted levels until the year when they are to be totally eliminated. It should also be noted that, in spite of the virtual elimination of CFCs in industrialised countries, illegal imports of these substances to these countries have grown and are estimated to be between 20,000 and 30,000 tonnes annually (UNEP, 1999c). These illegal imports provide an incentive for developing countries to produce more. The second major challenge is the growth in tropospheric concentrations of bromine, from industrial halons and methyl bromide, which to some extent reverts the success in controlling CFCs (WMO and UNEP, 2002). Production of halons fell in developed countries from 186,168 to 1,270 tonnes during the 1986-2000 period, but increased in developing countries from 11,290 to 49,467 tonnes in 1986-1997, before falling to zero in 2000 (UNEP, 2002c). Production of methyl bromide, on the other hand, fell from 39,601 to 26,086 tonnes in developed countries during the period 19912000. Production in developing countries has always been a small fraction of the total (less than four per cent). Although it has already been pointed out that these substances are not produced in Latin America and the Caribbean, there is considerable consumption of methyl bromide and it is now almost a seventh of the global total.

At the beginning of 2003, the 33 countries in the region were parties to the Vienna Convention and the Montreal Protocol; 31 had ratified, acceded to or accepted the London amendment (1990): 30 were parties to the Copenhagen amendment (1992) and 15 were parties to the Montreal amendment (1997), but only three were parties to the Beijing amendment (1999) (UNEP, 2003). According to the Montreal Protocol, these countries should have frozen their CFC consumption and production at the 1995-1997 levels by 1st July 1999 (UNEP, 2002b).

Greenhouse gases and climate change

To achieve this, licensing systems have been implemented to control imports and exports of these substances. Government institutions have made different contributions to these efforts – establishing and bringing into force needed regulations ,and various civil society and private sector bodies have joined forces. To support national efforts to comply with the convention or the protocol, an OzoneAction programme is being developed with the Multilateral Fund for the Implemen-

Another global atmospheric issue of regional concern is climate change, made worse by the concentration of the so-called greenhouse gases. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, three gases – carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide are responsible, respectively, for approximately 60, 20 and six per cent of global warming (or the greenhouse effect) originating in human activities (McCarthy and others, 2001). Although these gases exist naturally in

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118


Production and consumption of CFCs in the four main producing and consuming countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (metric tonnes of ozone depletion potential)

Production

40,000 35,000 30,000 25,000

Venezuela Argentina

20,000

Mexico Brazil

15,000 10,000 5,000 0 1986 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000

Consumption 35,000 30,000 25,000

Venezuela

20,000

Argentina Mexico

15,000

Brazil

10,000 5,000 0

1986 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000

Source: UNEP, 2002c.

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Compliance with the Montreal Protocol and its amendments (to September 2002) Ratification

Signature

Consumption below agreed limits

License Systems in operation

Draft or approved legislation

Latin America and the Caribbean (33)

33

5

7

13

6

Caribbean (13)

13

0

6

5

0

Mesoamerica (8)

8

2

0

6

1

South America (12)

12

3

1

2

5

0-25%

26-50%

51-75%

76-100%

Source: Compiled by the GEO-LAC team using UNEP 2002b and 2002c.

the atmosphere, the rapid release of additional amounts results from human activities such as burning fossil fuels, deforestation and agriculture. Global estimates based on apparent net fossil fuel consumption indicate that during the period 1970-2000 there was an increase in total carbon dioxide emissions until 1974, owing to the doubling of per capita emissions between 1950 and 1973. These emissions were stabilised after 1974 – until the present—basically because of high petroleum prices (Marland and Boden, 2000c). In 1992, about 84 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions came from industrial processes and 16 per cent from land use changes (WRI and others, 1998). In the mid-1990s, preliminary estimates indicated that the Latin America and Caribbean region was responsible for approximately 11 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions, with 4.3 per cent of emissions coming from industry and 48.3 per cent from land use changes. Regional methane emissions from anthropogenic sources (mainly livestock farming and the production and consumption of fossil fuels) represented 9.3 per cent of the world total (WRI and others, 1996). Average per capita carbon dioxide emissions in the region were 2.7 tonnes in 1998, very much below the 10.2 tonnes calculated for high-income economies (19.4 tonnes in North America, 7.5 tonnes in Europe and Central Asia and 7.4 tonnes in Western Asia) and also lower than the world average of 3.9 tonnes (UNEP, 2002d). These estimates indicate that Mexico and Brazil are among the 20 main carbon dioxide-emitting countries in the world, in order of magnitude, while Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia and Chile are among the top 60

emitting countries (Marland and Boden, 2000a). As to per capita emissions, several nations and territories in the Caribbean (the US Virgin Islands, the Netherlands Antilles, Aruba, Trinidad and Tobago, the Cayman Islands and Bermuda), as well as Venezuela, all oil producers, are among the 60 main emitting countries (Marland and Boden, 2000b). Due to the relatively small population in the Caribbean, this per capita contribution is not a significant percentage of the total volume. The supply and consumption of fossil fuels account for almost 80 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions, 20 per cent of methane and a significant amount of nitrous oxide (UNFCCC, 2001). Other carbon dioxide sources are land use change (deforestation) and the forestry sector and, to a lesser degree (around three per cent), cement production. Other methane sources, on the other hand, are livestock (30 per cent of emissions), wetland rice farming (20-25 per cent) and garbage disposal. Agriculture increases emissions of anthropogenic nitrous oxide, mainly through the use of fertilisers. Deforestation is considered to be the main source of atmospheric emissions in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly due to the impact in the Amazon basin; however, official estimates for Brazil, where they would be most useful, are still not available (UNEP, 1999c; COPPE, 2002). Large cities in the region, as well as many medium-sized cities, also emit greenhouse gases, mainly generated by motor transport and industrial production. Although carbon dioxide is generally the main greenhouse gas, if total greenhouse gases are estimated in carbon dioxide equivalent units, methane is more important in countries such as Argentina, Chile and Uruguay (UNFCCC and SBI, 2000). More than 71 per cent of methane emissions in South America and 48 per cent in Mexico come from livestock.

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The global effort against climate change Parallel to the international movement against ozone depletion, the first international conference on the world climate was held in 1979 and ended by calling on governments to predict and prevent potential climate changes caused by human activity that could adversely affect humanity. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, coordinated by UNEP and the World Meteorological Organization, was established in 1988. In 1990 the panel confirmed the existence of a global warming process influenced by human activities and consequently required international decisions regarding mitigation and adaptation. The General Assembly of the United Nations responded to the appeal and, that same year, initiated negotiations that resulted in the adoption, in May 1992, of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In the context of the convention, the Kyoto Protocol was adopted in 1997, proposing a binding commitment for developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions to at least five per cent less than their 1990 levels during the period 20082012. The protocol's specific details were defined at ensuing meetings of the convention's conference of the parties, and its entry into force is subject to ratification by 55 parties, including those responsible for at least 55 per cent of total carbon dioxide emissions in 1990. In 2002, various parties to the convention (whose combined emissions would allow for the protocol to enter into force), including the European Union, Japan, Canada and New Zealand, had signed the protocol. Other major signatories such as Australia and the Russian Federation had still not done so, however (UNFCCC, 2003). The United States, which accounts for a major share of global emissions, has not signed, although it ratified the convention in 1992. According to the Kyoto Protocol, reducing greenhouse gas emissions to the agreed levels will require important measures to be taken in fields such as improved energy efficiency, reforms in the energy and transport sectors, promotion of renewable energy sources, elimination of inappropriate fiscal measures and market failures, improved waste management, agriculture and livestock-rearing technologies, and protection of forests and other carbon sinks. · In addition to direct national policy options that are the obligation and responsibility of all the developed countries participating in the convention and the protocol, three international cooperation mechanisms have been proposed to boost changes: · clean development initiatives to reduce emissions in developing countries, which would result in emission credits for participating developed countries; · joint measures among developed countries to reduce emissions; and · the transfer of emission reduction units, so that countries with mitigation advantages could trade results with other interested countries. The international debate on the protocol revolves around the rules for implementing these mechanisms, as well as the degree to which they may be considered supplementary to direct national emission reduction measures and, finally, procedures to enforce compliance with the commitments assumed by the parties.

In any case, emission estimates are only approximate because it is difficult to obtain reliable data from most countries in the region (UNEP 1999a, UNFCCC and SBI 2000). Identification of specific emission factors for particular systems or regions is still preliminary and the characteristics of the forestry situation and changes in land use are hard to define. In general, few data are available, and information has to come from diverse statistics and even anecdotal evidence. Furthermore, there is a widespread lack of monitoring infrastructure, except in some large metropolitan areas. In many countries carbon emissions could be greatly reduced, by taking advantage of renewable biomass energy sources and establishing carbon sinks by means of forest conservation programmes and reforestation. For example, the use of ethanol as a substitute for petrol could reduce carbon dioxide emissions (see the section on Socio-economic trends). The Latin American and

·

Caribbean Initiative for Sustainable Development adopted by countries in the region at the World Summit on Sustainable Development (Johannesburg, 2002) has set the goal of increasing renewable energy use to 10 per cent of total energy consumption before 2010 (UNEP/ ROLAC, 2002). According to the scenarios developed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on the process of global warming, the global average surface temperature will increase by between 1.4 and 5.8 degrees Celsius by 2100 relative to 1990, and it is projected that the average sea level will rise by between 0.09 and 0.88 metres by the same date (IPCC, 2001; McCarthy and others, 2001). The projected rate of warming is much greater than the changes during the 20th century and is very likely to be have been unprecedented during at least the last 10,000 years. It is also thought very likely that almost all land areas will warm more


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Per capita carbon dioxide emissions, Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1998 (metric tonnes) 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5

Caribbean Mesoamerica

2.0

South America Latin America and the Caribbean

1.5

Chapter

1.0

2

0.5 0.0

70

72 74 76 78 80 82 84 86 88 90 92 94 96 98 Year

Source: UNEP, 2002d, compiled from date provided by CDIAC, based on net fossil fuel combustion and UN population data.

Greenhouse gas emissions in carbon dioxide equivalent terms (100 year horizon) Emissions

Global warming potential (100- year horizon)

Relative total

Relative contribution (%)

Latin America (27) CO2 CH4 N20

1,088,795.0 42,690.5 1,184.6

1 23 296

1,088,795.0 981,882.3 350,653.4

45.0 40.6 14.5

23,561.0 856.0 372.7

1 23 296

23,561.0 19,688.0 110,307.4

15.3 12.8 71.8

444,493.0 4,914.0 57.6

1 23 296

444,493.0 113,022.0 17,037.8

77.4 19.7 3.0

620,741.0 36,920.5 754.4

1 23 296

620,741.0 849,172.3 223,308.3

36.7 50.2 13.2

Caribbean (11) CO2 CH4 N20 Mesoamerica (6) CO2 CH4 N20 South America (10) CO2 CH4 N20

Source: UNFCCC, 2002c; CETESB, 2002; COPPE, 2002; EMBRAPA, 2002a, 2002b; Perdomo and others, 1995

122


National climate change inventories In February 2003, 27 countries in the region had submitted official national communications to the Secretariat of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, 2002b). Others (including Brazil and Venezuela) have only published preliminary reports (CETESB, 2002; COPPE, 2002; EMBRAPA, 2002a, 2002b; Perdomo and others, 1995). At the end of 2002, the secretariat included a database on these inventories on its website, to which the public has access. However, it is important to keep in mind that the possibility of comparing existing reports is hindered by differences in methodology and data presentation; furthermore, few reports include historical series, which makes it difficult to determine national or regional trends. Argentina In Argentina, net carbon dioxide emissions were 66.7 million metric tons in 1990 and 84.9 million metric tons in 1994 (UNFCCC, 2000a). In both years, fossil fuel combustion accounts for approximately 89 per cent of total emissions, excluding change in land use and forestry, a sector that serves as a net carbon sink in Argentina. Methane emissions were estimated at 3.6 million metric tons in 1990 and 4.2 million metric tons in 1994, generated basically by livestock raising (74.5 per cent and 68.4 per cent, respectively, for those years). Brazil According to a preliminary greenhouse gas inventory, Brazil had carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels and biomass burning equivalent to 107.3 million metric tons in 1990 and 117.1 million metric tons in 1994 (COPPE, 2002). In 1994, gross carbon dioxide emissions from biomass burning in the land use change and forestry sector (LUCF) were 81 per cent of the combined emissions from the energy and industrial sectors (no information is available for carbon dioxide capture from land use change and forestry); the corresponding average for Latin America and the Caribbean was 28 per cent (UNFCCC, 2002b). Between 1990 and 1994, carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels increased at a faster rate than the total gross domestic energy supply between 1990 and 1994, indicating a greater use of carbon-intensive fuels in the Brazilian energy system. This occurred at the expense of renewable biomass sources, which dropped from 24.8 to 22.3 per cent of the gross domestic energy supply (COPPE, 2002). Methane emissions in 1990 were estimated at 10.1 million metric tons, originating basically in livestock (90 per cent) and waste treatment and disposal (7 per cent) (EMBRAPA, 2002a, 2002b; CETESB, 2002). Mexico Mexico appears to be the region's main carbon dioxide emitter: 444.5 million metric tons in 1990 (INE, SEMARNAP, 1997). In 1990, the single largest source of emissions was land use change and forestry, with 30.6 per cent of emissions; followed by processing and energy industries, with 24.4 per cent; transport, with 21.3 per cent; and other industries (particularly cement and metallurgy), with 14.6 per cent. Fossil fuel combustion was responsible for 67 per cent of emissions. Methane emissions are estimated at 3.6 million metric tons for 1990, mostly from livestock raising (48 per cent) and fugitive fuel emissions (28.5 per cent). The country's second national communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change indicates that total carbon dioxide emissions (excluding land use change and forestry, which are only reported for one year) grew by 73 per cent in the 1990-1996 period, although they decreased in 1997 to only 33 per cent of the 1990 level (INE, SEMARNAT, 2001). In 1996, total emissions from greenhouse gases (in carbon dioxide equivalent terms) were 75 per cent carbon dioxide, 23 per cent methane and 2 per cent nitrous oxide. Venezuela A preliminary greenhouse gas inventory estimates that Venezuela generated 190.8 million metric tons of carbon dioxide in 1990 (Perdomo and others, 1995). The energy sector (mainly fossil fuel combustion) accounted for 56 per cent of emissions and deforestation for 44 per cent (basically in Venezuelan Amazon, which covers 60 per cent of the national territory). Carbon fixation through forest management was estimated to be equivalent to three per cent of the total emissions for that year. Methane emissions were estimated at 3.2 million metric tons, originating basically in the energy and agricultural sectors (58 and 30 per cent, respectively).

·


Environment Outlook

rapidly than the global average, particularly those at northern high latitudes during the cold season. Present models indicate that rising global temperatures may affect climate conditions such as rainfall, wind speed and frequency of extreme climatic events (storms, torrential rains, hurricanes and drought). There are also potential impacts on human disease and death rates related to climate change. Increased temperatures may cause more tension from heat, as well as the spread of tropical diseases by vector insects on higher land and an increased incidence of diseases such as malaria, schistosomiasis, dengue fever, yellow fever and cholera (IPCC, 2001; McCarthy and others, 2001).

cern, several questions must be tackled from a regional point of view, including:

On a regional scale, climate change would also affect ecosystems, water resources, agriculture and coastal systems in Latin America and the Caribbean (IPCC, 1997). Ecosystems such as forests and grasslands, mountain systems and transition zones are particularly vulnerable. An exceptionally serious problem would be the continued deforestation in the Amazon, which would have a significant impact on the global carbon cycle. Changes in the water cycle would especially endanger arid and semi-arid zones, as well as hydroelectric energy generation, cereal and livestock production in places such as Costa Rica, Panama, the lower slopes of the Andes ,Chile and Argentina. A change in precipitation pattern would have an adverse effect on crop production in the region. Coastal systems in many countries in the region could shrink and lose biodiversity, with damage to the infrastructure and salinisation problems. About 60 per cent of the regional population live less than 100 kilometres from the coast (Cohen and others, 1997), and many of the region’s large metropolitan areas are highly vulnerable to a rise in sea level including, obviously, the main ports and coastal cities. The small island states in the Caribbean are in the greatest danger, even though they contribute very little to regional greenhouse gas emissions, and much less to global emissions. (See the section on Coastal and marine areas.) Among the indicators of global climate change is the increased frequency, persistence and intensity of the ancient cyclical phenomenon known as El Niño Southern Oscillation. El Niño begins when the surface waters in the eastern Pacific Ocean close to the Equator start to warm up, alternating with cooling of the same waters (known as La Niña) every three or four years. During El Niño years, there are severe droughts or unusually heavy rainfall, as well as a loss of fishery resources, causing socio-economic losses in many countries in the region (see the section on Coastal and marine areas).

Regional response Climate change is a threat to Latin America and the Caribbean because of the vulnerability of the environment (both natural and urban) and the region’s high poverty levels. Although this change is a global con-

·

The magnitude and rate of climate change in different parts of the region;

·

The relative vulnerability of ecological and socio-economic systems to climate change and its impact on them;

·

The identification and implementation of feasible response options and the capacity of the region to promote better options; and

·

The effective role of countries in the region in promoting regional and international measures.

The environment takes a long time to adapt to climate change, so there is an urgent need to take measures now. Even if concentrations of greenhouse gases stabilise at their present levels, something of their predicted impact will persist for hundreds of years .(IPCC, 2001; McCarthy and others, 2001). The regional response to climate change basically falls within the framework of the principles and guidelines accepted by the 33 nations of Latin America and the Caribbean which, by September 2000, had ratified the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Of these 33 nations, 24 had ratified the Kyoto Protocol by November 2002 (UNFCCC, 2002a). The main mitigation and adaptation activities proposed by the UNFCCC include measures aimed at the energy, transport and agriculture sectors, waste management and increased capacity of carbon sinks. The following table presents activities planned or ongoing in five of the countries of the region that have presented national communications to the UNFCCC Secretariat: Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Mexico and Uruguay. Latin American and Caribbean countries maintain a variety of positions regarding the role that carbon sinks can or should play in implementing the Kyoto Protocol, and this needs to be taken into account. This was one of the points that caused most controversy at the five conferences of the parties held between 1998 and 2001, during the negotiations to define rules and operational details (IISD, 2000; 2001; Ott, 2002). Three groups of countries have expressed diverging positions on this matter. The so-called Umbrella Group (the United States, Canada, Australia, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, the Russian Federation and Ukraine) urged that activities that capture carbon from the atmosphere (such as forest conservation, reforestation and forestry plantations) be recognized as clean development mechanisms for joint implementation. The “Environmental Integrity Group” (Switzerland, Mexico and the Republic of Korea) maintains a similar position to

123

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Regional climate impact associated with El Niño

Central America: Rains in excess in the Caribbean stream (Costa Rica, Honduras, Guatemala) and the Yucatan Peninsula. Droughts in the Pacific stream in all countries.

Colombia, Venezuela Guyana, Suriname, French Guyana: Reduction of rains almost all year round, except in the period March-June, when there are no apparent changes, and the Pacific coast of Colombia, with intense rains during the summer.

North Brazil: Moderated to intense droughts in the north and east of Amazon. Increase in the probability of forest fires, mainly in the degraded forest area.

Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile: Intense rains in the summer on the west coast of South America, affecting the coast of Ecuador and the north of Peru. Droughts during the summer in the Andean regions of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. Intense rains in the central region and the south of Chile in the winter.

North-east Brazil: Droughts of varying intensity in the north during the rainy season (February to March). No significant changes in the south or west.

Centre-West Brazil: No evidence of important effects of the rains in this region.

South-east Brazil: Increases -from moderated to high - in the average temperatures. No characteristic pattern of change in rains. South Brazil: Plentiful rains, mainly during spring; intense from May to July. Increase in the average temperature.

Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay: Rains exceeding the average in northeast of Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, mainly during spring and summer.

·


Environment Outlook

the umbrella group but with relatively less economic interest in the outcome, with support from Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Peru and Uruguay. Among those opposed to this approach and in favour of placing an absolute limit on the role of sinks as part of the implementation mechanisms are the European Union and different developing countries including Brazil and Jamaica. Their position is to include only projects that promote the reduction of emissions and not those that would capture emissions, present or future. At the seventh conference of the parties held in Marrakech, in November, 2001, it was agreed to accept the use of these and other mechanisms only as a supplement to each country’s actions to directly reduce emissions. Other measures convergent with the goals of the UNFCCC are improving the legal framework on matters related to conserving forests and reforestation, and establishing restrictions on air pollution. Mexico has taken measures in both respects, and many other countries in the region, such as Uruguay and several countries in Central America, have recently amended their forestry laws. In the Caribbean, only Aruba and Cuba has updated their legislation linked to UNFCCC issues, but more than 10 countries in the sub-region have established mechanisms to coordinate their activities to adapt to global climate change. Innovative economic instruments are also being promoted including – as in Costa Rica – trading transferable greenhouse gas mitigation certificates and imposing green taxes on petrol (UNEP, 2000). As to energy, several countries in the region are promoting energy efficiency and the use of alternative sources (wind, solar, hydroelectric, biomass and biogas) (UNEP, 2000). Experiments on wind energy are taking

125

place in Barbados, Costa Rica, Cuba, Curaçao and Jamaica, among others. Curaçao has been operating a three megawatt wind energy plant since 1993 and, in 1999, Barbados had more than 31,000 solar water heating units installed (MPE, 2001). Costa Rica, for its part, has just approved a project to trade transferable mitigation certificates with a public/private consortium in the Netherlands based on a 20-megawatt wind plant. Biomass is used as a source of energy in the sugarcane industry in countries such as Brazil, Costa Rica and Cuba. There is more promotion of the use of photovoltaic cells in the region. Cuba, for example, has brought photovoltaic solar electricity to more than 1,900 rural schools (from a total of almost 9,000) and 300 doctors’ offices throughout the country (EcoPortal. net.2003; Red Solar, 2003). These activities show the emergence of a predominantly preventive orientation in activities and policies designed to counteract the impact of air pollutant emissions. Concerning both greenhouse gases and substances that damage the ozone layer, the advance of these initiatives will require not only communication and cooperation among many parties (government agencies, private initiative, international organisations and citizens), but also technology exchange and the promotion of effective financial mechanisms.

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Climate change mitigation and adaptation activities in selected countries Argentina Energy sector

+Energy efficiency or conservation

Chile +Energy efficiency or conservation

El Salvador +Energy efficiency or conservation

Mexico

Uruguay

+Energy efficiency or conservation

+Renewable energy +Renewable energy +Alternative fuels +Alternative fuels sources sources +Renewable energy sources

Transport

+Clean or biomass fuels

+Improved means of transport

+Improved means of transport

+Clean or biomass fuels

+Vehicle maintenance and improvement

+Vehicle maintenance and improvement

+Improved means of transport +Taxes on vehicle and highway use

Agriculture

+Low tillage farming +Improved livestock management

+Improved livestock management

+Appropriate fertiliser use

+Low tillage farming

+Post-harvest management

+Incorporation of plant waste into the soil

+Agricultural import substitution

+Improved livestock management

Waste management

+Sanitary landfill use +Methane combustion in sanitary landfills

Increased capacity +Plantations in sinks (in many cases as mitigation projects within the clean development mechanism

+Forestry legislation, forestry administration plans and tax incentives for reforestation

+Methane recovery in sanitary landfills and wastewater treatment plants

+Sanitary landfill use

+Conservation of +Conservation of existing forest cover existing forest +Reforestation cover +Reforestation +Plantations +Forest fire prevention and control +Agroforestry

+Improved timber exploitation

Source: UNFCCC and SBI, 2000.

·


+Use of wastes to generate electric power

Environment Outlook

127

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Environment Outlook

Urban areas

L

atin America and the Caribbean is the most urban ised region in the developing world, with threequarters of its population living in cities (UNCHS, 2001). The very large numbers of city dwellers consume huge amounts of energy, water and food and cause very serious environmental effects, such as pollution. Between 1970 and 2000, the urban population grew from 158.6 million to almost 383 million and the level of urbanisation rose from 57.4 to 75.3 per cent. At the beginning of the 21st century 79.8 per cent of the population in South America (273.2 million), 67.3 per cent in Mesoamerica (92.2 million), and 63 per cent in the Caribbean (17.2 million) lived in urban areas, although there are great differences within each subregion (CELADE, 2002). In 1950 only 35.4 per cent of the Caribbean population lived in urban areas; in 1970, the urban population increased by 47.4 per cent and by 1995 it had reached 62.4 per cent (UNEP, 1999). Total population is projected at 654 million (CELADE, 2002) and it is expected that by 2020 the urban population in the region will reach 526 million or 80.4 per cent of the total. This level of urbanisation is due, to a great extent, to the unprecedented growth rate of some cities in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 20th century, both from the natural increase in urban population and

rural immigration. For example, Caracas grew by an average of 7.6 per cent each year during the 1940s and Bogota by an annual 7.2 per cent in the 1950s. The population of two of the world’s megacities, Mexico City and Sao Paulo, grew during the 1970s by 5.1 million and 4.0 million respectively (Gilbert, 1998). In almost all countries, however, growth was tempered by a lowering of the birth rate from 1.8 per cent (1990-1994) to 1.6 per cent (1997-1999). This trend – added to the population’s increasing longevity — is the region’s demographic bonus because of the relative increase in the group of people of working age and the reduction in the number of their dependents, making it possible to increase productivity per capita and regional production as a whole (CEPAL, 2000b). During the past 30 years, regional urbanisation has passed through three phases: concentration of the urban population in large cities and metropolitan areas; growth of the population in intermediate cities (from 50,000 to 1 million inhabitants), and a period of stability when there was a fall in the rates of urbanisation and rural migration (CEPAL, 2000a). Intermediate cities sharply increased their share of urban expansion and it was thought they had better potential for sustainable development than large cities; however, in the 1990s, several of them were showing some of the same problems (CEPAL, 2000a). One of the features of urbanisation in the region is the concentration of people in megacities. Five of the 30 most populated cities in the world are in Latin

Historic urban growth of Mexico City, City, 1973-2000 Landsat Image , 1973

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Landsat Image , 2000

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Most populated cities in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1980-2015 25,000

Population (thousands of inhabitants)

Porto Alegre, Brazil Guadalajara, Mexico

20,000

Belo Horizonte, Brazil Santiago, Chile 15,000

Bogota, Colombia Lima, Peru 10,000

Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Buenos Aires, Argentina 5,000

Sao Paulo, Brazil Mexico City

0 1980

1990

2000

2010

2015

Source: UNCHS, 2001a.

·

America: Mexico City (18.1 million inhabitants), Sao Paulo (17.8 million), Buenos Aires (12.6 million), Rio de Janeiro (10.6 million) and Lima (7.4 million) (UNCHS, 2001). The region has 51 cities with more than a million inhabitants: 33 in South America (14 in Brazil), 13 in Mesoamerica and five in the Caribbean.

It should be noted that in the transition towards advanced urbanisation, more instability is evident in countries where the change is in full swing, where urban spread is more accelerated with more rural migration and, therefore, where there is rapidly growing demographic pressure on cities.

The result of the growth patterns described is that four groups of countries can now be classified according to their degree of urbanisation (CEPAL, 2000a).

It is also noteworthy that the concentration of population in the main cities is more in countries with a smaller total population, even though they may be in a demographic transition phase. Thus, more than 40 per cent of the urban populations of Chile, Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador, Haiti, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Dominican Republic and Uruguay are concentrated in the respective capital cities (CEPAL, 2000a).

●

Countries where as yet there is little urbanisation or that are still predominantly rural: Guatemala, Haiti and Honduras.

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Countries where urban transition is moderate (50-70 per cent urbanisation) with a tendency for the rates to accelerate: Bolivia, Ecuador and Paraguay in South America; El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama in Mesoamerica; and the Dominican Republic in the Caribbean.

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Countries becoming rapidly urbanised (70-80 per cent): Mexico in Mesoamerica; Cuba and Trinidad and Tobago in the Caribbean; Brazil, Colombia and Peru in South America.

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Countries where urban transition has become consolidated or has advanced: Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Venezuela in South America and the Bahamas, Barbados, and Jamaica in the Caribbean.

It is important to mention some of the more balanced land development experiences in countries like Cuba and Costa Rica, where access to services that were once only available in urban areas, such as electricity and telephones, has been extended to almost the whole national population. This development pattern may offset to a small degree for the environmental problems of large cities.

Socio-economic dynamics Urban poverty is probably one of the most serious problems facing Latin America and the Caribbean where


Environment Outlook

a majority of the population has still not benefited from the significant social and economic reforms of the past few years. Thus, a third of the population of Sao Paulo and 40 per cent of the population of Mexico City live below the poverty line. The region’s rate of urban poverty is the highest in the world, with 39 per cent of families below the poverty threshold. Although poverty is greater in rural zones (55 per cent as opposed to 39 per cent in urban areas), in absolute terms there are twice as many urban poor than rural poor (MacDonald and others, 1998). This was not always the case: at the beginning of the 1980s most of the poor lived in rural areas. At the end of that decade the concentration of poverty in urban areas reached the highest ever, even in countries where most people live in rural areas. Ten years later, at the end of the 1990s, six of every 10 poor people lived in cities, in contrast to Asia and Africa, where most of the poor are still in rural areas (CEPAL, 2000a). Over the past 30 years there has been a general tendency for the poor to congregate in urban areas.

some of which are described in the section on Disasters). The problems caused by poor housing are well known and include high environmental health risks (because of a lack of access to drinking water, drainage and sewage networks, as well as deficient solid waste management), limited access to transport, and overcrowding.

One of the most notable physical demonstrations of the region’s urban poverty is the growing deterioration of housing and access to basic public services. The poor have very limited access to housing and land and in 1990 the housing shortage was estimated to be 38 million units (40 per cent of all housing). There is a need for 17 million new housing units; 21 million units are dilapidated, with structural weaknesses, and are in dangerous zones with no proper services (Cira, 2002) (this danger has been highlighted by a number of tragedies,

In 1995, the region’s urban populations produce around 330,000 tonnes of solid waste every day. The three largest cities — Mexico City, Sao Paulo and Buenos Aires— produced close to a fifth of this total (PAHO, 1998; Acurio and others, 1997). The problem with solid waste is not only the amount produced but also its composition, which has changed from being mostly dense and organic to become voluminous and non-biodegradable (plastic, aluminium, hospital wastes, expired medicines, chemical compounds, electric batteries and others UNEP, 2002). For example, in Trinidad and Tobago the amount of organic waste dropped from 44 per cent in 1980 to 27 per cent in 1994, while plastic waste grew from four per cent to 20 per cent (UNEP, 2000).

Solid waste Solid waste management in Latin America and the Caribbean has evolved alongside urbanisation, economic growth and industrialisation. Although the waste problem has existed for many years, particularly in urban areas, up to now many countries and most intermediate and smaller cities in the region have not taken corrective measures, and it has become a problem of vital importance.

The volume of waste also causes concern: solid waste produced per capita has doubled over the past 30 years, from 0.2-0.5 to 0.5-1.2 kilograms (kg) per day, with a regional average of 0.92 kg (Acurio and others, 1997). In the capital or in most populated cities, 10 were above the regional average in daily waste production in kilogrammes per capita: Sao Paulo (1.35), Port of Spain (1.2), the Mexico City metropolitan area (1.2), Caracas (1.17), the Monterrey metropolitan area (1.07), Rio de Janeiro (1.0), Salvador de Bahia (1.0), Panama City (0.96), San José (0.96) and Cartagena (0.93). Furthermore, not all solid waste was collected in the most populated capitals and cities; the 10 cities with less waste collection were: the Lima metropolitan area (60 per cent), San Salvador (60 per cent), Santo Domingo (65 per cent), Managua (70 per cent), Tegucigalpa (75 per cent), the Mexico City metropolitan area (80 per cent), Asuncion (80 per cent), Guatemala City (80 per cent), the Monterrey metropolitan area (81 per cent) and Quito (85 per cent) (Acurio and others, 1997).

© R. Burgos

131

Almost 90 per cent of waste is collected in the region, although the percentage is higher in the cities of San Jose and Panama (Acurio and others, 1997).

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Solid waste collection and disposal in major Latin America and the Caribbean cities City

SOUTH AMERICA Lima (96) (a) (b) Buenos Aires (96) (a) Sao Paulo (96) (a) Rio de Janeiro (96) Santiago (95) Bogota (96) Medellin (87) Barranquilla (96) Cali (96) Cartagena (96) Montevideo (95) Quito (94) Caracas (95) Asuncion (96) La Paz (96) Salvador (96) Curitiba (95) Brasilia (96) Belo Horizonte (96) Joao Pessoa (96) Rosario (96) MESOAMERICA Mexico (94) (a) Monterrey (96) (a) Managua (88) Guatemala (92) Tegucigalpa (95) San Jose (95) Panama (95) San Salvador (92) CARIBBEAN Havana (91) Santo Domingo (94) Port of Spain (93)

Population (Millions)

Garbage (tonnes /day)

Garbage Collection Disposal in landfills produced (percentage) (percentage) per capita (Kg/day) Good (c) Fair (d) Poor (e)

7.5 12.0 16.4 9.9 5.3 5.6 1.5 1.0 1.8 0.6 1.4 1.3 3.0 1.2 0.7 2.8 2.1 1.8 3.9 0.7 1.1

4,200 10,500 22,100 9,900 4,600 4,200 750 900 1,350 560 1,260 900 3,500 1,100 380 2,800 1,300 1,600 3,200 250 700

0.56 0.86 1.35 1.00 0.87 0.75 0.50 0.90 0.75 0.93 0.90 0.69 1.17 0.92 0.54 1.00 0.62 0.89 0.82 0.36 0.64

60 91 95 95 100 99 99 98 95 96 97 85 95 80 92 93 100 95 90 95 100

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 -

40 100 100 100 100 75 100 100

60 100 100 100 100 25 -

15.6 2.8 1.0 1.3 1.0 1.0 0.8 1.3

18,700 3,000 600 1,200 650 960 770 700

1.19 1.07 0.60 0.92 0.65 0.96 0.96 0.54

80 81 70 80 75 90 90 60

50 100 -

25 100 100 -

25 100 100 100 -

2.0 2.8 0.5

1,400 1,700 600

0.70 0.61 1.20

100 65 98

-

100 100

100 -

(a) Metropolitan area (b) Latest update (c) Good = Sanitary landfill

(d) Fair = Controlled landfill (e) Poor = Open air landfill

Source: Adapted from OPS, BID, 1997.

·


Environment Outlook

Collection does not, however, guarantee proper disposal, and there are no mechanisms to dispose of 43 per cent of the waste collected (UNEP, 2002). It is calculated that Guatemala City, with more than 3.2 million inhabitants, collects 80 per cent of its 1,200 tonnes of daily waste, but it is all sent to open-air dumps. In San Salvador, the second most populated city in Central America, with 1.3 million inhabitants, only 60 per cent of the 700 tonnes of daily solid waste is properly disposed of. While some countries have a legal framework to control waste, almost all lack the physical Infrastructure and human resources to apply it.

Water quality The expansion of urbanised areas in many metropolitan zones exerts enormous pressure on water resources. On the one hand, an increased population means increased consumption; on the other, urbanisation makes the soil waterproof, particularly in aquifer recharge areas that supply those same populations. In spite of these pressures of demand and soil impermeability, the situation in Latin America and the

Caribbean is not as serious as in other parts of the world. By 2000, some 93 per cent of urban dwellings had improved water supply and 87 per cent had sanitation systems. These, however, are general values, since in most Latin American cities the amount and quality of water, its distribution and safety, are directly related to income (Pírez, 2000). For example, in the city of Puebla in Mexico, 10 per cent of the higher-income groups consume 300 litres per capita per day; the middle class (slightly fewer than half the city’s inhabitants), consumes 175 litres per capita; finally, and the poorest (42.9 per cent of the population) consume 158 litres per capita per day (Pírez, 2000). In Haiti, only 48.8 per cent of the urban population have access to drinking water and barely 26 per cent have sanitary services. Just as important as its supply is water’s proper after-use treatment, but less than five per cent of municipal sewage water is treated before being discharged (UNEP, 2000). The Rimac River is the main source of water supply for the city of Lima, Peru, yet over half (51 per cent) its microbiological pollution comes from the city itself; 83 per cent of dumped organic matter originates in the capital’s urban industry (CONAM, PNUMA, 2001). In Colombia it is estimated that every year some 4.5 million cubic metres of sewage are dumped, 90 per

Excessive groundwater withdrawals in the Valley Valley of Mexico At present, the Valley of Mexico aquifer supplies close to 70 per cent of the water consumed in the Valley of Mexico 3 Metropolitan Zone (VMMZ), at the rate of 45.4 m per second. However, the growth of this metropolis of more than 18 million inhabitants has caused the progressive overexploitation of underground aquifers (almost double their recharge capacity). In earlier decades aquifers to a depth of 100 metres were exploited; at present aquifers of poorer quality are exploited up to depths of more than 450 metres. Overexploitation of the aquifer has reduced the level of water where there is a concentration of wells, and has affected its quality. From 1983 —when systematic sampling was begun— a drop has been observed in the level of groundwater that varies between 0.1 and 1.5 m annually in the different areas of the VMMZ. Between 1986 and 1992, the net drop in the areas of greatest extraction was 6-10 metres. One of the most dramatic consequences of the drop in the water level has been ground subsidence, which has been a serious problem since the beginning of the 20th century. The city sinks at the rate of 5-40 centimetres annually, weakening the foundations of buildings and making them more vulnerable to earthquakes, with a high risk for the population. The maximum accumulated subsidence in the central region at the end of the 20th century reached 10 m, at a rate of 48 centimetres annually. Subsidence has caused extensive damage to infrastructure, including the foundations of buildings and the drainage system, resulting in water leakage from the distribution network calculated to be about 37 per cent of the supply. Losses from slanting land mean that some zones need constant pumping to drain sewage and rain water. As groundwater is exhausted, the need to bring in water from neighbouring basins increases; the resulting ecological and economic costs could make this unsustainable. The present rate of demographic growth in the VMMZ means 3 that the demand for water will increase by 7.2 m per second in the next 10 years. If remedial measures are not taken, 3 by 2020 the water deficit will be 21 m per second (46 per cent of present consumption); the only solution will be to bring in water from distant sources, or undertake a massive redistribution of population. Source: CAESACM and others, 1995; GDF, 2000a.

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Drinking water supply and sanitation services Country

Year*

Brazil

1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000

Mexico Bolivia Colombia Ecuador Peru Venezuela Argentina Chile Paraguay Uruguay Belize Costa Rica

Drinking water % 96 89 69 87 46 73 88 91 58 70 58 75 89 84 64 79 86 94 33 44 85 98 77 91 94 95

Sanitation % 75 85 45 72 34 63 65 83 56 58 42 74 92 69 89 84 83 93 58 67 60 94 73 48 95 94

Country

Year*

El Salvador

1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000

Guatemala Haiti Honduras Nicaragua Panama Dominican Republic Bahamas Barbados Guyana Suriname Trinidad and Tobago

Drinking water % 41 59 60 80 42 46 72 81 53 67 83 87 52 88 100 96 100 100 81 93 72 86 96 86

Sanitation % 61 68 57 79 22 26 62 70 19 76 84 93 60 90 56 100 17 99 86 85 56 86 99 100

* Data taken from the evaluations published by PAHO in 1990 and 2000; data from the latest evaluation are for 1998, from information already existing in the countries. Source: PAHO, 2001.

cent of which comes from household and industrial sources. Colombia and Mexico together generate twothirds of the total organic surface water load that empties into the north-east Pacific, for a total 92,767 tonnes of organic pollutants (PNUMA, 2001). In 1995, only 39 per cent of 140 small Caribbean industries treated their sewage in any way. Approximately 64 per cent of sewage water is discharged in marine and coastal zones, 25 per cent into the soil, six per cent into drains and four per cent on to crops as irrigation (UNEP, 1999). In most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean consider water resources management of prime importance, apart from its treatment before and after use. In spite of progress in recent years, in general wa-

·

ter quality problems persist because of poor operation and maintenance services. Public management difficulties in maintaining the present system and investing in its expansion – especially in the poorest and most recently urbanised areas – began in the 1980s, and have resulted in decentralising services and more private sector participation (Pírez, 2000; CEPAL, 1998). This has brought about a debate on how to set tariffs to allow maintenance costs to be covered, as well as paying for the replacement of the necessary infrastructure. However, to date no management model has been devised that would ensure environmental equity and sustainability (see experiences on payment for water resources’ environmental services in Chapter Three) (Idelovitch and Klasringer, 1995; Pírez, 2000). Finally, pollution of surface and groundwater has intensified, leading to greater discussions and conflict regarding of


Environment Outlook

water in urban areas (PAHO, 1998; CEPAL, 1994; Dourojeanni and Jouravlev, 1999).

Air quality Urban air quality in the region has noticeably worsened over the last 30 years. Today, air pollution has a permanent effect on the health of more than 80 million inhabitants, each year causing some 2.3 million cases of chronic breathing problems in children, about 100,000 cases of chronic bronchitis in adults and causing close to 65 million days of work to be lost (CEPAL, 2000a - detailed statistics on diseases and countries appear in the section on Environment and Human Health). Factors that have contributed to the deterioration of the atmosphere in large urban conglomerates include the number and age of vehicles, traffic congestion that increases travel time, industrial activity and the inefficient use of energy. Other important causes include the quantity and quality of fuels and poor control of emissions from vehicles (CEPAL, 2000a; ECLAC and UNEP, 2001). Other contributory factors are forest fires, and the use of household fuel. The use of motor vehicles causes most pollution in cities, and explains between 80 and 90 per cent of lead in the air, even though unleaded gasoline has been available in most countries in the region for some time (World Bank, 2001). In addition, more private cars, poor public transport and a lack of planning (leading to even more traffic congestion), increase emissions from moving vehicles and thus air pollution (CEPAL, 2000a). In the 1990s, there was a 6.2 per cent increase in emissions of suspended particles and, depending on their composition, increases of between 22 and 45 per cent in polluting gases (ECLAC and UNEP, 2001 - see the section on Atmosphere).

Vulnerability

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free land far from emergency services. Existing land use control mechanisms have not been able to halt these precarious settlements, many of which, especially to begin with, have no resistance to natural threats-, often not even basic low-cost mitigation measures such as retention walls and enough surface drainage (BID, 2000). On the other hand, it is important to note that it is not always the worst events that cause most damage to the population. Their impact also depends on the quality of constructions, whether cities and other infrastructures are well-designed and whether there is a good early warning system in place, as well as measures to deal with emergency and their subsequent salvage and reconstruction operations. It has been shown that the investment needed for these three preventive measures (quality, design and organisation) is less than the cost of rebuilding and can be used with more effect (CEPAL, 2000a).

Built environment Matters of relevance to the built environment, a feature of the urban ecosystem, include: Urban infrastructure and services among which: ·

Transport services are of particular interest because of their environmental impact.

·

Environmental quality expressed in the state of conservation of the urban landscape, especially in green zones.

·

Cultural, architectural and historic heritage, especially buildings of particular value.

Transport systems

The vulnerability of human settlements in Latin America and the Caribbean has deep historical and social roots. Many of the region’s principal Pacific coast cities were founded on highly seismic territories or, like those in the Mesoamerican Caribbean, in the path of hurricanes (see section on Disasters). To this is added the growth of cities on unstable land, with steep inclinations or in zones subject to flooding from rivers, as a consequence of demographic pressure and, in particular, rural migrations.

Since the 1990s, the increase in traffic and the demand for transport has intensified the problems of congestion, delays, road accidents and environmental problems, particularly in large cities. All this also represents a high economic cost: at present, the deployment of urban transport accounts for about 3.5 per cent of the regional gross domestic product, added to the cost of travelling time which, it is estimated, accounts for another three per cent of the GDP. As cities are growing and travelling time increasing, it is probable that these percentages will continue to rise (CEPAL, 2000a).

Urban growth in vulnerable zones is combined with the increasing urbanisation of poverty (see above), creating new vulnerabilities. The poorest populations tend to settle in zones more exposed to hydro-meteorological natural threats, such as floods, erosion and landslides. Furthermore, they generally occupy low-cost or

Although public vehicles are still the most used form of travel in urban zones, the growing number of private vehicles – directly related to higher middle class incomes – has become a serious problem (CEPAL, 2000a). Liberalising vehicle imports and deregulating collective transport has had severe effects in cities like Lima and San-

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Restoring Havana's Havana's historic centre The historic centre of the city of Havana covers an area of 2.1 km2, with 3,744 buildings of historic and architectural importance. About 750 of the monuments are considered to conserve the character of Cuban architecture and culture, which is a blend of various European cultures. Cuba began to finance the rehabilitation of the Havana's historic centre in 1981, and in 1982 UNESCO declared it, and its system of fortifications, to be a Cultural Heritage of Humanity. To meet the rehabilitation objectives, in 1993 the Council of State declared the historic centre a Priority Conservation Zone, giving the Historian's Office authority to develop a self-financed management system and to streamline rehabilitation work. Source: PNUMA/Gobierno de la Ciudad de La Habana, 2001.

tiago. In Santiago, only 16,000 collective transport vehicles serve 4.3 million inhabitants; in Sao Paulo, while the population grew by 3.4 per cent between 1990 and 1996, the number of motor cars increased ten-fold, by 36.5 per cent (Thomson and Bull, 2000; CEPAL, 2000a). To lessen congestion, some cities in the region have opted to improve road Infrastructure, widen streets and designate some exclusively for public transport and change the direction of traffic according to the time of day. Mexico City, Bogota, Santiago and Sao Paulo also impose restrictions on the use of vehicles.

Green areas All cities, but especially those in expansion, require development and maintenance of green areas for recreation and to capture carbon dioxide, a pollutant whose emissions are growing in cities without efficient motor vehicle regulations. For example, in the city of Lima there are 14.0 million square metres (m2) of green area (0.5 per cent of the urban territory), with a density of 1.98 m2 of green area per capita (CONAM and PNUMA, 2001). Santiago, Chile, has 46.0 million m2 of green area — 9.8 m2 per person — of which more than half are privately owned (UCH and others, 2000). Because cities are growing so rapidly, however, these areas are insufficient. In addition, the high price of residential or commercial building land makes it more difficult to expand green areas, especially when there is little land available. Municipal regulations, therefore, are often required to give citizens right of access to these areas.

Historic centres Policy discussions now have the region’s historic urban centres at their heart, spurred on by their growing deterioration as a result of social, economic and natural activities. Examples of the rescue of important regional historic and architectural heritage include the city of Havana (Cuba), Potosi (Bolivia) and Panama City. In San Salvador, the Historic Centre rescue plan has combined public initiatives with private sector support (from associations and universities among others) to revitalise the city’s old quarter (Barba and Córdoba, 2001).

·

Socio-environmental impact of regional urbanisation Regional development over the past 30 years has caused growing urbanisation that has negative effects on the quality of city life, particularly with regard to the environment. Until the 1970s, the post-Second World War economic boom brought a gradual improvement in diverse infrastructure deficiencies, in spite of the marginalisation of much of the population concentrated in large cities with great limitations to the supply of basic and public health services. However, this generally positive evolution was halted by the economic crises of the so-called lost decade of the 1980s. Subsequent structural transformation of the region’s economies accentuated various environmental problems caused by liberalisation of transport and the property market, a weakening of industrial pollution control mechanisms and, in general, the emergence of an informal production sector. Social impacts included a general increase in urban insecurity, and old buildings were abandoned in the older cities. The largely horizontal expansion of cities over the past 30 years has left a growing ecological footprint on their natural surroundings. This includes the importation of environmental goods and services such as surface and groundwater, fossil minerals, and stone and sand for construction and to fertilise the soil. Powerful environmental degradation processes, such as deforestation, erosion and water, soil and air pollution, have also been put in motion. In coastal zones, unplanned urbanisation – often with tourism in view – accentuates the environmental impact on both land and sea. This causes solid waste disposal and drinking water supply problems, and leads to excessive extraction of groundwater, resulting in saline intrusion. In more than a quarter of the Caribbean territory, the islands’ population density is over 200 inhabitants per km2 and in some — like Barbados where,


Environment Outlook

in 2002, the population density was 626.5 per km2 — it may be compared to that in large cities (CELADE 2002). Tourism is very important to these islands, and pollution of coastal and marine waters causes an immediate economic impact and raises urgent policy challenges.

Policies on basic human settlements problems Since the 1980s, regional urban policies (like public policies in general) have become more selective, although there has been more emphasis on their desired multidimensional features. The importance of private sector and civil society participation has also been highlighted, by means of a more decentralised policy approach. This approach proved its usefulness when solutions to environmental problems were combined with socially and politically effective employment programmes (CEPAL, 2000a).

Air quality administration is an example of focused management – it has made significant progress in several cities over the past 10 years. Cities with atmospheric monitoring have introduced new technologes not only to measure air quality, but also to improve their capacity to prevent episodes from becoming critical. The greatest improvements have been seen in the three cities with the most pollution problems: Mexico City, Santiago and Sao Paulo, , where they standards similar to those proposed by the World Health Organisation have been established (except for coal and sulphur dioxide, for which the standards in Latin American cities are less rigorous) (CEPAL, 2000a). Air pollution control efforts have unfortunately not been uniform throughout the region. A recent assessment indicates that only about a third of the countries have established national outdoor air quality standards or maximum limits for emissions from fixed or mobile sources (OPS, CEPIS, 2000; see section on Atmosphere).

Santiago, Chile: Metropolitan Region Pollution Prevention and Decontamination Plan In 1996 the Metropolitan Region of Santiago was declared a zone saturated by four atmospheric pollutants and a latent zone because of the high levels of nitrogen dioxide in the air. Since then projects have been undertaken to improve its air quality, although they have not succeeded in totally controlling the problem. Transport continues to be the most polluting sector in the region; it emits 48 per cent of breathable particles, 84 per cent of nitrogen oxides and 91 per cent of carbon monoxide. To this must be added significant emissions of volatile organic compounds (30 per cent) and sulphur oxide (34 per cent). Buses account for 21 per cent of the capital's pollution, trucks 13 per cent and light vehicles 14 per cent. Fixed sources produce 12 per cent, industries 14 per cent and residences 7 per cent. In 2000 the Santiago city government initiated the Metropolitan Region Pollution Prevention and Decontamination Plan (the first in the country) planned to be in place for 14 years, with assessments in 2000 and 2005. Its goal is that, by 2005, transport emissions of particle material will be reduced by 75 per cent and nitrogen oxides by 40 per cent. The plan contemplates the total removal of buses with unacceptable emissions indexes, and their replacement by vehicles using the cleanest technology (natural or liquid gas, hybrid vehicles, electric or others); beginning in 2004, devices to control emissions by diesel buses will be introduced. From 2003 a progressive improvement has been sought in the composition of gasoline. Technical conditions will also be established for the use of firewood as a domestic fuel, designed to reduce its present six per cent share of the capital's pollution. In the industrial sector, the plan will set standards for the emission of gases that produce polluting particles, specifically carbon monoxide and various sulphur, as well as a system that demands compensation payments for the 150 per cent of the emission produced by new industries, as a disincentive. Limits will be placed on particle emissions from industrial processes (to date this mechanism has only been applied to furnaces), and other limits on emissions of nitrogen oxides in furnaces and industrial processes. With this measure, the industrial sector should be able to reduce its emissions of nitrogen oxides by 33 per cent, bearing in mind that in recent years this sector had already reduced its particle emissions by 66 per cent. Source: Gobierno de Chile and CONAMA, 1998.

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An example of the integrated approach to managing urban environmental problems is found in Mexico where the General Law on Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection is part of an environmental policy based on sustainable development. Within the framework of this general law, in January 2000 the Environmental Law for the Federal District was promulgated to conserve and restore the metropolitan area’s ecological balance. Its objectives include: ·

the definition of principles to formulate, conduct and assess the Federal District’s environmental policy;

·

the definition of instruments and procedures to apply it;

·

the prevention of damage to the environment (such as air, water and soil pollution), and

·

the regulation of responsibility for such pollution.

Although the 1990s was a decade marked by persistent environmental problems typical of poverty and major cities, it also brought positive changes, such as more citizen participation, the development of public and private networks of bodies to protect the environment, the establishment of environmental education programmes and the beginning of efforts to reduce air and water pollution. These changes contradicted the doomladen projections of the 1970s about the process of regional urbanisation (CEPAL, 1995; Villa and Rodríguez, 1994; CEPAL, 2000a). However, a review of progress and the challenges faced to date shows the need to make important advances away from the present sectoral and fragmented urban habitat management and towards integrated and multisectoral strategies. In many cases housing policies been able to correct deficiencies in the provision of basic public services to informal settlements, but they have also contributed to the horizontal expansion of urban zones (ECLAC and

Limits to urban spread: the case of Mexico City Historically, the development of Mexico City has lacked a vision to integrate agriculture, urban expansion and conservation, and restore natural resources, with resulting competition between these activities and their deterioration. This becomes particularly relevant if we consider that, of the almost 146,000 hectares (ha) covered by the Federal District, 88,642 ha (59 per cent of the total) are an ecological conservation area, including 62,000 ha of communal property with a large indigenous population. This city green belt, which is shared with the states of Mexico and Morelos, provides a variety of environmental services: capture of carbon particles, climate regulation, aquifer recharge, preservation of wells, rivers and lakes and conservation of flora and fauna species, some of which are endemic. This conservation land is threatened by many factors, outstanding among which are: the pressure of property interests and the presence of 419 illegal settlements and 179 accepted settlements that occupy 3,134 ha (11 per cent of the area); the growth of rural settlements; a continuing agrarian crisis that erupted in 1994; fragmentation of parcels (20,000 parcels on 28,000 ha, according to the Federal District Ecological Regulation Programme); and the poverty of the inhabitants. It is proposed to build housing and commercial establishments in the central city area that has infrastructure and services (the so-called City Centre), while restricting these types of constructions in ecological conservation areas in surrounding and rural zones. This presupposes conditions for repopulating central areas and making better use of space with buildings of several floors for high domestic occupation and for other urban activities. This would allow the Federal District to absorb its population increase over the next 20 years, without the need to occupy new surrounding areas. As to green zones, it is suggested they be considered a system in themselves by designing a plan for their growth and care. A management plan would give everyone access to green zones for recreation and other important environmental services. The plan has clearly defined the rules for the city's future growth. An attempt will be made to persuade all concerned of the advisability of directing growth towards the city centre. No permits are issued to build housing units in the south or the east; on the other hand, procedures have been simplified in the central zone. This protects the ecological reserve zone where the aquifers are recharged and oxygen is produced for the city. In addition, decisive action is taken against invasions into the ecological reserves both in areas of extreme poverty and in the city's wealthiest sections. Source: GDF, 2000b, 2002.

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Environment Outlook

UNEP, 2001). The lack of regulations on negative outside land market influences, and the failure to develop urban transport policies, have also encouraged dispersion and exclusion trends in large metropolitan zones and intermediate cities. The emergence of public agencies has been very significant over the last 10 years. Their aim is to adopt a conurbation approach to environmental problems. Other initiatives seek to deal with the land market problem by creating land banks or imposing an urban land added value tax. New transport experiments are under way, such as the use of trolleybuses in Quito, and the prohibition of private transport in Bogota by 2015.

139

This new integrated approach needs always to take into account the urban environment and the demands of social and economic sustainability as interrelated components in the management of human settlements. Urban land regulation, and the elimination of harmful subsidies, are essential components of this new vision, as is the reduction of the vulnerability to extreme climate phenomena that still exists.

Chapter

2

References ● Acurio, G., A. Rossin, P. F. Teixeira, F.

Zepeda, 1997: “Diagnóstico de la situación del manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en América Latina y el Caribe”, in Serie Ambiental, No. 18, Organización Panamericana de la Salud y Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, Washington, D.C., US. ● Barba, J., A. Córdoba, 2001: “Gestión Ur-

bana: recuperación del Centro de San Salvador, El Salvador. Proyecto Calle Arce”, in Serie Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, No. 35, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile. ● BID (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo),

2000: El desafío de los desastres naturales en América Latina y el Caribe, BID, Washington, D.C., US. ● CAESACM, WSTB, CGER, NRC, AIC, ANI

(Comité de Academias para el Estudio de Suministro de Agua de la Ciudad de México; Water Science and Technology Board; Commission on Geosciences, Environment, and Resources; National Research Council; Academia de la Investigación Científica; Academia Nacional de Ingeniería), 1995: El suministro de agua de la Ciudad de México: mejorando la sustentabilidad, National Academy Press, Washington, D.C., US. ● CELADE (Centro Latinoamericano de De-

mografía), 2002: América Latina y Caribe: Estimaciones y proyecciones de población. 1950-2050, CELADE, Santiago, Chile (in www. e c l a c . c l / c e l a d e / p r o y e c c i o n e s / intentoBD-2002.htm, consulted on 23 September 2002). ● CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América

Latina y el Caribe), 2000a: De la urbanización acelerada a la consolidación de los asentamientos humanos en América Latina y el Caribe: el espacio regional, LC/G.2116, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

● —,

2000b: Equidad, desarrollo y ciudadanía, LC/G.2071/Rev.1-P, CEPAL, Santiago de Chile.

● —, 1998: Progresos realizados en la priva-

tización de los servicios públicos relacionados con el agua: Reseña por países de Sud América, LC/R.1697, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

America and the Caribbean: Challenges and Opportunities, Regional Preparatory Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean for the World Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 23 and 24 October. ● GDF (Gobierno del Distrito Federal), 2002:

2 Informe de Gobierno, GDF, Mexico, D. F., Mexico.

● —, 1995: Alojar el desarrollo: tarea para los

asentamientos humanos, Documento de la Reunión Regional de América Latina y el Caribe preparatoria de la Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre asentamientos Humanos, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

● —, 2000a: La Ciudad de México Hoy, bases

para un diagnóstico, Fideicomiso de Estudios Estratégicos sobre la Ciudad de México, GDF, Mexico, D. F., Mexico. ● —, 2000b: Programa General de Gobierno

● —, 1994: Financiamiento de la infraestruc-

tura de saneamiento: situación actual y perspectivas en América Latina. Gestión Urbana y de Vivienda, II Reunión regional MINURVI, CEPAL, Santiago, Chile.

2000-2006, GDF, Mexico, D. F., Mexico. ● Gilbert, A., 1998: The Latin American City,

Latin American Bureau, Londres, UK. ● Gobierno de Chile, CONAMA (Comisión

● Cira, D. R., 2002: “Mejoramiento urbano

en América Latina y el Caribe”, in Breve No. 3, pp.1-4, World Bank, Washington, D. C., US.

Nacional del Medio Ambiente), 1998: Plan de prevención y descontaminación atmosférica (PPDA), Gobierno de Chile y CONAMA, Santiago, Chile (in http://www.conama. cl/, consulted on 1 November 2002)


Medio Ambiente, Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), 2001: Informe Nacional sobre el Estado del Medio Ambiente: GEO Perú 2000, CONAM and PNUMA, Lima, Peru.

● Idelovitch, E., K. Klasringer, 1995: Private

Sector Participation in Water Supply and Sanitation in Latin America, The World Bank, Washington, D. C., US. ● MacDonald, J., F. Otava, D. Somioni, M.

● Dourojeanni, A., A. Jouravlev, 1999:

Gestión de cuencas y ríos vinculados con centros urbanos, División de Recursos Naturales e Infraestructura, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

Komorizono, 1998: “Sustainable Development of Human Settlements: Achivements and Challenges in Housing and Urban Policy in Latin America and the Caribbean”, in Serie Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, No. 7, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

● ECLAC, UNEP (Economic Commission for

Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations Environment Programme), 2001: The Sustainability of Development in Latin

● OPS, BID (Organización Panamericana de

la Salud, Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo), 1997: Diagnóstico de la situación del

140


manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en América Latina y el Caribe, OPS and BID, Washington, D.C., US.

● PNUMA, Gobierno de la Ciudad de La

Habana, 2001: Informe Final. El Taller GEO Ciudades, PNUMA y Gobierno de la Ciudad de La Habana, Havana, Cuba.

● —, 1999: Caribbean Environment Outlook,

UNEP, Nairobi, Kenya. ● Villa, M., J. Rodríguez, 1994: Grandes ciu-

dades de América Latina: dos capítulos, Centro Latinoamericano de Demografía y Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

● OPS, CEPIS (Organización Panamericana de

la Salud, Centro Panamericano de Ingeniería Sanitaria y Ciencias del Ambiente), 2000: Plan regional sobre calidad del aire urbano y salud para el periodo 2000-2009, CEPIS, Lima, Peru.

● Thomson, I., A. Bull, 2000: “La congestión

del tránsito urbano: causas y consecuencias, económicas y sociales”, in Revista CEPAL, Santiago, Chile, No. 76, pp. 109-122.

● World Bank, 2001: Eliminación del plomo ● UCH, CAPP, PNUMA (Universidad de



Chile; Centro de Análisis de Políticas Públicas; Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), 2000: Informe País, Estado del medio ambiente de Chile, 1999, UCH, CAPP and PNUMA, Santiago, Chile.

● —, 1998: Health in the Americas: 1998 edi-

tion, PAHO, Washington, D.C., US. ● Pírez, P., 2000: “Servicios urbanos y equidad

en América Latina. Un panorama con base en algunos casos”, in Serie Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, No. 26, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago, Chile.

·

● UNCHS (United Nations Centre for Human

Settlements), 2001: The state of the world’s cities 2001, UNCHS, Nairobi, Kenya. ● UNEP (United Nations Environment Pro-


● PNUMA (Programa de Naciones Unidas


para el Medio Ambiente), 2001: Evaluación sobre las fuentes terrestres y actividades que afectan al medio marino, costero y de aguas dulces asociadas en la Región del Pacífico Nordeste, PNUMA, México D.F., México.



y armonización de combustibles en América Latina, Banco Mundial, Washington, D.C., US (in http://www.worldbank.org/wbi/ airelimpio/newsevents/launching/agenda/ transportemissions/lallemen.html, consulted 14 June 2001).

Environment Outlook

Disasters

A

disaster is an event or a series of events that dis rupts the functioning of society or ecosystems and causes losses – to people and the natural or manmade environment – on such a scale that those affected are unable to cope, using their own resources (Coburn and others, 1994; CEPAL, 2002b). Disasters are classified according to their causes (natural or of human origin) and speed of impact (sudden or delayed - Coburn and others, 1994; CRED-OFDA, 2003). Direct human causes of disasters include wars and civil disorder, industrial disturbances (explosions or toxic spills) and traffic accidents (land, air or sea); these disturbances or accidents are known as technological disasters. Natural disasters can be geological, tectonic, hydrological, meteorological or biological: earthquakes, tidal waves, volcanoes, droughts, fires, hurricanes and tropical storms, tornados, floods and landslides, and epidemics. Disasters are generally seen as sudden events. However, often an accumulation of relatively minor occurrences creates a growing risk or threat. It becomes probable that when a disaster does happen it will have a determined impact. Besides threats and risks, a disaster is defined by the degree to which the affected territory, population and infrastructure are vulnerable. The often small but progressive accumulation of social and environmental damage heightens the risk to people and nature and makes them more vulnerable (Velásquez and Rosales, 1999). Losses are caused because people and objects are exposed (Munich Re Group, 2002). It is also clear that human activity - such as high population growth and density, unplanned changes in land use, environmental degradation and perhaps global climate change - worsen the impact of subsequent events– even natural ones. A disaster, therefore, occurs in vulnerable conditions as a consequence of a threat or a combination of threats.

Natural disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean The Latin America and Caribbean region is only too well aware of the devastation caused by natural disasters. From 1970-2001 they killed 246,569 people and affected another 144.9 million, causing economic losses of US$68,600 million (CRED-OFDA, 2003). Tectonic

141

activity (earthquakes, tidal waves, and volcanoes), and climate events (hurricanes, floods, avalanches and landslides, and fires), as well as epidemics, caused the most damage. As far as climate is concerned, two prime aggravating circumstances are the annual recurrence of hurricanes in Mesoamerica and the Caribbean, and the El Niño -Southern Oscillation (ENSO) that has an impact on the whole region. Geologically, the pressure of tectonic plates on the Pacific coast causes permanent seismic and volcanic activity throughout the subcontinent (UNEP/ROLAC, 2001; CEPAL, 2002b). It is estimated that, during the 1990s, disasters related to natural events caused 75,289 deaths, at an average annual rate of 7,529; however, in 2000-2001 this rate dropped to 2,634 (CRED-OFDA, 2003). In the Huracán Elena, 1995 last three decades of the 20th century, earthquakes were the main cause of death (47.2 per cent of the total), followed by floods (18.5 per cent), storms and hurricanes (14.0 per cent), volcanoes (9.3 per cent), © NASA, Goddard Space Center epidemics (6.2 per cent) and landslides (4.1 per cent). The most recent catastrophic events of this type include the 1997-1998 El Niño, Hurricane Mitch in Central America in 1998, the earthquake in Colombia and the landslides and floods in Venezuela in 1999, as well as the earthquakes in El Salvador in 2001. In the period 1990-2001 alone, the cost of the damage caused by these disasters was calculated at US$33,400 million. Although these figures are extraordinarily high, they probably underestimate the real impact because thousands of minor events in isolated places are not reported; in addition, the economic and social impact is very complicated, which makes it difficult to put a monetary value on the total cost to society and the environment (CRED-OFDA, 2003; BID, 2000; CEPAL, 2002b).

Tectonic and geological events During the past 30 years, tectonic and geological events have been the cause of most of the estimated 116,380 fatalities from natural disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean (CRED-OFDA, 2003). The pressure of tectonic plates is a permanent factor of seismic and volcanic activity all over the subcontinent (including the Caribbean basin), and in particular on the Pacific coast, where the pressure is between the oceanic and continental plates (Pacific and North American, Cocos and Caribbean, Nazca and South American) (UNEP/ROLAC, 2001; CEPAL, 2002b). The effect of this activity on the environment is to create a

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relatively high risk of earthquakes, tidal waves and volcanoes which in some zones (such as Mesoamerica and the Caribbean) is added to the already high risk of hurricanes and floods.

10,000 lives, respectively (CRED-OFDA, 2003). The consequences of the Managua earthquake were tragically worsened by resulting fires in the city that caused another 73,000 deaths; in total, it affected 720,000 people and economic damage was put at US$845 million. More recently (1990-2001) there were major tectonic events in Bolivia, Colombia, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Peru. The most serious were in Colombia and El Salvador. The earthquake of January 1999 in Colombia took

During this time, the earthquake in Peru in 1970 caused the worst loss of life with 66,794 people killed, followed by earthquakes in Guatemala in 1976 and Managua (Nicaragua) in 1972 with losses of 23,000 and

Natural threats and disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2001

NORTH AMERICAN PLATE

13 7

20

26 3 10

19 9, 15, 30

9 9

PACIFIC PLATE

21

2

10 5

4

CARIBBEAN PLATE

27 8 18 11 17 22, 23

6

1 + 24

25

24

29

COCOS PLATE

28 14 25 16

12, 25

LEGEND 12, 25

Earthquakes 12, 25

Hurricanes

NAZCA PLATE

Tropical storms

Floods

SOUTH AMERICAN PLATE Droughts

Effects of El Niño

Volcanic eruptions

Tsunamis

·

Note: See the number and description of the events on the next page.


SCOTIA PLATE

Environment Outlook

143

Natural threats and disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1972-2001 #

Date

1 2 3 4

Dec. 1972 Sep. 1974 Nov. 1975 Oct. 1975

5 Feb. 1976 6 Aug. 1979 7 Aug.-Sep. 1979 8 May. 1982 9 1982

Nicaragua Honduras Guatemala Antigua and Barbuda Guatemala Dominica Dominican Republic Nicaragua El Salvador

10 1982

Guatemala

11 1982 12 1982-1983

Nicaragua Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru

13 14 15 16

1985 1985 1986 1987

Mexico Colombia El Salvador Ecuador

17 18 19 20 21

1988 1992 1992 1995 1995

22 23 24 25

1996 1996 1997-1998 1997-1998

Nicaragua Nicaragua Nicaragua Anguilla St. Maarten, Netherland Antilles Costa Rica Nicaragua Costa Rica Andean Community

26 1998 27 1998

Event

Place

Dominican Republic Central America

Deaths

Affected

Total damage millions of 1998 dollars

6,000 7,000 -------

300,000 115,000 ----4,200

2,968 1,331 29 61

23,000 42 2,000

2,550,000 60,060 1,200,000

2,147 118 1,896

Floods Earthquake, drought and tropical storm, floods

80 600

70,000 20,000

599 216

Heavy precipitation, drought, tropical depression Floods and drought Meteorological phenomenon: El Niño Bolivia: drought and floods Ecuador: floods and tidal waves Perú: meteorological, and oceanographic phenomena and drought Telluric movements Volcanic eruption: Nevado del Ruiz Earthquake Earthquakes and aftershocks causing avalanches and floods Hurricane Joan Volcanic eruption: Cerro Negro Tidal wave Hurricane Luis Hurricanes Luis and Marilyn

610

10,000

136

----

---3,840,000

588 5,651

,600,000 950,000 1,290,000

1,359 1,041 3,252

8,000 23,000 1,200 1,000

150,000 200,000 520,000 82,500

6,216 465 1,352 1,438

148 2 116 -------

550,000 12,000 40,500 -------

1,160 22 30 59 1,112

Hurricane Cesar Hurricane Cesar El Niño (inundaciones y sequías) El Niño

39 9 ---600

40,260 29,500 119,279 125,000

157 53 93 7,694

Bolivia (floods and drought) Colombia: droughts Ecuador: floods and changes in sea level and temperature Peru: floods and changes in sea level and temperature Venezuela: drought Hurricane Georges

------286

-------29,023

537 575 2,939

----

--------

3,569

Earthquake Hurricane Fifí Tropical storm Earthquake Earthquake Hurricane David Hurricanes David and Federico

---235

296,637

73 2,193

Hurricane Mitch

9,214

1,191,908

6,008

4 240 268 5,657 3,045 1,185 ----

16,500 84,316 105,000 617,831 368,261 559,401 68,503

91 388 748 3,794 988 1,580 3,237

827

1,160,316

1,255

28 1999 29 1999

Colombia Venezuela

Costa Rica El Salvador Guatemala Honduras Nicaragua Earthquake in the coffee zone Torrential rains, floods, avalanches

30 2001

El Salvador

Earthquake

Sources: Kious and Tilling, 1996; USGS, NEIC, 1997; UNEP/ROLAC, 2001; CEPAL, 2002b, CEPAL, BID, 2000.

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Ecological and social implications of earthquakes in El Salvador The series of earthquakes that shook El Salvador at the beginning of 2001 began with one of 7.6 on the Richter scale, which was at first thought to be an isolated event. It was, however, part of a seismic cluster that lasted for several weeks. As poverty makes half the population of El Salvador very vulnerable, the very first of these events revealed complex social and ecological implications. Besides the loss of life and infrastructure caused by the series of earthquakes, there was a long-range impact on ecosystems and their populations. Artisanal fishermen lost an essential part of their berthing and fish processing infrastructure as well as the infrastructure to transport the fish to market. There was damage to 30,772 farms and, in order for farmers to save their crops, damaged irrigation systems had to be repaired before the rains returned three months later. The destruction of a fifth of the coffee processing plants led to mass unemployment and a serious drop in the incomes of thousands of rural families in a basically agricultural country that had suffered from Hurricane Fifi in 1974, the violent civil war from 1978-1992, the earthquake in 1986 and Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Source: UNICEF, 2001.

1,186 lives, left 8,563 people injured and affected another 745,000. The total economic impact was estimated at US$1,580 million (CRED-OFDA, 2003; CEPAL, 1999b). The earthquakes in El Salvador in January and February 2001 caused 1,159 fatalities and affected 1.6 million more people, with economic losses (both direct and indirect) of US$2,800 million (CRED-OFDA, 2003). In 1985, the Nevado de Ruiz volcano destroyed the Colombian the city of Armero situated at the mouth of a narrow canyon in the Lagunillas River deposition zone which drains an extensive area on the side of the volcano. The city was buried under lava flows and 22,800 of its 30,000 inhabitants were killed (CRED-OFDA, 2003; Kuroiwa, 2002). During the past decade, volcanic eruptions on Soufrière Hills (Montserrat, 1996), Popocatéptl (Mexico, 1997) and Galeras (Colombia, 1993) have caused most fatalities (32, 20 and 10, respectively) with Popocatéptl affecting the largest number of people, 75,000 in all (CRED-OFDA, 2003). In Nica-

ragua, the Cerro Negro volcano erupted three times in a decade (in 1992, 1995 and 1999), on the first occasion leaving two people dead and 300,000 affected (CRED-OFDA, 2003). The Pacaya volcano, in Guatemala, erupted four times during the 1990s, without fatalities but affecting 7,143 people.

Hydrometeorological events In the past three decades, hydrometeorological events (linked to precipitation and climate), including landslides, have been the second cause of loss of life in the region from natural disasters, killing 36.6 per cent of the victims. They also have a serious impact on productivity in the coastal and marine areas they hit. It is probable that the El Niño-Southern Oscillation was a significant factor in many of those events. In effect, there is evidence that ENSO is associated with an increased risk of disasters in several regions of the world,

The eruption of the Soufrière Hills volcano on the island of Montserrat The risk map produced after the eruption of the Soufrière Hills volcano on the island of Montserrat is a useful illustration of how the region responds to disasters. In July 1995 the volcano began to erupt with violent, and progressively worsening vapour explosions. Lava destroyed Plymouth, the capital, and the Montserrat airport, and the authorities had to evacuate more than half the population. It is estimated that it would be too risky to occupy the damaged 65 per cent of the southern part of the island (now the exclusion area) within the next 30 years. The new risk map for Montserrat lists the third of the island in the north as the only area where the risk probability makes urban development acceptable and, if respected, would make it possible to protect lives and property.

Source: CDERA, 2002.

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Environment Outlook

including Latin America and the Caribbean (IPCC, 2001). According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, created by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the frequency, persistence and intensity of ENSO has increased over the past 30 years as a consequence of global warming (IPCC, 2001; see section on Atmosphere). The impact of El Niño, in the form of drought and famine, was already recorded in Brazil back in 187778 and 1888 (WHO, 1999). During the first year of an El Niño event, starting in the month of July countries in South America (the Brazilian northeast, French, Guyana Suriname, Guyana and Venezuela) tend to experience abnormally dry conditions that last until March of the following year. There is also evidence of an increase in the number of people affected by landslides the year after El Niño begins, particularly in South America. In general, in this sub-region there is a link between El Niño and increased flooding. In the 1972-2002 period four ENSO events were recorded: 1972-1973, 1982-1983, 1986-1988 and 1997-1998 (OPS, 2000), and another such event is expected to begin in 2003-2004. The effect of the 19821983 El Niño was devastating and it later became more frequent, causing severe damage during the next two decades, until the 1997-1998 El Niño when the impact was even stronger. Both events were the worst experienced in the 20th century. The 1982-1983 El Niño led to a drop of 12 per cent in Peru’s gross domestic product, as well as a fall of 8.5 per cent in agricultural production and 40 per cent in fisheries production (CEPAL, 2000). The 1997-1998 El Niño unleashed catastrophic floods and caused severe

drought, with great economic losses in the northeast and south of Brazil, close to the Pacific coast of Ecuador, Peru and Chile, and in Paraguay, Uruguay and the northeast of Argentina (in some of these locations precipitation was 12-17 times higher than normal). In the northeast of Brazil, the recurrence of occasional drought and famine worsened between 1988 and 1998, although this was perhaps associated with a complex chain of economic, social and political factors. The ENSO phenomenon also brought severe drought to Colombia, Guyana and the highlands of Peru and Bolivia, as well as a dramatic drop in fishing on the Pacific coast (see section on Coastal and marine areas). Sea level rose 20 centimetres in the Colombian Pacific. The extensive forest fires that occurred in 1997 and 1998 in Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay and Brazil were also associated with longer drought periods, possibly caused by El Niño (see the section on Forests) (Cochrane, 2002; WHO, 1999). This El Niño, which was the last in the 20th century, produced regional economic losses of approximately $15,480 million (CEPAL, BID, 2000). Apart from El Niño, other events associated with precipitation and climate have caused severe damage to countries in the region. In Mexico the floods of October 1999 caused 632 deaths, 530,000 people were affected and losses amounted to US$234 million (CREDOFDA, 2003). In Venezuela, the intense rains of December of the same year provoked an unprecedented national emergency, mainly affecting the state of Vargas and the north-eastern section of the city of Caracas. The floods also had a very severe impact on the northern coast. It is estimated that 30,000 people lost their lives, 366,547 were affected and the economic loss was US$2,000 million (CRED-OFDA, 2003).

Forest fires in Central America associated with El Niño 1993

Source: USGS, 1999.

1997

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Floods in the state of Vargas, Vargas, Venezuela, Venezuela, 1999 The strong rains that caused a disaster in the state of Vargas (Venezuela, 1999) were a predictable risk for which there had been no planning or preventive measures. With more than 30,000 deaths (the Venezuelan armed forces reported 50,000 deaths and 72,000 dwellings damaged), it was considered the most violent disaster of this type to occur in the 20th century. About 230,000 jobs were lost and there was serious environmental damage with massive coastal landslides causing great harm to vegetation and leaving large desert patches on mountainsides vulnerable to future floods. The fishery sector was also affected due to a fall in demand for fish, partly because the ocean fishing areas had been polluted following the floods. Landslides took residents by surprise, burying them beneath piles of rocks measuring up to 10 metres that were sent rolling down by the force of the steep slope. The disaster was caused not only by natural disturbances, but by decades of unplanned development in high risk zones, together with persistent deforestation that reduced the land's stability. Practically all towns located on ancient river deltas, as is the case in Venezuela, are vulnerable to similar catastrophes. Sources: DIGECAFA, 1999; CRE, 2000; CRED and OFDA, 2002.

In 2001, new floods had a dramatic impact in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Colombia, while drought led to economic and food emergencies in Central America, particularly serious in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. The drought in Central America that year directly affected 1.5 million people and had an economic impact estimated at US$189 million, including US$13.3 million spent on dealing with the food emergency and financing part of the year’s second crop (CRED-OFDA, 2003; CEPAL, 2002a). It is possible that the drought problems of 2001 were made worse by the new El Niño of 2002-2003. In Mesoamerica and the Caribbean, almost all countries are exposed to the hurricane belt that starts on the North African coasts, affecting both the Atlantic and Pacific slopes in these sub-regions. This makes them vulnerable to frequent damage caused by very intensive climate systems. In the small Caribbean island states, these events are so frequent and all-encompassing that they are one of the main causes of the sub-region’s environmental degradation. It is known that El Niño brings a reduction in hurricane activity in the Atlantic basin, the Caribbean and Central America (WHO, 1999). However, in 1998 hurricanes George and Mitch coincided with two unusual conditions: the tropical storm season began late and there was a rapid transition phase from El Niño to La Niña (the name given to the cold phase of the El Niño). Both hurricanes unleashed the greatest impacts of the

·

series, and cost several thousand lives and millions of dollars of material damage.

Epidemics Epidemics are an exceptional increase in the incidence of pre-existing infectious diseases in a territory or population (CRED-OFDA, 2003). In Latin America and the Caribbean, epidemics are the third cause of mortality from natural disasters, although the number of deaths is far below that from the other two causes mentioned above (6.2 per cent of the total number of victims in the period 1970-2001) (CRED-OFDA, 2003). Other natural disasters increase the risk of epidemics, as they cause affected populations to be displaced and lead to overcrowding — sometimes for very long periods — in delineated areas which then become more vulnerable to infectious disease transmission. The main epidemics recorded by the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) started with the human immunodeficiency virus, cholera, dengue fever, haemorrhagic dengue, leptospirosis, malaria, tuberculosis, Hantavirus pulmonary syndrome virus, bubonic plague, yellow fever and equine encephalitis (PAHO, 1998; see section on Environment and Human Health). The register of regional epidemics included in the CREDOFDA world database differs from the PAHO register and includes epidemics caused by arboviruses, diarrhoea, leptospirosis, malaria, measles, meningitis, bubonic plague and various respiratory diseases as well


Environment Outlook

147

Hurricane season in Mesoamerica and the Caribbean, 2001 5

11

7

4

14 8

1 2

8

12

14

1 7

2

7

15

13

12 8

15

11

4

2 3

1

7 9

9 4 6 5

3 9

8

3

5

6

6

10

6 5 3

1

2 4

13

9 10

Chapter

2 Legend

LLLLLL

Hurricane Tropical Storm Tropical Depression Extratropical Tropical Wave Subtropical Depression Subtropical Storm Atmospheric Low Pressure H = Hurricane T = Storm

Eastern Pacific No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Type H H T H H T H H T

Name Adrian Beatriz Calvin Dora Eugene Fernanda Greg Hilary Irwin

Dates 18-22 Jun. 09-17 Jul. 25-27 Jul. 06-23 Jul. 06-15 Ago. 17-22 Ago. 05-09 Set. 17-21 Set. 07-11 Oct.

Atlantic, Caribbean, Gulf of Mexico No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Type T T T T H H H H H T H T H H H

Name Allison Barry Chantal Dean Erin Felix Gabrielle Humberto Iris Jerry Karen Lorenzo Michelle Noel Olga

Dates 05-17 Jun. 02-07 Ago. 14-22 Ago. 22-28 Ago. 01-15 Set. 07-18 Set. 11-19 Set. 21-27 Set. 04-09 Oct. 06-08 Oct. 12-15 Oct. 27-31 Oct. 29 Oct. - 05 Nov. 04-16 Nov. 24 Nov. - 04 Dic.

Source: NOAA, 2002a; 2002b.

Hurricane Mitch in Honduras The enormous losses caused by natural disasters put a sharp brake on the efforts of developing countries to improve living conditions. The case of Hurricane Mitch in Central America is notable both for its impact and the response to it. In Honduras, the country most affected, more than 7,000 people died and more than 12,000 were injured, and 618,000 people were moved to shelters or displaced. Economic and environmental damage is estimated at US$3,800 million. In Nicaragua there were 3,000 deaths and 65,000 people were directly affected, with economic and environmental damage estimated at US$988 million. The hurricane also caused loss of life and had a serious economic and environmental impact in El Salvador, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic and Costa Rica. In response to the disaster, Central American countries —with external assistance from North America and the European Union— were able to establish sub-regional governmental and non-governmental platforms to take mitigation and rehabilitation measures, and were given significant international financial and technical assistance commitments. It is also important to mention the impact of Hurricane Mitch on vegetation. The following pictures, based on satellite data, show the state of vegetation before and after the hurricane. The damage or stress suffered is shown in yellow and brown. Source: CEPAL, 1999a; USGS and CINDI, 1999.

148


as exanthematic typhus and other rickettsiosis (CREDOFDA, 2003). According to these data, 15,356 people died (and 1, 051,941 were affected) by these epidemics during the period 1970-2001: of these, 13,043 deaths were caused by diarrhoea (417,350 affected), 1,500 by meningitis (30,000 affected), 400 by measles (25 900 affected), 341 by various arboviruses (463,329 affected), 23 by leptospirosis (3,362 affected) and 12 by bubonic plague. Malaria showed a dramatic rise, from 12,000 people affected in 1998 to 100,000 in 2000, although there were no deaths (CRED-OFDA, 2003). Cholera was undoubtedly the principal biological disaster in the region with a total of 11,875 deaths and 1,199,804 cases registered from its sixth appearance in 1991 until July 1997 (PAHO, 1998). The epidemic was greater in Andean countries, Guatemala and Nicaragua, and only Uruguay, Canada and the islands of the Caribbean remained free of the disease. In 1991-1996, international financial assistance for preventive and control measures amounted to US$12 million. In Peru, where the epidemic originated, its economic impact was estimated to be US$150 million in the first year. It is also estimated that to provide water, sanitary and other basic services needed to eliminate the risk of the disease spreading throughout the region, would require an investment of US$200 million. Climate change in general, and the El Niño cycle in particular, seems to be connected to some of these epidemics (see the section on Atmosphere). Cyclical temperature and precipitation changes associated with El Niño are particularly important, as they could favour the development and proliferation of vectors of epidemic diseases such as malaria, dengue fever, yellow fever and bubonic plague (WHO, 1999). In South America, the most severe outbreaks of malaria have generally occurred in the year following the beginning of El Niño, whether in association with an increase in precipitation (as in 1983 en Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia) or, on the contrary (as in Colombia and Venezuela for several years), with a reduction in rainfall, resulting in run-off that permits the vector mosquito eggs to multiply. There have also been outbreaks of malaria every five years in Guyana and Suriname, suggesting a link to climate cycles. A similar link has been suggested between the warming of surface sea water by El Niño, the proliferation of marine algae and the outbreak of cholera in South America in 1992 (WHO, 1999; PAHO, 1998). In the case of dengue fever, more precipitation affects the density of the vector mosquito and its transmission potential, but there is less evidence of a connection with the climate, perhaps because other factors, such as prevalent immunity levels, counteract this. Too much or too little rainfall plays an important part in the transmission of water-borne diseases such as cholera, gastrointestinal infections and various types

·

of diarrhoea. There were outbreaks of cholera in Peru, Nicaragua and Honduras when El Niño caused an increase in rainfall in 1997-1998 (WHO, 1999; PAHO, 1998).

Technological disasters Almost 28 per cent of total mortality from disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean during the period was caused by technological events or threats (CREDOFDA, 2003). This percentage includes chemical spills, explosions, collapsed buildings and structures, poisoning and fires (excluding forest fires) which occur in residential areas, and not as a result of industry or transport, Disasters caused by technology cause serious human suffering, loss of life and long-term damage to a country’s economy and its productive capacity. Lack of measures to control transport and emissions or discharges from industrial processes can lead to serious accidents that endanger both human and environmental health. Threats include spills of hazardous substances like cyanide, mercury, petroleum and others that are corrosive, toxic, explosive, inflammable, and cause infections or discomfort. In the Orinoco delta and neighbouring regions in Venezuela gold mining has increased by 500 per cent over the past decade and the use of cyanide and mercury has grown proportionately. For example, three tonnes of mercury have been dumped into the Caroni River basin alone; moreover, in 1995 a millionand-a-half litres of waste polluted with cyanide was spilt into the Omai and Esequibo Rivers in neighbouring Guyana (Filártiga and Agüero, 2001; CSF, 2000). Some groups of people who live in the Amazon, Brazil and French Guyana have been found to have ingested high levels of mercury by eating fish polluted as a result of gold mining (UNEP Chemicals, 2002). The largest oil spill in the world was in 1979 in the Ixtoc oil well in Campeche Bay, Mexico, when more oil was spilt than from the Exxon Valdez (CIC, 2000). In Brazil and Colombia there is a long history of pipeline ruptures on land and coastal spills with serious environmental consequences. Two of the largest spills in Brazilian history took place in 2000: the first affected Guanabara Bay (see section on Coastal and marine areas); the second happened inland and was three times bigger, affecting the Barigüí and Iguazú Rivers. In Colombia, between 1986 and 2000, guerrilla fighters dynamited the country’s main pipelines 905 times, on several occasions also affecting neighbouring Venezuela (MDN, 2002). Fires often break out in buildings in large cities. The most frequent cause is overloading deficient or dam-


Environment Outlook

aged electric circuits, but they may also be caused by earthquakes. In Managua (Nicaragua) 77 per cent of deaths in the region during 1970-2001 resulted from technological accidents in fires that started following the earthquake of December 1972 (CRED-OFDA, 2003). Other fires in skyscrapers in Sao Paulo, Brazil, in 1972 and 1974, left about 200 dead (Kuroiwa, 2002). An emerging technological risk, with a potentially serious impact, is the pollution of crops such as maize — a staple food in the region and worldwide for large human groups and of prime importance to their economic activity, — with genetically-modified species (Munich Re Group, 2002). This has been demonstrated in Mexico (see section on Biodiversity).

The region’s vulnerability to disasters

are some of the elements that increase risks, especially when they are in highly dangerous areas (ECLAC, 2000). Finally, it must be remembered that there would be no significant losses if people or objects were not exposed to risks (Munich Re Group, 2001). It is urgent, therefore, that all future sustainable development plans should consider socio-economic and environmental vulnerability (ECLAC, 2000). In this respect, the poor must be given priority since they are the most vulnerable, suffer the greatest harm, and have fewer recovery options.

Impact of disasters

Although they seem to strike unannounced, disasters are to some degree predictable and their effects depend on human and environmental vulnerability (UNEP, 2002). In almost all cases individually minor events accumulate and interfere with the response capacity of natural systems, increasing their vulnerability. Although there is no immediately perceptible deterioration in how the system functions during this accumulation process, it becomes evident when the zone is struck by an event of greater magnitude.

The negative consequences of disasters extend beyond the short term and, on occasion, produce irreversible changes in economic, social and environmental conditions (UNEP, 1999b). Among them is the involuntary displacement, after disasters, of populations culturally rooted in the territory who become environmental refugees. Rescue and recovery operations themselves may destroy habitats and generate a huge amount of waste material. In many cases, ecosystems cannot recover as quickly as they need to,and are replaced by less resilient and diverse ecosystems less able to supply basic environmental services such as water purification, sediment retention, and protection against the rigours of the climate. The result is even greater vulnerability.

Together with natural threats — tectonic, hydrometeorological or biological (perhaps made worse by global climate change) — there are risks that come from human behaviour, often related to sustained population growth and poverty (Velásquez and Rosales, 1999). In the environment, these include changes in land use without proper planning (with the subsequent degradation of ecosystems), such as felling native forests to clear the land for agriculture, overexploitation of mountainsides for subsistence agriculture, building roads and urbanisation. This is done without account being taken of preventive, mitigation and environmental protection measures needed for sustainable land regulation (ECLAC, 2000).

The introduction worldwide of improved preventive, response and rehabilitation systems has meant less loss of human lives. However, the situation is becoming worse in two respects: hydrometeorological disasters are now more frequent — perhaps because of global climate change (IPCC, 2001; WHO, 1999) —and the economic effects of natural catastrophes are becoming more severe because of higher population densities and concentration of property (Munich Re Group, 1997; 1998). While the number of severe global disasters quadrupled between the 1950s and the 1990s, economic losses increased 15 times, reaching a total of US$652,300 million between 1990 and 1999 (Munich Re Group, 1997; 1998; 1999; 2000; 2001).

It has already been pointed out how in this respect the Caribbean — given its islands and hurricane belt climate conditions — is particularly vulnerable to hydrometeorological disasters, made worse by global climate change. Similarly, in South America, parts of the Brazilian northeast, the desert zones of Peru and Chile, and arid zones in Argentina, are also very vulnerable to a worsening of drought.

Following the world trend, during the period 19702001 there has been a notable drop in the region in the number of deaths from disasters. Total loss of life in the 1990s was 38 per cent less than during the 1970s (CREDOFDA, 2003). In particular, there was a dramatic reduction in losses from earthquakes: from 101,704 in the 1970s to 11,101 in the 1980s and 2,371 in the 1990s. This may be explained both by fewer serious earthquakes in densely-populated or highly vulnerable zones, and better preparation in some of the countries affected. However, the number of human lives lost because of hydrometeorological events tripled between the 1970s and the 1990s, reaching 59,610 in the latter decade (af-

In urban areas, vulnerability becomes worse because there are no proper controls or planning, buildings are badly constructed, and industries are located in urban zones where hazardous material is also stored. These

149

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150


The catastrophe of small disasters A detailed assessment of the incidence of disasters in nine countries in the region (1988-1997) shows a total of 17,587 events recorded, almost 90 times more than the number registered in the joint database prepared by the Belgian Disaster Epidemiology Research Centre and the United States Office for Foreign Disaster Assistance (CREDOFDA), where only 196 events were recorded in the countries selected during those years. The studies were made in Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru and Panama. The impact of these events on lives lost is similar to that reported by CRED-OFDA, indicating that disasters with loss of life are well recognised in the CRED-OFDA register. However, the number of injured registered in the regional study is seven times greater than that registered by CRED-OFDA, and the number of people affected is almost double. About 83 per cent of deaths occurred in events where fewer than 100 people died. These results show that the thousands of small disasters that occur every year —although their impact and effect on infrastructure is not large enough to have them included in official statistics— in some way prepare the ground for bigger disasters. If the effects of all these local disasters are combined, the accumulation has considerable consequences on quality of life and resources in the communities where they occur. This reinforces the need for mitigation capacities and programmes and to include the search for local development and sustainability in national and international policies. Sources: Velásquez and Rosales, 1999; CRED and OFDA, 2003.

Vulnerability ulnerability of Caribbean countries to natural disasters Hurricanes

Earthquakes

Volcanoes

Floods

Drought

Antigua and Barbuda Bahamas Barbados Belize Cuba Dominica Dominican Republic Grenada Guyana Haiti Jamaica Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Lucía Saint Vincent y the Grenadinas Suriname Trinidad and Tobago High vulnerability

Moderate vulnerability

Low vulnerability

Source: UNEP, 2002.

ter having descended slightly in the 1980s). Equally notable is the increase in the loss of life from epidemics, which was almost nine times greater in the 1990s than in the 1970s. Moreover, economic damage caused by natural disasters is increasing in the region; it quadrupled between the first decade and the third, from US$7,700 million in the 1970s to US$27,500 million and US$28,500 million in the 1980s and 1990s, respectively (CRED-OFDA, 2003). ·

Prevention, mitigation and rehabilitation responses The distribution of natural events such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, floods and avalanches is the result of common tectonic, geological, geophysical and hydrometeorological conditions. The damage resulting from these events depends to a great extent on


Environment Outlook

151

Vulnerability ulnerability to disasters: a geo-referenced index for Honduras Among the main disaster vulnerability factors are existing environmental, demographic, social and infrastructure conditions. The CIAT-UNEP-World Bank Project contains a geo-referenced vulnerability index for Honduras that combines these factors with superimposed maps containing geographic information for each of them. To show environmental vulnerability, zones at risk of landslides and floods are delineated, using data on forests, rivers, topography, slopes, soil permeability and vegetation. The population vulnerability map has a graph showing demographic density by municipalities, while the social vulnerability map has data on incomes in the different municipalities according to their degree of poverty (severe, critical, medium and low). For the map on infrastructure, vulnerability data are used on electric cables and municipal roads, classified as primary, secondary and tertiary (using criteria on locality, quality, size of nearby populations, health centres and inclinations). The four maps are combined to show the 60 highest priority municipalities for disaster prevention and rehabilitation. The information allows precise answers to be given to questions such as:

Environmental vulnerability

Poblational vulnerability

Population at risk by district

Landslides and floods Landslide risk

0-5,000 5,000-10,000 10,000-50,000 50,000-100,000 100,000-1,000,000

Flood risk by rivers Flood risk due to bad drainage

Social vulnerability

Percentage of infrastructure at risk by district

Percentage of population in poverty by district 0-10 10-20 20-30 30-40

0-20 20-40 40-60 60-80 80-100

Honduras: 60 most vulnerable districts, combined vulnerability index

· Why are some municipalities more vulnerable than others? · What can be done about it? (road maintenance, reforestation, soil conservation). · Where should we direct our attention?

Combined risk: environment, infrastructure, population and poverty; by district First 10 10-25 25-60 60-291

Source: Segnestam and others, 2000.

decisions made, action taken, and technologies used in the development process. In view of their enormous resulting economic, social and environmental costs, during the past decade special attention has been paid to preparing for disasters, and assessing and mitigating

their effects. Below are listed some key concerns (UNEP, 1999a): ·

Chapter

2

Infrastructure vulnerability

Deficiencies in disaster prevention, including zoning vulnerable areas in development plans;

152


Loss of human life from disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1999 160,000 140,000

No. of deaths

120,000 100,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 20,000 0

1970-79 Geological

1980-89

1990-99

Technological*

Hydrometeorological

Total Epidemics

*Technological accidents include explosions, structures collapsing, chemical spills, non-forest fires, poisoning, traffic accidents (land, air or sea) and household (explosions, collapses, fires). Source: CRED - OFDA, 2003.

60,000

30,000,000

50,000

25,000,000

40,000

20,000,000

30,000

15,000,000

20,000

10,000,000

10,000

5,000,000

0

0 1970-79

1980-89

1990-99

Affected (1,000)* Damage (US$1,000) * The term “affected” covers deaths, injuries and displaced persons. Source: CRED - OFDA, 2003.

·


Damage (US$1,000)

Affected (1,000)*

Economic losses from disasters and affected populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1970-1999

Environment Outlook

·

Weak mitigation mechanisms;

·

Deficiencies and failure to use anti-seismic building regulations, as well as inadequate administrative and human resources arrangements to ensure compliance with them;

·

The lack of insurance for low-income groups;

·

Inadequate support systems for affected communities, and

·

Increased vulnerability because of more environmental degradation and increased urban poverty.

Many activities promoted in Latin America and the Caribbean during the past decade have been in the context of the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction declared by the United Nations General Assembly. Its objective to promote international cooperation in this field was strengthened by the Inter-American and world conferences on the reduction of natural disasters held in March and May 1994. In the 1980s, ministries of health throughout the region had promoted mechanisms to coordinate responses to different types of disasters. But it was in the 1990s when significant progress was made on a national, regional and international disaster prevention, mitigation and rehabilitation institutional and legal framework. Some countries in the region —Guatemala, Brazil, Panama, Chile and Costa Rica— created and strengthened independent systems to protect against disasters. They also promoted legal changes to extend their attributions to preventive action, although still dependent on international finance (PAHO, 1998). Together with national initiatives, efforts were made by sub-regional disaster prevention bodies in Central America and the English-speaking Caribbean. The Coordination Centre for the Prevention of Natural Disasters in Central America and the Caribbean and the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency — established in 1988 and 1991, respectively — strengthened and extended their activities. The first-named became an inter-governmental body in 1993. Regionally, in 1992 the process began to ratify the Inter-American Convention to Facilitate Disaster Assistance proposed by the Organization of American States, and sub-regional parliaments supported various legal initiatives on disasters. International organisations like the United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs and Médecins sans Frontières established regional offices for Latin America and the Caribbean. Starting in 1992 several non-governmental technical organisations were established including medical societies to deal with national emergencies, the Social Studies Disaster Prevention Network (1992) and the Inter-American Emergencies and Disasters Society (1996). In 1999, the Latin American Economic System created a regional techni-

153

cal cooperation mechanism for emergencies arising from natural disasters to assist Central American and Caribbean countries. This is designed to strengthen national and international assessment and coordination, analyse vulnerability and prepare mitigation and rapid assessment measures on damage and needs (SELA, 1999). Experience has shown the positive effects of planning and institutional capacity building to deal with disasters of all types. This combination of actions has also given greater breadth and depth to the strategic processes of information and education on the subject. The creation of the Regional Disaster Information Centre is outstanding in this respect, as are the various technical international conventions. A fundamental element in this respect is to strengthen regionally-standardised data methods, not only to prevent misunderstandings during emergencies, but also properly to assess losses following hurricanes, earthquakes, floods and other disasters. In this respect, the evaluation experience that the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) has acquired over 30 years has produced a specific methodology to estimate socio-economic effects of natural disasters in Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL, 2002b). Also important are attempts to identify how vulnerable populations and territories are to natural and technological threats, such as the efforts made by the Red Cross for Caribbean countries. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is trying to do the same with its Global Vulnerability Index programme.

International cooperation The international community has generally responded immediately to disasters in the region by providing help in emergency situations and reconstruction financing. However, in cases of natural disasters, more than 90 per cent of funds are allocated for rehabilitation, aid and reconstruction and only 10 per cent are spent on preventive measures (CEPREDENAC, 2002). During the 1980s and 1990s, Latin America and the Caribbean received 31 World Bank loans (32 per cent of the total) for US$2,491 million (38.3 per cent of the total for disaster mitigation and prevention in the region) (Kuroiwa, 2002). The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) has approved US$1,500 million of new disaster financing during the past 10 years to help affected countries to recover, 10 times more than the annual average during the 15 previous years. In 1998 the IDB, through its Emergency Reconstruction Mechanism, created a source of financing for up to US$20 million per project to accelerate the re-establishment of services, finance temporary repairs and support clean-up work during the rehabilitation period (BID, 2000). The Assessment and Early Warning Division of the Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean of the United Nations Environment Programme deals with

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environmental vulnerability by making assessments that help to pinpoint environmental hotspots. In 1998 it assisted in preparing environmental assessments on future development and reconstruction in Central America. Similarly, when Venezuela was lashed by floods in December 1999, in response to a request from the Ministry of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources, it sent a mission to make a rapid assessment of the impact caused by the disaster. As a result, a series of workshops were held to increase Venezuela’s capacity to identify vulnerable regions and to be better prepared to cope with climate events (UNEP/DEWA, 2001).

An integrated disaster strategy The increase in environmental degradation and poverty during recent decades has made a large part of the regional population more vulnerable. Means are therefore being sought, internationally and regionally, to reduce vulnerability and impact not only by strengthening emergency attention bodies and systems, but also by focussing on non-structured prevention and mitiga-

tion. Risk prevention should be made part of sustainable development with local and community participation, with separate involvement by non-governmental organisations and citizen groups. Within this framework, a new vision emerges: development must cut risks by reducing the social, economic and environmental vulnerability of threatened populations and territories. In this case non-structured mitigation seeks to maintain or restore natural controls. For example, wetlands reduce flooding, forests prevent landslides and mangroves lessen the effect of coastal storms and extreme tidal waves. In general, good land use keeps ecosystems healthy, provides resources and facilitates nonstructured mitigation which is particularly attractive in countries where risk insurance and structured mitigation come at a high price (CEPAL, 2000). It is important to ensure that urban expansion does not extend to vulnerable areas by controlling soil instability and supplying adequate housing and environmental sanitation services (particularly for solid waste collection and disposal). It is also necessary to promote

Regional disaster early warning action Early warning of environmental threats may have either a short- or a long-term focus. The first responds when a disaster is imminent or has struck, such as floods, fires, volcanic eruptions and earthquakes, while the second is about increasing awareness of impending environmental problems, such as the impact of climate change and chemical products that affect human health. Another early warning system, complementary but more comprehensive, is to promote the preparation of a more complete analysis to encourage action to deal with environmental problems like those already indicated, and others that are less evident such as the shortage of water or the loss of biodiversity. The UNEP contributes to these efforts through its Division of Early Warning and Assessment, with projects such as the series Global Environment Outlook (GEO) and rural sustainability indicators for Central America (CIAT, UNEP and World Bank). Perhaps the follow-up to El Niño of 1997-1998 was the first time that global climate monitoring had the technical and policy capacity to warn authorities and the public about the probability of imminent changes (WHO, 1999). To enable this to be done, general climate models were used based on measuring and predicting ocean surface water temperatures. The United States National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) promotes the periodic organisation of regional climate fora to discuss the state of the climate in the region and arrive at a consensus about forecasting. This knowledge may be used to take disaster preventive measures and for mitigation and rehabilitation. Within this framework, several countries in Latin America and the Caribbean such as Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru have prepared specific emergency plans to prevent and mitigate damage caused by El Niño. The contingency measures include forecasting water supply needs in drought zones, improving water quality in flood zones, providing basic sanitation in temporary settlements, reinforcing epidemiological vigilance and administering disaster donations. In 1999, Central American governments approved a vulnerability and disaster reduction strategic framework, and a five-year plan to be coordinated by the Coordination Centre for the Prevention of Natural Disasters in Central America. The Centre has promoted the preparation of proposals for early warning systems for all countries in the area except Belize. The proposals are mainly concerned with problems caused by drought. Source: CEPREDENAC, 2002

·


Environment Outlook

disaster preparation and mitigation plans, with activities designed to recover forest land and protect existing forest zones, by regulating land use and educating people on the subject. (UNEP/ROLAC, 2001). The International Strategy for Disaster Reduction proposed by the United Nations in 1999 synthesises

155

this view when it states that communities should become resilient in the face of natural or technical threats, reducing the social, economic or environmental vulnerabilities that cause them of. This will require making advances “to protect against threats by risk management and by integrating risk prevention into sustainable development” (ISDR, 1999).

El Niño of 1997-1998 in Peru: impact, prevention and damage mitigation In Peru, El Niño has had three levels of intensity: weak, moderate and strong. Weak intensity means, on average, an increase of 10-20 per cent in normal climate characteristics (light rain and some damage), moderate intensity shows an increase of 20-50 per cent (moderate rain, damage to agriculture and housing) and strong intensity is an increase of more than 50 per cent in normal climate characteristics (heavy rain, floods and huaycos, a local name for violent downpours that carry away mud, stones, trees and other landscape material).

Classification of El Niño according to intensity Year

Intensity

Very strong Strong Moderate Weak

1982 -1983 / 1997 -1998 1933 / 1941 / 1957 / 1972 1939 / 1943 / 1953 / 1965 1977 -1978

Anomalies in the surface sea water temperatures 8°C / 7,5°C / 7,5°C 6°C / 6°C / 6°C / 6°C Between 2° y 3° C Less than 2°C

In Peru, the El Niño of 1997-1998 caused economic losses of US$3,500 million, including losses of infrastructure (highways, bridges, water and sanitation system), production (fishing, mining, industry, agriculture and commerce) and services. An example of the impact of the phenomenon on economic activity was that fishery exports dropped by 76 per cent. However, it is important to note that on this occasion, for the first time, a total of US$218 million was invested in measures to prevent damage. These measures included preparing the physical infrastructure, training human resources and buying medicines and other inputs, among other specific measures. Investments of US$158 million were made to mitigate the damage. Of the funds managed by the Ministry of Health (US$18 million), 37 per cent was used after the event to rehabilitate affected health establishments, construct new buildings and cover the costs of treating diseases like cholera, malaria, dengue fever and others. Source: OPS, 2000; CAF, 2001; CONAM, 1999.

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References ● BID (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo),

● CIC (Cutter Information Corporation), 2000:

● ISDR (International Strategy For Disaster Re-

2000: El desafío de los desastres naturales en América Latina y el Caribe: Plan de Acción del BID, BID, Washington, D.C., US.

Oil Spill Intelligence Report, Aspen Publishers, New York, US (in http:// www.aspenpublishers.com/environment, consulted on 20 April 2003).

duction), 1999: A Safer World In The 21st Century: Disaster And Risk Reduction. IDNDR Programme Forum, ISDR, 5-9 July 1999, Geneva, Switzerland.

● Coburn, A.W., R.J.S. Spence, A. Pomonis,

● Kious, W. J., R. I. Tilling, 1996: This Dy-

1994: Vulnerability and Risk Assessment, Cambridge Architectural Research Limited, United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management Training Programme, Cambridge, UK.

namic Earth: the Story of Plate Tectonics, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., US.

● CAF (Corporación Andina de Fomento),

2001: Informe sobre efectos de El Niño 1997-1998, CAF, Caracas, Venezuela. ● CDERA (Caribbean Disaster Emergency Re-

sponse Agency), 2002: Volcanoes, CDERA, St. Michael, Barbados (in http:// www.cdera.org/FactSheet/volcanoes.htm y h t t p : / / w w w. g e o . m t u . e d u / v o l c a n o e s / west.indies/soufriere/govt/, consulted on 14 April 2003). ● CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América

Latina y el Caribe), 2002a: El impacto socioeconómico y ambiental de la sequía de 2001 en Centroamérica, LC/MEX/L.510/ Rev.1, CEPAL (Sede Subregional), Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● Kuroiwa, J., 2002: Reducción de desastres.

Viviendo en armonía con la naturaleza, Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo, Lima, Peru.



● MDN (Ministerio de Defensa Nacional,

República de Colombia), 2002: Informe Anual de Derechos Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario 2001, Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Bogota, Colombia.

● CONAM (Comisión Nacional de Medio

Ambiente), 1999: Vulnerabilidad frente al cambio climático, CONAM, Lima, Peru.

● Munich Re Group, 2002: Annual Review:

Natural Catastrophes 2001, Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany.

● —, 2002b: Manual para la evaluación del

impacto socioeconómico y ambiental de los desastres (versión preliminar). LC/MEX/ L.519/E, CEPAL (Sede Subregional), Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● CRE

(Cruz Roja Española), 2000: Inundaciones en Venezuela: Informe General, CRE, Madrid, Spain (in http:// www.cruzroja.es/venezuela/general.htm, consulted on 5 July 2001).

● —, 2000: Panorama del impacto ambiental

de los recientes desastres naturales en América Latina y el Caribe. Documento preparado para el Comité Técnico Interagencial del Foro de Ministros de Medio Ambiente de América Latina y el Caribe, 23 February 2000, PNUMA, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● —, 2001:Annual Review: Natural Catastro-

phes 2000, Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany. ● —, 2000: Munich Re millennium review,

Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany.

● CRED, OFDA (Centre for Research on the

Epidemiology of Disasters; Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance), 2003: EM-DAT: The OFDA/CRED International Disaster Database, Université Catholique de Louvain, Brussels, Belgium (in http:// www.cred.be/emdat, consulted on 16 April 2003).

● —, 1999: Annual Review: Natural Catastro-

phes 1998, Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany. ● —, 1998: Annual Review: Natural Catastro-

phes 1997, Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany.

● —, 1999a: Honduras: Evaluación de los

daños ocasionados por el Huracán Mitch, 1998. Sus implicaciones para el desarrollo económico y social y el medio ambiente, LC/MEX/L.367, CEPAL (Sede Subregional), Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● —, 1999b: América Latina y el Caribe: El

impacto de los desastres naturales en el desarrollo, 1972-1999, LC/MEX/L.402, CEPAL (Sede Subregional), Mexico, D.F., Mexico. ● CEPAL, BID (Comisión Económica para

América Latina; Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo), 2000: Un tema del desarrollo: la reducción de la vulnerabilidad frente a los desastres. LC/MEX/L.428. Documento developed for el Seminario Enfrentando Desastres Naturales: Una Cuestión de Desarrollo, 25-26 March 2000, New Orleans, US, BID, Washington, D.C., US. ● CEPREDENAC (Centro de Coordinación

para la Prevención de los Desastres Naturales en América Central), 2002: Sequía en Centroamérica. Informe del proyecto Mejoramiento de la capaci-dad técnica para mitigar los efectos de futuros eventos de la variabilidad climática (El Niño), CEPREDENAC, Panama City, Panama (in http://www.cepredenac.org/04_temas/ 04_index.htm, consulted on 10 June 2002).

·

● CSF (Communications for a Sustainable Fu-

ture), 2000: Posición de AMIGRANSA ante el decreto 1.850 de explotación de los bosques de Imataca, CSF, Boulder, Colorado, US (in http://csf.colorado.edu/mail/ elan/jul97/0068.html, consulted 5 July 2001).

● —, 1997:Annual Review: Natural Catastro-

phes 1996, Munich Re Group, Munich, Germany. ● NOAA (National Oceanographic and Aero-

nautics Administration), 2002a: The 2001 Atlantic Hurricane Season, NOAA, Washington, D.C., US (in http://www.nhc. noaa.gov/2001.html, consulted on 17 April 2003).

● DIGECAFA (Dirección de Geografía y Car-

tografía de las Fuerzas Armadas de Venezuela), 1999: Evento de Inundación y Deslizamientos en el Estado Vargas, Diciembre 1999, Fuerzas Armadas de Venezuela, Ministerio de la Defensa, Caracas, Venezuela.

● —, 2002b: The 2001 East Pacific Hurricane

Season, NOAA, Washington, D.C., US (in http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/2001.html, consulted on 20 April 2003).

● Filártiga, J., L. Agüero W., 2001: “Fiebre del

oro y ecoapocalipsis en Venezuela”, en Apocalipsis Geo-Ambientaln, El imperialismo ecológico, Asunción, Paraguay (en http://www.quanta.net.py/userweb/apoca lipsis/Venezuela/body_venezuela.html, consultado el 5 de julio de 2001).

● OPS (Organización Panamericana de la Sa-

lud), 2000: “Fenómeno El Niño, 19971998”, in Serie Crónicas de Desastres Nº 8, OPS, Washington D.C., US. ● PAHO (Pan American Health Organization),

1998: Health in the Americas, 1998 edition, Scientific Publication Nº 569, OPS, Washington, D.C., US, volume 1.

● IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate

Change), 2001: Climate Change 2001: The Scientific Basis. Contribution of Working Group I to the Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.

● Segnestam, L., M. Winograd, A. Farrow,


2000: Developing indicators: lessons learned from Central America, World Bank: Washington, D.C., US.

Environment Outlook

● SELA (Sistema Económico Latinoamerica-

● UNEP/ROLAC (United Nations Environment

no), 1999: Informe final de la primera reunión del Mecanismo Regional de Cooperación Técnica para Emergencias Derivadas de Desastres Naturales, 4-5 de marzo de 1999, SELA, Caracas, Venezuela.

Programme, Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean), 2001: Disasters and urban vulnerability: a preliminary focus for Latin America and the Caribbean, XIII Meeting of the Forum of Ministers of the Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 21-23 October 2001, UNEP/LAC-IG.XIII/6, 8 October.



● UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund),

2000, UNEP, Earthscan Publications Ltd, London, UK.

2001: El Salvador Earthquakes, UNICEF, New York, US (in http://www.unicef.org/ emerg/ElSalvador.htm, consulted on 5 July 2001).

● —, 1999b: Caribbean Environment Outlook,

● USGS, CINDI (United States Geological Sur-

● —, 1999a: Global Environment Outlook

UNEP, Nairobi, Kenya. ● UNEP Chemicals (United Nations Environ-

ment Programme Chemicals), 2002: Global Mercury Assessment, UNEP Chemicals, Geneva, Switzerland, December.

vey; Center for Integration of Natural Disaster Information), 1999: “Health of Vegetation Before and After Hurricane Mitch” in Central America Disaster Atlas, USGS, Reston, Virginia, US (in http://cindi.usgs.gov/ events/mitch/atlas/index.html, consulted on 6 October 2000).

● UNEP/DEWA (United Nations Environment

Programme, Division of Early Warning and Assessment), 2001: Assessment and Early Warning in Latin America and the Caribbean, UNEP, DEWA, Mexico, D.F., Mexico.

● USGS, NEIC (United States Geological Sur-

vey; National Earthquake Information Center), 1997: Seismicity of South America, USGS, Reston, Virginia, US (in http://

157

neic.usgs.gov/neis/general/seismicity/ s_america.html, consulted on 20 April 2003). ● Velásquez, A., C. Rosales, 1999: Escudri-

ñando en los desastres a todas las escalas. Concepción, metodología y análisis de desastres en América Latina utilizando Desinventar, Observatorio Sismológico del Suroccidente, Universidad del Valle, Cali, Colombia; Grupo de Tecnología Intermedia para el Desarrollo, Lima, Perú; Red de Estudios Sociales en Prevención de Desastres en América Latina, Cali, Colombia (in http:// www.desinventar.org/sp/proyectos/lared/ escudrinando/, consulted on 17 April 2003). ● WHO (World Health Organization), 1999:

El Niño and Health, WHO/SDE/PHE/99.4, WHO, Geneva, Switzerland.

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Environment and human health

T

his chapter shows the close relationship between the state of the environment in the Latin America and Caribbean region and the health of its inhabitants. The relationship between environmental risk factors and sanitary conditions in the region is summarised and developed within the context of how global epidemiology has changed over the past 30 years. Health risks are related not only to the natural or biological environment but also to the human environment (Smith and others, 1999; WHO, 2002a). Estimates show that at the beginning of the 1990s, of potential years of life lost in the region other than by accident, 11.0 per cent could be directly attributed to the following environmental causes (in descending order): ● ● ● ● ●

poor water supply and sanitary services; urban air pollution; agro-industrial chemicals and waste; indoor air pollution, and vector-borne illnesses (malaria).

At this time, the cost of environmental disease was 18.0 per cent in developing countries in general, and 4.5 per cent in industrialised countries (PAHO and UNEP/ROLAC, 2002). Here we shall examine the sanitary impact of ecosystem changes (water, soil, air) as described by Kochtcheeva and Singh (n.d.) and the specific GEO methodology perspective (see Page 14 ). Included are important subjects such as the influence of lifestyles, personal behaviour and occupational surroundings (WRI, 1998; WHO, 2002a).

Epidemiological and environmental risk transition In the 1970s – in developing and especially in developed countries – there was a clear link between the ageing of the population (demography) and the increasing importance of non-transmissible chronic and degenerative diseases (epidemiology) as a cause of death, strongly influenced by environmental factors It was also found that human activities caused environmental changes which in turn increased sickness and fatalities from the transmissible and infectious diseases prevalent in developing countries. Within this framework the connection between health and environmental changes caused by humans, particularly on climate or water and soil pollution was studied. Initially, the epidemiological analysis identified a connection between three elements or factors: the atmosphere, the host and the agent. In the atmosphere, susceptibility factors intrinsic to the disease were found: temperature, humidity, presence of chemical or physical agents in soil, air or water. In the host, there were intrinsic susceptibility factors: genetic, metabolic, endocrine. Agents were infectious organisms, physical, chemical or allergic substances, as well as dietary deficiencies or excesses.

© WHO/TDR 2003

·

This linear approach changed in the 1970s to one of multiple causes and effects, such as lifestyles, social or psychological surroundings, occupational risks and the response of health services (Laframboise, 1973; Dever, 1976). Since then it has become increasingly clear that health depends on the interaction between environmental influences, lifestyles and human nature. This idea of independence is directed at re-establishing a balance between people and the environment by taking preventive as well as curative measures. To achieve it requires profound changes in our social, economic and technological organisation. By 1990, chronic or degenerative diseases accounted for 86 per cent of all deaths, while only 6.0 were caused by transmissible diseases (WRI, 1998). This clearly shows the epidemiological transition in the developed world.


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Epidemiological and environmental risk transition: the WHO approach During the 1990s, as a result of the international debate on environmental sustainability in the development process, the World Health Organization (WHO) adopted a new approach to analyze the relationship between health and the environment, and to develop environmental health indicators. This new approach is based on the pressure, state, response system used by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to prepare environmental indicators. It also includes the notion of driving force (to identify underlying causes of environmental changes), exposure (to identify the way individuals are exposed to and absorb morbidity or mortality agents) and effect (to establish the consequences of exposure, whether subclinical or expressed as morbidity and mortality). According to the WHO analysis, in today's world a transition is taking place in environmental health risks: from traditional risks related to the impact of natural phenomena and insufficient development, to modern risks associated with some features of unsustainable development. In general, developing countries are exposed to both traditional and modern risks. Although these countries are immersed in an industrialisation process (subject, therefore, to modern sanitary risks like pollution and unhealthy lifestyles), the eventual benefits of development (such as more access to basic health services) do not reach the large marginalised sectors of the population also exposed to traditional sanitary risks. Traditional risks are usually a consequence of poverty or, as has been said, of exclusion from the benefits of development. Among these risks mention may be made of the lack of access to drinking water, inadequate disposal of excrements, domestic air pollution caused by dust, fungi and smoke from burning fossil fuels for cooking and lighting, contamination of food with pathogenic substances, exposure to the impact of drought, floods and earthquakes, contamination with lead from ceramics and paints, and accidents or illnesses caused by small-scale or artisanal agriculture and industry. The lack of food safety which is due to insufficient access to productive land, and subsequent severe nutritional deficiencies, must be mentioned as one of the traditional risks with most impact on much of the world's population in terms of morbidity and mortality. Modern risks mostly originate in industrial processes without sufficient safeguards to prevent or mitigate sanitary and related environmental problems. They include such dangers as; accumulation of hazardous solid waste; air pollution from industrial or vehicular emissions in urban zones; pollution of water resources with industrial or agricultural waste and urban sewage; the improper handling of chemical or radioactive substances used in new agricultural or industrial technologies; traffic accidents; emerging or reemerging infectious diseases; climate and atmospheric changes (such as depletion of the ozone layer and the greenhouse effect); violence or other psychological effects of the urban environment; and the abuse of drugs such as tobacco and alcohol.

The weight of different risk factors for acute respiratory infections in children in developing countries, 1993

Outdoor air 10%

Low birth weight 15%

Nutrition

Breastfeeding

Indoor air

75%

30%

3% In 1993 acute respiratory infections have caused the death of 4.1million children of under 5 years in developing countries.

65% Case treatment

Vitamin A 10% Whooping cough, malaria, chicken pox, AIDS 30%

Vaccination 25%

In general terms, traditional and modern risks come from activities that are harmful to health because of the concentration of emissions in the air, water, soils or food. Exposure to these risks depends on social and economic

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Epidemiological and environmental risk transition: the WHO approach (continuation) (poverty, as mentioned, is a serious risk factor), but there are also individual factors, such as genetic and nutritional antecedents, sex, age and lifestyle. Children under five (even in the prenatal period), are particularly susceptible not only because they absorb more water and air in relation to their weight, but also because of how they eliminate substances —through still immature livers or kidneys—, as well as the high rate of cellular reproduction of their organisms, which makes them vulnerable to the effects of cancerous and neurotoxic substances. The latest WHO world health report gives detailed estimates on 27 risk factors, including their impact on global diseases, as well as on mortality and incapacity. Among the risk factors analyzed five are defined as being specifically environmental: unsafe water, health and hygiene; urban air pollution; domestic smoke from solid fuels; exposure to lead; and climate change. Other risk factors include poor nutrition in children and mothers, as well as carcinogens and air particles in the workplace, and are also related to the environment. Sources: WHO, 1997, 2002a; Corvalán and others, 1997; Briggs, 1999; Smith and others, 1999; Chelala, 2000; Kay and others, 2000; PAHO, 2002.

The same trend is seen in developing countries, although to a significantly lesser extent: in that year chronic diseases caused 47 per cent of deaths, and transmissible diseases 42 per cent. Unlike earlier periods, chronic diseases in these countries now cause as many deaths as transmissible diseases.

monitoring and control of pollution; preventive public education; a new sense of social responsibility by the business sector; and new legislation and incentives to prevent sanitary risks from occurring (Capra, 1985; WHO, 1997; Briggs, 1999).

In the Americas at the end of the 1990s, non-transmissible diseases accounted for 49.7 per cent of adult deaths. On the other hand, the potential years of life lost in Spanish-speaking Latin America and the Caribbean from these diseases was put at 48 per cent, with 30 per cent due to transmissible diseases and maternal and perinatal causes (Castillo-Salgado, 2000).

Anthropogenic degradation of nature and health risks

This epidemiological transition is also related to an environmental health risk transition from traditional risks related to the impact of natural phenomena and insufficient development to modern risks associated with features of development itself (WHO, 1997; Chelala, 2000). The principal driving forces behind that risk transition are linked to growing populations, urbanisation, the relative weight of poverty and inequality, how science and technology have developed and the production and consumption patterns that are features of economic development processes in today’s societies. The most significant possible sanitary effects found include – in different degrees according to when the transition occurs – acute respiratory infections, intestinal infections and diarrhoea (emerging and re-emerging), injuries and poisonings, chronic respiratory, cardiovascular and mental illnesses, and malign neoplasms. Because of the many factors these processes involve, responses to environmental health risks go beyond strictly sanitary or sectoral measures. They include: an integrated approach towards changing social and economic policies aimed at meeting the population’s basic needs; the use of clean technologies; risk management; ·

From the point of view of environmental changes and their implications for the epidemiological transition, it is important to give a general idea of how anthropogenic degradation of natural ecosystems may lead to human health risks. From an ecosystem point of view, three large groups of environmental risk factors are important: water, soil and air (Kochtcheeva y Singh, n.d.).

Water impact Drinking water pollution is the most serious result of the degradation of the aquatic ecosystem. The transmissible diseases: amoebic dysentery, hepatitis A and E, shigella dysentery, paraphytic fever, typhoid fever, rotavirus and cholera infections (PAHO, 1998) are spread in untreated or inadequately–treated water or water contaminated with excrement. Water quality may also be affected by chemical substances such as nitrates (from fertilisers and septic tanks), arsenic, lead and persistent organic pollutants. There are now 100,000 synthetic compounds in use that may reach the aquatic environment and accumulate in the food chain. These persistent compounds are very harmful to ecosystems and human health (EHN, 1997). Human health is also seriously affected by the damage done to coastal waters and the ocean depths; when sewage is discharged into the sea, pollution may con-


Environment Outlook

161

Ecosystems degradation and impacts on human health Ecosystems

Driving forces

Ecological changes

Fossil material combustion: vehicular and industrial emissions, forest fires, biomass for cooking

-Excessive heat, change in rainfall and humidity -Drought and floods -Favourable conditions for vectors (insects, rodents)

-Loss of human lives in floods -Malnutrition -Malaria, dengue fever, arboviruses, cholera

-Epidemics in Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname, Nicaragua, Honduras

-Accumulation of hazardous pollutants -Depletion of the ozone layer

-Respiratory infections -More exposure to ultraviolet rays, with carcinogen and mutagenic effects, and weakening of the immunological system

-The whole region -Southern Chile: ultraviolet rays alerts

-Malaria and cholera -Gastroenteritis and intestinal infections -Skin and eye irritation -Poisonings -Hepatic dysfunctions

-Gulf of Mexico -Peru and other countries en South America

Human health impact

Regional examples

Atmosphere Climate

Air Fossil material combustion: vehicular and industrial emissions, forest fires, biomass for cooking

Chapter

2

Water Seas and coasts

-Climate change -Sewage (domestic and industrial) emissions -Accidental spills

Freshwater

-Hydroelectric Infrastructure -Alteration of river courconstruction ses and habitats -Emissions of sewage and -Deterioration of surface other polluting and ground water waters (domestic quality and industrial) -Accumulation of -Accidental spills pollutants in food -Overexploitation of chains aquifers

-Malaria and cholera -Gastroenteritis and intestinal infections -Skin and eye irritation -Poisonings -Hepatic dysfunctions

The whole region

Vegetable cover

-Deforestation -Increased monoculture using chemicals

-Hemorrhagic fever transmitted by rats -Malaria -Exposure to food contaminated with agrochemicals; carcinogen and mutagenic effects

-Venezuela

Soils

-Destabilisation and pollution of soils from deforestation, monoculture and mining

-Exposure to food contaminated with agrochemicals; carcinogen and mutagenic effects -Exposure to mercury from mining

-Central America -The whole region

-Rise in sea level -Deterioration of marine ecosystems, marine fauna mortality -Nitrification and red seas -Accumulation of pollutants in food chains

Land -Higher temperatures -Nitrification of soils and water -Deterioration of ecosystems balances and proliferation of pests -Forest fires -Desertification -Accumulation of pollutants in food chains -Soil degradation and pollution -Accumulation of pollutants in food chains

Source: Adapted from Kochtcheeva and Singh, n.d., WHO, 1999a; 1999b; PAHO, 1998.

-Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela

162


© R. Burgos

taminate neighbouring beaches, causing diarrhoetic, skin and mucous ailments. In the Gulf of Mexico there have been cases of gastrointestinal infections, irritation of the skin and eyes, poisoning and hepatic dysfunction as a result of contact with sea water (Kochtcheeva and Singh, n.d.). These risks are made worse by lack of access to drinking water and basic sanitation (although, on the other hand, excessive levels of fluoride used to make water potable are also associated with some forms of cancer and dental fluorosis) (PAHO, 1998). It is estimated that in 1990 this caused a lowering of life expectancy in the region by 5.5 per cent (PAHO and UNEP-ROLAC, 2002). It is also estimated that each percentage point of increase in access to safe drinking water would prevent one in every 1,000 newborn infant deaths (PAHO, 2002). Between 1971 and 1998, the percentage of the regional population with domestic water supply (or easy access to water) went from 53 to 85 per cent; this means that today one-seventh of the regional population is still without access to this resource (OPS, 2001). Furthermore, PAHO reports that 60 per cent of the regional population with household water are connected to systems that operate intermittently and where control, sani-

·

tary monitoring and quality certification measures are almost non-existent. This means they must take constant care to avoid getting diarrhoea and other waterborne sicknesses caused by unsafe water. Only 24 per cent of the regional population has effective water quality monitoring systems (PAHO, 1998). PAHO also points out that the systems defined as “of easy access “ generally represent a significant health risk, especially for children and the elderly (OPS, 2001). Access to sanitation systems rose from 59 to 79 per cent of the population between 1980 and 1998 (there are no data for earlier years), but 86 per cent of the population covered in the last year were connected to drainage systems with no effluent treatment. Only 13.7 per cent of sewage collected is treated in any way, and where treatment is given it is very inefficient (OPS, 2001). Another sanitary risk related to water resources is acidification of surface waters (mainly lakes and reservoirs) caused by sulphur dioxide emissions from heavy industry and motor vehicles, facilitating the flow of heavy metals and allowing their concentrations to rise to harmful levels in water for human consumption. Although up to now this risk has been seen mainly in industrialised countries of North America and Europe, by 2050 extensive zones in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and


Environment Outlook

Peru could be faced with the impact of acidification (SEI, 2002).

Infections related to lack of drinking water water, sanitation and poor hygiene (as a percentage of the total potential years of life lost through incapacity)

Infectious intestinal diseases – as a cause of Years of Potential Life Lost (YPLL) from premature death or incapacity — fell from second place in 1980 (10.2 per cent), to 10th place in 1994 (3.7 per cent); this 70 per cent drop is related to wider use of oral hydration, more breast feeding and better supply of drinking water (PAHO, 1998). However, in countries such as El Salvador and Paraguay YPLL from intestinal infections is still serious and requires constant attention to fight diarrhoea and other water-induced sicknesses (PAHO, 1998). It is also important to point out that prevalent infant ailments, mainly diarrhoea and acute respiratory infections, account for the highest number of visits to health services and are a major cause of hospitalisation (PAHO, 1998).

Proportion of years lived with incapacity attributable to selected risk factor

Impact of soil degradation With respect to degradation of land ecosystems, the main risk factors are destabilisation and pollution of soils resulting from deforestation, expansion of agriculture and mining.

16%

Deforestation, by causing changes in the atmosphere, could have harmful and even mortal effects on human health. The following effects have been identified (PRB, 2001):

Source: WHO, 2002a.

© WHO/TDR 2003

163

●

Less rainfall, higher air temperatures, more flooding: when trees are cut the climate becomes progressively more arid and the soil loses its capacity to absorb and retain water and release it slowly. It has been shown that precipitation is 30 per cent lower and the temperature one degree centigrade higher in deforested areas of Amazonia;

●

Loss of food, medicines and fuel: survival of plants and animals is threatened when trees are cut;

●

Reduction of crops and loss of vital nutrients; the trees serve as a barrier to soil erosion, ensuring that nutrients are recovered;

●

Spread of tropical diseases because vectors proliferate, and

●

Worsening of climate change: when trees grow, they absorb carbon from the atmosphere and store it in their tissues; when they are cut, the carbon is released into the atmosphere as carbon dioxide that traps the sun’s energy and raises the global temperature.

In agriculture, intensive use of agrochemicals and monoculture contaminates soils and food with nitrates, organic substances and heavy metals that cause thou-

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Solid waste and associated health risks Estimates put the potential years of life lost in 1990 attributable to agroindustrial chemicals and other wastes at 2.0 per cent. Industrial waste may be combined with domestic waste and expose the population to chemical or radioactive risks. Uncollected organic waste causes risks through fermentation and creates conditions in which pathogens can survive and multiply, especially when they are mixed with faecal residues as a result of inadequate elimination of excrements. Organic waste may also be a natural medium for insects, rodents and animals that are neither totally pathogenic nor pathogen carriers, to survive and reproduce. Uncollected solid waste may obstruct the flow of water, resulting in floods or leaving stagnant water behind which provides a favourable habitat for vectors of water-borne or tropical diseases. Numerous groups are at risk: the population in areas without services, especially pre-school children (exposed when they come into contact with uncollected waste while playing); those who handle the waste (formally or informally); workers in companies producing toxic or infectious materials; people living near solid waste dumps. But even when solid waste is collected, the population may be exposed to serious health risks if there is no proper disposal. Drinking water may be contaminated with chemical or microbiological agents if the waste is thrown into rivers or onto vulnerable aquifers. Disposal of solid waste in rivers, lakes or seas may also result in toxic substances being accumulated into the food chain and absorbed by plants and animals. Sources: WHO, 1997; PAHO and UNEP/ROLAC, 2002.

sands of cases of acute poisoning throughout the region and have potentially long-term cancerous and mutagenic effects. In addition, this type of agriculture severely upsets the balance of ecosystems’ flora and fauna, and favours the proliferation of pests that may have harmful effects on health (see section on Land). As already mentioned, extensive use of fertilisers harms not only soils but also bodies of water (surface or groundwater). Other agricultural wastes or residues also have similar impacts. Persistent organic compounds used as pesticides are not easily degraded and remain for many years in the atmosphere, accumulating in the higher food chain levels, in animal and human tissues, interacting with the endocrine system and hormones, affecting reproductive processes and development and causing neurological and immunological damage to humans and other animal species (UNEP, 2000). Heavy metals such as lead and mercury are polluting the soil, water sources and the air. As has already been indicated, in many cases these metals come from mining in countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela. It is important to note that there has recently been a worsening of malign neoplasms and congenital anomalies in the region, two conditions linked (among other possible causes) to chronic exposure to chemical pollutants (PAHO, 1998).

·

Impact of air composition and atmospheric changes Climatic events and the composition of the air may have an important sanitary impact on the atmosphere. As pointed out in the section on Atmosphere, besides extreme pollution due to vehicular and industrial emissions, there is also indoor air pollution from cigarette smoke, organic particles, (pollen, insects, microorganisms), non-biological particles including smoke, lead, carbon oxide, asbestos and other synthetic chemicals. Indoor air degradation is associated with various sanitary effects: irritation of the tissues, chronic pathologies and different types of cancer (WHO, 1999b). It is estimated that by 1990 urban air pollution was responsible for three per cent of YPLL in Latin America and the Caribbean (PAHO and UNEP-ROLAC, 2002). The type and level of indoor air pollution depends above all on the source of energy used to prepare food and to light buildings. In Latin America, only a fifth of the population uses biomass, a traditional risk factor; although this is the second lowest proportion in the world – after countries with developed market economies – it represents 80 million people (WRI and others, 1998). In some parts of South America, more than 50 per cent of the population use solid fuel for cooking (WHO, 2002a).


Environment Outlook

The most serious outdoor air pollutants are ozone, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, suspended particles, carbon monoxide, lead and other metals that come from vehicular emissions, energy generating fuel plants, petrochemical plants and refineries (WHO, 1999b; Yassi and others, 2002). The critical effects of these substances include pulmonary irritation, interference with foetal growth and infant development, facilitating viral infections, bronchitis and pneumonia and worsening heart problems, asthma and emphysema (WHO, 1999b). In 1992 some 76 million people in urban areas of Latin America such as Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Santiago and Mexico City were exposed to air pollutants that exceeded the maximum limits recommended by the World Health Organisation. In Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, these levels of pollution resulted in 4,000 annual cases of premature death (CETESB, 1992). In Chile, Mexico and Brazil an increase of 10 microgrammes per cubic metre of suspended particles has been observed to coincide with increases of 0.6 to 1.3 per cent of deaths in persons over 65 (PAHO, 1998). It is estimated that, over the next twenty years, air pollution may produce 140,000 premature deaths per year in the region (Lvovsky, 2001). Air pollution caused by forest fires also has a serious impact on the health of the region’s population.

The fires are the direct cause of death and injuries, and also release particles of various sizes, and other substances that have severe sanitary consequences (such as carbon monoxide and dioxide, polynuclear aromatic hydrocarbides, aldehydes, organic acids, volatile or semi-volatile organic components and ozone). Fires in Brazil in 1997 caused an increase of 40 per cent in respiratory ailments in Manaus and account for 10,000 hospital visits in the Amazon region (Cochrane, 2002). Another impact of air pollution is the depletion of the ozone layer, particularly in the southern hemisphere, where the process is more severe (see section on Atmosphere). The rise in ultraviolet radiation increases the risk of cataracts and skin cancer and harms immunological functions (PAHO, 1997). Finally, the impact of atmospheric problems related to climate change (see section on Atmosphere) must be considered. These cause extremes of temperature and precipitation, and also contribute to the increase in transmission of diseases (cholera, gastrointestinal infections and different diarrhoeas), associated with the quality of water for human consumption and the development and proliferation of epidemic disease vectors (such as malaria, dengue fever, Chagas disease, yellow fever and bubonic plague). These changes shorten the pathogen’s incubation period, speeding up the infectiousness of the

Burden of disease attributable to air quality (as percentage of disability adjusted life years) Interior smoke from solid fuels

Urban air pollution

Proportion of years lived with incapacity attributable to selected risk factor

Geo Latin America And the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003

Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2002-2003

Foreign Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean 2003

Statistical Yearbook Of Latin America And The Caribbean 2003: Population Estimates And Projections 1950-2050 (Anuario Estadistico De America Latina Y El ... for Latin America and the Caribbean)

Law and Employment: Lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean

Labor and economic reforms in Latin America and the Caribbean

Foreign Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean 2007 (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean)

Meeting the infrastructure challenge in Latin America and the Caribbean

Tourism and Responsibility: Perspectives from Latin America and the Caribbean

The Chinese in Latin America and the Caribbean

Environmental Issues in Latin America and the Caribbean

Economic Survey of Latin America And the Caribbean 2004-2005

Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2005-2006

African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean

Foreign Investment in Latin America And the Caribbean 2005

Economic Survey Of Latin America And The Caribbean, 2006-2007

Encyclopedia of Latin American and Caribbean Literature 1900-2003

Social Panorama of Latin America, 2002-2003

Crime and Violence as Development Issues in Latin America and the Caribbean (World Bank Latin American and Caribbean Studies)

The Cambridge History of Latin America, Volume 7: Latin America since 1930: Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean

Geo-environment And Landscape Evolution II

Statistical Yearbook for Latin America and the Caribbean 2006 (Anuario Estadistico De America Latina Y El Caribe Statistical Yearbook for Latin America and the Caribbean)

Configuring Microsoft Outlook 2003

Outlook 2003 Easy

Oecd Communications Outlook 2003

The Limits of Stabilization: Infrastructure, Public Deficits and Growth in Latin America (Latin America and Caribbean Studies)

Africa Environment Outlook: Our Environment, Our Wealth

Creditor Reporting System: Aid Activities in Latin America And the Caribbean-development Assistance Committee (Creditor Reporting System: Aid Activities in Latin America and the Caribbean)

World Energy Investment Outlook 2003

Growth, Employment, and Equity: The Impact of the Economic Reforms in Latin America and the Caribbean

OECD Agricultural Outlook: 2003 2008

Geo Latin America And the Caribbean: Environment Outlook 2003

Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2002-2003

Foreign Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean 2003

Statistical Yearbook Of Latin America And The Caribbean 2003: Population Estimates And Projections 1950-2050 (Anuario Estadistico De America Latina Y El ... for Latin America and the Caribbean)

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