General History of Africa, Volume 7: Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935

GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA- VII Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935

U N E S C O General History of Africa Volume I

Methodology and African Prehistory (Editor J. Ki-Zerbo)

Volume II

Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Editor G . Mokhtar)

Volume III

Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Editor M . El Fasi) (Assistant Editor I. Hrbek)

Volume IV

Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Editor D . T . Niane)

Volume V

Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Editor B . A . Ogot)

Volume V I

Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s (Editor J. F . A . Ajayi)

Volume VII

Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935 (Editor A . A . Boahen)

Volume VIII

Africa since 1935 (Editor A . A . Mazrui) (Assistant Editor C . Wondji)

U N E S C O International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a Ceneral History of Africa

GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA VII Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935 EDITOR A. ADUBOAHEN

HEINEMANN- CALIFORNIA- UNESCO

First published 1985 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 7 Place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris and Heinemann Educational Books Ltd 22 Bedford Square, London W C i B 3 H H P . M . B . 5205, Ibadan P . O . B o x 45314, Nairobi EDINBURGH M E L B O U R N E A U C K L A N D H O N G K O N G SINGAPORE KUALA L U M P U R N E W DELHI KINGSTON P O R T OF SPAIN First published 1985 in the United States of America by the University of California Press 2120 Berkeley W a y , Berkeley California 94720, United States of America Reprinted in 2000 by U N E S C O Publishing 1 rue Miollis, 75732 PABJS Cedex 15, France © U N E S C O 1985 Heinemann Educational Books ISBN o 435 94813 X UNESCO ISBN 92-3-101-713-6 University of California Press ISBN 0-520-03918-1 LCN 78-57321

Filmset in 1 ipt Monophoto Ehrhardt by Northumberland Press Ltd, Gateshead, Tyne and W e a r

Contents List of figures ix List of plates

xi

List of tables

xv

Acknowledgements for plates

xvii

Preface xix A M A D O U - M A H T A R M ' B O W , Director-General of Unesco Description of the Project xxv B . A . O G O T , Former President of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa Note on chronology xxix i

Africa and the colonial challenge A. A D U B O A H E N

2

European partition and conquest of Africa: an overview G. N . U Z O I G W E

3

African initiatives and resistance in the face of partition and conquest 45 T. O . R A N G E R

4

African initiatives and resistance in North-East Africa 63 H . A . I B R A H I M based on a contribution by the late Abbas I. Ali

5

African initiatives and resistance in North Africa and the Sahara A. LAROUI

6

African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, 1880-1914 M ' B A Y E G U E Y E and A. A D U B O A H E N

114

7

African initiatives and resistance in East Africa, 1880-1914 H . A. M W A N Z I

149

8

African initiatives and resistance in Central Africa, 1880-1914 A. ISAACMAN and J. VANSINA

9

African initiatives and resistance in Southern Africa D. CHANAIWA

10

i 19

87

169

194

Madagascar, 1880S-1930S: African initiatives and reaction to colonial conquest and domination 221 M . ESOAVELOMANDROSO

v

Contents ii

Liberia and Ethiopia, 1880-1914: the survival of two African states 249 M . B . A K P A N based on contributionsfrom A. B.Jones andR. Pankhurst

12

T h e First World W a r and its consequences M . CROWDER

13

Methods and institutions of European domination R . F . B E T T S revised by M. Asiwaju

14

T h e colonial economy W . RODNEY

15

T h e colonial economy of the former French, Belgian and Portuguese zones, 1914-35 351 C. COQUERY-VIDROVITCH

16

T h e colonial economy: the former British zones M . H . Y . KANIKI

17

The colonial economy: North Africa 420 Part I A . K A S S A B Part II A . A . A B D U S S A L A M and F. S. A B U S E D R A

18

T h e social repercussions of colonial rule: demographic aspects J. C. C A L D W E L L

19

T h e social repercussions of colonial rule: the new social structures 487 A. E. AFIGBO

20

Religion in Africa during the colonial era K . ASARE O P O K U

21

T h e arts in Africa during the period of colonial rule W O L E SOYINKA

22

African politics and nationalism, 1919-35 B. O . O L O R U N T I M E H I N

23

Politics and nationalism in North-East Africa, 1919-35 H . A. IBRAHIM

24

Politics and nationalism in the Maghrib and the Sahara, 1919—35 603 J. BERQUE

25

Politics and nationalism in West Africa, 1919-35 A. A D U B O A H E N

26

Politics and nationalism in East Africa, 1919-35 E. S. ATIENO-ODHIAMBO

283 312

332

382

458

508 539

565

624 648

580

Contents 27

Politics and nationalism in Central and Southern Africa, 1919-35 673

A. B. DAVIDSON, A. ISAACMAN and R. PELISSIER 28

Ethiopia and Liberia, 1914-35: two independent African states in the colonial era 712 M . B . A K P A N based on contributions from A. B. Jones and R. Pankhurst

29

Africa and the N e w World 746 R . D . R A L S T O N with sections on Latin America and the Caribbean by Albuquerque Mourâo

30

Colonialism in Africa: its impact and significance

782

A. ADU BOAHEN M e m b e r s of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa 810 Biographies of Authors Bibliography Index

N.B.

812

815

845

Y . K W A R T E N G worked as editorial assistant to the volume editor.

vii

List of figures i.i 2.1 4.1 5.1 5.2 5.3 6.1 6.2 7.1 8.1 9.1 10.1 10.2 10.3 1 I.I 11.2 11.3 11.4 12.1 12.2 15.1 15.2 15.3 16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 17.7 17.8 24.1

Africa on the eve of partition showing extent of conquest by 1880 2 Africa in 1914 43 Politics and nationalism in North-East Africa 64 T h e major regions of the Maghrib and the Sahara 88 T h e European campaigns in the Maghrib gi Ottoman Tripolitania, Sirtica and Cyrenaica 95 States and peoples of West Africa at the outset of European partition /15 T h e European advance into West Africa, c. 1880-1919 116 People and polities of East Africa, showing areas of the Majï Majï rebellion 151 Peoples and polities of Central Africa, c. 1900 ijo Peoples and polities of Southern Africa, showing the Nguni migrations and the area of the Chimurenga igs Madagascar around 1900 222 Major zones of the Menalamba rebellions 235 Resistance, insurrection and nationalism in Madagascar, 1896-1935 244 Libera: territory annexed by the Americo-Liberians, 1822^74 251 T h e expansion of Ethiopian territory under Emperor Menelik II 255 British and French encroachments on territory claimed by Liberia, 18821914 262 Ethiopia and the Scramble for Africa 266 Campaigns fought in Africa during the First World W a r 286-8 T h e changed m a p of Africa after the First World W a r 310 T h e resources of the French, Belgian and Portuguese colonies 352 Colonial foreign trade of former French, Belgian and Portuguese zones 355 Approximate evaluation of African monetary possibilities in French Guinea, 1928-38 368 East Africa: economic development in the former British zones, agricultural products 385 West Africa: economic development in the former British zones 38g East Africa: economic development in the former British zones, minerals 400 T h e growth of the railway network of South Africa, 1900-53 415 North-West Africa: economic development in the colonial period 421 European grape-wine plantations in Algeria, c. 1930 423 T h e extent of agricultural colonization in Tunisia in 1921 424 T h e Moroccan balance of trade deficit, 1912-38 432 Global Algerian trade, 1915-38 432 Trade with France as a percentage of global Algerian trade, 1920-38 433 Production and export of Tunisian olive oil, 1931-9 435 Libya, Egypt and Sudan: economic development in the colonial period 442 Politics and nationalism in the Maghrib and the Sahara, 1919-35 604

ix

List of figures 25.1 26.1 27.1 27.2 28.1 28.2 29.1

x

Politics and nationalism in West Africa, 1919-35 625 Politics and nationalism in East Africa, 1919-35 64g Politics and nationalism in South Africa, 1919-35 681 Politics and nationalism in Central Africa, 1919-35 684 Position of roads in Libera, 1925 727 T h e Italian Fascist invasion of Ethiopia: the northern campaign (main m a p ) ; the invasion as a whole (inset) 741 Afro-Brazilians in West Africa in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 753

List of plates i.i

T h e Asante W a r of 1896 (Gold Coast): some of the British invaders with a M a x i m gun 8 2.1 A session of the Berlin West African Conference, 1884-5 3° 2.2(a>-(f) Weapons used by Africans and their European opponents during the wars between 1880 and 1935 40-2 (a) T h e Asante W a r of 1896 (Gold Coast): throwing axes and knives 40 (b) Kavirondo warrior (Kenya) with spears and shields 40 (c) A nineteenth-century Yoruba (Nigeria) oba (king) with his generals 40 (d) Soldiers of the King's African Rifles with a M a x i m g u n 41 (e) A Gatling gun 41 (f) Aeroplanes used in the colonial wars of the 1920s 42 4.1 Colonel A h m a d 'Urâbï ('Arabi Pasha') (1839-1911) 66 4.2 Alexandra after b o m b a r d m e n t in 1882 b y the British fleet 68 4.3 *Abbâs Hilmï ('Abbâs II, 1892-1914) Khedive of Egypt 7/ 4.4 M u h a m m a d A h m a d Ibn 'Abdallah, the M a h d i (1844-85) 75 4.5 M a h m u d A h m a d after his capture by Anglo-Egyptian forces jg 5.1 Sayyid A h m a d al-Sharif al-Sanusï 96 5.2 ' U m a r al-Mukhtâr (b. c. 1862) 101 5.3 A m g h a r Hassü ü Bäsalläm of the Ilemchan 103 5.4 Morocco, the Rïf W a r : spotter aircraft dropping instructions for artillery range adjustment 108 6.1 Samori T u r e (c. 1830-1900) after his capture, September 1898 124 6.2 N a n a P r e m p e h I of Asante (c. 1873-1931) during his exile, with N a n a Y a a Asantewaa, his mother and his father 133 6.3 Jaja (c. 1821-91), ruler of the Niger Delta state of O p o b o 136 6.4 Bai B u r e h (c. 1845-c. 1908), leader of the 1898 H u t T a x rebellion in Sierra Leone 142 6.5 (a) French officers display the head of an African during the suppression of resistance, Ivory Coast, early 1900s 144 (b) Chiefs surrender to Lieutenant Boudet after resisting the French conquest of the Ivory Coast 144 7.1 T h e construction of the U g a n d a railway 153 7.2 Chief Abushiri (c. 1845-89) 15g 7.3 M w a n g a (c. 1866-1903), ex-King of Buganda, and Kabarega (c. 1850-1923), ex-King of Bunyoro, on their w a y to exile 161 8.1 B e m b a chief, 1883 173 8.2 G u n g u n y a n e and his warriors 175 8.3 M a p o n d e r a (d. 1904), leader of guerrilla resistance in Southern Rhodesia and M o z a m b i q u e , 1894-1903 184 9.1 Site of the battle of Isandhlwana, 1879 201 9.2 Lobengula (c. 1836-94), K i n g of the Ndebele, 1870-94 203 9.3 King Moshoeshoe I of the Basuto (c. 1785-1870) 20g

XI

List of plates io.i

Rainilaiarivony, Prime Minister of Madagascar (1864-95), husband of R a n avalona II and III 223 10.2 R a n a valona III, Q u e e n of Madagascar (1883-97) 223 10.3 Madagascar: workers employed in the construction of the AntananarivoTamatave railway 241 11.1 Menelik, King of Shoa, 1865-89; Emperor of Ethiopia, 1889-1913 256 11.2 E . J. Barclay, Secretary of State, Liberia 25g 11.3 Arthur Barclay, President of Liberia, 1904-11 261 11.4 T h e battle of A d o w a 27/ 11.5 Teaching staff and students of Liberia College, 1900 276 12.1 General Count von Lettow-Vorbeck, G e r m a n Commander-in-Chief in East Africa during the First World W a r , and colleagues 2go 12.2 G e r m a n East African campaign: troops of the Nigerian Brigade disembarking at Lindi, December 1917 2Q4 12.3 M e n of the Egyptian Labour Corps embarking for service overseas 2ç6 12.4 G e r m a n East African campaign: w o u n d e d of the Nigerian Brigade, 15-19 October 1917 2ç6 12.5 G e r m a n East African campaign: Belgian African troops at N d a n d a , January 1918 2ç6 I3.i(a)-(d) Colonial governors and administrators 313 (a) Frederick, Lord Lugard (1858-1945) 313 (b) Louis-Gabriel Angoulvant, Lieutenant-Governor of Ivory Coast, 1908-1916 313 (c) General Joseph Simon Gallieni (1849-1916) 313 (d) Albert Heinrich Schnee (1871-1949), Governor of G e r m a n East Africa 313 13.2 Louis-Hubert Lyautey (1859-1935), French Resident-General in Morocco, 1912-25 320 13.3 Indirect rule in action: the Prince of Wales in the Gold Coast, 1925 322 13.4 Forced labour: East African askaris collect labour for the civil administration, near R u w u river, April 1917 328 16.1 T e a pickers at work on a plantation in Nyasaland 3Q2 16.2 Breaking cocoa pods in the Gold Coast 3Q6 16.3 Black mine labourers in South Africa , 413 17.1 T h e A s w a n d a m (Egypt) in 1937 448 17.2 Djazîra irrigation scheme, Sudan: a farmer at work 456 18.1 A mobile leprosy clinic at work in a small village north of Bangui, Oubangui-Chari 481 19.1 General view of Lagos, Nigeria 4Q0 19.2 Seeking after literacy: a class at M e n g o C M S High School, Uganda 4Ç7 19.3 Colonial cricket 4gg 19.4 T h e n e w elite and the colonial administrators: a garden party at Governm e n t House, Lagos, Nigeria 501 20.1 Makishie characters during an initiation ceremony in Zambia 5/0 20.2 M e m b e r s of a secret society in Sierra Leone 5/5 20.3 Entrance facade of a mosque in northern Ghana 521 20.4 William W a d e Harris (c. 1865-1929) 528 20.5 T h e Reverend John Chilembwe (1860S/1870S-1915) 530 20.6 Prophet S i m o n K i m b a n g u (c. 1890-1951) 532 XII

List of plates 20.7 21.1 21.2 21.3 23.1 23.2

Prophet M . Jehu-Appiah, Akaboha III 536 W o o d e n figures from a Yoruba shrine to the god Shango 541 A n A k a n brass kuduo from Ghana $42 Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther (1808-91) 552 Nationalism in Egypt: Zaghlfll Pasha (c. 1857-1927) 582 Nationalism in Egypt: demonstration in support of King F u ' a d I, c. 1920 586 23.3 University College, Khartoum, in 1953, with Gordon Memorial College in the background 590 24.1 'Abdel Karïm (1882-1963) 610 24.2 T h e Rïf war: Spanish troops display heads of 'Abdel Karîm's soldiers 610 24.3 Habib Bourguiba (b. 1903) 61g 25.1 I. T . A . Wallace Johnson (1894-1965) 630 25.2 T h e deputation of the National Congress of British W e s t Africa which visited London in 1920 637 25.3 Blaise Diagne (1872-1934) 645 26.1 T h e Reverend Alfaya O d o n g o M a n g o 656 26.2 Harry T h u k u (1895-1970) 662 26.3 J o m o Kenyatta (1890S-1978) 662 27.1 Isaiah S h e m b e (1870—1931) 67g 28.1 D i d w o T w e , K r u Senator, Liberia 714 28.2 Haile Sellassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, 1930-74 721 28.3 Rubber in Liberia: the labour force of a plantation 725 28.4 President C . D . B . K i n g of Liberia 73s 29.1 Marcus Garvey (1887-1940) 750 29.2 J. E . K . Aggrey (1875-1921) 762 29.3 N n a m d i Azikiwe (b. 1904) 765 294(a)-(d) Examples of the influence of Yoruba religion on the peoples of African descent of Bahia in Brazil 77g 29.5 Central Mosque, Lagos 77g

xiii

List of tables 15.i 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.5

Investments in black Africa 353 Evolution of capital invested in the Belgian Congo 356 Annual instalments on debts J57 S o m e colonial statistics 357 Relative importance of the foreign trade (total of imports and exports) of various colonies 35g 15.6 A O F cotton: average 5 years' exports (tonnes) 361 15.7 Ruanda coffee exports (tonnes) 362 15.8 A O F exports (tonnes) 362 15.9 Relative share of head tax in total receipts of colonial budgets 367 15.10 Value of annual head tax in 3 rural regions, in relation to monthly wage 369

15.11 15.12 15.13 15.14 15.15 16.1 17.1 17.2

A O F : exports of requisitioned food products 372 Belgian companies operating in the Congo, 1929 374 Investments in A O F concerns in 1943 (expressed as percentage) 376 Belgian Congo: value of exports (expressed as percentage) 37g A O F : value of exports (expressed as percentage) 380 Value of minerals as percentage of total domestic exports 402 T h e number of animals in Libya, 1926, 1933 446 Egypt: local production and local requirements of industrial goods, 1939 453

Acknowledgements for plates Akpan, M . B . , 11.2, 28.2 Alan Hutchison Library, 29.5 Asare Opoku, K . , 20.7 B B C Hulton Picture Library, 2.2(e), 4.3, 4.4, 6.4, 13.1(c), 13.1(d), 16.1, 17.1, 17.2 Clarendon Press, Oxford, 25.2 East African Publishing House, Nairobi, 7.2, 26.1, 26.2 Edinburgh University Press, 20.5 Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London, 19.4 Frank Cass and C o . , 19.1 Garyounis University, Benghazi, Central Library, 5.1, 5.2 Harlingue-Viollet, 2.2(f), 5.4, 6.1, 6.5(a), 6.5(b), 10.2, 10.3, n . 1 , 23.1, 23.2, 24.1, 28.2 Hopson, Susan, 6.2 Illustrated London N e w s Picture Library, 13.3 Imperial W a r M u s e u m , London, 2.2(d), 12.1, 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 13.4 International African Institute, London, 27.1 Keystone Press Agency, 16.3, 25.3 Lapi Viollet, 10.1 Longman, 2.2(c), 6.3, 9.2, 16.2, 24.2, 25.1 Mary Evans Picture Library, 2.1, 4.1, 13.1(a) Methodist Missionary Society, London, 20.4 Musée de l ' H o m m e , Paris, front cover photograph M u s e u m of Mankind, London, 1.1 National A r m y M u s e u m , London, 2.2(a), 9.1 Popperfoto, 21.3, 26.2 Roger-Viollet, 13.1(b), 13.2, 24.3 Royal Commonwealth Society, London, 2.2(b), 4.2, 4.5,7.1, 7.3,9.3,19.2,19.3, 20.2, 29.1, 29.2, 29.3 Spillman, G . 1968 (see Bibliography), 5.4 Stanford University Press, 18.1 Sudanese Ministry of Social Affairs, Khartoum, 23.3 Tshibangu, M g r T . , 20.6 University of Washington, Seattle, 20.3 Verger, Pierre, 294(a)-(d) Werner Forman Archives, 21.1, 21.2 Zambia National Tourist Board, 20.1 Zimbabwe National Archives, Harare, 8.3

xvu

Preface

AMADOU-MAHTAR

M'BOW

Director-General of Unesco

For a long time, all kinds of myths and prejudices concealed the true history of Africa from the world at large. African societies were looked upon as societies that could have no history. In spite of important work done by such pioneers as L e o Frobenius, Maurice Delafosse and Arturo Labriola, as early as thefirstdecades of this century, a great m a n y non-African experts could not rid themselves of certain preconceptions and argued that the lack of written sources and documents m a d e it impossible to engage in any scientific study of such societies. Although the Iliad and Odyssey were rightly regarded as essential sources for the history of ancient Greece, African oral tradition, the collective m e m o r y of peoples which holds the thread of m a n y events marking their lives, was rejected as worthless. In writing the history of a large part of Africa, the only sources used were from outside the continent, and the final product gave a picture not so m u c h of the paths actually taken by the African peoples as of those that the authors thought they must have taken. Since the European Middle Ages were often used as a yardstick, modes of production, social relations and political institutions were visualized only by reference to the European past. In fact, there was a refusal to see Africans as the creators of original cultures which flowered and survived over the centuries in patterns of their o w n making and which historians are unable to grasp unless they forgo their prejudices and rethink their approach. Furthermore, the continent of Africa was hardly ever looked upon as a historical entity. O n the contrary, emphasis was laid on everything likely to lend credence to the idea that a split had existed, from time immemorial, between a 'white Africa' and a 'black Africa', each unaware of the other's existence. T h e Sahara was often presented as an impenetrable space preventing any intermingling of ethnic groups and peoples or any exchange of goods, beliefs, customs and ideas between the societies that had grown up on either side of the desert. Hermetic frontiers were drawn between the civilizations of Ancient Egypt and Nubia and those of the peoples south of the Sahara. It is true that the history of Africa north of the Sahara has been more xix

Preface closely linked with that of the Mediterranean basin than has the history of sub-Saharan Africa, but it is n o w widely recognized that the various civilizations of the African continent, for all their differing languages and cultures, represent, to a greater or lesser degree, the historical offshoots of a set of peoples and societies united by bonds centuries old. Another p h e n o m e n o n which did great disservice to the objective study of the African past was the appearance, with the slave trade and colonization, of racial stereotypes which bred contempt and lack of understanding and became so deep-rooted that they distorted even the basic concepts of historiography. F r o m the time w h e n the notions of 'white' and 'black' were used as generic labels by the colonialists, w h o were regarded as superior, the colonized Africans had to struggle against both economic and psychological enslavement. Africans were identifiable by the colour of their skin, they had become a kind of merchandise, they were earmarked for hard labour and eventually, in the minds of those dominating them, they c a m e to symbolize an imaginary and allegedly inferior Negro race. This pattern of spurious identification relegated the history of the African peoples in m a n y minds to the rank of ethno-history, in which appreciation of the historical and cultural facts was bound to be warped. T h e situation has changed significantly since the end of the Second World W a r and in particular since the African countries became independent and began to take an active part in the life of the international community and in the mutual exchanges that are its raison d'être. A n increasing n u m b e r of historians has endeavoured to tackle the study of Africa with a more rigorous, objective and open-minded outlook by using with all due precautions - actual African sources. In exercising their right to take the historical initiative, Africans themselves have felt a deep-seated need to re-establish the historical authenticity of their societies on solid foundations. In this context, the importance of the eight-volume General History of Africa, which Unesco is publishing, speaks for itself. T h e experts from m a n y countries working on this project began by laying d o w n the theoretical and methodological basis for the History. T h e y have been at pains to call in question the over-simplifications arising from a linear and restrictive conception of world history and to re-establish the true facts wherever necessary and possible. T h e y have endeavoured to highlight the historical data that give a clearer picture of the evolution of the different peoples of Africa in their specific socio-cultural setting. T o tackle this huge task, m a d e all the more complex and difficult by the vast range of sources and the fact that documents were widely scattered, Unesco has had to proceed by stages. T h efirststage, from 1965 to 1969, was devoted to gathering documentation and planning the work. Operational assignments were conducted in the field and included campaigns to collect oral traditions, the creation of regional documentation centres for oral traditions, the collection of unpublished manuscripts in Arabic xx

Preface and Ajami (African languages written in Arabic script), the compilation of archival inventories and the preparation of a Guide to the Sources of the History of Africa, culled from the archives and libraries of the countries of Europe and later published in eleven volumes. In addition, meetings were organized to enable experts from Africa and other continents to discuss questions of methodology and lay d o w n the broad lines for the project after careful examination of the available sources. T h e second stage, which lasted from 1969 to 1971, was devoted to shaping the History and linking its different parts. T h e purpose of the international meetings of experts held in Paris in 1969 and Addis Ababa in 1970 was to study and define the problems involved in drafting and publishing the History: presentation in eight volumes, the principal edition in English, French and Arabic, translation into African languages such as Kiswahili, Hausa, Fulani, Yoruba or Lingala, prospective versions in G e r m a n , Russian, Portuguese, Spanish and Chinese, as well as abridged editions designed for a wide African and international public.1 T h e third stage has involved actual drafting and publication. This began with the appointment of the 3 9 - m e m b e r International Scientific C o m mittee, two-thirds African and one-third non-African, which assumes intellectual responsibility for the History. T h e method used is interdisciplinary and is based on a multi-faceted approach and a wide variety of sources. T h efirsta m o n g these is archaeology, which holds m a n y of the keys to the history of African cultures and civilizations. Thanks to archaeology, it is n o w acknowledged that Africa was very probably the cradle of mankind and the scene - in the neolithic period - of one of thefirsttechnological revolutions in history. Archaeology has also shown that Egypt was the setting for one of the most brilliant ancient civilizations of the world. But another very important source is oral tradition, which, after being long despised, has n o w emerged as an invaluable instrument for discovering the history of Africa, making it possible to follow the movements of its different peoples in both space and time, to understand the African vision of the world from the inside and to grasp the original features of the values on which the cultures and institutions of the continent are based. W e are indebted to the International Scientific Committee in charge of this General History of Africa, and to its Rapporteur and the editors and authors of the various volumes and chapters, for having shed a n e w light on the African past in its authentic and all-encompassing form and for having avoided any dogmatism in the study of essential issues. A m o n g these issues w e might cite: the slave trade, that 'endlessly bleeding w o u n d ' , which was responsible for one of the cruellest mass deportations in the history of mankind, which sapped the African continent of its life-blood while contributing significantly to the economic and commercial expansion 1. Volumes I and II have been published in Portuguese and Spanish, and Volume I in Arabic.

XXI

Preface of Europe; colonization, with all the effects it had on population, economics, psychology and culture; relations between Africa south of the Sahara and the Arab world; and,finally,the process of decolonization and nationbuilding which mobilized the intelligence and passion of people still alive and sometimes still active today. All these issues have been broached with a concern for honesty and rigour which is not the least of the History's merits. B y taking stock of our knowledge of Africa, putting forward a variety of viewpoints on African cultures and offering a n e w reading of history, the History has the signal advantage of showing up the light and shade and of openly portraying the differences of opinion that m a y exist between scholars. B y demonstrating the inadequacy of the methodological approaches which have long been used in research on Africa, this History calls for a n e w and careful study of the twofold problem areas of historiography and cultural identity, which are united by links of reciprocity. Like any historical work of value, the History paves the w a y for a great deal of further research on a variety of topics. It is for this reason that the International Scientific Committee, in close collaboration with Unesco, decided to embark on additional studies in an attempt to go deeper into a number of issues which will permit a clearer understanding of certain aspects of the African past. T h efindingsbeing published in the series 'Unesco Studies and Documents - General History of Africa'2 will prove a useful supplement to the History, as will the works planned on aspects of national or subregional history. T h e General History sheds light both on the historical unity of Africa and also its relations with the other continents, particularly the Americas and the Caribbean. For a long time, the creative manifestations of the descendants of Africans in the Americas were lumped together by some historians as a heterogeneous collection of Africanisms. Needless to say, this is not the attitude of the authors of the History, in which the resistance of the slaves shipped to America, the constant and massive participation of the descendants of Africans in the struggles for the initial independence of America and in national liberation movements, are rightly perceived for what they were: vigorous assertions of identity, which helped forge the universal concept of mankind. Although the p h e n o m e n o n m a y vary in different places, it is n o w quite clear that ways of feeling, thinking, dreaming and acting in certain nations of the western hemisphere have 2. T h e following eight volumes have already been published in this series: The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script; The African slave trade from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century; Historical relations across the Indian Ocean; The historiography of Southern Africa; The decolonization of Africa: Southern Africa and the Horn of Africa; African ethnonyms and toponyms; Historical and socio-cultural relations between black Africa and the Arab worldfrom igjs to the present and The methodology of contemporary African history. xxii

Preface been marked by their African heritage. T h e cultural inheritance of Africa is visible everywhere, from the southern United States to northern Brazil, across the Caribbean and on the Pacific seaboard. In certain places it even underpins the cultural identity of some of the most important elements of the population. T h e History also clearly brings out Africa's relations with southern Asia across the Indian Ocean and the African contributions to other civilizations through mutual exchanges. I a m convinced that the efforts of the peoples of Africa to conquer or strengthen their independence, secure their development and assert their cultural characteristics, must be rooted in historical awareness renewed, keenly felt and taken u p by each succeeding generation. M y o w n background, the experience I gained as a teacher and as chairm a n , from the early days of independence, of the first commission set up to reform history and geography curricula in some of the countries of West and Central Africa, taught m e h o w necessary it was for the education of young people and for the information of the public at large to have a history book produced by scholars with inside knowledge of the problems and hopes of Africa and with the ability to apprehend the continent in its entirety. For all these reasons, Unesco's goal will be to ensure that this General History of Africa is widely disseminated in a large number of languages and is used as a basis for producing children's books, school textbooks and radio and television programmes. Y o u n g people, whether schoolchildren or students, and adults in Africa and elsewhere will thus be able to form a truer picture of the African continent's past and the factors that explain it, as well as a fairer understanding of its cultural heritage and its contribution to the general progress of mankind. T h e History should thus contribute to improved international cooperation and stronger solidarity a m o n g peoples in their aspirations to justice, progress and peace. This is, at least, m y most cherished hope. It remains for m e to express m y deep gratitude to the m e m b e r s of the International Scientific Committee, the Rapporteur, the different volume editors, the authors and all those w h o have collaborated in this tremendous undertaking. T h e work they have accomplished and the contribution they have m a d e plainly go to show h o w people from different backgrounds but all imbued with the same spirit of goodwill and enthusiasm in the service of universal truth can, within the international framework provided by Unesco, bring to fruition a project of considerable scientific and cultural import. M y thanks also go to the organizations and governments whose generosity has m a d e it possible for Unesco to publish this History in different languages and thus ensure that it will have the worldwide impact it deserves and thereby serve the international community as a whole.

xxiii

Description of the Project B. A. O G O T

Former President, International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa

T h e General Conference of Unesco at its 16th Session instructed the Director-General to undertake the drafting of a General History of Africa. T h e enormous task of implementing the project was entrusted to an International Scientific Committee which w a s established by the Executive Board in 1970. This Committee, under the Statutes adopted by the Executive Board of Unesco in 1971, is composed of thirty-nine m e m b e r s (twothirds of w h o m are African and one-third non-African) serving in their personal capacity and appointed by the Director-General of Unesco for the duration of the Committee's mandate. T h efirsttask of the Committee was to define the principal characteristics of the work. These were defined at the first session of the Committee as follows: (a) Although aiming at the highest possible scientific level, the history does not seek to be exhaustive and is a w o r k of synthesis avoiding d o g m a tism. In m a n y respects, it is a statement of problems showing the present state of knowledge and the main trends in research, and it does not hesitate to show divergencies of views where these exist. In this way, it prepares the ground for future work. (b) Africa is considered in this work as a totality. T h e aim is to show the historical relationships between the various parts of the continent, too frequently subdivided in works published to date. Africa's historical connections with the other continents receive due attention, these connections being analysed in terms of mutual exchanges and multilateral influences, bringing out, in its appropriate light, Africa's contribution to the history of mankind. (c) The General History of Africa is, in particular, a history of ideas and civilizations, societies and institutions. It is based on a wide variety of sources, including oral tradition and art forms. (d) T h e History is viewed essentially from the inside. Although a scholarly work, it is also, in large measure, a faithful reflection of the way in which African authors view their o w n civilization. While prepared in an international framework and drawing to the full on the present stock of scientific knowledge, it should also be a vitally important element in the recognition

Description of the Project of the African heritage and should bring out the factors making for unity in the continent. This effort to view things from within is the novel feature of the project and should, in addition to its scientific quality, give it great topical significance. B y showing the true face of Africa, the History could, in an era absorbed in economic and technical struggles, offer a particular conception of h u m a n values. T h e Committee has decided to present the work covering over three million years of African history in eight volumes, each containing about eight hundred pages of text with illustrations, photographs, m a p s and line drawings. A chief editor, assisted if necessary by one or two co-editors, is responsible for the preparation of each volume. T h e editors are elected by the C o m mittee either from a m o n g its m e m b e r s or from outside by a two-thirds majority. T h e y are responsible for preparing the volumes in accordance with the decisions and plans adopted by the Committee. O n scientific matters, they are accountable to the Committee or, between two sessions of the Committee, to its Bureau for the contents of the volumes, the final version of the texts, the illustrations and, in general, for all scientific and technical aspects of the History. T h e Bureau ultimately approves the final manuscript. W h e n it considers the manuscript ready for publication, it transmits it to the Director-General of Unesco. T h u s the Committee, or the Bureau between committee sessions, remains fully in charge of the project. Each volume consists of some thirty chapters. Each chapter is the work of a principal author assisted, if necessary, by one or two collaborators. T h e authors are selected by the Committee on the basis of their curricula vitae. Preference is given to African authors, provided they have requisite qualifications. Special effort is also m a d e to ensure, as far as possible, that all regions of the continent, as well as other regions having historical or cultural ties with Africa, are equitably represented a m o n g the authors. W h e n the editor of a volume has approved texts of chapters, they are then sent to all m e m b e r s of the Committee for criticism. In addition, the text of the volume editor is submitted for examination to a Reading Committee, set u p within the International Scientific Committee on the basis of the m e m b e r s ' fields of competence. T h e Reading Committee analyses the chapters from the standpoint of both substance and form. T h e Bureau then givesfinalapproval to the manuscripts. Such a seemingly long and involved procedure has proved necessary, since it provides the best possible guarantee of the scientific objectivity of the General History of Africa. There have, in fact, been instances w h e n the Bureau has rejected manuscripts or insisted on major revisions or even reassigned the drafting of a chapter to another author. Occasionally, specialists in a particular period of history or in a particular question are consulted to put the finishing touches to a volume. xxvi

Description of the Project T h e work will be publishedfirstin a hard-cover edition in English, French and Arabic, and later in paperback editions in the same languages. A n abridged version in English and French will serve as a basis for translation into African languages. T h e Committee has chosen Kiswahili and Hausa as thefirstAfrican languages into which the work will be translated. Also, every effort will be m a d e to ensure publication of the General History of Africa in other languages of wide international currency such as Chinese, Portuguese, Russian, G e r m a n , Italian, Spanish, Japanese, etc. It is thus evident that this is a gigantic task which constitutes an immense challenge to African historians and to the scholarly community at large, as well as to Unesco under whose auspices the work is being done. For the writing of a continental history of Africa, covering the last three million years, using the highest canons of scholarship and involving, as it must do, scholars drawn from diverse countries, cultures, ideologies and historical traditions, is surely a complex undertaking. It constitutes a continental, international and interdisciplinary project of great proportions. In conclusion, I would like to underline the significance of this work for Africa and for the world. At a time w h e n the peoples of Africa are striving towards unity and greater cooperation in shaping their individual destinies, a proper understanding of Africa's past, with an awareness of c o m m o n ties a m o n g Africans and between Africa and other continents, should not only be a major contribution towards mutual understanding a m o n g the people of the earth, but also a source of knowledge of a cultural heritage that belongs to all mankind.

xxvii

Note on chronology It has been agreed to adopt the following method for writing dates. With regard to prehistory, dates m a y be written in two different ways. O n e w a y is by reference to the present era, that is, dates B P (before present), the reference year being + 1950; all dates are negative in relation to + 1 9 5 0 . T h e other way is by reference to the beginning of the Christian era. Dates are represented in relation to the Christian era by a simple + or — sign before the date. W h e n referring to centuries, the terms B C and A D are replaced by 'before our era' and 'of our era'. S o m e examples are as follows: (i) 2300 B P = - 3 5 0 (Ü) 29OO BC = — 29OO AD 180O = +180O (iii) 5th century B C = 5th century before our era 3rd century AD = 3rd century of our era

Africa and the colonial challenge

A. A D U B O A H E N

Never in the history of Africa did so m a n y changes occur and with such speed as they did between 1880 and 1935. Indeed, the most fundamental and dramatic - though tragic - of these changes took place in the m u c h shorter period from 1890 to 1910, the period that saw the conquest and occupation of virtually the whole continent of Africa by the imperial powers and the establishment of the colonial system. T h e period after 1910 was essentially one of consolidation and exploitation of the system. T h e pace of this drama was truly astonishing, for as late as 1880 only very limited areas of Africa had c o m e under the direct rule of Europeans. In the whole of West Africa, only the island and coastal areas of Senegal, the town of Freetown and its environs (now in Sierra Leone), the southern parts of the Gold Coast (now Ghana), the coastal areas of Abidjan in Ivory Coast and Porto N o v o in D a h o m e y (now Benin) and the island of Lagos (in what is n o w Nigeria) had come under the direct rule of Europeans. In North Africa, it was only Algeria that had by 1880 been colonized by the French. Not an inch of the whole of East Africa had c o m e under the control of any European power, while only the coastal stretches of Mozambique and Angola of the whole of Central Africa were being ruled by the Portuguese. It was only in Southern Africa that foreign rule had not only been firmly implanted but had even been extended a considerable distance inland (see Fig. 1.1). In short, by as late as 1880, about as m u c h as 80% of the continent of Africa was being ruled by her o w n kings, queens, clan and lineage heads, in empires, kingdoms, communities and polities of various sizes and shapes. However, within the next thirty years, this situation underwent a phenomenal and indeed a revolutionary change. By 1914, with the sole exception of Ethiopia and Liberia, the whole of Africa had been subjected to the rule of European powers in colonies of various sizes which were generally m u c h larger physically but often bore little or no relationship to the preexisting polities. But it was not African sovereignty and independence alone that had been lost at that time. It represented also an assault on established cultures. A s Ferhat Abbas pointed out in 1930 in reference to the French colonization of Algeria, for the French, colonization was 'simply a military

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Africa and the colonial challenge and economic venture defended thereafter by the appropriate administrative regime'. But for the Algerians, it was 'a veritable revolution, overthrowing a whole ancient world of beliefs and ideas and an immemorial way of life. It confronts a whole people with sudden change. A n entire nation, without any preparation,findsitself forced to adapt or perish. This situation is bound to lead to a moral and physical disequilibrium, the barrenness of which is not far from total disintegration." T h e nature of colonialism depicted here is true not only of French colonialism in Algeria but of European colonialism throughout Africa; the difference being one of degree not of kind, one of style not of substance. In other words, then, during the period 1880 to 1935, Africa did face a very serious challenge, the challenge of colonialism.

T h e state of African preparedness W h a t was the attitude of the Africans themselves to the establishment of colonialism, involving as it did such a fundamental change in the nature of the relationships that had existed between them and the Europeans over the preceding three hundred years? This is a question that has so far not been seriously considered by historians, African or European, but it needs to be answered. T h e answer is quite clear and unequivocal: an overwhelming majority of African authorities and leaders were vehemently opposed to this change and expressed their determination to maintain the status quo and, above all, to retain their sovereignty and independence, an issue on which virtually all of them were not in any way prepared to compromise. This answer can be documented from the very words of the contemporary African leaders themselves. In 1891, w h e n the British offered protection to Prempeh I of Asante in the Gold Coast, he replied: T h e suggestion that Asante in its present state should c o m e and enjoy the protection of Her Majesty the Q u e e n and Empress of India I m a y say is a matter of very serious consideration, and which I a m happy to say w e have arrived at this conclusion, that m y kingdom of Asante will never commit itself to any such policy. Asante must remain as of old at the same time to remain friendly with all white m e n . I d o not write this in a boastful spirit but in the clear sense of its meaning . . . the cause of Asante is progressing and there is no reason for any Asante m a n to feel alarm at the prospects or to believe for a single instant that our cause has been driven back by the events of the past hostilities.2 In 1895, W o b o g o , the M o r o Naba, or King of the Mossi (in modern Upper Volta), told the French officer, Captain Destenave:

1. F. Abbäs, 1931, p. 9; quoted by J. Berque in Chapter 24 below. 2. Quoted by J. Fynn in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971, pp. 43-4.

3

Africa under Colonial Domination i88o—igjs I k n o w that the whites wish to kill m e in order to take m y country, and yet you claim that they will help m e to organize m y country. But I find m y country good just as it is. I have no need of them. I know what is necessary for m e and what I want: I have m y o w n merchants: also, consider yourself fortunate that I do not order your head to be cut off. G o away n o w , and above all, never come back. 3 Similar sentiments were expressed by Lat Dior, the Darnel of Cayor (in modern Senegal) in 1883 (quoted in Chapter 6 below), by King M a c h e m b a of the Y a o in what is n o w mainland Tanzania in 1890 (quoted in Chapter 3 below) and by Hendrik Wittboi, a king in what is n o w Namibia (quoted in Chapter 3 below). But the last and most fascinating piece of evidence I would like to cite here is the moving appeal addressed by Menelik of Ethiopia to Queen Victoria of Great Britain in April 1891. Similar letters were sent to the heads of state of France, Germany, Italy and Russia. In this appeal, Menelikfirstdefined the then boundaries of Ethiopia, and - expressing personal expansionist ambitions - declared his intention to re-establish 'the former boundaries of Ethiopia as far as Khartoum and the Niza Lake, including all of the territories of the Gallas', and added: / have no intention at all of being an indifferent spectator, if the distant Powers hold the idea of dividing up Africa, Ethiopia having been for the past fourteen centuries, an island of Christians in a sea of Pagans. Since the All-Powerful has protected Ethiopia u p until n o w , I a m hopeful that H e will keep and enlarge it also in the future, and I do not think for a m o m e n t that H e will divide Ethiopia a m o n g the other Powers. Formerly the boundary of Ethiopia was the sea. Failing the use of force and failing the aid of the Christians, our boundary on the sea fell into the hands of the Muslims. Today w e do not pretend to be able to recover our sea coast by force; but w e hope that the Christian Powers, advised by our Saviour, Jesus Christ, will restore our seacoast boundary to us, or that they will give us at least a few points along the coast.4 W h e n in spite of this appeal, the Italians launched their campaign against Ethiopia with the connivance of Britain and France, Menelik issued a mobilization proclamation on 17 September 1895 in which he stated: Enemies have n o w come upon us to ruin our country and to change our religion . . . O u r enemies have begun the affair by advancing and digging into the country like moles. With the help of G o d I will not 3. Quoted by M . Crowder, 1968, p. 97. 4. Archives of the Ministère degli Affari Esteri (Rome), A S M A I , Ethiopia Pos. 36/13109 Menelik to Queen Victoria, Addis Ababa, 14 Miazia, 1883, encl. in Tarnielli to M A E , London, 6 August 1891.

4

Africa and the colonial challenge deliver u p m y country to them . . . Today, you w h o are strong, give m e of your strength, and you w h o are weak, help m e by prayer.5 These are the very words of the m e n w h o were facing the colonial challenge and they prove beyond any doubt the strength of their determination to oppose the Europeans and to defend their sovereignty, religion and traditional way of life. It is equally clear from all these quotations that these rulers were confident of their preparedness to face the European invaders, as well might they have been. First, they were fully confident that their magic, their ancestors and certainly their gods or god would c o m e to their aid, and m a n y of them on the eve of the actual physical confrontation either resorted to prayers or sacrifices or to herbs and incantations. A s Elliot P . Skinner has recorded: It is generally believed by the Mossi that w h e n the French attacked Ouagadougou, the deposed M o g h o N a b a W o b o g o m a d e sacrifices to earth shrines. Tradition has it that he sacrificed a black cock, a black ram, a black donkey, and a black slave on a large hill near the White Volta River, beseeching the earth goddess to drive the French away and to destroy the traitor Mazi w h o m they had placed upon the throne.6 A n d as will be seen in m a n y of the following chapters, religion was indeed one of the weapons used against colonialism. Moreover, m a n y African rulers had been able to build empires of varying size only a couple of decades back, and some were still in the process of expanding or reviving their kingdoms. M a n y of them had been able to defend their sovereignties with the support of their people using traditional weapons and tactics. S o m e of them, like Samori Ture of the Mandinka empire in West Africa, and Menelik of Ethiopia, had even been able to modernize their armies. Because of this, the African rulers saw no reason w h y they could not maintain their sovereignty at that time. Furthermore, some thought they could stave off the invaders through diplomacy. A s w e shall see below, in 1889, while Cecil Rhodes was preparing to occupy the land of the Ndebele, their king, Lobengula, dispatched a delegation to L o n d o n to see Queen Victoria; and while the British invading army w a s marching towards Kumasi in 1896 to seize Prempeh five years after he had turned d o w n the British offer of protection, he dispatched a powerful diplomatic mission to Q u e e n Victoria. A s seen above, Menelik addressed a similar appeal to the same monarch as well as to other European heads of state. It is also obvious from some of the quotations above that m a n y African rulers did in fact welcome the new changes that were steadily being introduced from the third decade of the nineteenth century since these changes had hitherto posed no threat to their sovereignty and independence. In 5. Quoted in H . Marcus, 1975, p. 160. 6. E . P. Skinner, 1964, p. 133. See also E . Isichei, 1977, p. 181.

5

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-IÇ35 W e s t Africa, for instance, thanks to the activities of the missionaries, Fourah Bay College had been founded as early as 1827 in Sierra Leone, while elementary schools and a secondary school each in the Gold Coast and Nigeria had been established by the 1870s. Indeed, a call for the establishm e n t of a university in West Africa by the Caribbean-born pan-Africanist, E d w a r d Wilmot Blyden had already gone out. A s early as 1887 some of the wealthy Africans had even begun to send their children to Europe for further education and professional training and some of them had returned to the Gold Coast as fully qualified barristers and doctors. A b o v e all, following the abolition of the hideous and inhuman traffic in slaves, the Africans had been able to change over to an economy based on the exportation of cash crops - palm oil in Nigeria, groundnuts in Senegal and T h e G a m b i a — all before 1880 and cocoa had just been reintroduced into the Gold Coast by Tetteh Quashie from Fernando P o in 1879. A n d all this had occurred without the establishment of any direct European rule except in small pockets on the coast. Indeed, the relatively small group of West Africans w h o had benefited from European-style education were—by 1880 - doing extremely well. T h e y were dominating the few civil service posts offered by European administrations; on the coast, s o m e of them were running their o w n import-export businesses and were monopolizing the internal distribution of imported goods. It was in East Africa that European influences were still minimal, although after the epoch-making journeys of Livingstone and Stanley and the subsequent propaganda by missionary societies, it was only a matter of time before churches and schools, and with them roads and railways, would m a k e their appearance. A s far as Africans were concerned, then, they did not see any need for any radical change in their centuries-old relations with Europe, and they were confident that if the Europeans wanted to force any changes on them and push their w a y inland, they would be able to stop them as they had been able to do for the last two or three hundred years. H e n c e the note of confidence, if not of defiance, that rings through the words quoted above. But what the Africans did not realize was that by 1880, thanks to the diffusion of the industrial revolution in Europe, and the subsequent technological progress signified by the steamship, the railway, the telegraph, and, above all, thefirstmachine gun - the M a x i m gun - the Europeans w h o m they were about to face n o w had n e w political ambitions, economic needs and a relatively advanced technology. That is, they did not k n o w that the old era of free trade and informal political control had given way to, to borrow Basil Davidson's words, 'the era of the n e w imperialism and rival capitalist monopolies' 7 and therefore that it was not only trade that the Europeans n o w wanted but also direct political control. Secondly, the African leaders were not aware of the fact that the guns that they had used hitherto and stockpiled, the muzzle-loading muskets - the French 7. B. Davidson, 1978(a), p. 19.

6

Africa and the colonial challenge

captured 21365 muskets from the Baule of Ivory Coast after the suppression of theirfinalrevolt in 1911 8 - were totally outmoded and no match for the new breech-loading rifles used by the Europeans, which had about ten times the rate offireat six times the charge, and the n e w ultra-rapidfire M a x i m s (see Plate 1.1). T h e English poet Hilaire Belloc s u m m e d u p the situation aptly: Whatever happens w e have got T h e m a x i m - g u n and they have not9 It is here that African rulers miscalculated, in m a n y cases with tragic consequences. A s will be seen later, all the chiefs quoted above, except one, were defeated and lost their sovereignty. Lat Dior, moreover, was killed; Prempeh, Behazin and Cetshwayo of the Zulu were exiled and Lobengula of the Ndebele died in flight. Only Menelik, as will be seen in a later chapter, defeated the Italian invaders and thereby maintained his sovereignty and independence.

The structure of Volume VII It is evident, then, that relations between Africans and Europeans did undergo a revolutionary change and Africa was faced with a serious colonial challenge between 1880 and 1935. W h a t then were the origins of this phenomenal challenge, the challenge of colonialism? O r put differently, h o w and w h y did the three-centuries-old relations between Africa and Europe undergo such drastic and fundamental change during this period? H o w was the colonial system established in Africa and what measures, political, economic, psychological and ideological, were adopted to underpin the system? H o w prepared was Africa to face and h o w did she face this challenge and with what success? Which of the n e w changes were accepted and which were rejected? W h a t of the old was retained and what was destroyed? W h a t adaptations and accommodations were made? H o w m a n y institutions were undermined, or h o w m a n y disintegrated? W h a t were the effects of all this on Africa, its peoples and their political, social and economic structures and institutions? Finally, what is the significance of colonialism for Africa and her history? These are the questions that this volume will attempt to answer. For the purpose of answering these questions, and explaining African initiatives and responses in the face of the colonial challenge, this volume has been divided, apart from thefirsttwo chapters, into three main sections. Each section is preceded by a chapter (3, 13, 22) in which the theme of the section is surveyed in a general way and from a continental perspective, and the subsequent chapters are dealt with on a regional basis. T h e introductory section comprising this and the next chapter discusses African 8. T . C . Weiskel, 1980, p. 203. 9. Quoted by M . Perham, 1961, p. 32.

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rather surrender to secure the lives and tranquillity of m y people and country m e n . ' 4 5 . T h e unfortunate Prempeh thought that he could break with tradition and use the weapon of diplomacy instead of military confrontation in an age of bitter imperial rivalry. But in view of the experiences of 1874 and the undoubted military superiority enjoyed by the British over Asante, Prempeh's decision was most realistic, sensible and dignified. Southern Nigeria T h e agencies and methods that the British adopted to bring the whole of modern Nigeria under their control varied, as did the initiatives and reactions on the part of the Nigerians. Yorubaland was w o n by the missionaries and the Lagos government; the Oil Rivers by the missionaries and the consuls; and Northern Nigeria by both the National African C o m p a n y (from 1886 the Royal Niger C o m p a n y ) and the British government. T h e main weapons used by the British were diplomacy and military confrontation. Nigerian reactions therefore varied from open military confrontation to temporary alliances and submission. Mainly as a result of the activities of the missionaries, British influence and trade had penetrated from Lagos, occupied in 1851, to most parts of Yorubaland, and a number of anti-slave trade, and trade and protection treaties had been concluded between the British and m a n y Yoruba rulers by 1884. In 1886, the British administration was also able to convince Ibadan and the Ekitiparapo (comprising the Ekiti, Ijesha and Egba), w h o had been at war since 1879, to sign a peace treaty. That the British had accomplished so m u c h in Yorubaland by 1886 should not surprise us. Apart from the activities of the European traders and missionaries, which had preceded the wars, afterfightinga m o n g themselves since the 1850s, the Yoruba were themselves war-weary and needed peace; hence their acceptance of the intervention by the British. T h e only state in Yorubaland that had effectively resisted the missionaries, the British traders, and the Lagos administration, until the 1880s was Ijebu. Bent on occupying Yorubaland from the early 1890s, the British decided to teach Ijebu a lesson and at the same time demonstrate to the remaining Yoruba states the futility of opposing them. 4 6 Using an alleged insult to Governor Denton in 1892 as a pretext, the British launched a wellprepared expedition of about 1000 m e n armed with rifles, machine guns and a M a x i m gun. T h e Ijebu courageously raised an army of between 7000 and 10000 m e n but in spite of this huge numerical superiority and in spite of the fact that some of them were armed with firearms, they were routed by the invaders.47 It would appear that all the remaining 45. Quoted in ibid. 46. M . Crowder, 1968, pp. 126-7. 47. R . Smith in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971, p. 180.

134

African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, i88o-ig¡4 Yoruba states learnt a lesson from this invasion, and it is not surprising that between 1893 and 1899 Abeokuta, Ibadan, Ekiti-Ijesa and O y o readily agreed to negotiate treaties and accepted British residents. It was merely to ensure the total submission of the Alafin that the British bombarded O y o in 1895. Abeokuta remained nominally independent until 1914. While the Yoruba, by and large, chose the strategy of submission, the rulers of the kingdom of Benin and some of the rulers of the states of the Niger Delta chose that of confrontation. T h o u g h Benin had signed a treaty of protection with the British in 1892, she none the less guarded her sovereignty with determination. This, of course, would not be tolerated in that age, and using the killing of the British acting consul-general andfiveother Englishmen on their way to Benin as an excuse, the British launched a punitive expedition of 1500 m e n against Benin in 1897. T h o u g h the O b a himself would have liked to submit, a majority of his chiefs raised an army to beat back the invasion. T h e y were, however, defeated and the capital was looted of its precious bronze treasures and then burnt. 48 In the Niger Delta, as in m a n y other areas of Nigeria, the British had signed treaties of protection with most of the chiefs by 1884. However, while some, like Calabar and Bonny, had allowed missionaries to operate in their states, others had not. Moreover, all of them were insisting on their sovereign rights to regulate trade and to levy duties on British traders. This, the n e w British consuls, such as Hewett and Johnston, would not tolerate. A typical example of the rulers w h o stood u p to the British consuls and missionaries was Jaja of O p o b o (see Plate 6.3). H e insisted on payment of duties by British traders and ordered a complete stoppage of trade in the river until one British firm agreed to pay duties. T h e consul, Johnston, ordered him to stop levying duties on English traders. But instead of doing so, Jaja dispatched a mission to the Foreign Office to protest against the order. W h e n Jaja still refused to comply in spite of Johnston's threats to bombard his town with British gunboats, Johnston enticed Jaja on board a ship in 1887 under a promise of safeconduct but arrested him and sent him to Accra 49 where he was tried and deported to the West Indies. T h e other Delta states - Old Calabar, N e w Calabar, Brass and Bonny - stunned by this treatment of one of the most powerful and wealthy rulers of the Delta states and divided internally, surrendered and accepted governing councils imposed on them by Johnston. Another ruler w h o defied the British was N a n a , the governor of the river in the Itsekiri kingdom. Like Jaja, he insisted on controlling the trade on the Benin river and therefore the British raised an army to seize his capital. T h e first attempt in April 1894 was repulsed but the second, in September, succeeded. Nana escaped to Lagos where he sur48. J. B . Webster and A . A . Boahen, 1967, pp. 247-9. 49. M . Crowder, 1968, pp. 119-23; O . Ikime, 1973, p. 10.

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plate 6.3 Jajá (c. 1821-91), ruler of the Niger delta state ofOpobo (1869-87)

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rendered himself to the British governor w h o promptly tried him and deported himfirstto Calabar and then to the Gold Coast. 50 Conquest a n d Reaction in Northern Nigeria If the conquest and occupation of Southern Nigeria was the work of the British government with the assistance of the traders and the missionaries, that of Northern Nigeria was accomplished by the National African C o m p a n y (from 1886 the Royal Niger C o m p a n y - R N C ) and the British government, and the main method used, like that of the French in the Western Sudan, was military conquest. This had been preceded by a series of treaties between the rulers of Northern Nigeria and the R N C . These treaties were calculated to secure the area for the British rather than the French or the Germans w h o were encroaching from the west and east respectively. Following the establishment of the principle of effective occupation at the Berlin Conference and to forestall the French and the Germans, the R N C felt compelled to move in. T h e doors to the north lay through Ilorin and N u p e , both of which were determined to maintain their independence and sovereignty. N u p e was therefore invaded in 1897. T h e R N C ' s force, according to D . J. M . Muffett, 'consisted of Major A . R . Arnold, commanding thirty-one officers and other Europeans, including Sir George Goldie himself, and 507 rank andfileformed in seven companies, supported by 565 carriers and one 12-pounder B . L . gun and one 9-pounder B . L . gun (both Whitworth's), five R . M . L . (rifled muzzle loading) 7-pounder guns and six .45 M a x i m s ' . 5 1 It was supported by aflotillaconsisting of eleven vessels. T h e Etsu of N u p e and his huge army, estimated at 25000-30000 cavalry and infantry m e n and armed mainly with the traditional weapons of bows, arrows, spears and swords, put up a spirited fight. Nevertheless, the R N C came out victorious in the end, deposed the Etsu and installed a more pliable one. N u p e was defeated because, as Crowder has pointed out, it failed to realize that 'head-on cavalry charges against rapid-firing rifles, artillery and maxim guns was the worst military strategy possible'.52 A similar invasion was launched against Ilorin in the same year. After meeting another spirited defence, the R N C brought Ilorin into subjection. Surprisingly, other rulers of the north were not intimidated by these victories. O n the contrary, apart from that of Zaria, all the other emirs, spurred on by their implacable hatred for the infidel, were determined to die rather than surrender their land and faith. A s the Sultan of Sokoto informed Lugard in M a y 1902, 'Between us and you there are no dealings except as between musulmans and unbelievers . . . W a r as G o d Almighty 50. O . Ikime in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971, pp. 227-8. 51. D . J. M . Muffett in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971, pp. 283-4. 52. M . Crowder, 1968, p. 131.

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has enjoined on us'. 53 T h e British therefore had to launch a series of campaigns — against Kontagora in 1900, A d a m a w a in 1901, Bauchi in 1902, Kano, Sokoto and Burwuri in 1903. 54 T h e rulers of all these emirates rose to the occasion but they had no effective answer to their enemies' M a x i m guns, rifles and muzzle-loading 7-pounder cannon and therefore suffered defeat.

African Reactions and Responses in West Africa, 1900-14 As is evident from the above, by 1900, the efforts of the Africans to maintain their sovereignty and independence had been frustrated and the period from 1900 to the outbreak of the First World W a r saw the introduction of various kinds of machinery for the administration and above all, for the exploitation of the newly acquired estates. A s Angoulvant, w h o was appointed Governor of the Ivory Coast in August 1908, put it: What has to be established above all is the indisputable principle of our authority . . . O n the part of the natives, the acceptance of this principle must be expressed in a deferential welcome and absolute respect for our representatives whoever they m a y be, in the full payment of taxes at a uniform rate of 2.50 francs, in serious cooperation in the construction of tracks and roads, in the acceptance of paid porterage, in the following of our advice [sic] in regard to labour, in recourse to our justice . . . Signs of impatience or disrespect towards our authority, and the deliberate lack of goodwill are to be repressed without delay.55 In all the newly acquired colonies, the objectives outlined here were pursued and the methods were applied. District commissioners and travelling commissioners were appointed, new courts were established, new codes and n e w laws were introduced, chiefs were confirmed or deposed and new ones appointed, direct and indirect taxation was introduced, and forced labour was demanded for the construction of roads and railways. All these measures naturally generated various reactions. During this second phase, while there were differences in the objectives in view, the strategy adopted for the attainment of these objectives by West Africans was the same. T h e main objectives were three: to regain their independence and sovereignty, which implied expelling the colonial 53. D . J. M . Muffett in M . Crowder (ed), 1971, pp. 284-7. 54. T h e British campaigns in Northern Nigeria and the brave resistance of the rulers are too well known to be discussed here. For details, see D . J. M . Muffett in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971; R . A . Adeleye, 1971; M . Last, 1967. 55. Quoted by J. Suret-Canale, 1971, pp. 97-8. IS»

African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, 1880-1Ç14 rulers altogether; to seek to correct or redress certain specific abuses or oppressive aspects of the colonial system; or to seek accommodation within it. T h e strategy that was adopted during this phase was neither submission nor alliance but that of resistance and this took m a n y forms: revolts or rebellions, migrations, strikes, boycotts, petitions and delegations and finally ideological protest. T h e leadership during this period also remained virtually the same as that between 1880 and 1900, that is mainly that of the traditional rulers. Briefly let us illustrate each of these strategies. T h e most popular weapon used by West Africans during this period was rebellion or revolt. Notable a m o n g rebellions was that led by M a m a d o u Lamine in Senegal between 1885 and 1887; that led by Fode Silla, the marabout king of K o m b o ; and Fode K a b b a , the Muslim ruler of Niamina and the Casamance districts in T h e G a m b i a between 1898 and 1901 ; the Hut Tax rebellion of 1898 in Sierra Leone led by Bai Bureh; the Asante rebellion of 1900 in the Gold Coast led by Yaa Asantewaa, the queen of Edweso; the E k u m e k u rebellion of 1898-1900 and the Aro rising between 1898 and 1902 in eastern. Nigeria; the rebellions of the Bariba of Borgu and the S o m b a of Atacora in D a h o m e y between 1913 and 1914; the Mossi rebellions in Koudougou and Fada N ' G u r m a in Upper Volta from 1908 to 1914; that of the Gurunsi in 1915-16; that of the Lobi and the Djoula in French Sudan between 1908 and 1909; the uprising in Porto N o v o in D a h o m e y ; the revolts of the Baule, Akouse, Sassandra and the G u r o in Ivory Coast between 1900 and 1914; and the numerous uprisings in several parts of Guinea between 1908 and 1914. It is interesting to note that these rebellions increased in intensity during the First World W a r . 5 6 Three typical examples which must be looked at in a little detail to illustrate the nature and motives of these revolts are the rebellion led by M a m a d o u Lamine, the Hut T a x rebellion, and the Yaa Asantewaa rebellion. T h e rebellion of M a m a d o u L a m i n e T h e rebellion of M a m a d o u Lamine was directed against foreign domination. T h e Soninke population was scattered a m o n g the various states c o m prising the territory of Upper Senegal. S o m e of them were by 1880 more or less subjected to French authority, the others to that of A h m a d u . Construction work on the telegraph line and the Kayes-Niger railway line required large numbers of workers, recruited principally a m o n g the Soninke. T h e exhausting labour and the precarious living conditions which were their lot caused a high death rate among them. A s a result, a m o v e ment of protest arose directly not only against the daily humiliations but 56. For details of all these revolts, see O . Ikime, 1973; A . E . Afigbo, 1973; B . O . Oloruntimehin, 1973(b); J. Osuntokun, 1977; M . Crowder, 1977(c); J. Suret-Canale, 1971, pp. 93-107; M . Crowder, 1968; (ed.), 1971; A . Duperray, 1978; I. Kimba, 1979; G . Yapé, 1977; M . Michel, 1982; T . C . Weiskel, 1980; S. Koffi, 1976. See also Chapter 12.

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880—igj$ especially against foreign presence in the region. 57 M a m a d o u L a m i n e acted as a catalyst to this m o v e m e n t b y grouping around h i m all the past or present victims of the n e w socio-political order. It w a s with the envied title of pilgrim that h e returned, in 1885, to his h o m e l a n d , then in the throes of a triple crisis, at once political, economic a n d social. In hisfirstpublic sermons, h e applied himself to transferring the crisis to a religious plane, favouring the strict Sanüsiyya doctrine, which refused to permit M u s l i m s to live under any non-Islamic authority. T h a t was e n o u g h to bring about the spontaneous adherence of the Soninke to his p r o g r a m m e . H i s travels in K h a s s o , G u o y , B a m b u c k a n d B o n d u daily saw n e w n u m b e r s of his c o u n t r y m e n rally to the cause. B y the e n d of 1885, he had imposing forces at his disposal, ready to go to battle for freedom. T h e death of Boubacar Saada, the A l m a m y of Bondu and a French protege, provided him with the opportunity to launch his offensive. O m a r Penda, imposed by France as the late Almamy's successor, refused to grant M a m a d o u Lamine permission to pass through Bondu on his way to T h e Gambia. T h e Soninke chief thereupon invaded Bondu in January 1886. Frey, w h o was on the Niger, dispatched contingents to Kayes and Bakel to secure his rear. M a m a d o u Lamine then gave his movement a radical turn. His sermons thereafter concerned only total war against Christians.58 T h e Soninke condemned the French as well as their African allies such as O m a r Penda of Bondu, Sambala of Medina and the farmers established in Bakel, Medina and Kayes. S o m e Soninke in French service joined M a m a d o u Lamine's camp while others established in the French posts furnished him with information concerning French troop movements. Against the superior weaponry of the enemy, M a m a d o u Lamine could count on the numerical superiority and fanaticism of his soldiers, w h o were convinced they werefightingfor G o d and their country. After his defeat at Bakel, he resorted to guerrilla warfare. In March 1886, M a m a d o u Lamine decided to attack Bakel, which symbolized the French presence in the area and the humiliation of the Soninke people. H e established a blockade of the city, occupying all its approaches with troops. W h e n Captain Jolly attempted to loosen his grip by attacking the Soninke based at Koungani, he was forced to beat a hasty retreat, leaving ten dead and a cannon on the scene. M a m a d o u Lamine thereupon stormed the city with his 10000 m e n . T h e assault failed. With victory but a hair's breadth away, the Soninke headquarters was wiped out by a shell. In the confusion which followed, M a m a d o u Lamine's warriorsfled.59Nevertheless, on his orders, the telegraph line between Bakel and Kayes was cut. T h e experience at Bakel taught Lamine that with the weapons at his 57. A . K . Tandia, 1973, p. 83. 58. ibid., p. 89. 59. ibid., p. 92.

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African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, i88o-igi4 disposal, he would never be able to seize fortified French posts. H e therefore took to guerrilla warfare. Frey, w h o had returned from Niger, terrorized the populations of Guidimakha to wean them away from M a m a d o u Lamine's cause. Their villages were burned, their crops and livestock confiscated. That policy only strengthened the Soninke in their determination to rid their country of the French. M a m a d o u Lamine devoted the rainy season of 1886 to reorganizing his forces. H e set up his headquarters at Diana in Upper Gambia, where he erected a fortress that became a centre of propaganda and a base of operations. In July, the Soninke attacked Senoudebou, reconquered Boulebane and executed O m a r Penda, the French protege of B o n d u . 6 0 After 1887, the alliance between Gallieni and A h m a d u against the Soninke precipitated the failure of the uprising. Souaibou, M a m a d o u Lamine's son, attacked by A h m a d u ' s army, was forced to surrender Diafounou and Guidimakha to the son of Al Hadj ' U m a r . While attempting to rejoin his father, he was captured and executed. In December 1887, Lamine wasfinallydefeated at Touba-Kouta by the French with the help of the auxiliaries furnished by Moussa M o l o of the Upper Casamance. T h e H u t T a x rebellion T h e H u t T a x rebellion of 1898 was the response of the T e m n e and the M e n d e of Sierra Leone to the consolidation of British rule over them by the appointment of district commissioners, the expansion of the frontier police, the abolition of the slave trade and slavery, the implementation of the Protectorate Ordinance of 1896 which empowered the government to dispose of waste land and,finally,the imposition of a tax of 5s a year on all two-roomed houses and 10s on all larger houses in the Protectorate.61 All the T e m n e chiefs unanimously decided not to pay the tax and rose u p in rebellion under the leadership of one of them, Bai Bureh (see Plate 6.4). T h e y were joined by the M e n d e people thereby involving almost three-quarters of the Protectorate. T h e rebel forces attacked and looted trading stations and killed British officials and troops and all those suspected of assisting the colonial government. A s one district commissioner reported in April 1898, 'The object appears to be the massacre of all Sierra Leoneans (i.e. the Creoles of Freetown) and Europeans and thoroughly it is being done. T h e country is destroyed as regards Trade — several traders being killed and places burnt'. 62 B y M a y 1898, the rebel armies were within about 40 k m of Freetown and two companies of troops had to be hastily brought in from Lagos to defend the town. W h a t was the true nature of this revolt? T h e British governor of Sierra 60. ibid., p. 95. 61. This section is based on J. A . Langley, n.d. 62. ibid.

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plate 6.4 Bai Bureh (c. 1845-c. 1908), leader of the 1898 Hut Tax rebellion in Sierra Leone, pictured after his arrest

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African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, 1880-IÇ14 Leone, w h o was stunned by the rebellion, attributed not only that rebellion but the general resistance to colonial rule that was raging at the time to 'the growing political consciousness of the African, and his increasing sense of his worth and autonomy'. A s he put it, 'the native is beginning to feel his strength from the value that is set on him for the products of his country and his labour by the white m a n and in future the latter will not be able to trade so m u c h on his simplicity and ignorance of the world as in the past'.63 Governor Cardew's analysis cannot be faulted and is equally true of most of the rebellions and guerrilla wars that occurred in West Africa between the late 1890s and 1914. T h e Y a a Asantewaa W a r Like the H u t Tax rebellion of 1898, the Asante uprising of 1900 was precipitated by the attempts of the British to consolidate their rule by the deposition of some of the anti-British chiefs and the appointment to replace them of people w h o were not traditionally qualified, and by the imposition of a tax, in this case 4s per head, as a war indemnity in 1897. But the last straw that really precipitated action was the demand of the British governor, Arnold Hodgson, for the Golden Stool to be sent to him so that he could sit on it. T h e Golden Stool was the most sacred object of the Asante, which they considered as the embodiment of their soul and a symbol of their survival as a nation. That demand, therefore, could not but touch off an instantaneous rebellion of nearly all the principal states under the leadership of the Q u e e n of Edweso, Nana Yaa Asantewaa (see Plate 6.2). 6 4 T h e Asante forces attacked the Governor and his party w h o had to seek refuge in the fort at Kumasi which the Asante then besieged. W h e n the governor and his party escaped from the fort, the Asante fought several pitched battles with the British which lasted from April to November 1900 w h e n Yaa Asantewaa was arrested and deported with other Asante generals to the Seychelles. Similar revolts, pitched battles and guerrilla warfare raged in the Ivory Coast in response to the brutal methods including forced labour and high taxation used by that cruel Governor, Angoulvant, for the consolidation of French rule and the exploitation of the colony. This resistance by the Baule which broke out in 1908 continued until 1910 when, using the notorious search and destroy tactics, the French suppressed all remaining opposition with a brutality and wickedness unparalleled in the annals of African resistance (see Plate 6.5a). At the end of this, the population of the Baule had dropped from about 1.5 million in 1900 to about 260000

63. ibid. 64. For details, see J. K . Fynn in M . Crowder (ed.), 1971, pp. 46-9.

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plate 6.5(a) French officers display the head ofan African during the suppression ofresistance in the Ivory Coast in the early 1900s

=N

nas*.:

plate 6.5(b) Chiefs surrender to Lieutenant Boudet after resisting the French conquest of the Ivory Coast 144

African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, 1880-1Ç14 by .191 i.6S T h e neighbours of the Baule, the Guro, the D a n and the Bete held out till 1919. M a s s Migration But revolts and rebellions were not the only strategy of resistance adopted by West Africans from 1900 to 1914. O n e widespread method of resistance was mass migration in protest against the harshness of colonial rule. This was particularly c o m m o n in the French colonies where, unable to resort to armed revolt owing to the stationing of military control units in the annexed sector, the Africans resorted tofleeing,in order to elude the measures that they found so oppressive and humiliating. T h u s between 1882 and 1889, the Fulani population of the suburbs of Saint-Louis migrated in large numbers towards A h m a d u ' s empire. O f the 30000 Fulani living in the suburbs in 1882, only 10000 remained in 1889. In 1916 and 1917 more than 12000 people left the Ivory Coast for the Gold Coast. Large numbers also left Senegal for T h e Gambia, Upper Volta for the Gold Coast, and D a h o m e y for Nigeria during the period.66 It should be pointed out that these rebellions and protest migrations were resorted to, by and large, by the rural folk and in the inland parts of those colonies whose direct contact with the Europeans dated only from the i88os and 1890s. In the coastal areas and n e w urban centres where the educated elite lived and where a working class was emerging, less violent options were resorted to. These included strikes, boycotts, ideological protest, the use of newspapers and, above all, the dispatch of petitions and delegations to the local as well as the metropolitan colonial governments by various societies and movements. Strikes Strikes as a weapon of protest became more c o m m o n after the First World W a r , but there were a few in the period before. A strike by railway workers on the Dakar-Saint-Louis line occurred as early as 1890; in 1891 there was the strike of D a h o m e y w o m e n w h o were employed in the Cameroons; labourers went on strike for higher pay in Lagos in 1897, an action described by Basil Davidson as 'thefirstmajor colonial strike';67 in 1918-19 occurred a strike of the Cotonou and Grand Popo paddlers in D a h o m e y ; and in 1919 thefirststrike of dockers at the Conakry port in Guinea. 6 8 65. J. Suret-Canale, 1971, pp. 95-103. For details of thefinalphase of Baule resistance, see T . C . Weiskel, 1980, pp. 172-210; J. Bony, 1980, pp. 17-29. 66. A . I. Asiwaju, 1976(b). 67. B . Davidson, 1978(b), p. 173; A . G . Hopkins, 1966(b). 68. J. Suret-Canale, 1977, pp. 46-50.

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Ideological protest Ideological protest was seen during the period under review mainly in the religiousfield:among Christians, Muslims and Traditionalists. T h u s , as B . O . Oloruntimehin has shown, the adherents of the traditional religion a m o n g the Mossi of Upper Volta, the Lobi and the Bambara of French Sudan banded together against the spread of French culture as well as the Christian and Muslim religions. T h e adherents of the Islamic religion especially in the Western Sudan belt also revived M a h d i s m or founded movements such as Mouridiyya led by Shaikh A h m a d u B a m b a and the Hamalliyya led by Shaikh Hamallah to protest against the French presence.69 T h e African Christians, especially in the British West African colonies, also rebelled against the European domination of the churches and the imposition of European culture and liturgy. This resulted in the breakaway of these members to form their o w n messianic or millenarian or Ethiopian churches with distinctively African liturgies and doctrines. Such, for example, was the Native Baptist Church, the first African church formed in Nigeria in April 1888. 70 Elite associations M a n y clubs and associations were also formed by the educated Africans mainly in the urban centres as vehicles for protest against the abuse and iniquities of colonial systems during this period. These associations used newspapers, plays, tracts and pamphlets as their main weapons. 7 ' Examples of such bodies, which acted as watch dogs of colonial rule, were the Aborigines Rights Protection Society ( A R P S ) formed in the Gold Coast in 1897, the Y o u n g Senegalese Club founded in 1910, and the Peoples Union and the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society formed in Nigeria in 1908 and 1912 respectively. T h e A R P S was easily the most active. It was formed to protest against the Land Bill of 1896 which was to give control of all so-called waste or unoccupied lands to the government. A s a result of a delegation it dispatched to L o n d o n in 1898 which met the Secretary of State for Colonies, this obnoxious Bill was withdrawn. F r o m then on, the A R P S sent a series of petitions to the local administration as well as the Colonial Office protesting against various projected Bills. It sent two delegations to England, one in 1906 to demand the repeal of the 1894 T o w n s Ordinance and the second in 1911 to oppose the Forestry Bill of 1910. It was certainly the most successful of the mouthpieces of the elite and traditional rulers of West Africa and the greatest opponent of colonialism until the formation of the National Congress of British West Africa after the First World W a r . In French 69. B . O . Oloruntimehin, 1973(b), pp. 32-3. 70. E . A . Ayandele, 1966, pp. 194-8. 71. F. Omu, 1978.

146

African initiatives and resistance in West Africa, i88o~ig¡4 West Africa, the Y o u n g Senegalese Club formed in 1910 also actively campaigned for equal rights. It should be evident from this discussion that the peoples of West Africa devised all kinds of strategies and tacticsfirstto oppose the establishment of the colonial system and second, after the failure of their early efforts, to resist certain specific measures and institutions of the system. These various strategies and measures proved on the whole unsuccessful, and by the end of the period under review, colonialism had become firmly entrenched in the whole of West Africa.

T h e causes of failure Every case of resistance and armed insurrection went d o w n to defeat, at least if one considers only the results at the scene of action. A n d yet the West Africans lacked neither courage nor military science. But they were at a heavy disadvantage in the face of the invaders. Apart from the technical superiority of their enemies' weapons, they had no real compensatory advantage over the conquerors. T o be sure, they had a better knowledge of their country, and the severity of the climate, which forced the Europeans to suspend operations during certain periods of the year, occasionally provided them with some respite. But the bulk of the conquering troops were Africans officered by Europeans. Hence these riflemen were not out of their element. Frequently the West Africans, like the Maghribians (see Chapter 5) did not even have the advantage of greater numbers. Often behind the regular troops of the invaders, there marched thousands of African auxiliaries from annexed or protected territories whose chief function was systematically to pillage the country in conflict with their protector so as to disrupt its internal organization. Moreover, the West African states never succeeded in setting up an organic alliance that would compel their enemies to do battle simultaneously on several fronts. Certain states clearly perceived the necessity for this, but their attempts to bring it about came to naught. Most of the resisters resorted to guerrilla warfare too late, w h e n they had learned through defeat that neither conventional warfare nor the defensive systems of the 'tatas' left them any chance of success in the face of enemies possessing weapons capable of greater destruction. T o all that must be added the fact, already pointed out above, that in 1890 the imperialists, by the Brussels Convention, reached an agreement that no further arms should be sold to Africans. Thereafter, the Africans encountered severe logistic problems. Finally, like Africans elsewhere, those of West Africa, except Samori, had to use outmoded weapons such as dane guns and bows and arrows in the face of cannon and the M a x i m gun. In the combination of all these factors lay the source of the African defeat. Looking back over this heroic period of African history, the question obviously suggests itself whether resistance was not 'heroic madness' or

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1 gj^ a criminal attitude. These authors do not believe so. It matters little, from their standpoint, that the African armies should have suffered defeat at the hands of better equipped enemies, so long as the cause for which the resisters laid d o w n their lives continues to haunt the minds of their descendants.

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African initiatives and resistance in East Africa,

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i880-1914

H. A. M W A N Z I

M u c h has been written about the African response to foreign penetration and eventual rule towards the end of the last century and the beginning of the present. Most of the discussion, if not all of it, has been centred on the dichotomy between resisters, w h o by implication are to be praised as heroes, and so-called collaborators, w h o also by implication are to be condemned as traitors. This classification came about as a result of the nationalist struggle for independence in Africa, as elsewhere in the world. Those involved in the movement tended to see themselves as heirs to a long tradition of struggle whose roots go back to the beginning of this century, if not earlier. It was assumed that independence was a good thing and to strive for it was natural. Consequently, all those w h o had resisted European penetration of Africa, in order to preserve its independence, were heroes to be emulated and given an honourable place in the histories of the countries that had gained their independence through resistance to colonial rule. Put in these terms, this view is an attempt to use the standards of the present, with the aid of hindsight, to interpret the events of the past. In the colonial situation, those w h o resisted were described by colonial officials as short-sighted while those w h o collaborated were seen as far-sighted. Today, nationalist historians in East Africa cond e m n so-called collaborators, especially chiefs, and praise resisters.1 A m o n g the resisters, there were also divisions. There were those w h o took to armed confrontation with the intruders - active resistance. T h e n there were those w h o , though they did not take to arms, refused to cooperate with the intruders. This form of resistance is referred to as passive resistance. There has not been a similar treatment of the so-called collaborators. They are often put together as simply one undifferentiated group. However, as Professor A d u Boahen has correctly pointed out, it is a distortion of African history to see it in terms of heroes and villains. This approach fails to consider the prevailing circumstances under which various groups or individuals operated. T h e options available to them 1. G . Muriuki, 1974, p. 233.

Africa under Colonial Domination i88o-igj$ and their interpretations of these options m a y have been different from those imposed on them by politicians and scholars alike. It makes sense, as Boahen has suggested, to see the events of the time and their key actors in terms of diplomacy, pursued independently or backed by force. T o appreciate the extent to which diplomacy could go, it is necessary to understand the socio-economic forces operating in a particular society at the time of the encounter. For East Africa, a survey of such factors in the 1890s will be an appropriate setting for the events that followed. But, as R . I. Rotberg and Ali Mazrui state: 'There is no gainsaying that the introduction of Western norms and power and accompanying controls was everywhere in Africa questioned by the people affected'.2 This questioning, however, took various forms. 'The response to the invasion was determined by the structure of each society at the time. T h o u g h all societies were determined to preserve their sovereignty, the reaction to invasion was not uniform.' 3 Variations occurred in accordance with the social cohesion or otherwise of a given society. In the 1890s - the period that preceded European occupation of East Africa - the societies of the region had achieved differing stages of social organization.4 S o m e , such as the Baganda and the Banyoro in Uganda, the B a n y a m b o in Tanganyika (now Tanzania) and the W a n g a in Kenya, had achieved a high degree of centralized government (see Fig. 7.1). In such societies, response to foreign penetration tended to be dictated by the king or the leadership as a whole. W h a t had existed in Europe at one time - ' T h e religion of the king is m y religion' - sums u p the attitude well. Other societies, such as the N y a m w e z i in Tanganyika or the Nandi in Kenya were in the process of forming centralized governments. This process is often referred to as state formation. However, the vast majority of societies in this region did not have centralized governments. But lack of central governments does not imply lack of government, a mistake which some foreigners commenting on African societies have m a d e in the past. Again various societies had had different levels of contact with Europeans or Arabs, the two external forces impinging on East Africa at this time. O n the whole, coastal areas had had a longer contact with Europeans and Arabs than the interior areas. O f the interior peoples, three or four groups had had longer contact with the Arabs than the rest. T h e A k a m b a in Kenya and the N y a m w e z i in Tanganyika were involved in the caravan trade from the interior to the coast - a phenomenon often referred to as long-distance trade.5 T h e Baganda as well as the W a n g a in Kenya had also had contact with Arabs trading in ivory and slaves prior to 2. R . I. Rotberg and A . A . Mazrui (eds), 1970, p. xviii. 3. M . H . Y . Kaniki in M . H . Y . Kaniki (ed.), 1980, p. 6. 4. For a detailed discussion of Tanzanian societies before the advent of colonialism, see A . M . H . Sheriff in M . H . Y . Kaniki (ed.), 1980. 5. See I. Kimambo, 1970.

150

fig. 7.1 People and polities of East Africa, showing areas of the Majî Maji rebellion

151

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-IÇ35 the 1890s. Again the degree of exposure to these outside influences determined the type and extent of resistance put up by various societies. Apart from these h u m a n influences, there were ecological changes taking place in East Africa in the 1890s, which also affected response to foreign penetration. T h e whole region underwent ecological stress resulting in drought with consequent famines. Rinderpest epidemics also occurred.6 Again, some societies were affected by these natural calamities more deeply than others. Pastoral societies, such as the Maasai of Kenya, seem to have been hit worst of all. A n u m b e r of Maasai families such as the Waiyaki and Njonjo families took refuge a m o n g the neighbouring Gikuyu where they were to play a different role both in relation to their response to colonial advance and in relation to the colonial system that was consequently set u p , as well as to the post-colonial society.7 Others took refuge a m o n g the N a n d i . 8 Still others were to offer their services as soldiers, first to King M u m i a of W a n g a a m o n g the Abaluyia as mercenaries, and, second, to British imperial agents as part of the expeditionary force that was used to conquer the country that is n o w called Kenya. This was especially the case against the Nandi. 9 T h e Maasai example serves to illustrate the kind of dislocation that had taken place a m o n g the economies of various societies in this general area. T h u s , colonialism came to an area already suffering from an economic crisis with all its attendant effects.

T h e European Scramble for East Africa and the patterns of African resistance T h e colonialist Scramble for East Africa involved three competing powers: the Sultanate of Zanzibar, G e r m a n y and Britain. T h efirston the scene were the Arabs w h o operated from Zanzibar. Their interests both on the coast and in the interior were largely commercial, revolving around the trade in slaves and ivory. Before the 1880s and 1890s, these Arabs and Swahili traders were content to operate from the coast. But during the closing decades of the last century, Arab interests in the interior of East Africa began to be threatened by G e r m a n and British interests that had been steadily penetrating the area. In the face of this, the Arabs attempted to take political control of some areas in order to protect their commercial concessions. T h u s , they set up a colony at Ujiji on the shores of Lake Tanganyika; and in Buganda, they staged a coup at the expense of the Christians after co-operating with them to remove M w a n g a from the throne.10 T h e Europeans in the interior included traders and missionaries, all of w h o m wanted the occupation of East Africa by their h o m e 6. W . Rodney, n.d., p. 4. 7. G . H . Mungeam, 1970, p. 137; K . J. King, 1971(a). 8. H . A. Mwanzi, 1977. 9. K . J. King, 1971(a). 10. R . Oliver, 1951, p. 54.

152

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Africa under Colonial Domination i88o-igj5 governments in order to provide them with security as well as a free hand to carry out their enterprises without hindrance. T h e methods of European advance varied from place to place. But, on the whole, they were characterized by the use of force combined with, where it was possible, diplomatic alliances with one group against another. Force took the form of invasions which were often also looting exercises. T o facilitate advance inland, railways were constructed. T h e Uganda railway, linking the interior of Uganda and Kenya with the coast, reached the Lake Victoria basin in 1901. T h e Germans likewise started the construction of railways and road networks. T h efirstrailway was started on the coast at Tanga after 1891 and reached the foothills of the Usambara mountains in 1905. T h e response in K e n y a African response to all this was, as already indicated, both military and diplomatic, though at times there was withdrawal, non-co-operation or passivity. T h e Nandi in Kenya, for instance, resisted militarily the construction of the railway through their territory. O f all the peoples of Kenya, they put u p the strongest and longest military resistance to British i m perialism; it began in the 1890s and did not end until their leader was murdered by the British commanders in 1905, on his way to the negotiations which had been treacherously arranged. That event weakened Nandi resistance and eventually led to the British occupation of their territory. That the Nandi resisted the British for over seven years was due to the nature of their society. Nandi society was divided into territorial units called pororiet. Warriors from each unit were responsible for the defence of the territory. For this reason, the warriors slept in a c o m m o n hut. This was the nearest thing to a standing army. These territorial armies came together under the leadership of an orgoiyot, or traditional leader. It was he w h o decided w h e n the army would go on a raid. T h e armies were linked to him through a personal representative w h o sat at each territorial council. Because territory rather than clan was the centre of Nandi social life, this meant that clan rivalry was absent. T h e result was a cohesive society, and it was this cohesion that gave the society military superiority over its neighbours. Maison writes that 'It is surprising that so small a tribe as the Nandi was able to terrorize m u c h larger peoples and to continue to do so almost with impunity for several decades.' 11 Given the social cohesion of the society as well as the confidence of the warriors both in themselves and in their leaders, it is not surprising that they became a military power to reckon with. Their military successes led them to believe that they were superior to other people, white m e n included. A s G . W . B . Huntingford noted, ' T h e Nandi thinks himself at least the equal, if not the superior of the whiteman; and any estimate 11. A. T . Matson, 1970, p. 72.

154

African initiatives and resistance in East Africa, 188&-1Q14 of the changes brought about by the impact of our civilization must be considered in the light of this fact'.12 T h e Nandi successfully resisted this occupation for over seven years, then, because of the success with which the society had been knit together as afightingforce. This contrasts with the response of some other communities in Kenya. In central Kenya, for instance, each leader or group or clan reacted separately to this foreign intrusion.J ? A typical example was the reaction of Waiyaki among the Gikuyu. His parents were originally Maasai w h o , because of the upheavals that took place in Maasailand in the nineteenth century, had moved to settle in southern Gikuyuland. Here, Waiyaki had gained influence partly because of his contact with caravan traders. T h e Imperial British East Africa C o m p a n y ( I B E A C ) regarded him as the param o u n t Chief of all the Gikuyu people. But his conduct, as Muriuki has pointed out, 'right from the beginning demonstrated that he was genuinely interested in friendship with the whiteman'. 1 4 H e ensured the safe passage of Count Teleki's expedition through southern Gikuyu and entered into a blood brotherhood treaty with Frederick Lugard w h o was then a company agent. T h e blood brotherhood ceremony was the highest expression of trust a m o n g the Gikuyu. After this treaty, Waiyaki allowed Lugard to build a fort on his land. But w h e n later Waiyaki's requests, such as the possession of firearms were turned d o w n by these agents of British i m perialism, he turned against them and stormed the company's station at Dagoretti. Subsequently, he again changed his tactics and m a d e an alliance with the foreigners in a diplomatic effort to safeguard his position, but he was deported. Waiyaki's behaviour illustrates the point, sometimes missed, that no one was a résister or a so-called collaborator all his life. People changed their tactics in accordance with the prevailing situation and probably as their understanding of the forces surrounding them deepened. T h e colonial situation was dynamic, not static, and so were the reactions of the Africans. Lenana of the Maasai similarly allied himself with the British by contrast with another section of the Maasai w h o were opposed to a foreign presence in their area. Often those w h o m a d e an alliance with the British were rewarded with posts such as chiefships in the colonial system. So Lenana, like m a n y others, was m a d e a paramount chief of the Maasai in Kenya. African resistance varied in accordance with the nature of the society and in accordance with h o w each community perceived the external threat to its sovereignty. ' s W h a t differed was the extent or otherwise of resistance. A s Ochieng puts it, 'practically everywhere in Kenya the imposition of colonial rule was resisted. Better armed and employing groups of 12. 13. 14. 15.

Quoted by S. K . Arap Ng'eny, 1970, p. 109. See G . Muriuki, 1974. See also G . H . Mungeam, 1970. G . Muriuki, 1974, p. 152. R . I. Rotberg and A . A . Mazrui (eds), 1970, p. xviii.

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-igjs mercenaries, the British imposed their authority only by violence'.16 O n the coast, the Mazrui family resisted the take-over by the I B E A C . This resistance was led by M b a r u k bin Rashid w h o organized hit-and-run warfare against the superior weapons of the British forces. It took reinforcements of Indian troops brought in by the British to defeat him. H e fled Tanganyika, only to fall into the hands of the Germans. T h e Mazrui resistance came about as a result of British attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of the coastal societies. After the Mazrui family had settled in Takarungu on the Kenya coast, they had gradually begun to extend their influence to m a n y parts of the coast. T h e y acquired, for example, the monopoly of buying grain from the Mijikenda people along the coast and had thus come to control the sale of food crops on the coast. T h e monopoly was resisted by the Giriama between 1877 and 1883 when war broke out between the two groups. T h e Mazrui were defeated. Thereafter, they had come to some understanding with the Giriama whereupon the two communities became trading partners. T h e coming of the British interfered with this arrangement as well as the internal organization of the Mazrui society, providing one reason w h y the Mazrui resisted the imposition of British rule. W h e n in 1895, the Wali Takarungu died, the I B E A C chose their local friend to succeed h i m instead of M b a r u k w h o had a better claim to the throne but was k n o w n not to favour the British presence.17 It was for this reason that M b a r u k sought to drive the British away from the coast by force. Further inland, the A k a m b a did not like British interference in their affairs. T h e founding of Machakos station by the C o m p a n y in 1889 led to hostilities between the I B E A C and the local community. C o m p a n y agents looted the surrounding areas of food and property - mainly goats and cattle. T h e y also interfered with religious shrines which people regarded as sacred. In response to this, the local population under Msiba M w e a organized a boycott of the I B E A C station in 1890, 18 refusing to sell it food. Peace only prevailed w h e n F . D . Lugard, a company agent, arrived to make a peace treaty which involved the signing of a 'blood-brotherhood' accord with the local population. In northern Kenya, behind Kisimayu hinterland, the Ogaden Somali, the Mazrui family and the A k a m b a resisted British intrusion. Again it took Indian reinforcements to defeat them in 1899. T h e Taita w h o had refused to provide porters and who had resisted caravan traders' interference in their country were besieged in 1897 by I B E A C troops under the c o m m a n d of Captain Nelson, w h o reported that they 'made a most determined attack . . . coming up to the guns. T h e fight lasted about twenty minutes and at last the enemy fled in all directions, leaving a 16. W . R. Ochieng, 1977, p. 89. 17. ibid., p. 90. 18. ibid., p. 91.

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African initiatives and resistance in East Africa, 1880—1Q14 large number of dead on the ground including M w a n g e k a . ' 1 9 Captain Nelson himself and eleven of his m e n were wounded by Taita poisoned arrows. Elsewhere in western Kenya, a m o n g the Abaluyia, the pattern of response was the same, involving military encounter as well as diplomatic alliance. King M u m i a of the W a n g a was particularly adept at the use of diplomacy. H e saw the British as an ally w h o m he could use to extend his influence over the whole of western Kenya, by helping him to defeat his neighbouring adversaries such as the Iteso and the L u o with w h o m he had been at loggerheads for quite some time. W a n g a kings had a tradition of employing mercenaries tofightfor their cause. T h u s , in M u m i a ' s thinking, the British were simply another group of mercenaries to be used. Likewise, the British saw in M u m i a a willing agent to help them to extend their control over the whole area. Indeed, the British occupation of western Kenya was accomplished largely through his help. This debt was freely acknowledged by British officials, among w h o m was Sir Harry Johnston w h o noted that 'he [Mumia] from the veryfirstregarded British officials and the idea of a British Protectorate with hearty good-will. His influence through all the troubled times of Uganda had done m u c h to ensure the safety of British communications with the east coast'.20 T h e same sentiments were echoed by another colonial official on the occasion of M u m i a ' s death in 1949. The then district commissioner who, with other high government officials, attended the burial service, concluded his speech at the ceremony by saying, 'so passed a great figure in the early history of East Africa'.21 The

response in Tanganyika

T h e pattern of response in Tanganyika was similar to that obtaining in Kenya as described above, that is, it involved the use of force as well as diplomatic alliances.22 M b u n g a clashed with G e r m a n forces in 1891 and in 1893 while the hinterland behind Kilwa had its armed resistance organized behind Hasan bin Omari. T h e M a k o n d e defied G e r m a n penetration till 189g. 23 T h e Hehe, under their leader M k w a w a , clashed with G e r m a n forces in 1891, killing about 290. 24 T h e Germans set out to avenge this loss. In 1894, they stormed the H e h e region and captured its capital. But the leader, M k w a w a , escaped. After being hunted for four years by his enemies, he committed suicide in order to avoid capture. 19. Quoted in ibid., p. 24. 20. Quoted in W . J. Eggeling, 1948, p. 199. Eggeling adds: 'Uganda has much for which to thank Mumia'. 21. Quoted in W . J. Eggeling, 1950, p. 105. 22. For a detailed discussion of the responses of Tanzanian societies to colonial invasion see: A . J. T e m u , in M . H . Y . Kaniki (ed.), 1980. 23. J. Iliffe, 1967, p. 499. 24. J. Iliffe, 1969, p. 17; see also G . C . K . Gwassa in B . A . Ogot (ed.), 1972(a).

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Africa under Colonial Domination

1880-1gj^

T h e coastal people of Tanganyika organized their resistance around the person and leadership of Abushiri.25 Socially, the coast of Tanganyika, like that of Kenya, had been dominated for centuries by Swahili and Islamic culture. Here a mixed population of Arabs and Africans intermarried freely, and carried out local trade. T h e n , in the nineteenth century, coastal Arabs significantly increased their activities in the interior because of the demand for ivory and slaves. T h e result of thisflourishingtrade was the establishment of numerous n e w towns along the coast. T h e coming of the Germans threatened this trade as they sought to supplant it with their own. T h e local populations, especially the Arabs, resented this and organized a resistance. Abushiri, the leader of this resistance, was born in 1845 of an Arab father and an O r o m o ('Galla') mother. H e was a descendant of one of thefirstArab settlers on the coast, a m e m b e r of a group w h o had come to regard themselves as local people. Like m a n y others, he opposed the influence of the Sultanate of Zanzibar on the coast and even advocated independence. A s a young m a n , he had organized expeditions into the interior to trade in ivory. F r o m the profits made, he bought himself a farm and planted sugar cane. H e was also engaged in a campaign against the Nyamwezi. This had enabled him to assemble warriors w h o were later to be used against the Germans. Under his leadership, the coastal people fired on a G e r m a n warship at Tanga in September 1888 and then gave the Germans two days to leave the coast. They later attacked Kilwa, killed the two Germans there, and then Bagamoyo with 8000 m e n on 22 September. But the Germans, w h o termed this 'the Arab revolt' sent out H e r m a n n von Wissman. H e reached Zanzibar in April 1889, attacked Abushiri in his fortress near Bagamoyo and drove him out. Abushiri escaped northwards to Uzigua where he was betrayed and handed over to the Germans w h o hanged him at Pangani on 15 December 1889. T h e coastal resistancefinallycollapsed when Kilwa was bombarded and taken by the Germans in M a y 1890. 26 These were among those w h o took to arms in Tanganyika in an effort to defend their independence. But the Germans, like the British in Kenya, were practised in the art of divide and rule by allying with one group against another. There were m a n y such allies. T h e Marealle and the Kibanga near the Tanganyikan mountains of Kilimanjaro and Usambara were, to name but two examples, among those w h o saw in the Germans an opportunity to make friends in order to defeat their enemies. These people, like others such as the W a n g a in Kenya, believed that they were using the Germans even though in the process they were m a d e use of m u c h more by the Germans than perhaps they realized. T h e Arabs on 25. A . J. T e m u in M . H . Y . Kaniki (ed.), 1980, pp. 92-9; for further discussion of the resistance of Abushiri, see R . D . Jackson in R . I. Rotberg and A . A . Mazrui (eds), 1970. 26. J. Iliffe, 1979, pp. 92-7.

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plate 7.2 Chief Abushiri (c. 1845-89), a leader of coastal resistance to German and British colonization in East Africa, 1888-9

I59

Africa under Colonial Domination i88o~1935

the coast, however, were firmly in the employ of the Germans as they were in that of the British and they provided thefirstlocal personnel in the service of imperialism. T h e response in U g a n d a A similar pattern of response to British colonialism took place in Uganda (see Fig. 7.1). T h e period between 1891 and 1899 saw a clash between the forces of Kabarega, the King of Bunyoro and those of Lugard and other British agents. After some clashes in which Kabarega's forces were defeated, Kabarega turned to diplomacy. Twice he attempted to c o m e to terms with Lugard, but the latter would not countenance these gestures.2 7 M w a n g a , the Kabaka of Buganda, at times tried to intercede on behalf of the Bunyoro king but to no avail. Eventually, Kabarega resorted to guerrilla warfare, probably thefirstof its kind in East Africa. H e withdrew from Bunyoro to the Lango country in the north from where he harassed British forces time and again. O n e of the British officials occupying Bunyoro at the time, Thurston, commented: 'Kabarega was at his old tricks - giving every possible trouble but never standing up for a fair fight, preferring to pursue his favourite methods of assassination. Kabarega caused poison to be given to a friendly chief and he died, but I have had the poisoner killed.'28 Thurston's description is a perfect example of the guerrilla tactic of withdrawing to a neighbouring country in order to harass occupying forces in one's o w n country. Kabarega was later joined in Lango by M w a n g a , but their hide-out was stormed in 1899 and both kings were captured and taken to Kisimayu where M w a n g a died in 1903. In this episode, w e have both military confrontation and diplomatic initiative by Kabarega and M w a n g a as will be shown in the sequel. Probably the greatest diplomat of all those w h o had to deal with the advent of imperialism in East Africa in the last decade of the nineteenth century was M w a n g a , the Kabaka of Buganda, which had been declared a British Protectorate in 1894. W h e n he ascended the throne in 1894, he seemed to be suspicious of Europeans, mostly missionaries at that time, so he sought to restrict his people's interactions with them. Those a m o n g the Baganda w h o had embraced the Christian faith and w h o would not obey his orders were put to death as traitors.29 Today, Christians regard them as martyrs. M w a n g a was, however, violently resisting attempts by British agents to take over his country even though disguised as missionaries. But his diplomatic ability also became apparent in the way he handled various, often warring religious sects. At one time, he would play the two Christian sects, Catholics and Protestants, against Muslims w h e n he thought the latter were becoming too powerful and therefore threatening 27. A . R . Dunbar, 1965, p. 82. 28. Quoted by A . R . Dunbar, 1965, p. 93. 29. R . Oliver, 1951, p. 54; see also R . P . Ashe, 1894, pp. 55-82.

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plate 7.3 Mwanga (c. 1866-1903), ex-King of Buganda, and Kabarega (c. 1850-1923),

ex-King of Bunyoro, on their way to the coast and exile in the Seychelles

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-IQ35 his control of the country. At another time, he would ally with Muslims against Catholics or Protestants or both depending on w h o he thought was dangerous to his rule. T h u s , M w a n g a was adept at the diplomatic game of divide and rule, a tactic which the colonizing powers were able to use so effectively in controlling Africa. W h e n it was necessary, M w a n g a resorted to a revival of some old tradition in an attempt to drive out all foreigners as happened in 1888. 30 O n this occasion, he intended to entice all foreigners and their Baganda followers to a naval parade on an island on Lake Victoria. There he would leave them to starve to death. It seems to have been a tradition of Baganda kings to carry out naval exercises on the lake. M w a n g a sought to do this as a trick to drive out foreigners. However, the plan was leaked to the foreigners w h o then staged a coup, deposed M w a n g a and put his brother on the throne as a kind of a puppet ruler. Later, however, in 1889, M w a n g a managed to regain his throne only to be exiled to Kisimayu, as already indicated, in 1899, where he died in 1903. There were, however, those among the Baganda w h o allied themselves firmly with British imperialism in what has c o m e to be k n o w n as Baganda sub-imperialism with regard to the rest of Uganda. It was Baganda agents, especially after the 1900 Agreement, w h o were responsible for spreading British colonialism to the rest of the country. Notable a m o n g them was Kakunguru, a M u g a n d a general, w h o largely spearheaded the spread of British control to eastern and northern Uganda. It was he, for instance, w h o captured Kabarega w h e n the British decided to storm his hide-out in Lango country.31 T h e 1900 Agreement m a d e the Baganda partners with the British in the advance of British imperialism in the area. Buganda became such a staging-point that m a n y of the early colonial administrators in Uganda were Baganda. Hatred for colonialism consequently came to be directed at the Baganda rather than at the colonial masters themselves. M a n y of the political problems that later plagued U g a n d a stem from this early partnership between the British and the Baganda.

East Africa under colonial rule Having thus suppressed all opposition and resistance by the East Africans and having established firm control over their spheres of influence, the colonial powers set out to transform the region both politically, and, even more importantly, economically. O n e of thefirsteconomic activities was, as already indicated, to build railway lines both in Tanganyika to the Usambara and Kilimanjaro areas, and in Kenya to link the coast with the Lake Victoria basin. With the railways came European settlers. T h e aim was to orient East African economies towards export by making the area dependent on 30. R . Oliver, 1951, p. 55. 31. A . R . Dunbar, 1965, p. 96.

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African initiatives and resistance in East Africa,

1880-IÇ14'

economic arrangements in Europe. In this regard, it was to be a source for raw materials rather than an area for industrialization. T h e attitude a m o n g some colonial officials as well as among white settlers, was that the region was there for the taking. A s the British C o m missioner of the East Africa Protectorate, Sir Charles Eliot put it: ' W e have in East Africa the rare experience of dealing with a tabula rasa, an almost untouched and sparsely inhabited country, where w e can do as w e wish, to regulate immigration and open or close the door as seems best'.32 It is not, therefore, surprising that as commissioner, he encouraged European settlers to grab as m u c h land in the highlands of Kenya as possible. Ukambani was thefirstarea in K e n y a to be occupied by white settlers in the late 1890s. But of all the peoples of Kenya; the Maasai lost more land to white settlement than any other community. Twice land was taken from them, 3 3firstin 1904 w h e n they were removed to a reserve in Laikipia, and then in 1911, when they were again removed to give room to white settlement. O n both occasions, the Maasai were said by the colonial government to have entered into an agreement to surrender their land. However, on the last occasion, the Maasai challenged the decision in a British court which, not surprisingly, ruled against them. These so-callèd agreements ignored the nature of authority in Maasai land. Authority lay in the reigning agegroup. Since age-groups were not involved in the negotiations, the agreements were not acceptable to the Maasai. At the same time, white settlement was also taking place in Tanganyika. B y 1905, there were 284 white settlers in Tanganyika, 34 mainly in the Usambara and Kilimanjaro areas. F r o m the beginning, the settlers sought to dominate these colonies. In Kenya, for instance, they had by 1902 formed a Planters and Farmers Association to press for their d e m a n d to have the highlands of Kenya reserved for them. 3 5 T h o u g h Indians had been used to construct the U g a n d a railway, they were excluded from this area. Eliot agreed with this demand and confined Indian settlement to land immediately along the railway. T h e policy of excluding Indians from the highlands was eventually adopted by every protectorate commissioner and colonial governor after Eliot. T h e response of the Indians to this was to form their o w n association to press for a share of the highlands. In 1907, they presented their case to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Winston Churchill, when he visited East Africa. However, the conflict between these two groups was not resolved until the 1920s. B y the beginning of the First World W a r , cash crops or the plantation economy in Kenya were firmly in the hands of white settlers w h o excluded both Africans and Indians from participation. This state of affairs influenced the African response to the white presence in Kenya. 32. 33. 34. 35.

C . Eliot, 1005, p . 103. M . P . K . Sorrenson, 1968, p. 276. W . Rodney, n.d., p . 5. R . K . Tangri, 1967.

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-igjs T h e position in Tanganyika and U g a n d a w a s different. In Tanganyika, beginning in the southern part of the country, Africans were encouraged, first by missionaries, then b y colonial officials, to take to peasant production of cash crops, basically cotton and coffee. In addition, collective farms for cotton were introduced. B y 1908 Africans were producing two-thirds of Tanganyika's cotton exports, while b y 1912, the African contribution accounted for over 7 0 % . 3 6 During the same period, African coffee production around the Kilimanjaro area had caught up with that of the settlers. T h e extent to which changes had taken place in Tanganyika can be seen in the amount of wage labour employed. It has been estimated that by 1931, the African wage-earning population in Tanganyika was 172 000, 37 or about one-fifth of the able-bodied male population at the time. O n the whole, 'economic activity in G e r m a n East Africa w a s at a higher level than in British East Africa o n the eve of the First W o r l d W a r . It was also m o r e varied, with a mining sector and several m a n u facturing sectors making consumer goods'. 3 8 T h u s b y 1914, the organization and utilization of labour in Tanganyika had been redirected towards the creation of surplus which w a s expropriated by the colonial state and European c o m m e r c e . A s in K e n y a , settlers in Tanganyika sought to control the colony and assumed a dominant role during this period. Probably the most far-reaching economic reorganization, in comparison with K e n y a and Tanganyika, took place in U g a n d a . T h e 1900 Agreement distributed land in B u g a n d a in an attempt to create a landed class that would be loyal to the colonial system. This land distribution led to the development of different class a n d property relations since landlords and tenants c a m e into existence. In addition, it w a s understood that U g a n d a w a s to be a country where African agricultural production predominated. This w a s one of the factors that acted as a barrier to large-scale white settlement, such as took place in K e n y a and Tanganyika. Unlike in K e n y a , but as was m o r e the case in Tanganyika, efforts were m a d e b y the colonial regime to place the export-oriented e c o n o m y into the hands of the indigenous people. T h e peasant production of cash crops w a s to b e c o m e the mainstay of the e c o n o m y of U g a n d a . W h a t started in B u g a n d a was eventually extended to other parts of the colony, notably in the west where the climate, as in B u g a n d a , w a s favourable. B y 1907, cotton produced in this m a n n e r accounted for 3 5 % of all exports from U g a n d a . 3 9 Generally speaking, cash transactions were well entrenched in U g a n d a , as in the rest of East Africa, o n the eve of the First W o r l d W a r . Peasants sold their produce to Asian and European traders. A monetary e c o n o m y had set in and the grounds for further incorporation into the capitalist system had been laid. 36. 37. 38. 39. 164

W . Rodney, n.d., p. 9. ibid., p. 10. ibid., p. 14. C. Ehrlich, 1957, p. 169.

African initiatives and resistance in East Africa, 1880-IÇ14 T h e demands of the system brought Africans face to face with what had happened and was happening a m o n g them. These included introduction of a hut tax, labour requirements, loss of further land, lack of political freedom and corrosion of their culture. Various kinds of responses and reactions were elicited against or in acceptance according to the way each of these measures was experienced. Taxes were introduced not so m u c h as, or not entirely as a means of raising revenue, but as a w a y of forcing Africans away from their homes into the labour market and into the monetary economy. Labour was required for settler farms and for public works such as road construction. T h e conditions under which Africans worked were often harsh. There were other influences introduced by more subtle agents of imperialism such as missionaries and traders. Anti-colonial m o v e m e n t s in East Africa to 1914 In these early days of colonialism, each locality responded differently, except in a few cases where there was co-ordinated action over a wider area. In Kenya, as elsewhere in East Africa, the early responses by such people as the Mazruis and the Nandi, were meant to protect their independence against foreign threats. T h e subsequent responses in the interior of the country were meant to rid people of oppression and colonial domination. Although this was not a period of nationalist struggle in a modern sense, there are signs of the beginnings of it. A m o n g the L u o in western Kenya, protest against mission domination led to the establishment of an independent Church in 1910 under John O w a l o . 4 0 H e had started as a R o m a n Catholic, then joined the Scottish Mission at Kikuyu only to change again and join the (Anglican) Church Missionary Society at Maseno. It was while at Maseno that he claimed to have received a call from G o d to start his o w n religion. A s B . A . Ogot puts it: After m u c h controversy, the P . C . Nyanza . . . authorized him to start his o w n mission, since his teaching was not subversive of good order and morality. S o in 1910 Owalo founded his N o m i a L u o Mission . . . proclaimed himself a Prophet, and denied the Divinity of Christ. Within the next few years, he had more than 10,000 adherents in the District, had built his o w n primary schools, and demanded . . . a secondary school free from 'undue missionary influence'.41 T h e n in 1913 came the M u m b o cult, a movement which was against white domination but which used religion as an ideology. F r o m Luoland, it spread to the Gusii, thus showing that it had the potential of spreading to other parts of Kenya. T h e political content of the movement was not disguised. A s the founder, Onyango Dande explained: ' T h e Christian 40. M . P. K . Sorrenson, 1968, p. 280. 41. See Chapter 26 below; see also B . A . Ogot, 1963, p. 256.

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religion is rotten and so is its practice of making its believers wear clothes. M y followers must let their hair grow . . . All Europeans are your enemies, but the time is shortly coming when they will disappear from our country.'42 T h e reaction of the colonial regime was to suppress this movement, as indeed they did to every other m o v e m e n t that challenged their domination. A similar m o v e m e n t to the one described above was taking place a m o n g the A k a m b a in eastern Kenya. Again, religion was used. It started in 1911 when a certain w o m a n by the n a m e of Siotume was said to be possessed with a spirit. However, the movement was soon taken over by a young m a n n a m e d Kiamba w h o turned it into a political protest against colonialism in K e n y a . 4 3 H e formed some kind of police force to help him carry out his threat. H e was, however, arrested and banished. This event was a protest against the way in which settlers in Ukambani were treating their African labour force. O n the whole, early anti-colonial movements in Kenya, in the period before the First World W a r , took place in western and eastern Kenya. T h e Giriama on the coast took the opportunity offered by the war to revolt against colonial rule in 1914. T h e y refused to be moved to provide land for white settlement on the coast. T h e Giriama had several times been involved in conflicts with the British. During the Mazrui resistance against the British, the former sought allies a m o n g the Giriama — their trading partners in the past - w h o supplied them with food. Late in the nineteenth century, the Giriama came into conflict with the British over the latter's ban on ivory hunting. 44 Again in 1913, the Giriama resisted attempts to take away young m e n to work on European farms. T h e y also resisted attempts to replace their traditional council of elders with colonial headmen. T h e 1914 rising was therefore a culmination of a series of resistances. T h e British reaction was to burn d o w n houses and confiscate property. T h e Giriama like the Mazruis and others resorted to a form of guerrilla warfare, but were eventually defeated. Uganda was calmer than Kenya. But in 1911, the Acholi in northern Uganda revolted against British colonial rule.45 It was a reaction against labour recruitment as well as against an effort to disarm them. O n e of the chief concerns of colonialism was to make sure that the colonized were rendered helpless in the face of cruel exploitation. For this reason, it was important that they did not possess firearms; hence the campaign to collect arms and to disarm the colonized population. T h e Acholi refused to surrender their guns voluntarily. However, they lost the fight in the ensuing contest. T h e most serious challenge to colonial rule in East Africa during this 42. Quoted by M . P . K . Sorrenson, 1968, p. 280. For a full discussion of the M u m b o cult, see B . A . Ogot and W . Ochieng in B . A . Ogot (ed.), 197243. M . P . K . Sorrenson, 1968, p. 281. 44. C . B . Smith, 1973, p. 118. 45. A . B . Adimola, 1954.

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African initiatives and resistance in East Africa, 1880-IÇ14 period - the Majï Majï uprising - occurred in Tanganyika and it was one in which both religion and magic were resorted to (see Fig. 7.1). D r Townsend has accurately s u m m e d up the situation which characterized G e r m a n colonial history; pointing out that 'during thefirsttwenty years of Germany's colonial history . . . the native had been most cruelly treated and unjustly exploited . . . Robbed of his lands, his h o m e , his freedom and often wantonly and cruelly of his life by the colonial adventurer, official or trading company, his continuous andfiercerevolts were but the tragic witnesses to his wretchedness and helplessness.'46 T h e state of affairs was not confined to G e r m a n colonies. It was typical of colonialism in its entire period in Africa. Forced labour, taxation, harassment and conditions of work all combined to cause the Majï Majï uprising. However, the immediate cause was the introduction of a communal cotton scheme. People were required to work on this scheme for twenty-eight days in a year. But the proceeds did not go to the workers. T h e y were paid such low s u m s that some refused to take them. This African response was not against growing cotton as such, which they had willingly started growing as a cash crop. It was a reaction against this particular scheme which exploited their labour and threatened the African economy by forcing people to leave their o w n farms to work on public ones. T o unite the people of Tanganyika in their challenge to the Germans, the leader of the movement, the prophet, Kinjikitile Ngwale, w h o lived at Ngarambe, m a d e use of their religious beliefs. H e taught them that the unity and freedom of all Africans was a fundamental principle and therefore that they were to unite and fight for their freedom against the Germans in a war which had been ordained by G o d , and that they would be assisted by their ancestors w h o would return to life. T o underscore and give concrete expression to the unity of the African people, Kinjikitile Ngwale built a large shrine, which he called the 'House of G o d ' and prepared medicinal water (majt), which, he said, could m a k e his followers w h o drank it i m m u n e to European bullets. T h e movement, which lasted from July 1905 to August 1907, spread over an area of 26000 sq k m of the southern third of Tanganyika. According to G . C . K . Gwassa: It [Majï Majï] involved over twenty differing ethnic groups. In its organizational scale and ethnic variety, Majï Majï was a movement both different from and more complex than earlier reactions and resistance to the imposition of colonial rule, for the latter had usually been confined within ethnic boundaries. B y comparison with the past, Majï Majï was a revolutionary movement creating fundamental changes in traditional organizational scale.47 T h e war broke out in the last week of July 1905 and thefirstvictims were the founder himself and his assistant w h o were hanged on 4 August 46. Quoted by J. Iliffe, 1969, p. 3. 47. G . C . K . Gwassa in T . O . Ranger and I. K i m a m b o (eds), 1972, p. 202.

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Africa under Colonial Domination 1880—IQJS 1905. H i s brother picked u p his mantle and a s s u m e d the title o f ' N y a m g u n i ' , one of the three divinities in the area, a n d continued to administer the mojí but it w a s ineffective. T h e ancestors did not return as promised a n d the m o v e m e n t w a s brutally suppressed b y the G e r m a n colonial authorities. T h e M a j ï M a j ï uprising w a s thefirstlarge-scale m o v e m e n t of resistance to colonial rule in East Africa. In the w o r d s of J o h n Iliffe it w a s 'a final attempt b y Tanganyika's old societies to destroy the colonial order by force', 48 a n d it w a s truly a m a s s m o v e m e n t of peasants against colonial exploitation. It shook the G e r m a n regime in Tanganyika w h o s e response was not just the suppression of the m o v e m e n t , but also the a b a n d o n m e n t of the c o m m u n a l cotton s c h e m e . T h e r e were also s o m e reforms in the colonial structure, especially with regard to labour recruitment and utilization, w h i c h were designed to m a k e colonialism palatable to Africans. B u t the rebellion failed a n d this failure did indeed m a k e 'the passing o f the old societies inevitable'.49 O n the whole, between 1890 a n d 1 9 1 4 dramatic changes took place in East Africa. Colonialism w a s imposed o n the people, violently in m o s t cases, even if the violence w a s sometimes disguised in the form of law. African responses to the initial impact c o m b i n e d military confrontation with diplomatic efforts in a vain attempt to preserve their independence. W h e r e Africans did not engage in military or diplomatic activity, they acquiesced or remained indifferent, except w h e r e direct d e m a n d s w e r e m a d e o n t h e m . T h e establishment of colonialism m e a n t the reorganization of the political a n d e c o n o m i c life of the people. T a x e s w e r e introduced. Forced labour a n d general deprivation of political rights were practised. S o m e Africans responded to these changes violently. Others acquiesced. In Tanganyika and U g a n d a , s o m e Africans h a d m o v e d to peasant p r o duction of cash crops, particularly cotton a n d coffee. In K e n y a , Africans were denied the production of cash crops. T h e e c o n o m y there w a s settlerbased. Various African responses to this position have been outlined. M o r e were to follow in the period after the First W o r l d W a r .

48. J. Iliffe, 1979, p. 168. 49. ibid.

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Buta's efforts were part of an emerging pattern of protest by disenchanted converts to Christianity. W h e r e Africans were either unable effectively to express their hostility to colonialism or resented the discrimination within the European-dominated Protestant churches, they often formed independent or separatist churches to remedy their grievances. A proliferation of these autonomous religious bodies occurred in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia during thefirstdecade of the twentieth century. Perhaps the most famous was the Ethiopian Church founded by Willie Mokalapa. Mokalapa and his disciples repeatedly protested against discrimination by European missionaries and the existence of a promotion bar which limited the upward mobility of skilled Africans. Their long-term goal was to demonstrate that Africans could direct their o w n religious and secular activities independently of the Europeans. 57 Other church groups such as the Watchtower m o v e m e n t in Northern Rhodesia and the A M E in M o z a m b i q u e pursued similar programmes. In addition to this localized resistance in the rural areas, reformist agitation was beginning to take place in the urban centres where educated Africans and mulattoes quickly learned that their training and the egalitarian doctrines preached by the missionaries did not preclude social, economic and political discrimination. T h e mulatto intellectuals of Angola, such as José de Fontes Pereira were a m o n g the first to vent their frustration and hostility/Having adopted Portuguese culture in tot0, they were dism a y e d at the growing racism that accompanied the influex of European immigrants at the end of the nineteenth century. In an effort to protect their privileged status, they published long editorials and essays bemoaning their declining position, while simultaneously urging Lisbon to guarantee their rights and to end the flagrant exploitation of the Africans. These expressions of discontent proved futile and in 1906 they organized the first mulatto association to lobby for their rights. Four years later, a union of mulatto intellectuals throughout the Portuguese colonies was formed. 5 8

55. J. de Azevedo Coutinho, 1904, pp. 28-30; A . Isaacman, 1976, pp. 126-56. 56. D . L . Wheeler and R . Pélíssier, 1971, pp. 89-90; J. Marcum, 1969, pp. 53-4.' 57. T . O . Ranger, 1965; R . I. Rotberg, 1966, pp. 58-60. 58. D . L . Wheeler and R . Pélissier, 1971, pp. 84-6, 93-8; D . Wheeler in R . Chilcote (ed.) 1972, pp. 67-87; J. Marcum, 1969, pp. 16-22.

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At about the same time a small n u m b e r of reformist intellectual organizations emerged in M o z a m b i q u e . A m o n g the most important was the Associaçào African which published the newspaper Brado Africano, Mozambique'sfirstprotest journal. Like their Angolan counterpart, these writers were part of an emerging mulatto and African bourgeoisie which sought to protect their limited economic privileges and reaffirm their racial and cultural equality.59 At about the same period in neighbouring Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia civil servants, teachers and other African professionals were organizing associations to protect their relatively privileged class position and to agitate for reforms within the existing colonial order. Between 1912 and 1918 a number of such organizations, including the North Nyasa Native Association and the W e s t Nyasa Association, were founded. 6 0 These groups were to become a prominent force in Central African politics in the interwar period.

Colonial insurrections to 1918 Colonial insurrections can be differentiated from localized forms of resistance in terms of both their scale and goals. Unlike the sporadic protests which tended to be atomized and highly particularistic, the rebellions were based on mass mobilization and ethnic pluralism. T h e increased involvement of an oppressed peasantry, at least in some of the uprisings, suggests that class considerations were also becoming an important factor. Inextricably related to this broader base of support w a s a redefinition and expansion of goals. Protests against a particular set of grievances were rejected in favour of a strategy designed to destroy the repressive system which had generated them. While colonial insurrections reflected both a higher level of political consciousness and greater alienation, they were not entirely distinct analytically from the atomized opposition which generally antedated them. Like the fugitive communities, they rejected reform from within, seeking independence rather than amelioration. Their similarity to peasant revolts and 'social banditry' lay in their adoption of an offensive, or confrontationist, strategy. Participation in localized protests, moreover, often heightened the level of political consciousness, motivating m a n y Africans to engage in more radical anti-colonial activity. F r o m 1885, w h e n thefirstareas of Central Africa were conquered, until 1918, there were m o r e than twenty insurrections.61 N o n e of the five 59. E . Mondlane, 1969, pp. 104-6: written by the deceased founder of Frelimo, this book attempts to place the recent liberation struggle within a broader historical framework. 60. R . Tangri, 1968, p. 5; J. Van Velsen in E . Stokes and R . Brown (eds), 1966, PP' 376-7: discusses formation of associations to protect the position of the subaltern elite and their efforts to seek reforms within the colonial system. 61. This represents a m i n i m u m figure which will undoubtedly be revised as further research is done in this subject. 187

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colonies - Angola, M o z a m b i q u e , Nyasaland, Northern Rhodesia or the Congo - were spared, although the overwhelming preponderance of insurrections occurred in the Portuguese colonies and the Congo, where the combination of extremely oppressive rule and a weak administrative and military structure precipitated recurring revolutionary activity. These insurrections, although differing in detail, all faced similar organizational problems which, in turn, generated c o m m o n characteristics and placed serious constraints on their capacity to succeed. A m o n g the fundamental problems which had to be resolved were: finding a leader with the prestige, commitment and expertise to mobilize and direct a mass movement; determining the principles around which to organize a broad anti-colonial movement; and locating a source of arms and munitions. T h e initial unsuccessful struggles to remain independent just before the imposition of colonial rule had resulted in the death or removal of m a n y of the most respected and militant leaders. A m o n g those killed were the C h e w a leader M w a s e Kasungu and the Yeke ruler Msiri. Others were either exiled like Gungunyane, and M w e n e m u t a p a Chioco, the royal family of the Barue, or were replaced by more pliable m e m b e r s of the royal family as was the fate of the H u m b e ruler Tehuango and the Quitanghona leader Shaikh M a h m u d . T h e destruction or co-option of the historic leadership convinced colonial officials that they had effectively 'occupied' their respective territories which, in turn, dramatically reduced the possibility of subsequent uprisings. T h e y failed, however, to recognize the continued legitimacy and viability of indigenous political institutions, the availability of alternative sources of leadership, and the commitment of m a n y Central African peoples to be free. T h e prominent role played by a number of royal families in the insurrections challenged the generally held assumption that pronounced military setbacks at the time of the Scramble had undercut the position of the indigenous authorities. T h e sacred power inherent in the position of kingship and the strong anti-Portuguese sentiment a m o n g the masses enabled the exiled M w e n e m u t a p a ruler Chioco to organize the rebellion of 1897, a pattern repeated twenty years later w h e n N o n g w e - N o n g w e returned from Southern Rhodesia to lead the Barue and neighbouring Zambezi peoples in the 1917 insurrection.62 Similarly, the Bailundu ruler Muta-ya-Kavela, despite his nominal acceptance of Portuguese authority, forged an anticolonial coalition during the 1902 rebellion and to the north the D e m b o ruler Cazuangonongo rose u p with his supporters in 1908. 63 In southern Angola the displaced Cuamato leader (soba) Sihetekela reasserted his authority and led his people into an anti-Portuguese alliance with the 62. T . O . Ranger, 1968b, pp. 1-2; A . Isaacman, 1976, pp. 156-85. 63. D . L . Wheeler and C . D . Christensen in F . - W . Heimer (ed.), 1973, pp. 75-6; J. Marcum, 1969, p. 16: a very important work which includes the early twentieth-century antecedents of the recent war of liberation.

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C u a n h a m a , setting the stage for the 1915 war. 6 4 Similarly, Congo Free State officials were dismayed to find their nominal subject the Lunda king, Mushidi, organizing a major rebellion which lasted from 1905 to 1909. 6S Just as the colonial authorities failed to comprehend the resiliency of kingship, they also overestimated the power of their newly co-opted rulers - the 'colonial' chiefs - to impose requirements which violated the values and interests of their constituents. T h e Quitanghona rebellion of 1904, for example, was directed at both the Portuguese and their puppet ruler Said bin Amissi, w h o was overthrown in favour of the legitimate leader Shaikh M a h m u d . 6 6 A similar usurpation of power by a co-opted m e m b e r of the royal family precipitated the H u m b e rebellion of 1891. 67 In other cases, such as in Makanga, the council of elders, reflecting the prevailing sentiment of their constituents, demanded that the 'colonial' chief Chinsinga renounce Portuguese rule or be deposed. H e reluctantly agreed to declare Makanga independent which led to a violent confrontation with Lisbon's forces.68 Even where the legitimate leadership had been effectively removed or co-opted, other potential leaders emerged that enjoyed popular support. Often these m e n had played a prominent role in the wars of independence. Gungunyane's principal lieutenant and war leader Maguiguana organized the Shangaan insurrection of 1897. 69 T h e famous mestizo soldier C a m b u e m b a , whose anti-Portuguese exploits had become legendary, played a similar role in the Sena-Tonga rebellion which embroiled the entire lower Zambezi valley two years later.70 In several insurrections in the Congo the leadership came from commoners w h o were able to mobilize mass support. Kandolo, a disaffected sergeant in the Force Publique, for example, led a military revolt in 1897, which, unlike other mutinies, sought to drive out the Europeans and liberate the Congo Free State.71 Cult priests and spirit mediums organized and sanctified a number of insurrections. This involvement, which antedated the colonial period, was a logical extension of their historic role as spiritual guardians of the h o m e lands. In 1909 the Tonga priest M a l u m a called for the immediate ousting of the colonial overlords in Nyasaland. 'The time has come for us to fight the white people, w e will start n o w and fight through the rainy season. T h e black people [will] rise and drive all the white people out of the 64. R . Pélissier, 1969, pp. 100-1. 65. E . Bustin, 1975, p. 48. 66. N . Hafkin, 1973, p. 378. 67. R . Pélissier, 1969, p. 73. 68. A . Isaacman, 1972, pp. 132-3: an examination of the operation of the Zambezi prazos and the resistance of the Afro-Portuguese prazeros to Portuguese rule. 69. T . Coelho, 1898, p. 83; J. J. T . Botelho, 1934, II, pp. 533-47. 70. J. de Azevedo Coutinho, 1904, pp. 26-8; J. J. T . Botelho, 1921, Vol. II, pp. 549-57. 71. F . Flament et al., 1952, p. 411. At the least, they sought to occupy the former Arab zone, i.e. about half of the state.

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country'.72 M a l u m a subsequently led the Tonga into battle. Similarly, the M b o n a cult priests played an important leadership role in the Massingire rebellion of 1884, and there are suggestions that the K a n d u n d u cult officials were actively involved in the Bailundu rebellion of 1904. 7 3 In the Congo, the cult priestess Maria Nkoie prophesied her war charms would neutralize European guns. With this assurance her followers began a fiveyear campaign which lasted until 1921. At its high point the Ikaya rebellion, named after the famous war charms, had spread throughout a vast region of the C o n g o . 7 4 N o w h e r e was religious leadership so significant as in the Zambezi valley. Shona spirit m e d i u m s mobilized public support behind the abortive rebellions of 1897, 1901 and 1904, claiming at various times that the divinely inspired drought, famines and cattle disease which threatened their economic survival, would end once the alien intruders had been driven away. In 1917 the spirit m e d i u m M b u y a threatened to withhold divine recognition from the Barue leader N o n g w e - N o n g w e unless he reversed his unpopular position and agreed to participate in an anti-colonial rebellion. Reluctantly, he agreed.75 A s the influence of Protestant missionaries increased, several alienated African converts attempted to build anti-colonial movements phrased in revolutionary millennial doctrine. T h e most famous of these early leaders were K a m w a n a and John Chilembwe, both of Nyasaland. T h e former, a m e m b e r of the Watch to wer, prophesied that a n e w order of divinely sanctioned African states would begin in 1914. During the interim, K a m w a n a urged his 10 000 followers to purify themselves and specifically eschewed any violent resistance to British rule.76 While there is some u n certainty as to Chilembwe's ultimate goal, he also envisioned a divinely inspired African state but, unlike K a m w a n a , he led his followers in an abortive and perhaps symbolic insurrection in 1915. 77 In death he became an anti-colonial martyr whose significance exceeded his earthly accomplishments. Like Chilembwe, almost all the leaders recognized the need to create alliances which transcended their local base of support. T h e unsuccessful wars of opposition had demonstrated that individual polities lacked the requisite resources to prevent European penetration. This fact was accurately foreseen by the leader of the Mozambican state of M a k a n g a just before the 1899 rebellion. ' T h e Africans of all tribes must unite in good faith, in a coordinated effort to acquire large supplies of arms and 72. Cited in R . I. Rotberg, 1966, pp. 75-6. 73. W . Montagu-Kerr, 1886, pp. 275-6; D . L . Wheeler and C . D . Christensen in F . - W . Heimer (ed.), 1973, p. 75. 74. G . Moulaert, 1945, pp. 187-8. 75. A . Isaacman, 1976, pp. 126-85. 76. G . Shepperson, and T . Price, 1958, p. 156. 77. For the classic work about Chilembwe, see G . Shepperson and T . Price, 1958. This seminal study also includes important information on Kamwana. 190

African initiatives and resistance in Central Africa, 1880-IQ14 ammunition and when w e have achieved this w e must expel all the Portuguese'. 78 Efforts to build broad-based revolutionary movements followed three general patterns. T h efirstwas an attempt to reactivate historical links with culturally related peoples in order to recruit entire polities into the c a m p of the insurgents. T h e rebels also sought to secure the assistance of powerful groups, which by virtue of their relative distance or past differences, had not been previously considered allies. Finally, the leaders directed economic appeals specifically at alienated peasants. All three organizing principles were used at various times and in different c o m binations to increase the scale of the rebellion and mobilize public support against a c o m m o n oppressor. Historic relations based on shared ancestry were often invoked to broaden the base of support. Muta-ya-Kavela benefited from the assistance of a number of related U m b u n d u kingdoms during the 1904 Bailundu rebellion in Angola, while to the south several O v a m b o chieftaincies joined with Cuamato groups in an insurrection three years later.79 In M o z a m b i q u e , M w e n e m u t a p a Chioco received the aid of a n u m b e r of independent Tawara polities on the basis of his prestigious position as patrilineal descendant of Mtota,firstking of the Tawara, and the Barue benefited from recurring marital unions with the T o n g a . 8 0 A c o m m o n ancestry, symbolized by the hierarchical network of spirit m e d i u m s , also helped to unify the disparate Shona chieftaincies in their uprisings of 1901, 1904 and 1917, 81 while the spread of the Ikaya rebellion in the C o n g o was based on a shared system which facilitated the incorporation of the disparate peoples living along the bend of the Zaire river.82 In search of additional allies, the leaders of the various insurrections often appealed to former adversaries w h o shared a c o m m o n hatred of the colonial system. T h e Bailundu were able to gain the support of a number of former subject people including the Kasongi, Civanda and Ngalanga, while the Shangaan benefited from the assistance of chieftaincies that they had alienated during their expansionist phase prior to the Scramble. 83 In a number of cases, reconciliation occurred only after the leaders of a proEuropean group recognized the full implications of their act. T h e L u n d a , under Mushidi,firstaided the Congo Free State against the C h o k w e but, in a dramatic reversal in 1905, joined with their former enemies in a struggle

78. J. Fernandes Júnior, 1955, p. 50. 79. D . L . Wheeler and C . D . Christensen in F . - W . Heimer (ed.), 1973, p. 76; R . Pélissier, 1969, pp. 85-7. 80. T . O . Ranger, 1968b, pp. 1-2; A . Isaacman, 1973, pp. 395-400. 81. A . Isaacman, 1976, pp. 126-85. 82. F. Flament et al., 1952, p. 411. 83. D . L . Wheeler and C . D . Christensen, in F . - W . Heimer (ed.), 1973, p. 76; J. J. T . Botelho, 1934, Vol. II, pp. 433-07-

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Africa under Colonial Domination

1880-igjj;

which was not crushed until the famine of 1910-12. 8 4 (See Fig. 8.1.) In M o z a m b i q u e the strategically located Sena, w h o fought on the side of the Portuguese in the 1901 Barue war, enthusiastically supported the Barue sixteen years later as part of a pan-Zambezian movement to destroy the repressive colonial system. 85 T h e insurgents also increased their numbers by incorporating alienated peasants and rural workers w h o individually opposed the continued demands of the colonial authorities and their capitalist allies. T h e appeal was not m a d e in ethnic or cultural terms nor was it necessarily directed at the chiefs, m a n y of w h o m had been co-opted. Instead, the rebels urged the economically oppressed to join the insurrection in order to eliminate both the abusive taxation and labour practices and the system which had spawned them. T h e K a m w a n a movement in Nyasaland was initially based on the support of the Lakeside Tonga but rapidly grew to include alienated Nguni, Senga and T u m b u k a peasants.86 Similarly, Chilembwe's appeal to the rural masses lacked ethnic overtones, addressing instead the need to end exploitation and create a divinely sanctioned African nation.87 T h e Bailundu gained adherents from a m o n g n o n - U m b u n d u peasants w h o suffered from forced labour and economic exploitation. In the Zambezi valley m a n y of the peasants w h o had previously expressed their animosity through localized resistance joined the recurring insurrections.88 A similar pattern occurred in the Congo where exploited rubber farmers precipitated the K u b a rebellion of io^. 8 9 T h e question of arms acquisition need not be examined at length. It suffices to say that the rebels obtained modern weapons through surreptitious trade agreements with European, Asian and African merchants, raids on European stockades, acquisitions from defecting African police and mercenaries, alliances with neighbouring peoples w h o were still independent and, in some cases, construction of arms and munitions plants. While some of the rebels, such 3s the Barue and Cuamato, were able to build u p relatively large arsenals, the insurgents rarely possessed the firepower that earlier resisters had amassed. Given the extremely unfavourable balance of military power and the expanded size of the African police and mercenary forces, it is little wonder that the insurrections all ultimately failed. Nevertheless, a number of them scored significant, though short-term, successes, challenging the commonly held belief in African docility. T h e Bailundu, for example, drove the 84. E . Bustin, 1975, p. 48. 85. This shift in allegiance is documented at great length in the Arquivos da Companhia de Mozambique, File 1633. 86. G . Shepperson and T . Price, 1958, p. 156. 87. See G . Shepperson and T . Price, 1958; G . S. M w a s e , 1967. 88. D . L . Wheeler and C . D . Christensen in F . - W . Heimer (ed.), 1973, pp. 76-7; A . Isaacman, 1976, pp. 126-85. 89. T h e rubber farmers triggered the rebellion. J. Vansina, 1969, pp. 21-2.

192

African initiatives and resistance in Central Africa, 1880-1Ç14 Portuguese off the O v i m b u n d u highlands in 1904. Three years later the Portuguese suffered a similar defeat at the hands of the Cuamato in southern Angola. Perhaps the greatest military accomplishment was achieved by the Barue and their allies w h o during the 1917 rebellion liberated the entire Zambezi valley for afleetingm o m e n t . H a d it not been for the intercession of 30 000 N g u n i mercenaries, the rebellion would probably have spread to other parts of Mozambique.

Conclusion This study has examined the early forms of African initiatives and resistance in the face of European rule. Throughout the essay w e have attempted to document the frequency and vigour of this anti-colonial activity. T h e desire of most Africans to be free was matched by the ambitions of a smaller group of mercenaries and allies without w h o m it would have been impossible for the Europeans to have imposed their rule so thoroughly. Thus, there existed both a tradition of confrontation and resistance and a tradition of co-operation. Although the political context had changed, the struggle between these two competing forces was to remain a vital factor in Central and Southern Africa during the struggle for independence in the 1960s and 1970s.

193

African initiatives and resistance in Southern Africa

D. CHANAIWA Southern Africa on the eve of colonial rule W h e n discussing African respones to the European colonization of Southern Africa in the nineteenth century, it is important to understand the wider cultural and social environment in which they occurred. T h e major historical forces were expansionist settler colonialism, missionary Christianity and education, andfinally,the Zulu revolution and its byproducts - the Mfecane and Nguni migrations; B y the time of the Berlin West African Conference (1884-5) with its feverish competition a m o n g European nations for colonial possessions in Africa, the Scramble between the British and the Afrikaners for Southern African territories had been going on for over seventy years. T e r m s such as 'treaty', 'sphere of influence', 'effective occupation', 'annexation' and 'frontier force', which became c o m m o n throughout the rest of Africa after the Berlin Conference, had been in widespread use in Southern Africa since 1815. European settlers in Southern Africa, unlike their counterparts in the rest of Africa, were from the beginning interested in establishing permanent homes in their n e w environment, attracted by its temperate climate, fertile agricultural land, cheap African labour and an abundance of minerals. B y 1880 there were a total of four white polities in South Africa: the Cape Colony and Natal, with their predominantly English-speaking white population of 185000 and 20000 respectively, and the South African Republic and Orange Free State, each with over 50000 Dutch-speaking whites. T h e n , on 12 September 1890, a further British colony, M a s h o n a land, was established. In these five settler colonies, vast majorities of indigenous Africans were dominated by white minorities. For the San and Khoikhoi this domination had been going on for over two hundred years while others, such as the Xhosa, Mfengu, T h e m b u and M p o n d o peoples, had been subjugated to varying forms of colonial rule for nearly a century (see Fig. 9.1). 1 1. For African responses before the 1880s see W . M . Macmillan, 1963; C . W . DeKiewiet, 1965; J. Phillip, 1828; J. S. Marais, 1957.

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195

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880— igjj Under the Sand River Convention (1852), the British and Afrikaners had agreed not to sell firearms to Africans throughout Southern Africa. T h e Convention deprived the Africans of the means they needed for effective resistance and self-defence. T h u s , by the time the European nations adopted the Brussels General Act of 1890, forbidding the sale offirearmsto Africans, whites in Southern Africa had for some time been attempting to implement a policy of disarming the Africans, although during the 1870s and 1880s some groups were able to purchase firearms with wages earned o n the diamond fields. Additionally, the Afrikaners, English colonists and the British government maintained an aura of racial identity that transcended their political and economic differences. T h e y felt it was in their c o m m o n interest to conquer, rule and exploit the Africans. T h u s , they not only acted to prevent firearms from passing into African hands, but generally refrained from using local Africans as allies in their battles against one another. All this considerably conditioned African initiatives and reactions and limited the options open to them.

T h e Zulu revolution and its aftermath A d d e d to this were the epoch-making events which had erupted throughout Southern Africa during the early nineteenth century. These included the Zulu revolution, and the Mfecane in South Africa; the Nguni migrations of the Ndebele into Southern Rhodesia (now Z o m b a b w e ) , the Kololo into Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) and the Nguni into Nyasaland (now Malawi) and Tanganyika (now Tanzania); the B e m b a activities in Northern Zambia; the Yao-Swahili alliance; and the slave trade in Malawi (see Fig. 9.1). S o m e of these events spread with explosive speed and caused sudden changes in the political, economic, social and military systems of numerous African societies throughout Southern Africa. This was a period of nationbuilding and political expansion which saw the strongest and most centralized states establish domains or spheres of influence over the weaker and less united ones. While countless contemporary European statesmen and observers regarded these far-reaching changes as mere outbursts of African barbarity, blood-thirstiness and heathenism, they should be seen rather as manifestations of political creativity which led to the emergence of n e w , inter-ethnic institutions and loyalties, the legacies of which are still visible today. T h o u g h creative, these far-reaching changes caused immeasurable destruction to h u m a n and natural resources. Natural disasters such as drought, epidemics and famine also often accompanied the violence and magnified the extent of the ensuing destruction. This continuing incidence of conflict and disasters created a perpetual sense of insecurity and despair a m o n g the small, unaggressive tributary communities, m a n y of w h o m were forced to adapt to living in caves or crude hilltop dwellings to avoid further

196

African initiatives and resistance in Southern Africa

attacks by raiders. There arose ruling aristocracies, class distinctions and taxation without political representation or consultation. A s a result, there soon emerged rulers and ruled, oppressors and underdogs, and haves and have-nots.

T h e missionary factor Both missionary Christianity and education were also important factors which determined the course and nature of African responses to colonial conquest. T h e missionaries had created an African class of evangelists, teachers, journalists, businessmen, lawyers and clerks w h o often seemed to accept the supposed cultural inferiority of the Africans, to accept settler colonialism as a fact of life and w h o admired the white m a n for his power, wealth and technology.2 Examples of these individuals were Tiyo Soga (1829^71), the first African missionary to be ordained by the United Presbyterian Church in Britain, founder of the Mgwali mission where he preached to both Africans and Europeans, and translator of John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress into Xhosa as U-Hambo Lom-Hambi, the first book written by an African to be published by the Lovedale Press, in 1867; John Langalibalele D u b e , a Methodist minister, an ardent follower of the black American educationalist, Booker T . Washington, founder-president of the Zulu Christian Industrial School, the Natal Bantu Business League and the first president of the African National Congress; John T e n g o Jabavu (1859-1921), a devout Methodist, founder-editor of the English/ Xhosa weekly Imvo Zabantsundu; and Walter Rubusana, a Congregationalist minister and the only African ever elected to the Cape Provincial Council. Ideologically, these mission-educated Africans shared the universalism, utopianism and non-racialism of the missionaries and of the Aborigines' Protection Society. T h e y were committed to constitutionalism, gradualism, and cultural assimilation as advocated by a few white liberals a m o n g the settlers. But they also were disciples of Booker T . Washington's doctrine of black economic self-determination and of his conservative politics of accommodation. Like the missionaries, they often categorized the African masses as 'benighted people' and 'noble savages' and then assumed the responsibility of overhauling traditional Africa through introducing Christianity, education, capitalism, industrialization, and the Protestant work ethic. T h e y generally acquiesced in colonial expansion and conquest, partly because, like the missionaries, they associated colonialism with Christianity and 'civilization', and partly because they respected the 'overwhelming superiority' of European weapons and warfare. T h u s , to Tiyo Soga, the Xhosa cattle-killing episode of 1857 was a 2. For details, see D . Chanaiwa in A . M u g o m b a and M . Nyaggah (eds), 1980.

197

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1 gjs

national suicide by his 'poor infatuated countrymen' w h o had become 'dupes of designing impostors'. H e hoped, however, that 'this affliction will, in the providence of G o d , be productive of m u c h spiritual benefit to the Kaffirs'. H e claimed that: 'It is by terrible things that G o d sometimes accomplished His purposes. In the present calamities I think I see the future salvation of m y countrymen, both in a physical and moral point of view.' 3 D u b e condemned the Bambata rebellion (1906-8) in his newspaper, Hanget, lase Natal, and instead advised the Zulu to accept Christianity and education. Part of the reason w h y Jabavu boycotted the African National Congress was because he felt that the elite still needed the guiding leadership of white liberals. T h e elite was torn between its Utopian world of missionaries, humanitarians and white liberals, the traditionalist world of the African masses which it sometimes despised, and the colonialist world of settler racism, exploitation and oppression which determined the real life and status of its members. These created a moralist world of their o w n to which they attempted to lead both the African and settler worlds. Their mistake was to associate colonial conquest with the spread of Christianity, education and technology and then to despise African resistance as heathenism and backwardness. Their condemnation of traditional Africa only bolstered and upheld the colonialist ideology which they opposed. O n the other hand, by their o w n sermons, lifestyles and beliefs, they helped to undermine psychologically the African's capacity to resist missionary-settler propaganda and in a way hindered the development of a truly African historical, racial and liberationist consciousness. T h e y and their fellow African Christian followers either stood on the sidelines and watched, or took refuge in mission stations rather than join the armed resistance against colonial conquest and occupation.

Models of African initiatives and reactions T h e above-mentioned factors significantly affected the nature and intensity of African responses to the encroaching European imperialism and colonization. Generally, there were three distinct models of initiatives and responses: (1) that of violent confrontation as exhibited by the Zulu, Ndebele, Changanana, B e m b a , Y a o and Nguni; and the M a n g w e n d e , Makoni and Mutasa paramountcies; (2) that of protectorate or wardship chosen by the Sotho, Swazi, Ngwato, Tswana and Lozi, all independent, non-tributary states w h o sought protection from the British against the Zulu, Ndebele, B e m b a , the Nguni and the Boers; and (3) that of alliance adopted by the numerous small tributaries, raid victims and refugees such as the Khoikhoi, Xhosa, M p o n d o , T h e m b u , Mfengu and Hlubi in South Africa; the Bisa, L u n g u , Iwa and Senga in Northern Rhodesia; and the 3. J. A . Chalmers, 1877, p. 140.

198

African initiatives and resistance in Southern Africa C e w a , Njanja, N k o n d e and Tonga in Nyasaland, in the hope of securing 'protection, peace and security'. T h u s , there existed historical rivalries a m o n g the nascent and expansionist kingdoms, as Well as conflicts of interest amid the different cultural segments and dynasties within them. Each ruler, society and individual responded to the growing European intrusion in the context of pre-colonial, inter-regional relations and realities. T h e European colonizers did not fail to exploit the situation they found. Their study of contemporary African political systems enabled them to predict the forms of African reaction and resistance. T h e Zulu, Ndebele, Y a o and Nguni expansionism, for example, could only function smoothly, they found, w h e n the aristocracies were powerful and supreme, and w h e n the tributary chiefs were weak and disunited, or at least felt the need for military protection and were confident that the ruling aristocracy could provide it. War-weariness and insecurity contributed greatly to the acceptance of British wardship or alliance on the part of several African polities and individuals. T h e y also provided pretexts for British interference in African affairs through offers of 'liberation' and 'protection' to the underdogs, 'alliances' with less powerful kingdoms, and invasion of the militaristic ones. T h e British employed a deliberate tactic of 'divide and conquer'. A s a result, they exploited African rivalries, fears and weaknesses to their fullest advantage.

T h e Zulu, Ndebele, B e m b a and Yao: the politics of confrontation Violent confrontation, conquest and destruction were virtually inevitable for the Zulu, Ndebele, B e m b a and Y a o because they and the European colonizers sought to rule the same territories and the same peoples. A s a group, they occupied or dominated the most densely populated, fertile and mineral-rich lands of Southern Africa. Their interests m a d e it impossible for them to compromise or coexist with the Europeans. Only the superior power would survive. T h e Zulu were the most powerful African nation south of the L i m p o p o , the Ndebele between the L i m p o p o and the Zambezi, the B e m b a in Northern Rhodesia and the Y a o in southern and northern Nyasaland respectively. But from the very beginning, the Zulu, Ndebele, Changana, Kololo and Nguni kingdoms found themselves surrounded by powerful and hostile neighbours: in the case of the Zulu, the Boers, British Sotho and Swazi; and for the Ndebele, the Boers, Portuguese, Lozi, Changan and Ngwato - each of these hostile neighbours capable of conquering and evicting them. T h e Boers and the Portuguese were uncompromising in their conduct of external affairs, pursuing a policy of raid and conquest. U p to the early 1870s, the Zulu, Ndebele, B e m b a and Y a o had been

199

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-igjs able to maintain their sovereignty, independence and security. T h e y had also successfully resisted the intrusion of the missionaries, the European traders, concessionaires and labour recruiters w h o had by then reached the conclusion that the conquest and dismantling of these resistant African states was essential. They deluded themselves that Africans were yearning for Christianity, trade and western culture, but that the raids, tyranny and heathenism of their kings, administrators and soldiers were ruthlessly crushing 'their ambition, enterprise and desire for salvation'. Consequently, these outsiders adopted an attitude of conquest before Christianity and trade.

The Zulu T h e Zulu under Cetshwayo and the Ndebele under Lobengula therefore decided on the strategy of confrontation usingfirstthe tactics of diplomacy and later those of armed resistance. In accordance with this strategy, Cetshwayo atfirstcontinued the isolationist, pacifist foreign policies of his predecessor M p a n d e . His inveterate enemies being the Transvaal Boers, he maintained an effective alliance with the English colonists of the Natal and he developed friendly relations with Theophilus Shepstone, the famous Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal. But w h e n the British annexed the Transvaal in 1877 and m a d e Shepstone the Administrator, Cetshwayo's alliance system quickly collapsed. Shepstone then supported the Boers, w h o had crossed the Buffalo river into Zululand, pegged out farms and were claiming land titles. T h e n e w British High Commissioner for South Africa, Sir Bartle Frere, was also intent on achieving the federation of settler colonies.4 Shepstone convinced him that such a federation could not be achieved in South Africa until the military power of the Zulu nation had been broken, and that the very existence of the Zulu nation threatened the security and economic development of Natal. H e also argued that with the destruction of the Zulu, the Boers would be impressed that the British government had a sound view of race relations and the strength needed to enforce its decisions. Meanwhile, Cetshwayo had appealed to Sir Henry Bulwer, the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, to settle the Zulu-Boer border dispute. Sir Henry appointed a boundary commission, which reviewed the dispute, declared that the Boers' claims were illegal and recommended that they return to the Transvaal side of the river. Frere, however, was determined to break the power of the Zulu nation in order to achieve federation. S o he concealed the report and recommendations of the commission until he had secured the pretext for invasion and received military reinforcements. T h e pretext came on 28 July 1878, w h e n Mehlokazulu, Kuzulu and Tshekwana, chief Sirayo's sons and their uncle, Zuluhlenga, crossed the 4. C. F. Goodfellow, 1966. 200

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o. Vol. II, pp. 399-421. Warhurst, P . (1962) Anglo-Portuguese Relations in South-Central Africa, ¡8go-igoo (London: Longman). W a r w i c k , P . (1978) 'Black industrial protest on the Witwatersrand, 1901-1902' in E . Webster (ed.) Essays in Southern African Labour History, pp. 20-31. W a u g h , E . (1931) Remote People (London: Duckworth). Webster, E . (ed.) (1978) Essays in Southern African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan Press).

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844

Index

A Voz da Raca, 775 Aba Island, 74 Abagusii, 650, 652-3 Abaluyia, 152, 157, 531, 655, 659, 660 Abantu Bat ho, 685, 686 Abayomi, D r Kofo, 628 'Abbäs, Ferhät, 1, 3, 613, 614 'Abbäs, Hilmï (Abbäs II), Khedive of Egypt, 70, 7 ' *Abda, 425 € Abd al-'Azïz, Sultan of Morocco, 87, 93, 94, m , ii2n 'Abd al-Hafiz, Mulay, 111 'Abd al-Kädir Hädj 'All, 609 'Abd al-Kädir M u h a m m a d I m a m (Wad Habuba), 80, 306, 605 'Abd al-Latïf, *Alî, 589, 591 'Abd al-Malik, 110 'Abd al-Rahmän see Sayyid ' A b d alRahmän Abdel-Kader, Hadjali, 572 'Abdel Karïm ('Abd al-Khattäbi), M u h a m m a d ben, n o , 609, 6ro, 611, 612' 'Abduh, M u h a m m a d , 65, 69, 556 • Abdul Bokar Kane, 118 'Abdullah Ibn al-Sayyid M u h a m m a d , Khalïfa, 36, 77-8 Abdussalam, A . A . , 440-57, 813 Abease, 132 Abeokuta, 135, 628, 752 Abercorn, 182, 683 Aberewa (Old W o m a n ) cult, 517 Abidjan, 1, 373, 796 Abomey, 127, 128 Aborigines' Rights Protection Society (ARPS), 146, 197, 206, 390, 563, 573, 642, 768 Abron (Gyaman) kingdom, 127 A b u 'Arafa manganese deposits, 429 A b u 'Azïz cobalt deposits, 429 Abubakar, S., 787 Abuse of Opiate Ordinance, 653 Abusedra, F. S., 440-57, 813 Abushiri, Chief, 37, 158, 15g Abyssinia see Ethiopia Accra, 322, 480, 484, 506, 628, 629, 634-6, 755. 772, 796 Achebe, Chinua, Things Fall Apart, 801 Achimota College, Ghana, 554, 578, 763, 800, 801 Acholi, 166 L'Action Tunisienne, 575 A d a m a w a , 138

Addis Ababa, 277, 280, 484, 720, 729, 730, 731, 743 Addis Alem, 277 AdlofT, R . , 505 Adowa: battle of (1896), 38, 270, 271, 272, 277, 278, 280, 282, 739; Italian occupation ( 1890), 269; Italian occupation (1935), 742 Adrar, iosn, 106, 107 A E F see French Equatorial Africa Afar, 598 al-Afghânï, Djamäl al-Dïn, 65,69, 556, 580 Afigbo, A . E . , 316, 487-507, 785,786, 796, 797» 803-4, 807» 814 African arts, 539-64, 700, 705, 804 African culture, xix, xxii, 508,513,526,529, 539t 560, 804, 808; see also social effects of colonialism African customary law, 324, 520, 616 African Development Society, 748 African élite, 14,329, 390,798,801, 803-4, 809; associations, 146-7; and nationalism, 567-8, 573, 578, 583, 588, 589, 657-68,680-5,7°°» 708-11; political and military, post-colonial, 809; Somali protest movements, 599-601; traditional vs. new, 496-502, 567-8, 626, 801, 807-8 African Inland Mission, 518 African International Association, 28 African languages: and lingua franca, 797, 802, 809; translation of Bible into, 529; writing of, 525, 526 African Methodist Episcopal Church ( A M E ) , 186, 707, 708, 739, 756-«; Ethiopianist union with, 757-$, 758,759; General Conferences, 758, 759 African Methodist Episcopal Zion ( A M E Zion), 756-7, 763 African Mission Society, 760 African Morning Post, 575, 764 African National Church, 533, 655 African National Congress ( A N C ) , 197, 198, 308, 676, 680-3, 685, 686, 708, 767 African nationalism, 14-15, 23, 50, 56-8, 64, 90,112, 149,165, 329, 330,487, 502, 516, 565-711, 785-6, 808; cultural, 491, 551-5; and First World W a r , 305-^, 309, 565, 567, 571-2, 581, 624, 626; inter-war (1919-35), 565-711; Malagasy, 244, 245-8; see also pan-Africanism; politics and nationalism African Orthodox Church, 519, 531, 577 African Political Organization ( A P O ) , 682 African Progressive Association, 531, 577

African Steamship C o m p a n y , 752 African Times, 575 African traditional religion, 492-3, 520, 525,526,527,538,576,801,808; colonial era, 513-19; and indigenous Christianity, 533-4; pre-colonial, 508-13 African Union Company, 769 Afrikaner Broeder bond, 307 Afrikaners see Boers Afro-American, Baltimore, 739 Afro-American Church of G o d , 774 Afro-Americans see Americo-Liberians; N e w World Afro-Brazilians, 470, 544, 551, 746, 747, 752-5; religion of, 759-61 Afro-Christian churches see separatist churches Afro-Cubans, 746, 752, 755 Agadir crisis, 285 Agbebi, E . M . E . , 638 Agbegijo Theatre, 553 Aggrey, J. E . K . , 757, 761, 762, 763, 764, 766, 774-5 al-Aghayla prison camp, 100 Agni, 47 agriculture, 73, 491, 674, 790, 792-3; cash crops, 6,163,164,167,168,302,333,338, 341. 342, 343, 344, 347, 348, 349, 391-^, 447,449, 471,490, 7 9 ' , 792-4, 798, 803, 807; collective farms, 164; compulsory cultivation of crops, 14, 360-3; crop diversification, 239, 792; dry farming techniques, 425; East African, 163, 164, 167, 168, 385; Egyptian, 447, 449, 450, 451,793; export crops, 336, 339~4, 34", 343, 404, 793; Libyan, 440, 441, 444-5; mechanization, 425, 426, 427-8; m o n o culture, 404,425,439,447,792-3; North African, 421-8,434-40; peasant farming, 341, 342-3, 371; plantation, 340-2, 347, 39°, 391* 423* 526, 725; and population, 464-5, 469, 470; production, 570-1; sharecropping, 371, 427; subsistence, 302, 303, 371, 39«, 436, 449, 473, 793; Sudan, 454, 455—7; wartime, 302-3; see also economy; labour; land; settler colonialism Aguiar, Jayme de, 775 A h m a d al-Numän, mek of Kitra, 81 A h m a d , Emir M a h m u d , 78, 79 Ahmadiyya Muslims, 520 A h m a d u , 36, 50, 119-22, 139, 141 A h m a d u Bamba, Sheikh, 146 aircraft, 42, 42, 107 & n , 108

845

Index Ajami, xxi Ajasa, Sir Kitoyi, 642 Ajayi, J. F . A . , 48, 806 Akafou Bulare, 130 Akaki, 277, 731 Akamba, 150, 156, i66, 518 Akan, 535-7, 542, 639 al-Akdâf, n i Akeâe Eko, 575 Akim Kotoku, 516 Akouse, 139 Akpan, M . B . , 249-82, 712-45, 813 Akuapem, 639, 641 Akyem-Abuakwa, 502, 639, 640, 641 A k y e m Swedru, 641 Aladura churches, 531, 577 Alakmessa, Lieutenant, 125 Alaotra, Lake, 247 Alapetite, Tunisian Resident, 305 alcohol trade, 471 Alexandria, 67, 68, 449, 485 Alexis, President of Haiti, 273 Algeciras Conference (1906), 87 Algeria, 1-3, 92, 102, 103, 104, 110, 295, 33°» 3a5» 471, 5°7» 7 8 7; agriculture and land, 420-8, 434, 436, 439; colonial economy, 334, 336, 339, 471, 420-40 passim; communications and ports, 429430; customs and foreign trade, 430-1, 432-3; economic crisis, 434-40, 617-18; European (white) population, 458, 485, 486;fiscalsystem, 433-4; French peasant policy, 438-9; French settler economy, 334» 339, 420-6, 434-6, 437» 47", 57". 612, 616, 617-18, 799; independence, 330; Islamic reform, 614-15; labour migration to France, 293; mining, 428-9; politics and nationalism, 306, 570, 571, 606-23; population growth, 440, 460-1, 473, 485, 486 Algero-Moroccan Marches, 6osn Algiers, 102, 429, 438, 440, 485, 570, 616 Ali, Abbas I, 63, 812 € Alî Dinar, Sultan of Därfur, 283 Ah", Ramadhan, 671 'Alt Yusuf, Shaykh, 69 Aliab Dinka uprising, 594 Alldridge, T . J., 264, 406 Allenby, Lord, 584, 587 Alula, Ras, 267 A m b a Alagi, battle of (1895), 270 Ambatonakanga, 230 Amboanana rising (1895), 234 Ambohimalaza, 234 Ambohimanga, 230 A m b o n g o , 238 American Colonization Society ( A C S ) , 250, 252,747 American Missionary Association, 'World Congress on Africa', 756 American Morgan Group, 429 Americo-Liberians, 250,251\ 252,253,254, 273, 274, 275, 280-1, 713, 715, 716, 719, 728. 732, 733, 736, 737, 744, 7^7 Amerindians, 776, 778 Ameriyän, Shaykh, 94 Amhara, 254, 257, 715-17 Amharic language, 254, 716-17 A m h a w ü s h , Ali, 111 A m i n , Samir, 58-9 A m o , William, 558 Amoafo, 131 A m o a h III, Chief, 770 Amparihy, 243, 245

846

Ananaba, W . , 505 ancestral spirits, 509,5/0, 514 Andafiavaratra, 233 Andriana (nobles), 233 Andrianampoinimerina, 233, 236 Anene, Joseph, 42 Angas, 498 Anglo-American Corporation, 345 Anglo-Boer Wars, 34,37,213,307,335,412 Anglo-Congo Free State Treaty (1894), 34 Anglo-French Convention (1899), 34 Anglo-German Delimitation Treaty ( 1886), 33 Anglo-German Treaties (1890 and 1893), 34 Anglo-German Treaty (1885), 33 Anglo-Italian Treaty (1891), 345 Anglo-Merina Treaty (1817), 221 Anglo-Ndebele Treaty (1836), 204 Anglo-Ndebele war (1893), 207 Anglo-Portuguese Treaty (1891), 34 Anglo-Turkish Treaty (1838), 450 Anglo-Zulu war (1879), 200-2 Angola, 1,169,181,316,332,333,351,469, 493, 549, 564, 690; clandestine emigration from, 699; colonial insurrections, 188,190, 191; economy, 60-1, 341, 353, 354, 357, 359, 3 560, 563 Crozierville, 250 The Crusader, 575 Cuamato, 177, 178, 188-9, ' 9 ' , I92, 193 Cuanhama, 177, 178, 188--9 Cuanza Norte 'conspiracy', 700-1 Cuba, 775, 776, 778 Cuffee, Paul, 747 Cullen Countee, 764, 773 cult priests, 189-90 cults, African, 52, 54,165-6, 299, 509, 514, 516-17, 550, 651-3, 761, 777, 778 currency, 404, 651, 791 Curtin, P . , 412, 465, 804 customs system, 443; North African, 430-3 Cyrenaica, 38, 89, 92, çj, 97, 99-100, 107, 441, 444; establishment of Emirate of, 299; see also Libya Dabadugu, battle of (1891), 126 Dagoretti, 155 D a h o m e y (now Benin), 1, 11, 36, 44, 114, " 7 , '35, '39, '45, 284, 297, 298, 300, 470, 493, 494, 506, 550, 5 5 ' , 786, 789; Afro-Brazilians, 747, 752, 754-5; French conquest and reactions, 127-9; politics and nationalism, 574, 643, 646-7, standing army, 788 Daily Times, 575 Dakar, 118, 145, 304, 347, 373, 477, 632, 644, 645; growth of, 484, 796 Damaraland, 211 D a m a s , Léon, 564, 768 Dambakushamba, 183 dams, 439, 447, 448, 449, 454, 455 D a n , 145 D a n d e , Onyango, 165-6 Danquah, J. B . , 628, 629, 641, 743 Dar es Salaam, 284, 289, 408, 484, 671 Dar Masaltt, 593 Dardanelles, 97 Dârfïïr, 76, 283, 592, 593

849

Index Darkawa, n o Darwin, Charles, 22 Daudi C h w a , Kabaka of Buganda, 658-9 Davidson, A . B . , 6,16,46,145,673—71,795, 814 Davies, H . O . , 628 Davis, Colonel T . Elwood, 736 D e Beers Consolidated Mines Ltd, 412 D e Bono, Marshal, 739-40, 742 D e a n , Captain, 748 Dei, 250 Dekhle, 119 Délégationsfinancières,Algeria, 330, 612 Delagoa Bay, 285 Delamere, Lord, 386 Delany, Martin R . , 747 Delavignette, Robert, 317, 323 Delta barrage, 447 Dembo, 188, 696 La Démocratie du Sénégal, 575, 644 Dengkur, Nuer leader, 81 Denoon, Donald, 61 Denteh cult, 516 Denton, Governor, 134 Depression, great (1929-33), 347-9, 356, 357, 358-9t 362, 365, 369, 377» 404, 4SI, 580, 601, 694, 731; effects in North Africa, 434-40, 617-18 Derna, 97 Desai, B. M . , 670 Destür (Constitution Party), Tunisia, 306, 606-7, 608, 618, 620 Devonshire declaration (1923), 571 Deyrüt massacre (1919), 584 Dhliso, chief, 216 Diagne, Blaise, 293, 295, 306, 643-^, 647, 770 Dialo, Bakary, 563 diamond mining, 61, 196, 335, 376, 399, 401, 412, 414, 476, 674, 693 Diander, 117 Diego Suarez, 228, 246, 247 Digna, 'Uthmân, 76, 84 Diile movement, 59 Dike, K.. Onwuka, 26 Dinguiray, 121, 122 Dini ya Nsambwa, 534 Dini ya Rho (Holy Ghost Church), 531,655 Dinizulu, 202 Dinka, 591; uprising, 594-5 Dinshäway incident (1906), 72, 73 Diouf, M'Galandou, 646, 647 Dire Dawa, 277, 731 Diu, Nuer leader, 81 'divide and rule* policy, 162, 178,179, 199, 2i4> 587. 591 divination, 524, 534, 761 al-Djabal al-Akhdar, 444 Djabal Kadür, 74 Djabal Nafusa, n o Djabal Saghrü, 102, 106 Djandüba, battle of (1913), 98 al-Djartda (newspaper), 73, ss6n Djarisa iron ore mines, 429 Djazira irrigation scheme, 455, 456, 457 djemafa (assembly), 89, n o , 607 Djerada coalfields, 428, 429 Djibuti, 82, 277, 279, 283, 600, 786 djihäd(ho\y war), 67,109-10,283,298,511, 784; Mahdist, 73-7, - 593; Sayyid Muhammad's, 83-6; Shaykh Ameriyân's, 94 Djoloff, 118, 119, 122 Djoula, 139

85O

Djulianâ, battle of (1911), 96 Dodds, General, 128, 129 Dodecanese Islands, 97 Dodoma, 304, 671 Dodowa, battle of (1826), 131 Doe, General Samuel, 253 Doering, Governor of Togo, 284 Dogali, 267 Dominik, Major Hans, 37 Doppers, 211 Dorgère, Father, 127 Dos Santos, Paulo Gil, 711 Dossen, Jerome J., 719 Dove, F. W . , 306, 637 Dowl Diu, Nuer leader, 81 drought, 152, 196, 215, 217, 299, 372, 437, 464, 651 D u Bois, W . E . B . , 15, 17, 465, 572, 574, 627, 671, 701, 711, 738, 748, 749, 764, 768, 770-1, 773 dual mandate, Lugard's theory of, 312 Duala, 289 Dube, John Langalibalele, 197, 198, 761, 767, 769 Duchesne, General, 233 Duignan, Peter, 9, 16, 782, 783, 795, 805, 806 al-Dukkâlï, Abu Shu'ayb, 112 Dunbar, Edward, 465 Dunn, John, 202 Durand, J. D . , 459, 460-1, 466, 483 D'Urban, Sir Benjamin, 204 Durban, 414, 545, 708 Düse M u h a m m e d Ali, 749, 771 Dutch Reformed Church, 211 Dwaben, 131, 132 Dwane, Rev. James Mata, 757, 758, 759, 767 Dyula, 130, 347, 558, 559-60 East Africa, 1,6,28,289,295,303,304,305, 328, 338, 494, 498, 503, 561; African traditional religion, 514, 516, 517-18; anti-colonial movements, 165-8; Christianity, 160, 162, 529, 797; colonial economy, 333-4,336, 341, 349, 400, 404, 405, 408, 411, 794; ecological changes, 152; European Scramble for, 152-62; improvement associations and trade unionism, 665-8; Islam, 158, 160, 162, 511,512,797; map of people and polities, iSi\ partition, 33-4, 35; politics and nationalism, 576, 648-72; Portuguese, 291, 2Qj\ religious protest movements, 650-5; resistance, 60, 149-68; segmentary associations, 664; territorial politics, 669-72; under colonial rule, 162-8; white settlers and land alienation, 163,164,166, 384, 386-7, 539; Young Associations, 657-64; see also Britain Elast African Association, 662, 667, 669-71 East African Standard, 669 Eboué, Félix, 361 L'Echo Gabonais, 647 Ecole William Ponty, Dakar, 329, 554-5, 578 Economic Conference of Metropolitan and Overseas France, 358 economic impact of colonialism, 789-95, 806-7 economic imperialism, theory of, 20-1, 25 economic resistance, 58-61, 172 économie de traite, 341,353-4,358,370,373, 377

economy, colonial, 13, 14, 164, 332-457, 489, 492, 626, 807; African participation in money economy, 339-45, 790-1, 807; British zones, 3 8 2 - 4 1 9 ; capital and coercion, 335-9, 340; conquest and n e w production relations, 332-5; dependence and repression, 345-50; Egyptian, 334, 335, 420, 442, 447-53, 583-4; Ethiopian, 275-8, 729-32; and First World W a r , 39. 73*. 733. 734. 73S

854

King's African Rifles, 4 / , 531, 576 Kingsley, Mary, 471 Kinjikitile Ngwale, 52, 55, 167 kipande pass system, 397, 659, 666, 668, 669 Kipsigis, 386 Kisama, 169 Kisimayu, 160, 162 Kisimu Native Chamber of Commerce, 666 Kissi, 250, 274 Kiswahili, 648, 664, 668 Kitawala Watchtower movement, 299, 531, 576, 692-3, 695, 700 Kitchener, General H . H . , 77-8 Kivebulaya, Canon Apolo, 527 Koinange, Chief, 669 Koinange, Mbiyu, 669 Koinange, Peter, 761 Kokofu, 131 Kokumbo gold mines, 130 Kola nuts, 726, 761 Kololo, 169, 196, 199 K o m b o , 139 Kondo, Prince see Behanzin, king Kong, 127, 130, 558 Koniakary, 122 Konkomba, 37 Kontagora, 138 Kordofan, 76, 78, 84, 283 Korekore, 218 Kori-Kori, battle of (1891), 122 Kost Bay, 212 Kotavy, Corporal, 243 Kotokoli, 37 Koudougou, 139 Kouadio Okou, 130 Kouamé Die, 130 Kouassi Gbeúké, 129-30 Koumina canton, 540, 559 Koundian, battle of (1889), 36 Koungani, 140 Kpele, 250, 274 Kraai, H . , 686 Krobo, 516-17 Kru, 250, 274, 714, 715, 736, 737 Krumirs, 104 Kuba rebellion (1904), 192 Kuczynski, R . R., 465 Kufra, 100, 441 Kumalo, John, 206 Kumasi, 36, 131, 132, 796 Kumbi Saleh, 796 Kundian fortress, 121 Kuper, Leo, 416 Ku'rän, 65, 77, 84, 615 Ku'ränic schools, 84, 488, 522 al-Kuwayfiya, battle officii), 96 Kuyu songs, 545-6 Kuzulu, 200, 202 Kwahu asafo company, 639-40 Kwahu charter, 640 Kwango, 181, 691 Kwena, 208, 210 Kwilu, 183, 691 La G u m a , I. A . , 572 Laborde, Edouard, 226 Laborde, Jean, 225-6 Laborde inheritance case, 226 labour, African, 164, 165, 166, 168, 333, J2$, 726; agricultural, 340-1,343,361-3, 366, 367, 416; in British colonies, 384, 391-8, 666-8; and colonial economy, 336-"?. 338, 340, 360-5; desertion of,

Index labour, African - cont. 693-4, 699, 7°3~4> 7°51 export of, 180-1, 185, 732, 733, 734; in French, Belgian and Portuguese colonies, 360-5, 697, 703-5; international division of, 346; legislation governing, 327, 364-5, 414, 416; migration of, 340,341,344,364,474, 484,487,674,682,795; mining, 340,342, 343, 364» 36s, 403, 4*3* 4 M , 4*6, 674, 686-7, 6^8,692-4; and nationalism, 570, 608-9, 612, 666-3; North African, 422, 427, 608-9, 612; peasant protest, 185-6, 675-6,690-1; penal, 363; and population decline, 473-^6; seasonal, 674; selfemployed, 504, 505; South African, 414, 416, 417, 674; unionization of, 504-5, 570, 666-8; urban, 496, 674, 705, 798, 799; wage, 338,341,343-4,347,371,397, 417, 427, 504, 794; wartime, 302, 303; white labour movement, 687, 705; working-class protest, 680, 688, 685-9, 693-5, 705-7; see also forced labour Lafite, Father, 760 Lagoon people, 129 Lagos, 1, 36, 60, 134, 145, 316, 347, 390, 410, 458, 470, 478, 480, 484, 400, 501, 506, 539,628,636,638,642; Afro-Brazilians (Brazilian Quarter), 752, 754, 755, 759, 760-1; Central M o s q u e , 77c; theatre, 551, 553; urban growth, 796 Lagos Daily News, 575 Lagos Weekly Record, 575 Laikipia, 163 Lala, 169 Lamine, M a m a d o u , 36, 121, 125; rebellion of, 139-41 land, land ownership, 77,164,226,227,242, 246, 257, 492; British colonies, 384, 386-91,395,414,416; commercialization of, 790, 794; Egyptian, 450; Kenya, 661, 663, 665; Libya, 444-5; North Africa, 420-5,426, 428; and population density, 464-5; Sudan, 457; see also agriculture land alienation, 14,163,215, 247, 250, 335, 384,386-391,395,414,416,421-5,665, 794,795,798 Land Apportionment Act (1931), 387-8 Land Bill, Gold Coast, 146, 388, 390 Langer, W . L . , 25 Langi, 321, 527, 665 Lango country, 160, 162 Lanternari, V . , 576 Laperrine, General, 6osn Laroui, A . , 39, 42, 87-113, 812 Last Church of G o d and His Christ, 531, 577 Lat Dior Diop, Darnel of Cayor, 4 , 7, 11, 35-6, 118-19 Latin America: back-to-Africa movements, 746, 747, 752-5; persistence and transformation of African cultural values in, 746, 775-80; religious interactions between Africa and, 759-61 Lausanne Agreement (1912), 97 Laval Pierre, 742 law see judiciary L a w of Liquidation, Egypt, 451 L e Mesurier, Major, 265 L e M y r e de Vilers, 229, 230 L e Timbre, Captain, 226-7 lead mining, 529, 440 League Against Imperialism, 572 League of Nations, 308,314,330, 435,439, 572, 579, 677, 701, 745, 770; and

Ethiopia, 729, 739, 740, 742, 743; and Liberia, 712, 733, 734, 736, 737-8; Union, 309 League of Sudanese Union ( L S U ) , 589 Lebanese, 344,406,407, 627, 726, 732,799 Lebou, 644 Ledebour, George, 20 Lefela, Maphutseng and Josiel, 685 Légitime Défense manifesto, 564 L'Eglise des Banzie, 534 Leite, José Correia, 775 Leith-Ross, Sylvia, 488 Lekhotla la Bofo, 685 L e m b a , 548 Lenana, Chief, 155 Lenin, V . I., 20-1 Leopold I of the Belgians, King, 17, 28,38, 337, 475 leprosy, 480, 481, 527, 731 Lesotho see Basutoland Letanka, D . S-, 686 Letsie II, of Basutoland, 685 Lettow-Vorbeck, General P . E . von, 289, 2Q0, 291, 299 Leutwein, Theodor, 49, 219 Levantines in Africa, 406, 627 Lever Brothers, 341-2, 375, 376 Lever, W . H . , 390 Lewanika, king, 208, 210, 527 Léyguès, Georges, 315 Leys, Colin, 62, 794 Libano-Syrian intellectuals, 556 & n , 557 Liberia, 1, 13, 17, 38, 114, 127, 283, 336, 493, 549, SS», 560, 712-19, 767; black American emigration to, 250,747-8,749, 751, 752, 756, 770, 771; black American missionaries, 756-7; Constitution and Legislature, 722; economic and social developments, 273-5,281-2,723-8,732; European imperialism, 260, 500, 712; foreign intervention, 258-65, 732-9, 744-5; impact of Scramble and partition, 278-82; military weakness, 280-1, 282; on eve of the Scramble, 249-54; political developments, 717-19; socio-cultural developments, 713- 717; and U S A , 250, 263, 264, 279, 282,283, 724,726, 732-9, 745, 747 Liberia College, 275, 276, 728 Liberia Development C o m p a n y , 275 Liberian Frontier Force ( L F F ) , 274, 280, 28i,733,736,737,744-5 Libreville, 458, 574, 646 Libya (Cyrenaica, Tripolitania), 17, 38, 89, 94-100,107,110,297,298,300,3 ï 1,323, 329, 785; agriculture, 440, 441, 444-5; economy, 334, 420, 440-7; education, 446,800; infrastructure, 443,444,445-6; Italian conquest and occupation, 98-100, 443-6, 603; Ottoman domination of, 92, 94, 95, 441-3; politics and nationalism, 573, 603; taxation, 443; trade and industry, 441,443,444,445; Turco-Italian war, 9 4 - 7 , 444 Liga Africana, 574, 701, 71t Liga Angolana, 700, 701 Liga Colonial, 700 Liga Nacional Africana, 701, 702 Liga Ultramarina, 700 Lighthart Report, 737 Ligue de Defense de la Race Nègre, 574, 643 Ligue des Droits de l ' H o m m e , 246, 574, 643, 646, 647

Ligue Le Paria, 646 La Ligue Universelle pour la défense de la Race Nègre, 574, 643 Lij-Iyasu, Emperor of Ethiopia, 283, 719-20, 739 Limpopo river, 169, 199, 208, 412, 414, 458 Lincoln University, U S A , 757, 766 Lindi, 2Ç4 lingua franca, 797, 802, 809 Lippmann, Governor, 598-9 literacy, 496, 4Q7, 525, 558, 559, 560, 665, 801 literature, African, 526, 555-64,702; A n g o lan literary protest, 700; Egyptian, 555-7; in European languages, 561-4; Western Sudan, 557-61 Livingstone, Charles, 548 Livingstone, David, 6, 512, 548 Livingstone, 410, 683 al-Liwà (The Flag), 72, 575 Lloyd, P . C , 782-3, 800, 805 Lloyd George, David, 626 Loango, 169 Lobengula, King of Ndebele, 5 , 7 , 37, 200, 202, 20J, 204, 205-6, 207, 527 Lobi, 139, 146 Locke, Alain, 764; The Neu* Negro, 764 locusts, 215, 217, 373, 464 Loga, 169 Logan, Rayford, 770 L o m a , 250 L o m é , 289 Lomo, 130 London Diamond Syndicates, 412 London Missionary Society, 225 Longuet, Jean, 617 Lonsdale, John, 648 Lotsche, induna, 206 Lott Carey Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 739 Lourenço Marques, 364, 574, 696, 706, 707, 708, 709 L'Ouverture, Toussaint, 561 Lovedale Press, 197 Lozi, 171, 198, 199, 207, 208 Luanda, 467, 506, 562, 574, 696, 698, 701 Luangwa, 174 Luapulariver,690 Luanshya, 683, 687 Luawa, 264 Luba, 169, 177, 183 Lüderitz Bay, 289 Lugard, Frederick, Lord, 36,137,155,156, 160, 312, 313, 315, 323, 324, 325, 472, 568; Dual Mandate, 312, 325; indirect rule policy, 318-19, 321, 323; on treatymaking, 32-3, 35 Luluabourg, 796 Luluabourg mutiny (1895), 185 Lunda, 169,174, 177,185,189,191-2, 696 Lundu, Kai, chief, 264 Lungu, 182, 198 Luo, 165, 531, 533, 652-3, 655, 656, 659, 660, 664, 669 Lusaka, 683, 796 luwalo (public work tax), 326 Luxemburg, Rosa, 20, 21 Lwamugira, Francis, 666 Lyautey, Marshal Louis-Hubert, 98, t I3n, 291. 3i9,J20, 568, 617 Lyon, Ernest, 282 M a ' al-'Aynayn, Shaykh, 94, i n , 605n

855

Index Maasai, 152, 155, 163, 386, 473, 518, 567, 670-1 Mabona, Mongameli, 52, 55 Mabro, R . , 450 MacCarthy, Sir Charles, 131 Macaulay, Herbert» 390,631,634, 638,647 Macdonald, Ramsay, 730 McGregor, Governor William, 478 Máchalos, 156, 514, 516, 651, 670 Machemba, King of the Yao, 4, 48-9 McKay, Claude, 764, 773-4 Mackenzie, missionary, 208, 210, 211 Mackenzie, D r Melville D . , 737 McPhee, Allan, 393, 407 macumba cult, 778 Madagascar, 22, 28, 36, 514, 563, 789, 800; First World War, 293, 298,303; FrancoMerina wars, 227-8, 230, 231-3; maps, 222, 244; Menalamba movements, 233-7; nationalist movement, 244, 245-8; reaction to colonial conquest, 221-48 al-Madanï of the Akhäs, chief, 111 al-Madanï, Tawfik, 613 Madrid Conference (1880/81), 92 Mafulu revolt (1918), 699 Mage, Lieutenant, 120 Maghreb (review), 617 Maghrib, 87-113,457, 505; European campaigns (map), or; failure of resistance, 106-13; Islamic reformism, 614-15; open war and passive resistance, 603-5; P° u ~ tics and nationalism, 572, 603-23; popular communities, 607-8; settler economy, 334; stages of resistance, 104-6; states and the Europeans, 90-104; urban growth, 484-5; western education, 491; see also Algeria; Morocco; North Africa; Tunisia magic, 509, 516, 524, 715, 777, 778 Maguiguana, 189 Mahafale, 239 Mahavavy plain, 246 Mahavelo, 243 al-Mahdl, Muhammad Ahmad Ibn 'Abdallah, 73-4, 75, 76-7, 84, 86, 267, 454, 523, 580 Mahdism (Makdiyya), 73-80, 84, 85, 146, 254, 267, 268, 272, 523, 577, 592-4; neoMahdism, 593-4; Nyäla revolt, 593; revolution, 73-8; risings, 78-80, 592-3; state (1881-98), 453, 454 Maherero, Samuel, 49 Mahiwa, battle of (1917), 2ç6 Mahmud, Shaikh, 188, 189 Maiaigni sect, 700 Mair, Lucy, 496 maize, 303, 379, 391, 395, 398-9, 417, 469, 470, 793 Majerteyn, 82, 85, 597 Majï-Majï rising (1905^7), 37, 49, 51, 52, 55, 151, 167-8, 304, 332, 472, 516 Majunga, 227, 229, 232 Makalle, battle of (1895), 270 Makalle, Italian occupation of (1935), 742 Makana, Prophet, 52-3, 55, 58 Makanga, 189, 190 Makanjuira, 177 Makeja, Mack, 671 Makerere College, 554, 578 Makhzen, 87, 92, 93, 94, i n , 603 Makhzen al-Nasära, 603 al-Makkï, 111 Makoko, Chief of Bateke, 28 Makombe Hanga, Chief, 49

856

Makona river, 264 Makoni, 198, 214, 216, 217, 218 Makonde, 157, 696, 705 Makonnen, Ras, 269, 720 Makua, 172, 174, 177, 178, 696, 705 Makunga, John, 206 malaria, 474, 477, 478, 482 Malawi see Nyasaland Malekebu, Daniel Sharpe, 755, 761, 764, 772 Malekebu, Flora Ethelwyn, 764 Mali see French Sudan Malindi, 60, 796 Maluma, Tonga priest, 189-90 Mamadou Lamine see Lamine Mambii Party, 629 Mambone uprising (1952), 708 Mambos Cussarara, 703 Mampikony, 237 Manamboninahitra, 237 Mandan, 594—5 Mandated territories, 308, 309, 314, 677 Mandingo, Mandingo empire, 39,117, 123, 125, 250, 784 Mandinka, 119, 511 manganese deposits, 429 Mangasha, Ras, 269-70, 730 Mangin, General, 293 Mango, Alfayo Odongo, 655, 656 Mangwende, 198, 214, 216, 217, 218 Manjanga insurrection (1893-4), 182 Mankurwane, chief, 211 Mano, 274 Mano river, 263, 265 Manye, Charlotte see Maxeke Mapondera, Kadungure, 183,184, 218 marabouts, 139, 644 Marchand, Jean-Baptiste, 129, 130 Marealle, 158 Marebriver,269, 272 marketing, 405-9, 417, 455 Marks, Shula, 47 Marrakesh, i n , 430, 434 Marsä Matrüh, 298 Martins, Carlos Deambrosis, 572 Marxists, 20-1,564,643,783,785,805,806 Masaba, Erisa, 660-1 Masara-Mamadi, 125 Masasi, 518 Maseko, 176—7 Masembura, 216 Maseno, 165, 670 Mashanganyika, 216 Mashauw, chief, 211 masfiatpe cult, 548 Mashayamombe, 216, 218 Mashingaidze, 55-6 Mashona, Mashonaland, 37, 39, 194, 215, 387, 685; British conquest of, 204-7; Shona Chimurenga in, 215-18 Masianaka, 243 Masombika slaves, 225 Massaquoi, Momolu, 715, 756 Massawa, 267, 283 Masseno School, 657, 659 Massingire rebellion (1884), 190 Matabeleland, 217, 387, 683, 789; British conquest of, 204-7; Ndebele Chimurenga in, 215-16 Matabeleland Relief Force, 216 Matamma, battle of (1889), 268 Matan, Dr, 618 Matemu-a-Kenenia, 691 Mathendu, Chief, 670

Mathias, Agostinho Jose, 706 Mathu, Eliud, 668 Matóla, Cecil, 671 Matos, Norton de, 700, 701 Matson, A . T . , 154 Matswa, André, 574 Matumbi, 49 M a u M a u , 398, 663, 794 Maugham, Robin, 803 Maunier, R., 613 Mauritania, 122, 311, 523, 559, 605n Mauritius, 463 & n Maxeke, Marshall and Charlotte, 757, 758, 759, 761 Mayangi or Nlenvo sect, 700 Mazoe, 55, 218 Mazrui, AH A . , 13, 150, 784, 803 Mazrui family, 156, 165, 166 Mbandzeni, 212-13 Mbari mural art, 540 Mbaruk bin Rashid, 156 Mbeni societies, 695 mbira music/culture, 547-9, 550 Mbona cult priests, 190 Mbundu, 700 Mbunga, 157 Mburuma Nsenga, 177 Mbuya, spirit medium, 52, 190 Mecca, 84 Medina, 140 Meebelo, Henry S., 50 Mehlokazulu, 200, 202 Meknès, 430, 434, 439 Melilla, 90, 93 Menabe, 238, 239 Menalamba movements, 233-7, 2 3^ Mende, 141 Menelik II, Emperor of Ethiopia, 4-5,7,38, 42, 82, 249, 254, 2SS, 256, 257, 258, 268-9,27°» 272» 275» 277~$t 27 7'5, 716, 719, 720, 729, 739, 752 Menelik II Hospital, 277 Menelik II School, 277 Mengo, battle of (1892), 32, 37 mercenaries, African, 39,152,179,180,193 Merchants Association, 706 Merina, 22 m , 224, 226, 230, 231, 233, 237, 238, 240, 246 Merinyo, Joseph, 665 Merriam, A . P., 546-7 Meru, 518, 519 MesalT Hädj, 572, 574, 620 Le Messager Dahoméen, 646 Messimy, French Minister of War, 102 mestizos, 50, 189, 778 Methodist High School, 800 Methodist Mission Church, 529, 535 Metlawï mines, 608 Mfantsipim school, 800 Mfecane, 44, 194, 196, 784 Mfengu, 198, 207, 214 Mgijima, Enoch, 678 Mgwali mission, 197 Mhiripiri, 217 Miani, Colonel, 98 'Michel Grcular* (1933), 620 Middle Congo, 366, 372, 376 migration, 145,182,194,795,218,242,293, 301 ; black emigration from America, 746, 747-55; clandestine emigration from Angola, 699; labour, 340, 341, 344, 364, 416-17,474,484,487,674,682,795; protest, 301, 569; urban, 373, 416*17, 418-19, 437, 484-5, 503, 798-9

Index Mijikenda, 156 Mikael, Ras, 719 Mfla, 614 military service, African, 292-5, 299-300 Millard, D r P . M c D . , 743 millet, 303, 373, 391 Milliot, L . , 613 Mills, T . Hutton, 637 Milner, Viscount, 584, 636 Milner Mission, 584-5 Mines and W o r k s Act (1911), 414, 416 mining, mineral resources, 229, 275, 304, 339, 340, 342, 347, 353, 375, 376* 377, 379, 489, 726, 790; Belgian Congo, 354, 359, 374, 375, 379, 674, 692, 693-4; British colonies, 384, 390-1, 399-404, 419; North Africa, 428-9,436; Southern Africa, 204, 205, 206, 212-13, 2 I 5 , 335, 340,365,403, 412-14, 41&-17» 4 Ï 8 , 480, 674,686-7,688,697 Mining Ordinance of Sierra Leone, 401 Missäo Christa Ethiopia, 707, 708 Mission des Noir$y 531, 576 missionaries, 22,38, 55,134,135,137,152, 160, 164, 165, 171, 186, 190, 472, 476, 650, 652, 653, 678, 796; and African theatre, 550, 551; Benedictine, 695; black American evangelists, 746, 747, 755-61, 780-1; colonial era, 525-7; education, 491, 519, 525-6, 544-5, 657, 671, 797, 801; Ethiopian, 265; Liberian, 252, 275, 728; Madagascar, 224,225,226,234,245; medical, 478, 486, 525, 731; pre-colonial era, 512-13; Southern Africa, 194,197-8, 200, 205, 206, 207-10, 212, 220; and traditional religion, 313, 517-19, 526, 534; see also Christianity; Islam Misurâta, port, 98 Mizon, Lieutenant L . A . A . , 33 Mjigima, Enoch, 774 M k w a w a , 157 Mlugulu, chief, 216 M o , 132 Moave, 183 Moffat, Rev. John Smith, 204, 205 Mogadishu, 82, 84, 597, 598 Mohammed V , King of Morocco, 621 Mokalapa, Willie, 186 MoknTn, 620 Mokone, Mangena M . , 529 Molema, Joshua, 685 Molo, Moussa, 141 Mombasa, 304, 333, 474, 666 Monastlr, 620 Mondlane, Eduardo, 761 Mongo, 169 monogamy, 488, 533 Monophysite Christianity, 254 Monrovia, 126,250,252,254,273,275,281, 282, 728, 749 Montaga, king, 121 Monteil expedition, 127, 130 Montshiwa, chief, 211 Mootian, Maiteî Ole, 671 Mopti, 485 Morgan Group, 429 Moroccan Action Committee, 621 Morocco, 38, 107, i n , 316, 335, 494, 568; agriculture and land, 420-8 passim, 436, 439; colonial economy, 334, 420-40 passim; communications and ports, 429-30; customs system and trade, 431, 432; economic crisis, 434-40 passim; First World W a r , 291, 295, 297, 303; fiscal

system, 433-4; mining, 428-9,436; poliMuranga, 661 tics and nationalism, 570, 603-23 passim; Muriuki, G . , 155 politique d'association, 319; resistance, 87, al-Murtadâ, in 89, 9 0 - 2 , 93-4, 100, 102, 104-5; Rif, 94, Musama Disco Christo Church, 535-7 98, 106, 107,108, n o , 311, 329,609-12; Mushidi, 189, 191 Spanish in, 3 8 , 8 7 , 9 0 - 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 3 2 9 , 4 2 5 , music, African, 540, 544-9, 613, 705, 778, 609-12, 621 780, 804, 808 Morris, Rev. Charles S . , 763 Muslims see Islam Moshette, chief, 211 Mussolini, Benito, 15,18,99,329,712,730, Moshoeshoe I, King of the Basuto, 208, 740, 742, 743 209, 210, 211, 685 Mutasa, 198, 214 Mosi w u o d A u m a , 653 Muta-ya-Kavela, 188, 191 mosques, 5 2 / , 522 muthirigu (dance song), 519 al-Muynäm, battle of (1908), 94 Mossi, 3, 5, 123, 139, 146, 351, 364, 474, Mwabaza, L . T . , 686 524 Mwanga, Kabaka of Buganda, 10, 32, 37, Motshede, indunay 206 152, 160, i6iy 162 M o u n t Elgon, 661 Mwanza tin mine, 694 M o u r a o , F . A . Albuquerque, 746, 814 Mwanzi, H . A . , 149-68, 812 Mouridiyya movement, 146, 577 Mwari, Shona god, 217, 218 Movimento Nacionalista Africano, 702 Mwari cult, 52, 54, 514 M o z a m b i q u e , 1,49,169,174,176,180,182, Mwase Kasungu, 174, 177, 188 183, 458, 517, 547, 768; economy, 340, M w e m b a , Samuel, 32 341, 343, 361, 364, 3 7 7 . 3 7 8 , 379, ¿96-8; Mwenemutapa, 169, 188, 191, 214 F R E L I M O , 58; independence, 330; inMwigmthania, 663 surrections, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193; Mzilikazi, 204 labour migration from, 340, 341, 351, 364, 416, 682; peasant protest, 702-5; Nabi *Jsâ doctrine, 78 politics and nationalism, 574, 576, 673, al-Nädüra, battle of (1912), 97 695-8,702-11 ; Portuguese in, 2 8 , 3 4 , 3 7 , Nago merchants, 761 51, 174, 176, 291, 6 9 5 - 8 , 7 0 2 - 7 1 1 ; reliNahhâs Pasha, 587, 588 gious protest movements, 707-8; resistNairobi, 347, 484, 518, 666, 669, 670, 671, ance, 51, 58, 60,171, 176, 182, 183,184, 186, 218: urban intellectual protest, 796 708-11 al-Nakkâdî, i n , 112 M o z a m b i q u e C o m p a n y , 361, 377 Naluma, Joswa, 658-9 N a m a , 49, 52, 289, 677 M p a d i , Simon-Pierre, 531, 576, 577 Namibia see South-West Africa M p a n d e , 200 N a m o , 785 Mpeseni, 177, 179 N a m w h a n a , 182 M p o n d o , 194, 198, 214 Nana of Itsekiri, 135, 137 M p o n d o m i s e , 214 Nana Yaa Asantewaa, 133, 139, 143 M s a n e , Saul, 686 Nandi, 37, 150, 152, 154-5, «65, 386, Msiba M w e a , 156 Msiqinya, Bishop, 774 650 Nanka-Bruce, D r F . V . , 631 Msiri, Yeke ruler, 188, 493, 784 Napoleon I Bonaparte, Emperor, 555 M s u m a , Jordon, 577 Napoleon III, Emperor, 221, 226 Mswati, 212 Nascimento, Antonio José de, 563, 700 Mtetwa, 214 Nâsir Bey, 606 Mtota, king of Tawara, 191 Naçiriyya zâmya, 110 al-Mu'ayyad (newspaper), 69 Nasserism, 557 M u b e n d e Banyoro Committee, 664 Natal, 194, 200, 207, 212, 219, 411, 469, M u c h e m w a , 217, 218 M u c h u c h u , Job, 669 474 al-Mudawwar, battle of (1912), 97 Natal Bantu Business League, 197 National Association for the Advancement Mudzinganyama Jiri Muteveri, 217 of Coloured People ( N A A C P ) , 739, 768 Muffett, D . J. M . , 137 National Baptist Convention ( N B C ) , 756, Muflirá mine, 687 M u h a m m a d , Prophet, 74, 76 758-9 M u h a m m a d Abdule Hasan see al-Sayyid National Bank, 405 Muhammad National Bank of Egypt, 277 M u h a m m a d Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah see alNational Congress of British West Africa Mahdï ( N C B W A ) , 146, 309, 574, 627, 632-«, M u h a m m a d 'All, 65, 334, 447, 449, 453, 641, 642, 772 473, 555, 608, 6o9n National Democratic Party of Nigeria, 574 M u h a m m a d Sharif Pasha (Abu alNational Party, South African, 307 Dastûr), 65 national prestige, theory of, 23-4, 25 National Union True W h i g Party, 718 Mukasa, Ruben Spartas, 531, 577 nationalism see African nationalism, politics Mukasa, Yusufu, 658-9 al-Mukhtär, 'Umar, 99, 100, IOI> 611 and nationalism Mukwati, svikirot 217 Nationalist Party, Egypt, 573 Native Administration Act, 327, 414, 416 mulattos, 186, 252 Native Administration Ordinance, 639 M u m b o cult, 165-6, 299, 516, 652-3 Native Administration Revenue Bill, 639, Mumia, King of Wanga, 152, 157 Munro, J. Forbes, 790 640 Muräbbih Rabbuh, i n native authorities, 317, 318, 321, 492, 504

857

Index Native Baptist Church, 146 native courts, 324 Native Jurisdiction A m e n d m e n t Ordinance, 639 . Native Labour Regulation Act, 416 Native Land Act, South African, 307, 414, 416,417 'native paramountry*, principle of, 312, 329-30 'native policy*, 312-16, 317 Native Purchase Area, 388 Native Registration Ordinance, Kenya, 307, 666 Native Reserves, 387, 388, 395, 414, 416, 418 Native Service Contract Act, 414, 416 Native (Urban Areas) Act, South Africa, 327,414,416 Nazarite Baptist Church, 679 Ndanda, 296 r N d a u , 214 Ndebele, 5, 37, 39, 54, 196, 198, 199-200, 202-^7, 208, 214, 215-16, 217, 218, 387, 472, 548 N'Diaye, Alboury, 118, 122 Ndonye w a Kauti, 651-2 N d w ä n d e , 214 négritude movement, 560, 564, 578, 579, 768, 773, 775, 781 Negro-Brazilian Front, 775 Negro Business League, 769 Negro Church of Christ, 534 negros de ganho, Brazilian, 752, 754 Negro World, 575, 646, 671, 771, 772-3 Nehanda, svikiro, 217, 218 Nelson, Captain, 156-7 Neo-Destür Party, Tunisia, 619, 620 New Times and Ethiopia News, 575 N e w World and Africa, 15, 572, 671, 724, 746-81; Afro-Brazilians, 470, 544, 551, 752-5; 759-61; back-to-Africa movements, 747-55; black American evangelism, 755-61; educational impact of North and Latin America and Caribbean, 775— 780; Pan-Africanism: political and cultural aspects, 767-75; see also AmericoLiberians New York Age, 575 Newton, Prof. A . P . , 804 Ngalanga, 191 Ngojo, N . D . , 686 N g o m b e m Bud ja, 169 Ngoni, 51, 176 N g u m a , Jordan, 531 Ngungdeng, Prophet G w e k , 595 Nguni, 169,171,172 & n , 177,179,192,193, 194, 795*, 196, 198, 199, 208, 212, 214, 488,491 N ' G u r m a , Fada, 139 Ngwaketse, 210 N g w a n e , 213 Ngwato, 198, 199, 207, 208, 210, 211, 216 Niamey, 373, 796 Niamina, 139 N i a m w é , 129 Niassa C o m p a n y , 377, 696 Niger, 299, 373, 376, 482, 523, 624, 787 Niger Coast Protectorate, 471 Niger Convention (1898), 34 Niger delta, 59,60,114,125,126,135, 300, 527 Niger river, 29, 35, 36, 120, 121, 140, 250, 333, 342, 470, 560 Nigeria, 1,6,33,39,145,146,283,467,469,

858

470, 472, 488, 567, 568, 624, 768, 786, 787; African élite, 496,498,500,50/; arts, 540, 549, 546, 551, 553; black American emigrants, 747, 752-4, 755, 759-6i; British conquest and resistance to, 36, 114,134-8,139; economy, 333,337, 376, 377, 382, 390, 393, 399, 401, 4°4, 407, 408,410; education, 491,763-4,766,769, 800; ethnic unions, 504; First World W a r , 291, 298, 299, 300, 302, 304; indirect rule, 318-19, 321, 323, 325; medical services and disease control, 478,480, 799; Northern, 114,137-8,291,298,316, 318, 319, 325, 390, 393; politics and nationalism, 572,573-4,628-9, ° 3 f , 632, 634, 636, 642; population, 461,470; religion, 511, 514, 522, 534, 757; social effects, 488, 493, 494, 506, 507; Southern, »34-7, 390, 573; " r ban growth, 484,489, 796; workers organizations, 505 Nigerian National Democratic Party, 63J-2, 638, 647 Nigerian Brigade, 294, 296 Nigerian Improvement Association, 574 Nigerian Mechanics Union, 632 Nigerian Pioneer, 642 Nigerian Youth Movement ( N Y M ) , 574, 628, 629, 631, 632 Nileriver,601, 602; Blue, 455; White, 81, 455 al-Ni'mat, H I Nimley, Juah, 736 Nioro, 121, 122 Njanja, 199, 214, 548 Nkana mine, 687 Nkoie, Maria, cult priestess, 190 Nkonde, 199 Nkoransa, 132 Nkosi-DIamini dynasty, 212 N k r u m a h , K w a m e , 18, 502, 633, 743-4, 761, 763, 766, 773 N o k , 469 Nomiya L u o Church, 165, 533, 654, 655 N o n g w e - N o n g w e , 188, 190 North Africa (and Sahara), 1, 36, 295, 305; agriculture and land, 420-8,434-40,441; colonial economy, 334-5, 340, 420-57; communications and ports, 429-30, 443, 444, 445, 449; crcft industries, 434, 4 3 ^ 7 , 443, 445; customs system and trade, 430-3; economic depression, 434-40, 451;financialandfiscalsystem, 433-4; industry, 440, 443, 445, 449-5©; infrastructure, 429-30, 443, 444, 445-6, 447-9, 454-5; Islam, 426, 427, 428, 436-8, 507, 614-15, 616-17, °2o; Maghrib states and the Europeans, 90-104; m a p of major regions of Maghrib and Sahara, 88; mining, 428-9, 436; peasant policy, 438-9; politics and nationalism, 438, 580-623; resistance, 63-113; urbanization, 437, 440; see also Maghrib; North-East Africa North African Sur, 574 North America see N e w World North Nyasa Native Association, 187 North-East Africa: politics and nationalism, 64, 580-602; resistance, 63-S6; see also Egypt; North Africa; Somaliland; Sudan Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), 37, 169, 179, 180, 196, 198, 207, 291, 326, 341, 365, 416, 467, 547,699, 787; colonial insurrection, 188; economy, 339, 340, 351, 382, 388, 394, 395, 399, 401, 402, 403,

409-10,794; First World W a r , 293, 295, 299, 303; politics and nationalism, 576, 673,680,683; resistance, 47, 50,61, 182, 185, 186, 215, 299; traditional religion, 5/0, 517; Watchtower movement, 531, 576,654-5,692 Northern Territories, Gold Coast, 36, 390, 409 North-West Africa see North Africa *Nova Scorians*, 551 Nowell Commission, 408 Nsuta, 131 Ntaba zika M a m b o , battle of, 216 Ntsikana, 55 Nuba mountains, 74, 80-1 al-Nudjûmî, *Abd al-Rahmän, 77 Nuigni, 441 N u p e , 33, 36, 137 Ny Fierenena {Malagasy nation), 248 Ny Rariny (Justice), 248 Nyabingi cult, 516, 650 Nyabongo, Akiikí, 669 Nyäla revolt (1921), 593 Nyamanda, chief, 216 Nyamwezi, 150, 158, 784 Nyandoje, A d u w o , 660 Nyandoro, 216, 217 Nyangao, 296 , Nyanza, 299, 653, 657, 659-60, 670 Nyasa, Lake, 304 Nyasaland (now Malawi), 169, 179, 180, 182, 196, 199, 208, 299, 300, 517, 787; black American missionaries, 755,758-9; Christianity, 529, jjo, 531, 534, 692; colonial insurrections, 188, 189-90, 192; economy, 339, 340, 361, 382, 392; Garveyism, 772-3; labour migration from, 341, 416, 682; Mozambican resettlement in, 703; 1915 rebellion, 764,774; politics and nationalism, 576, 577,669,673, 680, 683; resistance, 171,176-7,178,182,186, 187, 215 Nyasaland Times, 300 Nyende, Simeon, 659, 660 Nyindo, chief, 300 Nyirenda, Isaac, 683 Nyirende, T o m o (Mwana Lesa), 692-3 Nzula, Albert, 689 O Brado Africano, 709-10, 711 O Africano, 709—10 O Clarim da Alvorada, 775 O Menelick, 775 Obbia, 82, 597 El Obeid, 76, 591 Obiechina, Emmanuel, 508 Obuasi, 632, 796 Ochieng, W . R . , 155-6 Odindo, Chief, 660 Odongo, Alfayo, 531 Office Central du Travail, Madagascar, 240, 2 2 4 Office du Niger, 361; irrigation project, 348 Office Tunisien de Standardisation, 439 Ofori Atta, Nana Sir, 502, 636, 640-1, 642 Ogaden, 82, 83, 156, 270, 596, 597, 742 Ogoja, 498 Ogot, Professor B . A . , 56, 165, 305, 654 Ogunde, Hubert, 554 Ohlange Institute, 769 Ohori, 297 Ohori-Ije revolt, 298 Oil Rivers, 134, 506 Okwiri, Jonathan, 659, 660

Index old boys' associations, 15, 574 Oliver, Roland, 9, 12, 26, 513, 806 olives, olive-oil, 435-6, 439, 441, 444, 445 Olola, John Paul, 660 Olomu, Nana, chief of Itsekiri, 36, 59-60 Oloruntimehin, B. O . , 15,146,565-79,785, 814 Oluwa, Chief, 637 Oluwa, T . M . , 637 Omani empire, 38 Omdurman, 78, 80 Omulo, Reuben, 659 Ondeto, Simeo, 56 Onselen, Charles van, 61 Onyango Dunde, 652 Oost Afrikaansche Cie, 274 L'Opinion, 247, 248 O p o b o , 135, 136 O p o k u , K . Asare, 508-38, 654, 797, 814 Oran, 422, 425, 429, 570 oratory, African, 546-7 Orange Free Sate, 194, 411, 414 Organization of African Unity ( O A U ) , 807 orgoiyot, Nandi leader, 154, 650 Orient Review, 575 orixas cult, 761, 777 Ormsby-Gorc Commission (1924), 667 O r o m o ('Galla'), 258, 715, 716, 722 Osam-Pinanko, Franck, 757, 761 Osmania Alphabet, 600-1 osugbo cult, 554 Osuntokun, Jide, 295 Ottoman Empire see Turkey Ouagadougou, 5, 373-4 Oubangui-Chari (now Central African Republic), 370, 372, 376, 379, 462, 481, 482, 531, 576 L'Ouest-Africain Français, 575 O u s m a n e , Sembene, God's Bits of Wood, 803 O v a m b o , 172 & n , 182, 191, 696 O v i m b u n d u , 51, 57, 172, 193 Owalo, John, 165, 533, 654 O w e n , Archdeacon, 660 O y o , 44, 135, 550, 553, 784 Padmore, George, 764 Paito, Yowasi, 658-9 Palestine, 84, 293, 583 palm oil and kernels, 6, 336, 341-2, 376, 377. 379> 380, 39', 393. 4°9. 476, 647, 723, 726, 761 pamphlets, 561-2, 575, 606 pan-African congresses, 15, 17, 574, 627, 646, 683, 768, 770, 773, 781, 786 pan-Africanism, 57,273,566,572,575,578, 579, 624, 627, 633, 634, 682-3, 7»>. 702, 711, 746, 766, 767-75, 780, 781, 785-6; see also politics and nationalism pan-Arabism, 569, 577 Panashe, 217 pan-Islamism, 522, 569, 577-8 Pankhurst, R . , 249, 712, 813 Papillon, 129 Paraíso, Jose, 646 Le Paris, 646 Paris Peace Conference see Versailles Parti des Jeunes Sénégalais, 644 Partido Nacional Africano, 701, 711 partition of Africa, 2, 19-44, 2 49. 2 6o, 273, 335. 339. 785; African dimension, 26-7; balance of power, 24; beginnings of Scramble, 27-9; Berlin West Africa C o n ference, 29-31; boundary changes, 42-4,

493-4, 786-^7; diplomatic, 23-6; economic, 20-1, 25, 345; effective occupation doctrine, 35; evangelical Christianity, 22; global strategy, 24-5; hinterland doctrine, 29, 33-4, 35; impacts on Liberia and Ethiopia, 278-82; military conquests, 35-8; national prestige, 23-4, 25; psychological, 21-3, 25; Somaliland, 82-3; spheres of influence, 29, 31, 33-4, 35; theories of, 19-27; treaty-making, 31-5 pass laws, 14, 327, 397, 693 passive resistance, 149, 243, 245, 248, 605, 647. 703 Patrocinio, José do, 775 Pax Colonica, 45 Payne, D r Benjamin W . , 713, 715 P C F (French Communist Party), 608, 609, 612, 618 & n Peace of Vereeniging (1902), 34 Peace Treaty of Addis Ababa (1896), 272 Pedi, 758 Peel, John, 570 Pélissier, R . , 673-711, 814 Penda, O m a r , 140, 141 Pende, 691 People's Party, Liberia, 717, 718-19, 732, 744 People's Union, Nigeria, 146 Pereira, José de Fontes, 186, 700 Perham, Margery, 9,305,782,783,805,807 Le Périscope Africain, 575 . Person, Yves, 126 Peters, Karl, 35, 174 Phamote, Simon, 307 Phelps-Stokes Commission, 763, 766, 774-5 Philadelphia Tribune, 766 Philip, D r H . R . A . , 304 phosphates, 428, 429, 430, 431, 436, 440 Pierre, Admirai, 227 Pila Pila, 297 Plaatje, Sol T . , 682-3 plantations, 340-2, 347, 390, 391, 393,423, 526, 72s Planters and Farmers Association, Kenya, 163 , Poincaré, Raymond, 730 political parties, 15, 305, 306, 502, 573-4, 600, 606, 631-2, 643-4, 689; Liberian, 252-3» 717-19, 73 2 . politics and nationalism: Central and Southern Africa, 673-711; East Africa, 648-72; expression of, 573-9; and international developments, 571-3; Maghrib and Sahara, 603-23; North-East Africa, 580-602; West Africa, 624-47 Politique d'association, 319 politique des races, French, 240 polygamy, polygyny, 468, 482, 488, 524, 533, 652 Pondoland, 676 Pope-Hennessy, Governor John, 635 Popular Front, Madagascar, 248 population density and distribution, 3 5 m , 373-4, 380, 387» 4 ' 7 , 458-86; Asian, 405-6, 485; and Atlantic slave trade, 465-8; birth and death rates, 461-4,480, 482, 485; censuses, 460, 463; d e m o graphic movements up to 1935: 482-3; and epidemic control, 476-80, 485, 486; and food resources, 464-5, 469, 470; forest, 469-70,483; growth, 458-61,795; impact of colonialism on, 472-82, 486,

795—6; and labour, 473-6; redistribution of, 483-5; and trade, 471; urban growth, 373-4, 417, 484-5; white, 485, 486 poro, 250, 715 Poro secret society, 514 pororiet, 154 Port Berge, 248 Port Elizabeth, 414, 417 Port Harcourt, 304, 796 Port Lokko, 627 Port Said, 449 Port Sudan, 455, 591 Portal, Sir Gerald, 267 Porto N o v o , 1, 10, 11, 127, 128, 139, 646,

647, 754 ports and harbours, 333,343,354,409,429, 430, 443, 445, 449, 454, 457, 490, 702, 706-7, 796 Portugal, Portuguese colonialism, 17, 27, 28, 29, 512, 539, 563, 564, 746; assimilado policies, 330,563,564,698,700,701,702; in Central Africa (Angola and M o z a m bique), 28,34,37,51,171-93 passim, 218, 291, 673, 690, 695-711; colonial administration, 317,321, 330; 'contract labour', 337; economy, 339, 340, 3 5 ' - * ' passim, 696-8; First World W a r , 283, 285, 291, 297, 696; military conquest, 37; politics and nationalism, 695-711; in Southern Africa, 199, 204, 218; treaty-making and spheres of influence, 34 Portuguese East Africa, 291, 297; see also Mozambique Potocki, Count, 272 Prempeh I, Asantehene, 3, 5, 7, 10, 36, 132-4 Presbyterian Church, 755 press (newspapers), 15, 87, 187, 197, 198, 562; Afro-Brazilian, 775; Egyptian, 65, 69, 70, 72, 73, 556-7, 591; Malagasy, 245-6, 247, 248; Mozambican, 709; and nationalism, 575, 579, 621, 629, 635 La Presse Porto-Novienne, 575 prestation (labour tax), 326 Préster John, 774 Price, T h o m a s , 763 Price-Mars, D r Jean, 768 Principe, 363, 467, 474 production, 370-1, 391; and capital equipment, 379-81; conquest and n e w production relations, 332-5; ownership of means of, 384-91 • prophetism, 52-6, 59, 165, 174, 190, 191, 216-18,299,514,534,650,651-3,691-3, 774 Protectorate Ordinance (Sierra Leone), 141 Providence Industrial Mission, 529, 764 Pygmies, 527 Quashie, Tetteh, 6 Queenstown, 678 Q u e n u m , Tovalou, 574 Querino, Manuel Raimundo, 775 Quinhenta strike, 707 Quioco, 696 Quitanghona, 174, 176, 188, 189 Rabéarivelo, Jean-Joseph, 563 Rabih of Sennar, 36, 524 Rabozaka, 236, 237 Race Nègre, 575 racial discrimination and segregation, 14, 247, 307, 3 ' 4 , 403,416,494-5, 635, 682, 694, 707, 709-10, 803, 808

859

Index Radama I, King of Madagascar, 221 Radama II, King of Madagascar, 221, 226, 233 Radwan, S., 450 Rähil, YQsuf Abfl, 100 Railway Workers Union of Sierra Leone, 632 railways, 13, 17, 107, 118, 122, 139, 145, 180, 212, 304, 324, 332, 333-4, 338, 342, 353. 354. 365. 375. 378. 458, 474, 475, 789, 790, 791, 795; British colonial, 409-10; Congo-Océan, 356, 360, 372, 378; Dakar-Saint Louis, 145, 632; East African, /jj, 154, 162, 163, 410, 666; Egyptian, 449; Ethiopian, 277, 279; Libyan, 445; Malagasy, 241; and mortality, 475, 476; North African, 429-30; South African, 411,414,41s, 417; strikes, 632,666,694,702; Sudanese, 454-5,457; Uganda Railway, /jj, 154,163,410,474, 796 Rainandriamampandry, 237 Rainilaiarivony (Prime Minister of Madagascar), 221, 223, 223, 225, 226, 227, 288-9, 23°> 2 3 2 . 2 33. 23°> 240 Rainimangoro, Tanala, 237 Rainitavy, 237 Rajestera, 232 Rakibat, I05n Ralaimongo group, 246-8 Ralston, R . D . , 786, 814 Ramadan, Mohamed Hafiz Bey, 572 Ranaivo, Jules, 247 Ranavalona I, Queen, 226 Ranavalona II, Queen, 223, 227, 230 Ranavalona III, Queen, 36, 223, 224, 228, 2 2 3 . 2 3° Rand, 353, 485 Ranger, T . O . , 45-62, 304, 812 Räsim, miniaturist, 613 Rastafarians, 777 Rathbone, Richard, 292 Ratsimanisa, 232 Raum, O . P., 55 Ravelojaona, 245 Ravoahangy, 247, 248 Ravololona sampy cult, 234 Ravoninahitriniarivo, 227 Razafindrakoto, Emmanuel, 247 Razafy, Abraham, 247 Read, Margaret, 488 Reboticas, Andre, 775 Recaptives, 250, 253, 274 Red Sea, 76, 265, 267, 269, 272, 455, 739, 743 regime do indigenato, Portuguese, 698 Régnier, Algerian Minister, 621 Rehobothriver,677 religion, 488, 492-3, 508-38, 796; Christianity in colonial era, 525-38,796-7; and ideological protest, 146, 165; indigenous Christianity, 533^7, 538; Islam and colonial rule, 519-25, 796-7; M u s a m a Disco Christo Church, 535-7; on eve of colonial rule, 508-13; pre-colonial Christianity, 512-13; pre-colonial Islam, 511-12; pre-colonial traditional, 508—13; protest movements, 576-8, 650-5, 677-80, 691-3, 699^700, 707-Í; and resistance, 5, 48, 51—6, 57, 59, 165-6, 189-90, 216-18, 514-19; separatist churches, 529—33, 650; traditional religion and colonial rule, 513-19, 538, 801, 808; Tranzozoro cult, 230-1, 245,247; see

860

also Christianity; Islam; prophetism Representation of Natives Act (1936), 330 Republican Party, Liberia, 252-3 Republican Socialist Party, Senegal, 643-4 resistance, African, 45-62,492,569; Central Africa, 169-03; cocoa hold-ups, 407-8, 569, 639, 641; colonial insurrections, 187-93; consequences and relevance of, 56—8; East Africa, 149-68; economic, 58-61,62,172,407-8,335,338,348; élite associations, 146-7, 186-7; Ethiopian, 265^73; generality of, 46-7; Hut Tax rebellion, 141-3; ideology of, 47-51; leadership, 100-11, 112, 139; Liberia, 260-5, 2 7 4 . Madagascar, 221-48; MajïMajl uprising, 757, 167-8; M a m a d o u Lamine, 139-41; mass migration, 145, 182; North Africa, 83-113; North-East Africa, 63-86; pacification phase, 105-6; passive, 149,243,245,248,605,647,703; political, state-organized, 9 8 , 1 0 4 - 5 , n 2 » and religion, 5, 48, 51-6, 57, 59, 165-6, 189-90, 216-18, 514-38 passim, 650-5; Southern Africa, 194-220; tax evasion, 181-2, 338, 366, 676, 690, 703; to forced labour, 61-2, 181, 182, 186; war to the death movement, 111-12; West Africa, 114- 148; Yaa Asantewaa war, 143-5 Resohiry, 243 Réunion, 224, 225, 242 Reynaud, Paul, 248 Rhodes, Cecil, 5,37,204,206,207,208,210, 211, 216 Rhodesia see Northern Rhodesia; Southern Rhodesia Rhodesia Horse Volunteers, 216 Rhodesia-Katanga Junction Railway and Mineral Company, 410 Rhodesian Bantu Voters Association, 683 Riccioli, B . , 459, 460, 465 rice, 361, 379, 391, 469, 470, 793 Al-Ridä, 99 RIf, 98, iosn, n o , 311, 427, 609-12; R e public, 611; W a r , 94,106,108, 329, 609, 6/0,611 RifkT, 'Uthmän, 65 Rift Valley, 387 Rigby, Peter, 53 rinderpest, 152, 215, 217 Rio de Oro, 90, 94, 6o5n roads, 13, 17, 118, 165, 232, 277, 304, 324, 33 2 . 333. 338. 343. 354. 379, 409. 4>°> 4 ' 4 . 4J7. 43°. 443. 445. 457. 7 2 4, 7 2 ». 727, 730, 73». 739. 789. 79 >. 795 Robinson, Sir Hercules, 204, 211 Robinson, Ronald, 11, 12, 24, 25-6, 29 Rodger Club, Accra, 628 Rodney, Walter, 48,5t, 57,332-457,783-4, 789. 790, 794-5. 799. 806, 813 Rodrigues, Nina, 761 Rolong, 211 Roosevelt, Franklyn D . , 738 Rose, J. Holland, 38 Ross, Doran H . , 543 Ross, D r Ronald, 478 Rotberg, Robert I., 13, 150 Royal Niger C o m p a n y (National African C o m p a n y ) , 33, 36, 134, 137, 318, 403 Rozvi, 217, 218 Ruanda-Urundi (now Rwanda and Burundi), 309, 469, 470, 516, 527, 768, 787; economy, 341, 342, 351, 353, 354, 360, 362, 363, 364, 365, 373

rubber, 60-1, 176, 180, 275, 326, 336, 370, 376. 473. 475. 7 2 4. 7 2 J. 790 R u d d Concession, 205-6 Rubusana, Walter, 197 Rugizibwa, Herbert, 665 Rukkûya, 611 Rumaliza, 60 rural politics and nationalism in West Africa, 638-41 rural-urban gap, 798-9 RushdT, Husayn, 584 Russwurm, John B . , 747 Rydings, J., 736 Saada, Boubacar, A l m a m y of B o n d u , 140 Saboucire fortress, 120 Sa'd B ü h , Shaykh, n o Sadiavahe revolt (1915), 245 Al-Sâfi (Essafi), Maître, 606 Sahara, xix, 17, 36, 59, 87, 89, 92, 94, 100, 102, 107, 109, 558; major regions (map), 88; politics and nationalism, 604, 605; see also North Africa Sahati, 267 Sahel, 36, 92, 123, 484-5, 620 Said bin Amissi, 189 Said, M o h a m m e d , 743 Said, M u h ä 0 , 111 Saint-Louis, 118, 145, 506, 644 Sals, 426, 427 Sakalava, 221, 226, 236, 237, 238-9 Sakawa cult, 653 Säkiyat al-Hamrä, 94 Salazar, Antonio, 696, 701, 710, 711 Salazar, Dr Oliveira, 702 Sälih, Shaykh Muhammad, 84 Çâlihîyya order, 84 Salisbury, Lord, 28, 35, 37, 383-4, 601 Salisbury (now Harare), Rhodesia, 206,796, 800 Sallum, 298, 441 Salsa, General, 97 salt trade, 443, 445 Sam, Chief Alfred C , 748 Samakungu, 183 Samatar, 'Umar, 597 Samba Laobe Fall, 119 Samba Yaya Fall, • 18—19 Sambala of Medina, 140 al-Samladï, Nafrfitan, i n Samori Ture, 5,10,11,36,42,50,121,130, 147,493, 524; after his capture, 124; and the French, 123-7 sampy (shrines), 230, 233, 234 San, 194 Sanankoro, 126 Sand River Convention (1852), 196 Sande, Daniel, 531 sanitation, 471,473,474,478, 635,661, 796 al-SanûsT, Sayyid A h m a d al-Sharlf, ç6t 97-8 al-Sanûsï, Emir Idris, 99, 299 al-Sanusï, M u h a m m a d bin 'AIT, 523 Sanusï brotherhood, Sanüsiyya, 89, ç6, 97, / o / , 140, 298-9, 523, 577, 605 Sao T o m é , 180,337,363,467,474,564,701, 760 Sapeto, Giuseppe, 265 Sarakole, 554 Sarankenyi-Mori, 127 Sarraut, Albert, 314, 319 Sarruf, Yagub, 55611 Sasabonsan cult, 777 Sassandra people, 139

Index Saudi Arabia, 746 Savage, D r Akîwande, 633 Savorgnan de Brazza, Pierre, 17, 28 Say-Barruwa Agreement (1890), 54 al-Sayyid ' A b d al-Rahmân, 593-4 al-Sayyid, A h m a d Luçfiï (Faylasûf alDjîl), 73» 556n al-Sayyid M u h a m m a d Abdule Hasan, 83-6, 283. 580, 598 Schnee, Albert Heinrich, 284, 313 Schomburg, Arthur A . , 764 Schumpeter, Joseph, 20, 22-3 Scott, E m m e t t , 769 Scott, Sir Francis, 132 Scottish Mission, 518 sculpture, 539, 540, 541 Seaman's Union, Djibuti, 600 secret societies, 245-6, 514, 575 Segu, 36, 120, 126 Seiso, M a a m a , 685 Seje, 652 Seite, 216 Sekgoma, 208 Sekondi, 636 Sekyi, Kobina, 641; The Blwkards, 801 Sellassie, Gabre, 278 Seme, Pixley K a Izaka, 761 Sempele, Molonket Ole, 671 Sena, 169, 171, 179, 186, 192 Sena Sugar Estates, 705 Sena-Tonga rebellion (1899), 189 Senatus Consultum (1863), 607 Senegal, 1, 120-1, 126, 145, 292, 316, 333, 346, 363, 372, 458, 466, 470, 472, 506, 511,523,800; African arts, 544,547,551, 554-5, 564; compulsory military service, 293; French conquest and reaction, 117-19; groundnuts, 6, 339, 358, 370, 380, 471, 496, 792; Lamine's rebellion, 139-41; politics and nationalism, 574, 643-6; protest migrations from, 301 Senega) river, 104, 342, 560 Senegambia, 17, 36, 117-19, 332, 342 Senga, 192, 198, 214 Senghor, Lamine, 572, 574, 643, 647 Senghor, Leopold, 564, 768, 773 Senkezi, Victor, 32 Sennär, Sennär D a m , 455 Senoudebou, 141 The Sentinel^ 629 Sentongo, Z . K . , 658, 669 Senufo, 786 Sepáis of M o z a m b i q u e , 180 separatist or independent churches, 146, 165, 186, 220, 230-1, 519, 529-33» S38, 553» 650; and nationalism, 576-7, 653-5, 677-80, 699—700, 7 0 7 - 708 Serer, 554 Servatius, governor, 118 Setshele, 208 settler colonialism (white settlers), 312,314, 407, 539, 799; and African nationalism, 571, 666; East African, 163-4, M66, 168, 384, 386-7, 394-5, 666, 799; French colons in Madagascar, 240,242; Italians in Libya, 444-5; North African, 334, 339, 420-6, 427, 434-6, 437, 439, 440, 471, 571, 612, 616, 617-18, 621, 799; and social change, 506-7; Southern African, 194, 207, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 219, 335» 339» 388, 394» 398-9.4"» 4 M . 4i7» 674, 799; West Africa, 342 Seventh Adventist Mission, 731, 755 Seychelles Islands, 37, 132, 133, 143, 161

Sfax, 429, 434, 435, 436 Sha'amba camel-riders, I07n Shadrack, H . G . , 668 Shafshawln, 611 Shangaan, 172, 174, 179, 189, 191 share-croppers, 371, 427 Sharevskaya, D r B . I., 677 al-Sharlf, A h m a d see al-SanusT Shatïwî, R a m d ä n , 611 Shawiya, 89, 112, 425 Shaykän, battle of (1883), 76 Shaykiyya, 74 Shembe, Isaiah, 670 Shendï, 591 Sheppard, Rev. William H . , 755 Shepperson, George, 763 Shepstone, Theophilus, 200, 202, 207, 213, 219 Shinkït, 89, 94, 104, n o , m Shippard, Sir Sidney, 204, 205 shipping, 345, 346, 411, 444, 769, 794 Shoa, 254, 257, 268, 719 Shona, 54,177,182,207,214,215,529,704; Chimurenga, 795, 215-18; prophets (svikiro), 54, 55-6,174,190,191, 216-18; mbira music, 547-9 Shrenk, Elias, 526 Shyngle, J. Egerton, 637 siasa, 566, 573, 648 Sidama, 270, 715, 716, 722 Sïdï 'Abdallah, battle of (1912), 97 Sîdl Aböl-Abbäs, 422 Sïdï Barraní, 298 Sïdï Ifnï, port, con, 102 Sïdï «Okba, 614 Sïdï Sulajmän, 439 Sïdiya, Shaykh, n o Çidkï, I s m â m , 588 Sierra Leone, 1, 6, 125, 126, 130, 132, 301, 316» 333» 458,478,505,506; African elite, 500; black American missionaries, 757; economy, 382, 390, 393, 399, 401, 402, 403,405,409-10; Hut T a x rebellion, 139, 141—3, 332; and Liberia, 260, 263, 264, 265; politics and nationalism, 626-7, 0 2 9» ojo, 632,634,636,642; religion, 514,5/5-, 520, 524; theatre, 549, 551 Sierra Leone Development C o m p a n y , 410 Sierra Leone Selection Trust, 401 Sierra Leone Weekly News, 633n al-Sihaynï./àK'Abdullâh, 593 Sihetekela, 188 Sikombo, chief, 216 Sikon, 274 Silla, Fode, king of K o m b o , 139 Simango, K a m b a , 770 Simensen, J., 640 Sindano, Hanoc, 654 Sirayo, chief, 200, 202, 207 Sirtica, Ottoman, 95 sisal, 340-1, 346, 379, 398, 790, 792 Sishuba, Rev. Isaiah, 768 Sithole, Ndabaningi, 761 Siyiapei mission school, 671 S w a k o p m u n d , 289 Skinner, Elliot P . , 5 slavery, slave trade, xx, xxi, xxii, 13, 27,31, 37, 5°» 59» 60» 61,74. I2 3» '3°, »5°» i58» 172, 196, 225, 250, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337. 338, 471» 492» 512, 539, 550, 732, 733; abolition of, 6,29,242,495,729-30, 731, 736; and Afro-Brazilians, 752; in N e w World, 776, 777, 778; and population, 460, 465-8

sleeping sickness (trypanosomiasis), 477, 479-80, 796 Small, E . F . , 637 Small, Bishop John Bryan, 757 smallpox, 372, 374, 477, 480, 598 Smith, Cynthia Brantley, 53-4 S M O T I G , Madagascar, 242 smuggling, 274,349,787; arms, 107,109,226 Smuts, General J. C , 285, 307, 677 social atavism, 22-3, 26 Social Darwinism, 21, 22, 803 social effects of colonialism, 13, 487-507, 795-805, 808, 809; and African élite, 496-502, 801, 803, 809; see also population social status of Africans, 494-502, 803-4 Socialist Second International, 308 Societi Rubattino, 265 Société Amicale des Originaires dePAfrique Equatoriale Française, 574 Société Commerciale de POuest-Africain ( S C O A ) , 376-7, 405 Société des Huileries du Congo Belge ( S E D E C ) , 376 Société des Mines d'Aouli et Mibladen, 429 Société du Haut-Ogooué, 375 Société Générale, Belgian Congo, 375 Société Penarroya-Maroc, 429 Sociétés Indigènes de Prévoyance, 362-3, 427» 439 Sofala, 708, 796 Soga, Tiyo, 197-8 Sokoto caliphate, 36, 137, 138, 298, 493, 5",522 Solanke, Ladipo, 574 Soldier Settlement Scheme, Kenya, 307 Somabulana, chief, 216 Somalí Islamic Association, 600 Somali language, 600-1 Somali National League, 600 Somali people, 82-6, 272, 786 Somali land (Somalia), 38, 63, 82-6, 272, 315,319,324, 343,786; British, 82-3,84, 85, 596, 598, 599-600, 740; elitist protest movements, 599-601; French, 82-3, 598-9, 600; Italian, 82-3, 85, 315, 319, 59°, 597-8, 740, 742; local protest m o v e ments, 596-9; politics and nationalism, 580, 595-601, 602, 664; Sayyid M u h a m mad's djihddy 83-6 S o m b a of Atacora, 139, 297 Soninke, 36, 121, 139-41 Sorrenson, M . P . K . , 384 Sotho, 198, 199, 207, 208, 211, 212, 214 Sotho National Council, 307 Souaibou, 141 Soudan see French Sudan Sousa, Sebastiäo Peidade de, 707-8 South Africa, 47,180,194-6,202,204,207, 208, 211, 215, 410, 484, 505, 770; Afrikaner rebellion, 289, 300, 307; AfroChristian churches, 273, 529, 531, 534, 576, 676, 677-80; A N C , 680-3, 685; Anglo-Boer wars, 34, 37, 213, 307, 335, 412; Bambata rebellion, 198, 215, 332; black American emigration to, 746, 748, 774, 780; black American evangelism, 75¿, 757-8, 759, 767, 780; creation of Union (1910), 412, 417-18; economy, 335» 336» 339, 340» 34»» 345» 381, 382, 409,411-19; Ethiopian Church, 273,529, 576, 678, 707; European migration inland, 458; First World W a r , 285, 289, 297,300,303,307,309; labour laws (pass

861

Index South Africa - cont. laws), 327,414,416; land alienation, 335, 414, 416, 794; manufacturing, 417-18; mining, 335, 340, 365, 412-14, 416-17, 418, 674, 686-7, 688; peasant protest, 675-7; political status of Africans, 330; population and nationalism, 307—8, 571, 572, 576, 632, 673, 674-89; population growth, 482-3, 485; racist policies, 307, 311, 314, 321, 416, 418-19, 494-5» 676, 682, 803; South-West Africa, 219, 308, 309, 311, 327, 417; Swaziland, 212-13; Tuskegee influence, 768, 769; urbanization, 416-17, 418-19; white settlers, 194; 207, 212, 213, 335, 339, 411, 414, 417, 485, 571, 794; white workers* militancy, 687; working-class protest, 685-9; Zulu, 200-2 South Africa Act (1909), 213 South Africa Congress, 574 South African Indian Congress, 682 South African International Socialist League, 686 South African Iron and Steel Corporation, 418 South African Native National Congress, 220, 308; see also A N C South Carolina-Liberian Exodus Joint Steamship C o m p a n y , 747 Southern Africa, 1, 28,44, i72n, 529; African resistance, 194-220; Afro-Christian churches, 677-80; alliances, 198, 214-19; A N C , 680-3, ¿85; black American evangelism, 757-9; Coloureds, 418, 675, 677, 882; economy, 335, 337, 339, 340, 411, 412, 794; elitist political organizations, 680-5; mbira music, 547-9; military occupation, 37; missionaries, 197-8, 200, 205, 206, 207-10; on eve of colonial rule, 194-8; peasant protest, 675-7; politics and nationalism, 576,673-89; politics of confrontation, 198, 199-207; protectorates or wardships, 198, 207-13; racial theory of white settlers, 494-5; urban growth, 485; working-class movements, 680, 682, 685-9 Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), 177, 180, 182, 183, 196, 211, 303, 416, 484, 506, 529, 682; Anglo-Ndebele war (1893), 207,472; British conquest, 204-7; economy, 339,340,351,382,384, 387-8, 394, 39?-9> 401, 402, 403, 409-10, 794; 1896 risings, 54, / 95,215-18; politics and nationalism, 571, 576,632,673,68o, 683, 687; resistance, 47, 52, 54, 183,184, 188, 299; settler colonization and land alienation, 387-8, 397, 398-9, 507, 571, 579 Southern Rhodesia Native Welfare Association, 220 South-West Africa (now Namibia), 4, 49, 219, 285, 289, 292, 308, 309, 311, 340, 534, 699; Germany in, 28, 37, 211, 218, 327» 337, 472; oppressive labour laws, 327; politics and nationalism, 673,677; as South African Mandate, 308, 417 sovereignty: African concept of, 48-9, 51, 52, 58, 62; loss of, 789 Soviet Union, 305,308,3i4n, 683,685,742 Soyinka, Wole, 539-64, 814 Spanish colonialism in Morocco, 38, 87, 90-2, 93, 94, 102, 107, 281, 329, 425, 609-12, 621 spheres of influence, 29, 31, 33-4, 35, 93, 162

862

spirillum fever, 477 Stack, Sir Lee, 59 m Stanley, H . M . , 6, 17, 28, 460 Staup, Lieutenant, 129 Steinhart, Edward, 50, 58 Stellaland, 'republic* of, 211 strikes and work stoppages, 145, 348, 575, 584,612, 627, 629, 632, 647, 666-7, 671, 685-7, 693, 694-5, 702. 704, 706-7 Superbie gold deposits, 229 Sudan, 123, 267, 283, 372,453~7,467,480, 482,787; agriculture, 455-7, 792; British (Anglo-Egyptian) rule, 36-7, 77-82, 454^7» 585, 587, 592; Condominium Agreement, 585; economy, 420, 422, 453—7; and Ethiopia, 267, 268; infrastructure, 454-5,457; Khartoum military revolt, 591-2; M a h d ism, 73-80, 454, 592-4; nationalism and politics, 306,570, 580, 581, 588-95, 601; neo-Mahdism, 593-4; protest movements, 80-2, 5 9 4 595; Turco-Egyptian rule, 73, 74, 7 6 - 7 , 453; young protest movements, 589-92 Sudan Defence Force, 329 Sudan Graduates* Congress, 574 Sudan Interior Mission, 731 Sudan Plantation Syndicate, 455 Sudi, M z e e Bin, 671 Suez, 449, 581 Suez Canal, 67,69,289,334-5,449,58 ï » 583 Sufism, 87, 89, 298, 522 sugar, 341, 379, 452, 471, 474, 526 Sukumuland, 342 Suluk, 100 Sunnî, 100 Surinam, 775, 776 svikiro, Shona prophets, 174,190,191,217218 Swahili (language), 52,60,61,152,158,177, 178, 196, 333, 511, 692, 784, 802 Swazi, 177,198,199,207,208, 210,212-13 Swaziland, 212-13,3°7,34°» 673,680,682, 685 Swaziland Convention (1890), 213 Swift, William, 545 Swoswe, 216 Sykes, Kleist, 671 Sylvain, Benito, 273, 752 syphilis, 477, 479 Syrians in Africa, 70, 627, 726, 799 Tabon (Afro-Brazilians), 755 Tadjüra sultanate, 598 Tafari M a k o n n e n see Haue Sellassie Tafari Makonnen School, 730 Tafilälet, n o , m Tagara of Jirapa, 559 Tahâr Çafâr, B a h n Kïka, 618 Taita, 156-7 Takarungu, 156 Takoradi, 796 Talib, Professor Y . A . , 555n talibés (religious students), 119-20 al-Tall al-Kabïr, battle of (1882), 67 TalmTn, battle of (1901), 93 Talodi uprising, 81 Tamatave, 227, 229, 2 4 / , 247 Tambourine Club, Ethiopia, 751 Tanga, 158, 289, 334 Tanganyika (now Tanzania), 4, 150, 162, 196, 309, 321, 547, 567, 664, 671-2, 680, 696,769,799; African resistance, 157-60; economy, 164, 168, 333, 341, 342, 346, 348, 382, 384, 393» 399, 403, 405, 406,

408-9, 792; Germans in, 157-60, 167-8, 284-5, 472; MajT Majî uprising, 37, 49, 51, 52, 757, 167-8, 472, 516; religion, 516, 517, 518, 533, 654, 655, 692; white settlement, 63, 164; see also German East Africa Tanganyika African Association ( T A A ) 671-2 Tanganyika Civil Servants Union, 667 Tanganyika, lake, 34, 152, 334 Tanganyika Territory African Gvil Service Association, 668 Tanner, Henry O . , 770 Taräwik of the Ahaggar, 106 Tarfaya, 109 & n tariff protection, 25, 408-9, 411, 418, 430, 43». 449, 452, 724 Tarrara, Abdullah, 669 T a s a m m a , Ras, 719, 720 Tatila Akafuna, 208 Tavernost, Lieutenant de, 129 Tawara, 174, 177, 191, 214, 218 Tawârik, 299, 6o5n Tawfik, Khedive, 63, 65, 67, 69, 76 taxation, 14, 74, 167, 168,' 176, 180, 183, 273» 275, 277» 300, 321, 324» 325-*, 338, 344» 349, 358, 397» 433» 443,473~4,475, 529, 531, 576, 596, 651, 670, 677, 691, 697; cattle (herd), 245,457,593,596,676; in French, Belgian and Portuguese colonies, 366-9, 370, 373; head tax, 356, 358,367-9,^9,373,443; hut tax, 141-3, 165, 185, 207, 214, 215, 217, 218, 25311, 325, 443, 596, 652, 659, 663, 667, 703, 723; incentives, 697; income tax, 325, 443; inheritance tax, 443; labour, 326; Malagasy, 229, 242, 243, 245; poll tax, 273,275,325,326,657; property tax, 457; real-estate, 443; Sudan, 454,455,457; tax evasion, 181-2, 338, 366, 676, 690, 703; tax revolt (1894), 186; V A T , 431,450; see also customs T a y m u r , M a h m u r , 557 Taytu, Empress, 270, 277 al-Tayyibî, Ibn, i n TazîkzaQt, battle of (1932), 102, 112 Teachers Training College, Monrovia, 728 Tébessa, 614 Tehuango, 188 telegraph and telephone, 17,139, 275, 277, 332, 409, 789 Teleki, Count, 155 Tell, 422, 425, 426, 427, 430, 439 T e m b o , Edward, 683 T e m b u Church, 529, 678 T e m n e , 141, 524 Temple, Sir Charles, 325 T e m s a m i n , 611 territorial politics, 669-72 Tete mutiny (1917), 185 Tewodros II, Emperor of Ethiopia, 254, 258, 730 al-ThVâlibî (Taalbi), Shaykh c A b d al*Azïz, 606, 609 Tharaka, 518 theatrical arts, 540-55 T h e m b u , 194, 198, 214 Thogoto school, 657, 670 Thompson, Kojo, 629 Thompson, V . , 205, 505 Thornton, John, 47, 50 T h u k u , Harry, 307,502, 574,661,662, 666, 667, 669-71 Tiassalé, 129, 130

Index Tidikelt, 104 Tidjikdja, 94, 106 Tieba, Faama of Sikasso, 125 Tigre, 254,257,269,270,715-16,717,722, 730, 743 Tijaniyya order, 522, 577 Tile, Nehemiah, 529, 678 Timbuktu, 485, 796 Times of Nigeria, 575 tin-mining, 377,401,403,429,674,693,694 Tinker, T . P., 686 Tippu Tib, 179, 493, 784 Tît, battle of (1902), 106 Tiv, 498 Tlhaping, 211 Tlemcen, 614 Toalé affair, 226 tobacco, 342, 398, 425, 443, 445, 526, 790 Toera, king, 238, 239 Tofa of Porto Novo, 10, 11 Togoland, Togo, 28,37,284,289, 309,635, 647, 769, 786, 787; Afro-Brazilians, 747, 752, 755 T o m a , 127 Tonga, 169, 171, 174, 177, 179, 181, 182, 185, 186, 189-90, 191, 192, 214, 683 Tonkin, 224, 227 Toomer, Jean, 764 Torodo revolution (1776), 59 Touba-Kouta, battle of (1887), 36, 141 Touval, Saadia, 42 trade, traders, 59, 134, 135, 172, 333, 454, 471,489,511,650; Arab, 60,61,150,152, 1 S8» 333» 334; arms, 471; BrazilianLagos, 752; caravan (long-distance), 59, i50> 155» 156,333-4, 338, 345, 44i, 55», 794-5; Dyula, 558; East African, 150, 152, 158, 333; Egyptian free trade, 449-50, 451; Indian/Asian traders, 237, 333, 349, 405, 407, 498; Lebanese, 406, 407, 627; Liberian, 253-4, 263, 274-5, 723, 724, 726; Libyan, 440, 441; liquor trade, 471; marketing in British colonies, 405-9; North African, 430-3, 437; and population change, 471; resistance of African traders, 59-61 ; Swahili, 152,333; wartime, 284, 300, 301-2; see also economy; foreign trade; slave trade trade unions, 15, 220, 247, 303, 348, 403, 504-5, 570,600; and nationalism, 574-5, 608, 6o9n, 627, 632, 665-8, 675, 676, 685-6, 687-8 Tranzozoro, 230-1, 245, 247 Transkei Native Reserve, 416,676,680,774 Transvaal, 200,208,210,211,212,213,285, 364,411, 412, 414, 480, 548, 685, 686-7, 688, 758 Trarza, 94, n o , 118 Travell, Winthrop A . , 737 Treaty of Commerce and Navigation (1862), US-Liberian, 279 Treaty of Fomena, 131 Treaty of Gori (1887), 121 Treaty of Ming (1905), 85 Treaty of M a n g o (1880), 120 Treaty of al-Radjma (1920), 299 Treaty of Vereeniging (1902), 213 Treaty of Wuchale (or Uccialli: 1889), 38 treaty-making (1885-1902), 31-5 Trimingham, T . S., 520 Trinidade, Solano, 775 Tripartite Convention (1906), 279-80, 739 Tripoli, 440, 441, 443, 444, 457 Tripoli city, 96, 441, 443, 444, 445, 800

Tripolitania (Libya), 17, 87, 89, 92, 94-8, n o , 334, 605, 612; Italian post-war conquest, 38, 98-9; Turco-Italian war (1911-12), 94-^7; see also Libya, Tripoli Tripolitanian Republic, 299 Trotha, General von, 219 True W h i g Party, Liberia, 253, 717, 718, 719, 73* Trust Territories, Trusteeship, 309, 330, 390 Tshekwana, 200, 202 Tuareg, 473 Tswana, 198, 207, 208, 210-12, 685 Tuât province, 87, 92, 93, 109 & n , n o T u b m a n , William V . S., 253n, 716 Tubruk, 96, 97 Tukulor, 36,39,117,119-22, 522, 554,784 T u m b u k a , 182, 192 Tunis, 424, 425, 429, 434, 440, 608 Tunisia, 107,295,441,458,523; agriculture and land, 420-8,435-6,438,439; colonial economy, 334, 339,420-40 passim; c o m munications and ports, 429-30; constitutional quarrel, 605^7; economic crisis, 434-40; Destür and neo-Destur parties, 306, 606-7, 608, 618, 620;fiscalsystem, 433-4; French in, 28, 92, 104, 224, 420, 422,424; Italians in, 92,424,425; mining, 428, 429, 436; Ottoman Turks, 92-3; politicals and nationalism, 87, 93, 104, 305-6,570,603-23 passim; resistance, 87, 92-3, 299; trade unionism, 608, óogn Tunisian Co-operative, 618 Le Tunisie martyre (pamphlet), 606 Turkey (Ottoman Empire), 87,98,107,272, 305, 523, 556, 746; Egypt, 69, 581; First World W a r , 283, 289, 298, 522, 581; Libya, 92, 94-7, 441-3, 450; Sudan, 73, 74, 76-7; Tunisia, 9 2 - 3 , 606; Young Turks, 94 Turkish Straits, 97 Turco-Italian war (1911-12), 9 4 - 7 Turner, Bishop Henry M c N e a l , 747-8,751, 756, 757-8, 759, 764, 767 Tushki, battle of (1889), 77 Tuskegee Institute, 671, 767, 768-9, 771, 774, 781 T u way sit, 429 T w e , Didwo, Kru Senator, 7 / 4 , 715, 719 Twelve Apostles Church, 527 T w i language, 802 Ubangi, 366 Uganda, 32, 34, 37, 44, 150, 154, 168, 295, 297, 300, 301, 318, 326, 361, 364, 470, 474, 488, 496, 506, 547, 567, 666, 787; British Baganda Agreement (1900), 162, 164; economy, 342, 382, 384, 393, 403, 405, 410, 792; education, 491, 497, 800; land distribution, 164, 384; medical services and disease control, 478, 479, 480; politics and nationalism, 576, 657-9, 660-1, 664, 680; Protectorate, formal declaration of (1894), 37; religion, 516, 5r7> 531» 65°, resistance, 160-2,166; segmentary associations, 664; young associations, 657-9, 660-1 Uganda Herald, 658 Uganda Medical Service, 479 Uganda Railway, /yj, 154, 163, 410, 474, 496 Ugenya Kager L u o Clan Association, 664 Ujiji, 152 Warna*, 69, 111, 559-60, 613, 614-15, 620

Ukambani, 163, 166, 518, 652 ' U m a r , al-Hadj, 119, 120, 141 * U m a r , HldjdjT Farah, 598, 599-600 Umbundu, 191 U m m Diwaykrät, battle of (1899), 78 Umma Party, Egypt, 73 Undi, 169 unemployment, 437-8 Unga, 181 Uniäo Africano, 706 Unilever, 376, 691 Union Inter-Coloniale, 646 Union Minière du Haut Katanga ( U M H K ) , 363, 365, 375, 692, 693, 694 Union Party, Liberia, 718 United Africa Company (UAC), 302, 376, 405, 408 United Gold Coast Convention, 502 United Native African Church, 561 United Presbyterian Church, 197, 731 United True Whig Party, 718 University College, Khartoum, 590 Upper Senegal, 117, 120-1, 126, 139 United States, 345, 412, 449, 746, 777; back-to-Africa movements, 747-8, 749, 751; black evangelists in Africa, 755-9; educational impact on Africans, 761-7; First World War, 283; and Liberia, 250, 263, 264, 279, 282,724, 726, 732-9, 745, 747-8; and pan-Africanism, 767^74 Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), 572, 574, 635, 643, 724, 749, 7S°y 751, 768, 771-2, 773, 774 Upper Volta, 139, 145, 146, 342, 351, 364, 463-4, 474, 523-4, 540, 558, 569, 786, 787 'Urâbî, Colonel Ahmad (cArabi Pasha'), 65, 66, 67, 69, 76, 86 Urabist revolution (1881-2), 63-9, 73 uranium, 693 urban centres, urbanization, 343, 373-4, 414, 416-17, 418-19, 437, 440, 484-5, 559-60, 717, 807; architecture, 544; gap between rural centres and, 798-9; intellectual protest, 708-11; pre-colonial, 489, 796; and social change, 487,489-91,492, 495-6, 503-5, 796, 797-8; social classes, 797-8; see also migration urban proletariat, 496, 674, 705, 798, 799 al-'Urwa al-Wathkâ (pan-Islamic magazine) 69 Usambara, 162, 163 ' U t h m a n M a h m û d , Sultan, of Midjurtayn, 598 Uzagän, c A m a r , 608 Uzigua, 158 Uzoigwe, G . N . , 17, 19-44, 786, 812 Uzuakoli, 514 Vagrancy Ordinance, Kenya, 668 Vai, 250, 260, 715, 736 Vakinisaony, 233 VaMbira, 548 Van Hein, H . , 637 Van Niekerk, William, 211 Van Pitius, G e y , 211 Van Vollenhoven, Joost, 321, 568 Vansina, J., 39, 169-93, 812 Vatcher, William Henry, 307 Vaughan, D r , 628 Venda, 214, 548 venereal diseases, 474, 476, 477, 479 Verger, Pierre, 752, 759-60 Vernon, A M E Bishop, 770

863

Index Versailles Peace Conference, 305, 306, 308, 3°9> 584> 739, 770 Victoria, Queen, 4, 5, 132, 206, 268, 278, 789 Victoria Falls, 410 Victoria incident (1893), 207 Victoria, Lake, 154, 162, 333, 479, 516 Violette, Maurice, 612 Virgin, General, 730 Virginia Theological Seminary, 759 The Voice of Missions, 758 Voituret, 129 La Voix Africaine, 647 La Voix des Nègres, 575 La Voix du Dahomey, 575, 755 Volpi, proconsul, 98-9, U 3 n Volta river, 131, 560 Voltaic Zone, 351; see also Upper Volta voodoo, 777 Vorimo clan, 237 Vox Populi, 575 Voz d'Angola clamando no deserto, 700 Voyburg, 211 Vy Vato SakeHka (VVS), 245-6, 247 Waalo, 59 Wadai, 372, 441 W â d ï Gïr, 94 W â d ï Haifa, 81 • W â d ï NafTs, 439 W â d ï N ü n , 98 W â d ï Züsfänä, 94 Wafd Party, Egypt, 198,305, 573, 581, 583, 584-5, 587-8, 591, 601 wages, 343-4, 347-8, 365, 366-7, 403, 417, 667 Wahehe, 37 Waiyaki, 152, 155 al-Wakki A m h o u c h , 102 Wal W a l incident {1934), 740 Wallace Johnson, I. T . A . , 628, 629, 630 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 60, 503 Walo, 117 wanasiasa, 566, 573, 648 W a n g a , 150, 152, 157, 664 war-charm movements, 514, 516 Warren, Sir Charles, 211 Washington, Booker T . , 197,749,764,767, 768, 769, 771 Wataniyyïn or Moroccan 'Patriots*, 618 Watchtower Movement, 186,190,299,529, 531, 576, 654-5, 69 2 -3, 700 Watutsi, 546 al-Wazzânï, Bel Hasan, 617 Weekly Times, "js2 Wellington movement, 680 Werne river, 128 Wendling, Colonel, 118 Wenyako, battle of (1882), 125 Wesley, Henry T o o , 715, 719 Wesleyan Church/Missionary Society, 707, 756, 800 West Africa, 1, 6, 15, 28, 50, 114-48, 505, 507; African reactions and responses, 117-48; African traditional religion, 514, 5/5; arts, 549-55, 557- 564; Berlin C o n ference, 29-31; black American emigration to, 746, 747-8, 752-5, 780; black American evangelism, 756-7, 759, 780; Christianity, 527, 528, 531, 561, 577; colonial administration, 316, 317, 323, 325; colonial economy, 333, 334, 338-9, 342,376,388-91,404-5,406-$, 409,411; economic resistance, 58—9, 406—7; Euro-

864

pean advance into (map), 116; First World W a r , 292, 293; Islam, 117, 122, 511, 512, 519-20, 522-3, 524, 797; military conquest, 35-6; N C B W A , 627, 632-8; négritude movement, 773; partition, 34, 7/5; political parties, 631-2; politics and nationalism, 306-7, 570, 573-4, 624-47; rural politics or rural mass nationalism, 638-41; status of Africans, 495, 496, 498, 502; trade unions, 632; youth leagues and movements, 628-31; see also Britain; French West

Africa West Africa, 636 West African Commission, 394 West African Currency Board, 404 West African Frontier Force, 36 West African Pilot, 631, 744 West African Reporter, 562 West African Students* Union, 574, 632 West African Youth League, 628, 629 West Nyasa Association, 187 , Western Sudan, 114, 129, 137, 507, 520, 547,784; literary culture, 555,557-61; see also French Sudan; Sudan Westminster Gazette, 729 Westminster system of colonial devolution, 330 Whata, 216 wheat and barley, 398, 425, 426, 427, 431, 436, 438, 44«, 471, 793 White, Walter, 770 White Flag League, 589, 591 W h y d a h , 647, 754 Wia, 267 Wiechers and Helm, 274 Wilberforce Institution, South Africa, 758 Wilberforce University, U S A , 757, 758 Wilks, I., 559 Willcox, W . F . , 459-60 Williams, Henry Sylvester, 572, 574, 770 Wilson, Godfrey, 503 Wilson, President W o o d r o w , 305,306,308, 583, 606, 624 wine industry, North African, 423, 425-6, 427, 434-5, 438, 471 Wissman, Hermann von, 48, 158 witchcraft (sorcery), 53-4,55,509,514,517, 526, 534, 715 witch-doctor, 47, 51, 54, 650 Wittboi, Hendrik, 4, 49, 52, 53 Witwatersrand, 335, 686 Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, 364 W o b o g o , M o r o Naba, King of the Mossi, 3-4, 5, 11 W o e r m a n n , A . , and C o m p a n y , 274, 411 W o l a m o , 270 Wolie, Ras Gugsa, 720 Wolof, 554, 644 Wolseley, General Sir Garnet, 67, 131 w o m e n : in Angola and Mozambique, 698; and Atlantic slave trade, 468; clitoridectomy, 517-19; D a h o m e y women's strike (1891), 145; fertility, 462-3, 476, 482; status, 77, 802-3 wood industry (forestry), 229,343,363,370, 376, 379 wool, 411 work songs, 705 Workers' International (SFIO), 247, 608 working-class movements, 680,682, 685-9, 693-5, 7°5~7i white workers, 687, 688, 705; see also labour; trade unions

Wuchale Treaty (1889), 268-9, 2 7 ° , Wudjda, 94, 105, 429, 439

2 2

1

Xhosa, 194, 197, 198, 207, 214, 215, 216; cattle-killing (1857), 197-8, 216, 774; prophetism, 52-3, 55, 58 X u m a , A . B . , 761 Yaa Asantewaa War (1900), / J J , 139, 143, 145 Yaba Higher College, Nigeria, 578 Yaba, Rockefeller laboratories, 480 Yaka, 176, 181, 183 Yakan, «AdlL 587 Yala, 659 Yalley, M . , 553 yam, 469, 470 Yambio, 81-2 Yancy, Vice-President Allen, 734 Yao, 169, 172, 177, 178, 179, 196, 198, 199-200, 214, 696 Yao Guié, 130 Y a w m al-Djamä, battle of (1913), 97 yaws, 477, 479 Yayo, Sultan of Awsa, 598-9 Yeke, 172, 179, 188' yellow fever, 477, 478, 480, 796 Yesufu, Professor T . M . , 505 Yohannes IV, Emperor of Ethiopia, 254, 258, 265, 267-8, 269 Yoruba, 11, 36, 40, 128, 134-5, 3°o» 47°, 478,480,484,488,489,493,500,646; and Afro-Brazilians, 752, 754, 760, 761, 779; newspapers, 575; sculpture, 539,540,54/ Young Algerians, 614 Young Associations, East African, 657-64 Young Baganda Association, 657-9, 669 Young Bagwerc Association, 661 Young Communists, 612 Young Egypt, 574 Young Gabonese (Jeune Gabonais), 574 Young Kavirondo Association 657,659-60, 667, 670 Young Kikuyu Association, 307, 502, 574, 667 Young Peoples* Club, Accra, 628 young protest movements, Sudanese, 589-92 Young Senegalese Club, 146, 147 Young Tunisians, 574 Young Turks, 94 Youri, battle of (1891), 36 Youssef, Ibrahim, 572 Youth League, 628, 631 youth movements, 15, 573, 574, 578, 600; British West Africa, 628-31, 641 Yûsuf 'AIT Kenadid, Sultan, 597, 598 Yüsuf, Hädjdj Bashïr, 598 Zä'er, 426 Zaghlül Pasha, SaM, 305,573,580 581,5*2, 583, 584, 585, 587-«, 601 Zaghlül, Fathi, 556n zahtr, decrees, 428, 429, 431 Zaidan, Jurji, 556n Zaire see Congo Free State Zaire river, 191 zakät, 454 Zambezi C o m p a n y , 377 Zambesiriver/valley,47, 50, 51, 52, 58, 61, 169, 172, 174, 176, 179, 182, 185, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 199, 410, 704 Zambia see Northern Rhodesia Zande, 470

Index Zanzibar, 32,33, 34, 37,152,158, 229,301, 333» 393, 467,.471,657,664,672,769; see also Tanganyika Zaria, 137 Zawditu, Empress, 717, 720 zawäyä (Sufi centres), 87, n o Zaydab, 455 Zayyän, 107, n o Zazuru, 534

ZellTdja mine, 429 Zerma-Zonrai, 373 Zibhebhu, 202 Zifta barrage, 447 Zimbabwe see Southern Rhodesia Zinder, 441 Zionist churches, 531, 654, 678, 67g, 707 Zîz, 107 Zizer, J. C , 638

Zomba, 683 Zulu, 7, 198, 199-202, 207, 212, 214, 412, 472,767; British victory over (1879), 202, 207; 1906 rebellion, 215,472; revolution, 194, 196, 208, 212 'Zulu Choir*, 545, 757 Zulu Christian Industrial School, 197 Zuluhlenga, 200, 202 Zwimba, 216

865