Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy

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STUDIES IN EARLY JEWISH EPIGRAPHY

ARBEITEN ZUR GESCHICHTE DES ANTIKEN JUDENTUMS UND DES URCHRISTENTUMS HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

Martin Hengel (Tubingen), Peter Schafer (Berlin), Pieter W . van der Horst (Utrecht), Martin Goodman (Oxford), Daniel R. Schwartz (Jerusalem)

XXI

STUDIES IN EARLY JEWISH EPIGRAPHY EDITED BY

JAN WILLEM V A N HENTEN AND

PIETER W I L L E M V A N D E R H O R S T

EJ. BRILL LEIDEN • NEW Y O R K • K O L N 1994

T h e p a p e r in this b o o k meets the guidelines for p e r m a n e n c e a n d durability o f the C o m m i t t e e o n Production Guidelines for B o o k L o n g e v i t y o f the C o u n c i l o n L i b r a r y Resources.

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CEP-Einheitsaufhahme S t u d i e s i n e a r l y J e w i s h e p i g r a p h y / ed. b y J a n W i l l e m v a n H e n t e n a n d Pieter W . v a n der Horst. - Leiden ; N e w Y o r k ; K o l n : Brill, 1 9 9 4 (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums ; 21) ISBN 90-04-09916-6 NE: Henten, Jan Willem van p r s g . ] ; G T

©

ISSN

0169-734X

ISBN

90 04 09916 6

Copyright 1994 by E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by E.J. Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 27 Congress Street, Salem MA 01970,

USA. Fees are subject to change.

P R I N T E D

I N

T H E

N E T H E R L A N D S

CONTENTS Preface

vii

Abbreviations Introduction by the editors WILLIAM

ix 1

HORBURY

Jewish Inscriptions and Jewish Literature in Egypt, with Special Reference to Ecclesiasticus

9

J A N W I L L E M VAN H E N T E N

A Jewish Epitaph in a Literary Text: 4 Mace 17:8-10

44

J O H A N H . M. STRUBBE

Curses Against Violation o f the Grave in Jewish Epitaphs from Asia Minor

70

P l E T E R W. VAN DER H O R S T

Jewish Poetical T o m b Inscriptions

129

A L I C E J. B y DE V A A T E

Alphabet-Inscriptions from Jewish Graves

148

DAVID N O Y

The Jewish Communities o f Leontopolis and Venosa....

162

GERT LUDERITZ,

What is the Politeuma?

183

TESSA RAJAK

Inscription and Context: Reading the Jewish Catacombs o f Rome

226

G E R A R D MUSSIES

Jewish Personal Names in Some Non-Literary Sources

242

Index I H HI

277 277 283 285

o f passages Inscriptions, ostraca and papyri Bible Ancient writings

PREFACE The present volume contains nine papers read at a conference o n ancient Jewish epigraphy organized by members o f the Faculty o f Theology at Utrecht University. The editors, who were the conveners o f the symposium, are grateful to Professor Martin Hengel for agreeing to publish this volume in the series AGAJU. They also wish to thank Mrs. Gonni Runia-Deenick who skil­ fully refashioned all the manuscripts into camera ready copy. They further owe thanks to Dr Peter Staples for correcting the English o f the contributions by the Dutch participants. The style o f references and abbreviations used in this volume is by and large that o f the Society of Biblical Literature Membership Directory and Handbook, Decatur 1992, 209-226. An exception is our use o f CIJ (instead of CII) forJ.-B. Frey's Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum (2 vols.; Rome: 1936-1952; reprint o f vol. 1 with a Prolego­ m e n o n by B. Lifshitz; New York: 1975); the reason for our preference is given in note 1 to the editors' Introduction to this volume. Abbreviations not listed in the SBL Handbook are found either in Liddell-Scott-Jones or are provided by the contributors. A list o f additional abbreviations is given after this Preface for the convenience o f the reader (the most extensive and reliable list o f abbreviations used in the study o f ancient epigraphy can be found in the excellent Guide de I'epigraphiste, eds. F. Berard, D. Feissel, P. Petitmengin & M. Seve, Paris: 1989). The volume offers n o bibliography since several o f the authors provide one for their specific topic. Moreover, a select but recent bibliography can be found in P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs (Kampen: 1991) 161-170. An index locorum covers nonliterary sources, Bible, and other ancient writings. The editors

ABBREVIATIONS BS

Beth She'earim I-III. (eds. B. Mazar, M. Schwabe, B. Lifshitz & N. Avigad) CdE Chronique d'Egypte CEG Carmina Epigraphica Graeca CJZC Corpus judischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika (ed. G. Luderitz) CPJ Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum I-III (eds. V. Tcherikover, A. Fuks & M. Stern) D o m . Flev. Gli scavi del Dominus Flevit I (eds. B. Bagatti & J. T. Milik) GV Griechische Vers-Inschriften I (ed. W. Peek) ICI Inscriptiones christianae Italiae septimo saeculo antiquiores (ed. M. Buonocore) IGC Recueil des inscriptions grecques chretiennes d A s i e Mineure I (ed. H. Gregoire) IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (eds. L. Jalabert et al.) IGUR Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae (ed. L. Moretti) IOSPE Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae (ed. B. Latyschev) JIGRE Jewish Inscriptions o f Graeco-Roman Egypt (eds. W. Horbury & D. Noy) NRSV New Revised Standard Version O.Tait Greek Ostraca in the Bodleyan Library at Oxford (eds. J. G. Tait & CI. Preaux) PApoll. Papyrus grecs d A p o l l o n o s A n o (ed. R. Remondon) PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae (ed. K. Preisendanz) REB Revised English Bible RE C A M Regional Epigraphic Catalogues o f Asia Minor I-II (ed. S. Mitchell) SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (eds. J. J. E. Hondius et al.) TSAJ Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum

INTRODUCTION P l E T E R W . VAN DER H O R S T A N D J A N W l L L E M VAN H E N T E N

The study o f ancient Jewish epigraphy has received quite a series of new impulses o f late. Although the old collection o f epigraphical material by Jean-Baptiste Frey is still indispensible, as our main tool it is now gradually being replaced by new and better editions o f parts o f the corpus o f Jewish inscriptions. It is well known that right from the appearance of its first volume in 1936, C7/was regarded as very deficient by the specialist epigraphists, even though it could not be doubted that Frey's work was a major step forward as compared to earlier, partial collections from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which covered only o n e country or city or site. Frey was criticized not only for being sloppy in his presentation o f the evidence but also for having overlooked quite a number o f inscriptions. O n the other hand he had included some which d o not belong in his edition. Many o f these defects were remedied in the 1975 reprint o f the first volume (which covers Europe) by Baruch Lifshitz, who wrote a very extensive Prolegomenon, in which he proposed a considerable number o f corrections and additions. But, unfortunately, Lifshitz died before he could start working o n Frey's vol. II, which covers 1

2

3

4

1

vont

J.-B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum du Hie siecle avant Jesus-Christ

Judaicarum. au

Recueil des inscriptions juives

qui

Vile siecle de notre ere ( 2 vols.; R o m e :

P o n t i f i c i o Istituto di A r c h e o l o g i a Cristiana, 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 5 2 ) . T h e first v o l u m e was r e p r i n t e d in taining

1 9 7 5 ( N e w Y o r k : Ktav) with a n e x t e n s i v e

m a n y additions

and

corrections

Prolegomenon

con­

by B . Lifshitz. T h i s w o r k will

be

r e f e r r e d to as CIJ; t h e o f t e n u s e d abbreviation CII s h o u l d b e a v o i d e d since it also stands for Corpus Inscriptionum 2

r e p r i n t e d in his Hellenica (1952-1958),

sive

(1937)

73-86,

Epigraphique

III

3 (1941)

30-46.

T h e o n l y s c h o l a r b e f o r e Frey w h o a i m e d at a m o r e o r less c o m p r e h e n ­ collection

was J. O e h l e r , " E p i g r a p h i s c h e B e i t r a g e

J u d e n t u m s , " MGWJ5S 4

III (Paris: 1 9 4 6 ) 9 0 - 1 0 8 , a n d Bulletin

Paris 1 9 7 4 , n o . 2 4 ( p p . 1 0 1 - 1 0 4 ) . A . F e r r u a , " A d d e n d a e t corri­

g e n d a al CIJ," Epigraphica 3

Iranicarum.

L . R o b e r t , " U n c o r p u s d e s i n s c r i p t i o n j u i v e s , " REJ 1 0 1

I n a n a p p e n d i x to his b o o k The Jews oj Ancient

H . J. L e o n r e p r i n t e d all Jewish tions a n d a d d i t i o n s o f CIJ vol. I ) .

zur G e s c h i c h t e

des

(1909) 292-302; 443-452; 525-538. inscriptions

Rome ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : 1 9 6 0 )

f r o m R o m e with m a n y c o r r e c ­

( m o s t o f w h i c h w e r e a c c e p t e d b y Lifshitz in t h e

reprint

2

P. W . VAN DER HORST AND J. W. VAN HENTEN

Asia —including Palestine —and Egypt, but not the rest o f North Africa, and is still more deficient than vol. I. It is therefore to be welcomed that recent work is focusing especially on the areas that Frey's second volume did and did not cover. The Cambridge Divinity Faculty Jewish Inscriptions Pro­ j e c t recently yielded its first produce: William Horbury & David Noy (eds.), Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt. With an Index of the Jewish Inscriptions of Egypt and Cyrenaica (Cambridge UK, Cambridge University Press, 1992; xxiv + 378 pp., 32 plates). This magnificent volume comprises all the epigraphical data from the Egyptian diaspora. Even though these had been re-edited by D. M. Lewis in an appendix to vol. Ill of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum in 1964, they were in need o f a new edition in which work o f the past three decades (especially by the very productive brothers Bernand) would be taken into account. The volume is much more than just a re-edition o f the Egyptian inscriptions from Frey (or Lewis). It contains several new inscriptions and also an extensive commentary and exhaustive bibliography to each item. Further it is g o o d news that Asia Minor is now being taken care o f by staff-members o f the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients p r o j e c t . As to the evidence from Roman North Africa, Y. le Bohec published a comprehensive survey o f all Jewish inscrip­ tions in that area in 1981. And the Cyrenaica material has been dealt with two years later when G. Luderitz published his excellent Corpus jiidischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaica. Asia Minor is still most urgently in need o f a new treatment, but the Tubingen project is promising on this point; and also the full publication o f the Jewish inscriptions from Sardis by J. H. Kroll has been a n n o u n c e d . The Cambridge project is now focusing on a new 5

6

7

8

9

5

V . A . T c h e r i k o v e r , A . Fuks a n d M . Stern, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum

(3

vols.; C a m b r i d g e Mass.: 1 9 5 7 - 1 9 6 4 ) vol. I l l , p p . 1 3 8 - 1 6 6 . 6

A g o o d e x a m p l e o f t h e very useful p u b l i c a t i o n s f r o m

H u t t e n m e i s t e r 8c G . R e e g , Die antiken Synagogen

this p r o j e c t is F.

in Israel ( 2 vols.;

Wiesbaden:

"Inscriptions j u i v e s et j u d a i s a n t e s d e l ' A f r i q u e

Romaine,"

1 9 7 7 ) ; see also f o o t n o t e 8. 7

Y. le B o h e c ,

Antiquites AJricaines 1 7 ( 1 9 8 1 ) 1 6 5 - 2 0 7 . 8

Wiesbaden

Tubinger van

der

1578b",

Atlas Horst, in

1 9 8 3 ; this v o l u m e a p p e a r e d as o n e des V o r d e r e n

Orients.

'"Lord, help the

Idem,

Essays

on

For

a minor

Rabbi'. T h e

the Jewish

World

o f the

Beihefte of

the

s u p p l e m e n t see

P. W .

Interpretation of S E G

XXXI

oj Early

Christianity

(Novum

T e s t a m e n t u m et O r b i s A n t i q u u s 1 4 ; F r i b o u r g - G o t t i n g e n : 1 9 9 0 ) 1 8 2 - 1 8 6 . 9

J. H . K r o l l , " T h e G r e e k I n s c r i p t i o n s , " The Synagogue

at Sardis.

Archaeo-

3

INTRODUCTION

edition o f the evidence from Western Europe. As for ancient Palestine, we have the three volumes on the Beth She'arim cata­ combs by Mazar, Schwabe, Lifshitz, and Avigad. The Masada documents are in the process of being published n o w . For other places in Hellenistic and Roman Palestine, especially Jerusalem, there is a whole series o f recent articles with publications o f new inscriptions in various journals (see especially the Israel Explo­ ration Journal and Revue Biblique). L. Y. Rahmani did research into Jewish ossuary inscriptions from ancient Palestine and hopefully the catalogue o f these ossuaries will soon be published. Evidently the accessibility o f the epigraphic evidence o f ancient Jewry has been increased considerably over the last decades, especially in the areas from Frey's second volume. In addition to that, an intro­ duction to the field was published recently, which offers a status quaestionis, a sketch o f the main problem areas and bibliographical aids for nonspecialists. 10

11

12

13

Biblical and Judaic scholars have often neglected Jewish inscriptions in the past, but in the last two decades there seems to be a growing awareness o f the importance o f these non-literary sources. Several scholars have made great efforts to attract a wider audience for non-literary Jewish and Early Christian texts. The Australian scholar Greg Horsley is an outstanding example o f this trend and it is certainly partly due to his important series New Documents * that the interest of Biblical scholars for documentary texts has been renewed. Other stimuli are the history o f the Jews 1

logical Exploration 1

-

0

ojSardis

Report

( C a m b r i d g e Mass.;

B. M a z a r , Beth She'arim I: Catacombs

B . Lifshitz,

Beth

She'arim II:

The

A v i g a d , Beth She'arim III: Catacombs 1 1

Y. Y a d i n 8c J. N a v e h ,

Greek 12-23

Masada

I:

forthcoming).

1-4 (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 3 ) ; M . Inscriptions

(Jerusalem:

1

2

See

N.

(Jerusalem: 1 9 7 6 ) . The Aramaic

and

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) ; H . M . C o t t o n & J. G e i g e r , Masada Documents

Schwabe

1974);

Hebrew

Inscriptions

II: The Latin

and

Greek

Century

After

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) . M . Hengel,

The

'Hellenization'

oj Judaea

in

the First

Christ ( L o n d o n : 1 9 8 9 ) 9 - 1 0 . 1

3

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

millennium

of Jewish funerary

Jewish Epitaphs.

epigraphy (300

a l s o L . H . K a n t , "Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n s in

An

introductory

survey

of a

BCE - 700 CE) ( K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) . S e e Greek and

L a t i n , " ANRW

II 2 0 . 2

( B e r l i n - N e w York: 1 9 8 7 ) 6 7 1 - 7 1 3 . 1

4

G . H . R . H o r s l e y , New Documents

Illustrating

Early Christianity

(5 volumes;

M a c q u a r i e University: 1 9 8 1 - 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e series is n o w b e i n g c o n t i n u e d by S. R . L l e w e l y n in c o l l a b o r a t i o n with R . A . Kearsley in vol. 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) . S e e n o w also P. W . van d e r H o r s t , "Das N e u e T e s t a m e n t u n d die j i i d i s c h e aus h e l l e n i s t i s c h - r o m i s c h e r Zeit," BZ N F 3 6 ( 1 9 9 2 )

161-178.

Grabinschriften

4

P. W . VAN DER HORST AND J. W . VAN HENTEN

in Asia Minor by Paul Trebilco, with a synthesis o f the epigraphical evidence, and the recent publication o f the spectacular Jew­ ish inscription(s) o f Aphrodisias by Joyce Reynolds and Robert T a n n e n b a u m . The mention o f a large group o f 'Godfearers' in the inscription as a distinct category alongside Jews and prose­ lytes has rekindled the debate on the status o f the Godfearers, on the relation o f these epigraphical 0eoCTe(3eXs" to the New Testament o(3oi>|ievoi and ae(36|ievoi, and on the question of whether or not this designation was a terminus technicus. This find has brought h o m e to many a New Testament scholar the importance o f nonliterary sources for the study of early Christian and early Jewish religion. 15

16

17

This satisfying development was one o f the motives for members of the Department o f New Testament and Early Jewish Studies at the Theological Faculty o f Utrecht University to organize a small scale symposium on Jewish epigraphy in antiquity. The con­ ference took place on May 18-19, 1992. The organizers were happy to have as lecturers also distinguished collaborators o f the Jewish Inscriptions Project in Cambridge and o f the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients: William Horbury, David Noy, Gerd Luderitz, and Hanswulf Bloedhorn. Their papers are to be found in the present volume (except Bloedhorn's), together with five papers read by Dutch participants. Some o f the conference papers by Dutch scholars were o f too introductory or general a nature to jus­ tify publication in this volume, e.g. a general survey o f epigraphic sources by the Leiden epigraphist H. W. Pleket, and a paper on numerical structures in inscriptions by J. Smit Sibinga. Tessa Rajak, who chaired some sessions o f the conference, kindly accepted our invitation to contribute to the volume. Several important aspects o f the material under discussion are

1

5

P. T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities

in Asia

Minor

(SNTSMS 69; Cambridge:

1991). 1

6

Jews

and

Godfearers

at Aphrodisias.

Greek

Inscriptions

with

Commentary

(Cambridge: 1987). 1

the

7

S e e also L . H . F e l d m a n , "Proselytes a n d 'Sympathizers' New

Inscription

from

Aphrodisias,"

REJ

148

in t h e L i g h t o f

( 1 9 8 9 ) 2 6 5 - 3 0 5 ; S. J. D .

C o h e n , "Crossing the B o u n d a r y a n d B e c o m i n g a Jew," HTR

82 (1989)

V e r y u s e f u l is t h e r e c e n t survey by F e r g u s M i l l a r in E . Schiirer, the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ

13-33.

A History

of

(rev. e d . by G . V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r a n d

M . G o o d m a n ) III 1 ( E d i n b u r g h : 1 9 8 6 ) 1 5 0 - 1 7 6 .

INTRODUCTION

5

highlighted in the papers presented in this volume. The connec­ tion between documentary and literary texts is being explored in some o f the contributions. Others offer a discussion of a collection of related inscriptions like curse inscriptions or metrical epitaphs, or focus on aspects o f the history o f Jewish communities in the diaspora. Inevitably there is now and then some overlap in the papers (for example in those of Horbury and Van der Horst), but it seemed to the editors that the small degree in which this was the case could not justify requiring the speakers/writers to avoid it at all costs. William Horbury (University o f Cambridge, UK) opens the volume with a contribution in which he compares Jewish in­ scriptions from Egypt with Jewish literature from the same area and period, especially the b o o k o f Sirach, Ecclesiasticus. After presenting a nuanced and balanced picture o f the linguistic situation o f the Jews in Egypt, he discusses epigraphic themes in Ecclesiasticus with special attention to the contact and divergence in the genres o f encomium, lamentation and consolation, and concludes inter multa alia that both the epitaphs and Ecclesiasticus verge on the 'nihilism' o f the Epicurean or rather Sadducean view of death. Jan Willem van Henten (University o f Utrecht) presents an elaborate discussion o f all aspects o f the beautiful literary epitaph in the 17th chapter o f 4 Maccabees. It turns out to show some resemblance to real Jewish tomb inscriptions but also to have several points o f contacts with formulae in pagan and Christian epitaphs from Asia Minor and with conceptions found in Greek traditions about heroes who liberated their country or city from tyranny. Some o f the data discussed would seem to corroborate the old suggestion by Norden that the b o o k originated in Asia Minor. Johan Strubbe (University o f Leiden), the author o f a com­ prehensive work on the pagan epitaphs from Asia Minor with curses against tomb violation, now brings his learning to bear on Jewish curse epitaphs from the same area. Apart from some very useful methodological remarks concerning the identification o f such curses as Jewish, his contribution is especially valuable for its rich documentation, chief of which is the appendix containing an exhaustive catalogue o f all Jewish curse epitaphs from Asia Minor (texts, translations and bibliography).

6

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T A N D J. W . V A N HENTEN

Pieter W. van der Horst (University o f Utrecht) deals with the 18 or 19 metrical epitaphs o f Jewish origin, 12 o f which are from Leontopolis in Egypt. After a brief overview o f the material he situates the genre in its ancient context (there are many thou­ sands o f pagan and Christian instances) and discusses some o f the poems in more detail. The striking absence o f expectations concerning afterlife in most o f these epitaphs is highlighted, as are the many features derived from Greek poetry. In an appendix the Greek (and in one case Latin) texts o f all extant Jewish metri­ cal epitaphs is presented. Alice J. Bij de Vaate (Utrecht/Amsterdam) discusses the enig­ matic alphabetic inscriptions in a number of Jewish graves. These alphabets (or parts o f them) certainly were n o epitaphs. By means of a comparison with quite a number of other alphabet inscriptions from the ancient world and with some literary data she comes to the tentative conclusion that we most probably have to d o here with a kind o f epigraphical apotropaic magic: the inscriptions were to function as a means to protect the grave against any form of evil. David Noy (University o f Reading/University o f Cambridge) presents an overview of the material from both Leontopolis (Egypt) and Venosa (Italy), the two diaspora cities with the largest corpus of evidence after Rome. He draws attention to such peculiarities as the relatively high number of epitaphs in verse, the frequent use of the epithets pasiphilos and mikros, the use o f the word hos before age indications, the tendency to mention death in childbirth, the lack o f records o f people aged over 50 at Leontopolis, and the proliferation o f titles indicating both leading positions in the civic structure and places o f honour in the Jewish community at the much later Venosa. Useful tables with indications o f ages at death are included. Gert Liideritz (Tubingen) presents us with a wide-ranging study o f Tro\f,Teu(j.a. He discusses quite a number o f instances, both literary and epigraphical, o f this term in order to determine what exactly the Jewish politeuma in Cyrenaica might have been, a much debated question. After a thorough analysis o f the most relevant sources he concludes that most probably it did not consist of the complete Jewish population o f the city concerned, but rather functioned as a kind o f (3oi>\f], an aristocratic governing body o f the Jewish community.

INTRODUCTION

7

Tessa Rajak (University o f Reading) deals with the context o f epitaphs, which is very important for the interpretation o f the inscriptions. She focuses on the Jewish epitaphs o f Rome, because their context is lost to a large extent, and examines some major unanswered questions in this area. The spatial context in which the inscriptions were located and the meaning o f the symbols depicted with the texts are discussed, as well as problems like the differing types o f Jewish milieu, the social standing o f the Jews, the organization o f the catacombs, the religious exclusivity in the burial milieu and Jewish symbols as statements o f identity. She concludes that progress might still be made via the original records o f discovery and excavation, and via comparative study with non-Jewish material. Gerard Mussies (University o f Utrecht) extensively discusses non-literary evidence for Jewish onomastics in the GraecoRoman world. He deals especially with the various types o f Greek names adopted by Jews and subdivides them into four different categories; his treatment o f the (pagan) theophoric elements,in several names is particularly helpful. Interesting is also his dis­ cussion o f the various ways in which Hebrew names were adapted to Greek declensions and o f the systems to form hypocoristic names. As a by-product o f his study o f the new onomastic evidence in the Aphrodisias inscription, Mussies presents some acute observations on the much debated opening lines, and he also decisively refutes some o f the arguments currently used to determine the gender of Jael, the TrpocrrdTns' o f the community, in this inscription. The editors express the hope that the contributions in this volume will stimulate the study o f early Jewish epigraphy and incite further investigations into this fascinating Field o f research. Utrecht, June 1993

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE T O ECCLESIASTICUS WILLIAM

HORBURY

What light d o Jewish inscriptions and literature in Egypt throw on one another? The question was noticed by P. M. Fraser, who confronted all Ptolemaic Greek literature, including Jewish works, with the contemporary inscriptions. Since his monu­ mental b o o k this question seems not to have been pursued. In the case o f Graeco-Roman Egypt, however, it is strongly suggested by the fortunate preservation o f a body o f inscriptions and a body o f literature from the same time and place. Outside the Holy Land itself, Jewish inscriptions usually abound just when and where definitely assignable Jewish literature is lacking. Egypt fared better. Moreover, in Egypt as elsewhere most Jewish inscriptions are epitaphs, and epitaphs form the class o f inscriptions which stands closest to literature; but in Egypt the resemblances between Jewish epitaphs and Jewish literature are even stronger than might have been expected. The literature is often epitaphic in theme, and the surviving epitaphs are unusually often o f some literary pretension. Like other inscriptions, however, they con­ tinue to be o f high value as documents of communal life. 1

Comparison is therefore encouraged by shared place and time, and by contacts in style and subject-matter. Here it is asked how the inscriptions (especially epitaphs) accepted by Jewish patrons in Egypt, on the one hand, and the contemporary Jewish litera­ ture in Egypt, on the other, can be mutually illuminating. Are the aspects o f the Jewish community reflected in the inscriptions also reflected in the literature? T o judge by the inscriptions, how repre­ sentative is the literature which survives? Can each contribute to the interpretation o f the other? The discussion o f these questions here will be in three parts: (i) introductory, to point out the literature and inscriptions in view; (ii) general, on language and style; and (iii) particular, on themes in the inscriptions and in one selected book, Ecclesiasticus. 1

P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria ( 3 vols., O x f o r d : 1 9 7 2 ) , for e x a m p l e in a c o n t r a s t ( 1 . 2 8 2 - 4 , 2 8 6 ) b e t w e e n the differing Jewish attitudes s u g g e s t e d by t h e p r o s e u c h e d e d i c a t i o n s a n d by the T h i r d Sibylline b o o k .

10

W. HORBURY

(i) Introduction T h e literature current among the Jews in Egypt is rich in epitaphic material, as noted already. T o this day their books d o much to supply the needs of commemoration and consolation in universities, colleges and schools. Benefactors are c o m m e m o ­ rated with Ecclesiasticus 44 ("Let us now praise famous m e n " ) , departed teachers with a lesson from Wisdom 3 ("The souls o f the righteous are in the hand o f God") or 7 ("I myself also am a mortal man, like to all"), and consolation for the untimely death of pupils can be sought in a lesson from Wisdom 4 ("Youth that is soon perfected shall condemn the many years and old age o f the unrighteous"). These famous passages by n o means exhaust the material, which also includes Ecclesiasticus on death and mourn­ ing, discussed below. The literature here in view for comparison with the inscrip­ tions consists o f books likely to have been translated or written in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt. These include, first and fore­ most, the L X X Pentateuch, followed by most o f the Prophets and Hagiographa, III Maccabees, the Wisdom o f Solomon and the Greek Ecclesiasticus. These Greek books are probably all Ptole­ maic, but for III Maccabees and Wisdom an early Roman date is also possible. Outside the biblical and apocryphal corpus, from Ptolemaic times there are the Letter o f Aristeas, the Third Sibyl­ line book, Aristobulus the exegete, and a diverse group o f biblical expansions and paraphrases (on Genesis, Joseph and Asenath; on Exodus, Jannes and Jambres, Artapanus, and the iambic Exagoge of Ezekiel Tragicus); and from the early Roman period, Philo, the Prayer o f Joseph, the Fifth Sibylline, and perhaps the Christian Epistle o f Barnabas. Jews in Egypt will certainly have read other Jewish books as well, not to speak o f gentile literature; but the books named can reasonably be considered as Egyptian Greek literature o f the Jews and, later, of the Christians. From this litera­ ture o n e o f the wisdom-books, Ecclesiasticus, is singled out for attention here. The Greek version o f the book, as its preface shows, was made specifically for circulation in Ptolemaic Egypt. Jewish inscriptions and especially epitaphs from Egypt chal­ lenge comparison with contemporary literature to an unusual de­ gree, as again was noted above. The vocabulary o f the short prose epitaphs which predominate is o f course intertwined, here as else-

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

11

where, with the literary vocabulary o f character and status; but among Jewish inscriptions from the ancient world those o f Egypt are unique for their proportion o f metrical epitaphs o f some length. (See Professor P. W. van der Horst's contribution to this volume.) T o be more precise, out of about 135 Jewish inscriptions sur­ viving from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 114 are epitaphs, all in Greek apart from five in Aramaic or Hebrew. N o less than fourteen o f these epitaphs — about 13% — are Greek funerary poems; the contrasting proportions are two out o f 218 Greek inscriptions at Beth She'arirrr(1%), two or three — from Larissa in Thessaly, from Lorium, near R o m e , and from Rome itself—out of all other Jewish Greek inscriptions, and one or two, both from Rome, out o f all known Jewish Latin epitaphs from antiquity (still smaller proportions). The Greek poem from the city o f Rome [141] should in fact provisionally be considered with the Egyptian material, for it is the epitaph o f a native o f Egypt, Theodosia, who was probably also Jewish. Further discoveries may o f course change these totals, but the number o f known inscriptions is sufficiently large to make the high proportion o f verse inscriptions in Egypt remarkable. 2

3

4

This p h e n o m e n o n is perhaps mainly explained by the relative­ ly early date o f the whole body o f Egyptian Jewish inscriptions. Most c o m e from before the end o f Trajan's reign, and a g o o d number are definitely earlier in the Roman period, or Ptolemaic. A m o n g the fourteen metrical epitaphs, one is very probably Ptole­ maic, o f 117 B.C. [30=67/1490]; the latest possible date for another is 5 B.C. [33=67/1510]; two others have probable dates in the first century B.C. (49 B.C. [114=67/ 1489], 21 B.C. [32=67/ 1509]); another is definitely from the reign o f Augustus, o f A.D. 8 [40= CIJ

2

N u m b e r s in square brackets b e l o w refer to e n t r i e s in W i l l i a m H o r b u r y

& D a v i d N o y , Jewish Inscriptions total g i v e n a b o v e i n c l u d e s o n e

of Graeco-Roman

Egypt

(Cambridge: 1992);

i n s c r i p t i o n n o t in that c o l l e c t i o n , t h e

the

prose

e p i t a p h o f J o s e p h , p r o b a b l y f r o m T e l l e l - Y e h o u d i e h , p u b l i s h e d by P. J. Sijpesteijn, "Inscriptions f r o m Egypt," Chronique 3

Jews and 4

65 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 122-5 (122-3).

Godfearers at Aphrodisias

(Cambridge: 1987) 31.

F o r b i b l i o g r a p h y see [ 1 4 1 ] ; the e p i t a p h can c o n v e n i e n d y

G . K a i b e l , Epigrammata H.

dEgypte

CIL xi 3 7 5 8 , r e p r i n t e d a n d d i s c u s s e d by J. R e y n o l d s & R . T a n n e n b a u m ,

R . H o r s l e y , New

University:

Graeca ex lapidibus

Documents

1987), no. 114.

Illustrating

b e s e e n also in

conlecta (Berlin: 1 8 7 8 ) , n o . 5 6 6 o r G . Early

Christianity,

iv

(Macquarie

12

W . HORBURY

1539]. The others are all probably from before the Jewish revolt o f 115-8. This dating means that the metrical inscriptions come from a time when the epigram was still a popular verse form, not least in Egypt. Local fashion is indeed likely to form a second element in explanation o f their numbers in Egypt. The great majority c o m e from the settlement o f Onias at Leontopolis [27-40], but examples were found at two other sites in the Delta, Schedia near Alexandria [ 2 3 ] , and Demerdash on the outskirts o f ancient Heliopolis [114]; the Roman epitaph o f the Egyptian Theodosia is probably another example. When this distribution is viewed together with the popularity o f metrical epitaphs among non-Jews in Egypt, readily seen from E. Bernand's collection o f metrical in­ scriptions, the metrical epitaphs seem likely to represent a general rather than exceptional Jewish usage in Egypt. Jewish patronage need not imply Jewish authorship o f the funerary poems, but it certainly does not exclude it, and there is n o reason why Jews in Egypt, where Greek metrical verse by Jews flourished (see below), should not have been epigrammatists and composers o f Greek epitaphs. The closely-related arts o f lamentation and fune­ ral oration were highly esteemed later on in rabbinic circles in Judaea, Galilee, and the eastern and western diaspora. 5

6

(it) Language and Style When the books are confronted by contemporary inscriptions, the question o f language is immediately raised. The Ptolemaic epi­ taphs include two in Aramaic, from Alexandria [3-4, CIJ 1424-5]. From the Roman period there are three Hebrew epitaphs, not earlier than the second century, and in two cases probably a g o o d 5

E. Bernand,

Inscriptions

metriques

de I'Egypte

greco-romaine

(Paris:

1969),

n o . 3 7 ; n o t in CIJ. 6

M u c h material,

is c o l l e c t e d a n d Talmud,

ii

mainly

quoted

(Leipzig:

r e l a t i n g to

the

by J. H a m b u r g e r ,

s e c o n d century

1 8 8 3 ) , 6 7 9 - 6 8 5 , s. " L e i c h e n r e d e " ;

K a p p a r a (late s e c o n d - c e n t u r y G a l i l e e )

A.D.

Real-Encyclopadie

is t h e saying

fur

onwards, Bibel

in t h e n a m e

naorD

I T D D

und

o f Bar

DDn (b.

Mo'ed

Qat.

2 5 a ) . T u b a l - C a i n ' s sister N a a m a h was said to have b e e n e x p e r t in s o n g s

and

laments

perhaps whom word

in

(Targum

the

Ps.-Jonathan

early sixth century,

"dixerunt appears

in

earlier p e r i o d

of

on

Gen

4:22). From

is t h e V e n o s a

S p ^ v o u ? d u o a p o s t u l i et d u o r e b b i t e s " Roman the

Aramaic apophthegm

transliteration

Greek epigrams addressed

in spirit a n d subject-matter

in

from

later

west,

the

{CIJ 6 1 1 ; t h e

inscription). to H i l l e l

epigram.

(m.

for

Greek

From

E g y p t c o n s i d e r e d h e r e is

to a skull, attributed

it is close to G r e e k

the

e p i t a p h o f Faustina,

the the

'Abot 2 : 7 ) ;

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

13

deal later [118-9=67/ 1533-4, 133=67/ 1536]. Two probably late Roman synagogue dedications from Alexandria are in Greek, but conclude with crbo in Hebrew characters [15=67/ 1438, 17=67/ 1437]. These seven are far outnumbered by wholly Greek inscrip­ tions, as just noted, but they suggest that some Egyptian Jews knew Aramaic under the Ptolemies, and Hebrew in the later Roman empire. Accordingly, the Greek literature indicated above would not fully represent the linguistic range o f the Jewish community in Egypt. Is this conclusion justified? Jews in Ptolemaic Egypt did not commonly understand Hebrew, as the preface o f Ecclesiasticus shows particularly clearly, and Ben Sira's grandson chose to translate into Greek, not Aramaic. Nevertheless, there are con­ firmations o f the use o f Aramaic and Hebrew. First, on Aramaic, there is a g o o d deal to support C. C. Torrey's argument that the Aramaic Jewish vernacular o f Persian Egypt continued to be spoken by some Jews in Graeco-Roman Egypt. This was allowed, without specific reference to Torrey, by V. Tcherikover, who urged that during the second century B.C. Aramaic was replaced among Egyptian Jews by Greek as the language o f literature and documents, but is unlikely to have disappeared completely. The two Aramaic epitaphs, even con­ sidered on their own, are likely to indicate some currency o f the spoken language; for Aramaic, a vernacular without strong sacred associations for Jews in antiquity, is unlikely to have been used where it was not understood. The place particularly concerned in this instance is Alexandria itself, as noted already; the epitaphs were found in situ in a hypogaeum ascribed to the early Ptole­ maic period at Ibrahimiya, on the eastern outskirts o f the city. Besides these epitaphs, however, other Jewish Aramaic writings ascribed to the same period are papyri and ostraca from Upper Egypt which include Greek names. Further, Jewish Aramaic epitaphs from Edfu (Apollinopolis Magna) have been published since Torrey wrote; these are ascribed to the Persian period, but might be later. Definitely from a later time—A.D. 38, in fact — is 7

8

9

7

C . C . T o r r e y , Aramaic Graffiti on Coins of Demanhur ( N e w York: 1 9 3 7 ) 4-6. V . T c h e r i k o v e r in V . T c h e r i k o v e r , A . Fuks Be M . S t e r n ( e d d . ) , Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (hereafter CPJ), i ( 1 9 5 7 ) 3 0 - 3 1 . W . K o r n f e l d , "Judisch-aramaische G r a b i n s c h r i f t e n aus E d f u , " Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, Philosophische-historische Klasse, 1 1 0 (1973) 123-37. 8

9

14

W. HORBURY

the Aramaic word Mdpiv recorded by Philo as uttered by gentiles in mockery o f the Jewish acclamation o f Agrippa I in Alexandria (Philo, Flacc. 39). Philo's description implies a disclaimer o f any Aramaic knowledge, but this is perhaps rather like southern English disclaimers o f any knowledge o f the language they speak in Yorkshire, or, nearer his own time and place, the care taken in the Letter o f Aristeas to maintain that Judaean Jews use Hebrew rather than Aramaic ( 1 1 ) , or the distaste for Aramaic expressed in a saying ascribed to R. Judah the Prince (b. Sofa 49b); but although Philo only says that the m o b used the Syrian language because Agrippa was a Syrian king, one may guess that part o f the point o f their insult was to mimic the use o f Aramaic by some Jews, a linguistic trait which gave a handle to the wide­ spread description of Jews as Syrians — itself by n o means a polite description in Alexandria and Egypt. T o return to Torrey's argument, he emphasized that Aramaic among Egyptian Jews might explain — other explanations can o f course be envisaged — a striking description in the Acts o f the Apostles; the tribune Claudius Lysias who saves Paul's life by taking him into custody in the temple court at Jerusalem is represented as assuming that the man known as 'the Egyptian', who stirred up unrest in Judaea, will not know Greek (Acts 21:37-8). Lastly, going beyond Torrey, some minimal awareness o f Aramaic in the Diaspora o f the Greeks, not in Egypt itself but further west, in Corinth, seems to be suggested by Paul's own use o f the phrase Maranatha, without translation, in I Corinthians 16:22. Paul was writing in Greek, probably in A . D . 54, for a largely gentile Christian community which was, nevertheless, informed by Jewish literature and cul­ ture, and had also been taught by the Alexandrian Jew Apollos; and he assumes that this Aramaic phrase at least needs n o explanation. O f course it is possible that Maranatha, here used by Paul to reinforce a solemn curse, was a standard phrase o f Christian prayer, originating in Jerusalem or Antioch; but that consideration does not affect the point that at least a little Aramaic was evidently acceptable in a Greek-speaking community with Jewish associations and a link with Alexandria. By analogy, some Aramaic among the mainly Greek-speaking Egyptian Jews can be envisaged without difficulty. What can be suggested as the communal background o f Egyptian Jewish Aramaic in the Graeco-Roman period? In early

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

15

Ptolemaic times, the Aramaic o f the Persian period n o doubt continued to be widely used for a generation — the generation to which the Ibrahimiya epitaphs and the papyri and ostraca from upper Egypt are ascribed. After that, however, Aramaic would be principally the language o f new Jewish immigrants from Judaea, Syria and the east, a language spoken by parents but probably not by their children. In the second century B.C. such immigrants appeared in large numbers in the reign o f Ptolemy Philometor, notably in the settlement o f Onias, and Fraser puts the con­ solidation o f the Alexandrian Jewish community in his reign. Later still such immigration will have continued, as is suggested by Claudius's letter to Alexandria o f 41, in which the Jews are forbidden to bring into the city other Jews from Egypt or from Syria. Visits for trade or other purposes will have brought other Aramaic-speaking Jews to Egypt for a time. Ben Sira's grandson tells us o f his move to Egypt without giving the reason. Commer­ cial reasons are exemplified in the grand manner in the Tobiad narrative o f the tax-farmer Joseph and his son Hyrcanus in Egypt (Josephus, Ant. xii 154-236). Political refugees are relatively well d o c u m e n t e d . Onias's flight from Judaea to Egypt when the Judaean government was hostile repeats a theme which will have been familiar in life as well as literature; it is met in the Hebrew Bible in the narratives of Jeroboam (I Kings 11:40, 12:2, expanded in L X X III Kingdoms 12:24 c-f, on his marriage in Egypt) and Jeremiah (Jer 41:17-Jer 4 4 ) , and it recurs in the New Testament and the Talmud (Matt 2:13-23, b. Sank. 107b, on the Herodian and Hasmonaean periods, respectively). An early Roman instance in life is the attempt of Sicarii to find refuge in Alexandria, the Delta and Upper Egypt during the suppression o f revolt in Judaea in the early 70's (Josephus, / . W. vii 409-21), the incident which led to the demolition o f the temple o f Onias. Furthermore, both immigra­ tion and temporary residence by Jews from Aramaic-speaking regions took place against the background o f a numerous Syrian population in Egypt, who themselves can be expected to have used Aramaic as well as G r e e k . It was probably always possible to hear some Aramaic spoken by Jews in Egypt. 10

11

1

0

dir6 Zuptas" f\ Alyiirrov

KaTaTTX^ovTa? 'IouSaCous", L e t t e r

of

Claudius,

lines 9 5 - 6 in CPJ ii, n o . 1 5 3 , p . 4 1 . 1 1

T h e e v i d e n c e is s u m m a r i z e d

by V . T c h e r i k o v e r

in CPJ i ( 1 9 5 7 ) 4 - 5 .

16

W. HORBURY

With this conclusion on the Ptolemaic and early Roman period in mind, three later pieces o f evidence for Aramaic in Egypt can be noted. In a Greek column-dedication o f the later Roman empire, probably from Alexandria, the donor's father bears the Aramaic name Abbiba [ 19= CIJ 1446]. Further, from the fourth or fifth century comes the Berlin papyrus o f the Aramaic p o e m 'Ezel Mosheh preserved in the Fragment Targum on Exod. xiv, showing Egyptian familiarity with synagogal poetry which has been transmitted in the Targums, and in a Cologne papyrus from the year 417 there is the Antinoe marriage contract in Aramaic and Greek. From elsewhere in the western diaspora, at this later period, are two bilingual Neapolitan Jewish inscriptions of the fifth or sixth century, in Latin with short Aramaic formu­ l a e . These confirm that Aramaic was current among some Jews in the west, and underline the likelihood that it was used in Egypt. T o look back now over the whole Greek and Roman period, it may be said provisionally that Aramaic was general among Egyptian Jews in the earliest Ptolemaic times; under the Ptolemies Greek became the norm after a generation, but some Aramaic continued to be spoken, particularly by recent immi­ grants from Judaea, Syria and the east; in the later Roman empire it probably once again became more widespread. 12

13

This first conclusion bears on literary problems. For example, the Aramaic-speaking presence provides a possible setting for the Aramaic form o f the early chapters o f the Wisdom o f Solomon which is conjectured by F. Zimmermann. Again, the agree­ ments between Septuagint and Targum may have as part o f their background an Egypt in which — as in Judaea—both Greek and Aramaic biblical translations were current. The main point here,

1

2

Y. Y a h a l o m ,

47 (1978) Dukan XII,

'"Ezel

M o s h e ' — a c c o r d i n g to t h e B e r l i n Papyrus,"

Tarbiz

1 7 3 - 8 4 [ H e b r e w ] ; P. C o l . Inv. 5 8 5 3 , e d . C . Sirat, P. C a u d e l i e r , M .

& M . F r i e d m a n n , La

Opladen:

1986). The

Ketouba

new

de Cologne

(Papyrologica

a s p e c t g i v e n by t h e A r a m a i c

Coloniensia

marriage

con­

tract to t h e q u e s t i o n o f the use o f Semitic l a n g u a g e s in the d i a s p o r a is p o i n t e d out

by F. M i l l a r ,

" T h e Jews o f t h e

Graeco-Roman

Diaspora between

n i s m a n d Christianity, A . D . 3 1 2 - 4 3 8 , " in J. L i e u , J. N o r t h & T . Rajak

Paga­ (edd.),

The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire ( L o n d o n : 1 9 9 2 ) 9 7 - 1 2 3 (99). 1

3

N o s . 2 a n d 4 in E . Serrao,

di N a p o l i , " Puteoli

12-13 (1988-9)

"Nuove iscrizioni d a u n s e p o l c r e t o g i u d a i c o 1 0 3 - 1 1 7 (she

notes Aramaic

influence

n o . 2 , b u t t h e f o r m u l a e in b o t h 2 a n d 4 are A r a m a i c r a t h e r t h a n H e b r e w ) ; o w e m y k n o w l e d g e o f this p u b l i c a t i o n to D r D . E . N o y .

on I

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

17

however, is that the surviving Greek literature o f Egyptian Jews is not fully representative of Jewish speech, which in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt also embraced Aramaic. Secondly, is there confirmation o f the knowledge o f Hebrew which was suggested by the five inscriptions from the later Roman empire? The survival o f Hebrew as a vernacular seems to be ruled out by the translation o f the book o f Ben Sira into Greek, and by the deep respect for the L X X expressed in the Letter o f Aristeas, Philo, and the festival o f the Septuagint; but at least a limited Ptolemaic currency for Hebrew in biblical reading and prayer is suggested by the Nash Papyrus o f the Decalogue and the Shema\ The habit of writing the Tetragram in Hebrew characters in Greek biblical texts, attested in Egypt about the end o f the Ptole­ maic period by the divine names in Hebrew square characters in the Greek Genesis and Deuteronomy texts o f Papyrus Fuad 266, would cohere with this view to suggest at least a small Hebreweducated public. Lastly, the movement towards revision of Greek texts into closer accord with Hebrew exemplars is likely to, be already reflected in the condemnation o f revisions in the Letter o f Aristeas 310-11; and the Letter (30 and 38) possibly also attests for Egypt a custom o f public reading o f the Law in Hebrew before its t r a n s l a t i o n . It is perhaps just worth noting also that Philo, admittedly in a flight o f rhetoric, envisages the possibility not only o f Jews learning Greek, but also of Greeks learning the lan­ guage o f the Bible (V.M. ii 4 0 ) ; behind the passage, is there knowledge o f cases in which Greek-speaking Jews learned He­ b r e w ? At any rate, on the basis o f the papyri just mentioned, and the allusion to revisions in the Letter o f Aristeas, a small-scale knowledge o f Hebrew in connection with the Bible and prayer can be assumed in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt; like the 14

15

16

1

4

by F. et du from tions 1 5

T h e writing o f t h e T e t r a g r a m in this M S . is d e s c r i b e d a n d d i s c u s s e d D u n a n d , Papyrus grecs bibliques (Papyrus F. Inv. 266): Volumina de la Genese Deuteronome (Introduction) (Cairo: 1 9 6 6 ) , 39-55; the papyrus may c o m e t h e F a y u m , a c e n t r e o f Jewish s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h has y i e l d e d inscrip­ i n c l u d i n g a p r o s e u c h e d e d i c a t i o n f r o m C r o c o d i l o p o l i s [\\1=CPJ 1532a]. 1

' EppaitcoLS ypduuaai ical tjxovf) \ey6[ieva

( 3 0 ) , eic r&v trap' uuiv Xeyouivcov

EPpaiK(3v ypa|iu.dTa)v ( 3 8 ) , so i n t e r p r e t e d by J. H . A . H a r t , Ecclesiasticus: Greek Text oj Codex 248 ( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 0 9 ) 2 6 9 - 7 0 . 1

6

the

H a r t , Ecclesiasticus, 2 6 8 d o u b t s that any l e a r n i n g o f H e b r e w in P h i l o ' s t i m e c a n b e i n f e r r e d f r o m t h e p a s s a g e , b u t his d o u b t s e e m s to b e m a i n l y b a s e d o n the d e b a t a b l e a s s u m p t i o n that n o - o n e w h o k n e w b o t h H e b r e w a n d G r e e k c o u l d have written as P h i l o d o e s a b o u t the L X X .

18

W. HORBURY

knowledge o f Aramaic, it will have become more widespread in the later Roman empire, when other Hebrew papyri, for example Hebrew biblical papyri from Antinoe, corroborate the evidence o f the five Hebrew inscriptions. From the earlier period, however, with which the present comparison of literature and epitaphs is mainly concerned, n o Hebrew inscriptions have c o m e to light, and it cannot be said that the epigraphic material shows up the literature as unrepresentative in the way that seemed true o f the use o f Aramaic. Unlike Aramaic, Hebrew was not a Ptolemaic and early Roman Egyptian Jewish vernacular. 17

Thus far, then, the surviving Egyptian Jewish literature has seemed not fully to represent the range of Jewish speech in Egypt; we should probably allow for some circulation o f Aramaic writ­ ings, as the Aramaic epitaphs suggested, and for a few copies o f Hebrew texts. This charge receives some counterweight, however, when the style rather than the language o f the books is con­ sidered. The books give some indications o f Jewish Greek style which complement the epigraphic evidence. The epitaphs can be strikingly literary, as already noted, although they also exhibit unpolished Greek. The literature is divided in a not wholly similar way. It includes literary Greek, such as the prose o f III Maccabees and Philo, but the remainder is not simply lacking in polish. The L X X Pentateuch and much else in the Jewish Greek literature is, rather, a close translation from the Hebrew, often with relatively modest Greek literary aims, but seeming also to have the aim o f fidelity to the diction and rhythm o f the Hebrew. This Greek style can perhaps be called 'barbaric'. In using this adjective o n e may recall the Jewish and early Christian accep­ tance o f the term 'barbarian', 'non-Greek', for the Jewish and Christian scriptures and philosophy (so, among Christian apolo­ gists, Justin Martyr, First Apology, v 4, vii 3; Clement o f Alexandria, Strom, i 9 ) . Thus Philo says that the beauties o f the law, until it was translated into Greek, were known only to the barbarian part o f the human race (V.M. ii 27-8). Clement o f Alexandria, against this background, follows Josephus and Tatian in arguing for the barbarian origin o f all that is best in Greek wisdom, leading up to the philosophers' debt to Moses (Strom, i 15-16, 21, 25, 29).

1

7

Papyri are

s u r v e y e d by C . Sirat a n d

hebraiques trouves en Egypte

(Paris: 1 9 8 5 ) .

o t h e r s , Les papyrus

en

caracteres

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

19

The style that can be called barbaric is particularly noticeable in the translation o f poetry. Hebrew writing which was recog­ nized as poetic, including the Pentateuchal poetry ascribed to Moses and others, was rendered in a Greek equivalent o f the stressed Hebrew verse, without any attempt at the quantitative classical metres, even though Philo and Josephus describe the originals as if they were hexameter compositions (e.g. Josephus, Ant. ii 346). The biblical psalms were o f course rendered in this way, and this style o f translation is also represented in the Greek Ecclesiasticus, in a distinctively developed fashion in the Wis­ d o m o f Solomon, and in a work probably read in Egypt, the Psalms o f Solomon. This fashion is all the more striking in view of the abundance o f Jewish Greek poetry in the classical metres, notably the hexameters o f the Sibyllines and the iambics o f Ezekiel Tragicus in the literature, and the elegiac distichs o f the funerary epigrams accepted by Jewish patrons in the inscriptions. In the roughly contemporary Greek o f Ecclesiasticus and Wis­ d o m , the biblical style must have been consciously followed. Later in antiquity, and again in the renaissance and after­ wards, the roughness o f the Jewish Greek renderings o f biblical verse was smoothed out in metrical Greek paraphrases. O n e may therefore suspect that the continuing tradition o f translation and composition in the manner o f biblical verse represented a certain cultivation o f and pride in the barbaric style, redolent o f the Hebrew Bible. Probably there was Jewish precedent for the defiant attitude struck by the Christian apologists who gloried in their 'barbarian philosophy'. "The doctrine o f the barbarous Jews, as you call them, is most pious" (Clementine Homilies iv 13, in a passage probably from a Jewish s o u r c e ) . "I met with certain barbaric writings, too old to be compared with the wisdom o f the Greeks, too divine to be compared with their errors; and it came about that I was persuaded by these, because o f the unpretending cast o f the language ..." (Tatian, Ad Graecos, 29). Such an attitude would explain the adornment o f the non-metrical Greek equiva­ lent o f biblical verse in Wisdom by 'Greek eloquence', as Jerome noted; the same is true to some extent o f the Greek Ecclesiasticus. 18

1

8

For

t h e J e w i s h o r i g i n o f b o o k s iv-vi o f t h e

H o m i l i e s see

M.

Simon,

Verus Israel ( E . T . O x f o r d : 1 9 8 6 ) 4 9 - 5 1 ; in a lecture to the British A s s o c i a t i o n o f Jewish Studies Cambridge)

(July 1 9 9 2 )

D r J. N .

B. C a r l e t o n

Paget

has r e c o n s i d e r e d a n d d e f e n d e d this view.

(Queens'

College,

20

W. HORBURY

T h e writers will have j u d g e d themselves to be working in a traditional style, which could appropriately be adorned but which remained essentially awkward and plain by comparison with that o f classical verse. In style, therefore, the inscriptions hardly exhibit the range o f the literature; they present both literary and unpolished Greek, but only very rarely d o they seem to echo the characteristically He­ braic Greek which is so prominent in the literature. The literature itself, however, both prose and verse, can be divided into barbarian and Hellene sections. It represents both a strong attachment to Hebraic style, and a contrasting delight in elaborate Greek litera­ ry style. Some such division appears in the epitaphs not in respect of style, but in the distinction between Hebrew and Greek perso­ nal names. The division in the literature has obvious potential for symbolizing difference o f custom or conviction, perhaps between the zealous and those whom they would have considered lax; but sometimes at least freer thought can take the Hebraic form, as in the L X X J o b , o r zeal for Jewish observance can be arrayed in elaborate Greek prose, as in III Maccabees and Philo. Finally, the literary Greek o f the metrical inscriptions suggests that the Hellene section o f the Jewish Egyptian literature may o n c e have been larger than now appears. There was a Jewish public in Egypt for Greek verse in the tradition of Homer and the tragedians, as Philo shows and the Jewish compositions in hexa­ meters and iambics confirm; but the inscriptions give the fullest and clearest evidence for Jewish appreciation o f another popular verse-form, the epigram. (One could also ask, for example, if the Pappos to whom Leonides o f Alexandria (mid-first century A.D.) sent a birthday epigram was Jewish, but the question remains spe­ culative. ) Jewish composition o f funerary epigrams is a strong possibility, as noted above, but there is n o reason why Jewish authorship in this genre should have been restricted to funerary occasions or inscribed verse. This consideration in turn suggests, 19

20

1

9

O n epigram

in E g y p t at this p e r i o d

see

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt,

xxi-

xxiii. 2

0

D . L . P a g e , revised a n d p r e p a r e d f o r p u b l i c a t i o n

D i g g l e , Further

Greek Epigrams

xxx); Leonides

belonged

by R . D . D a w e & J.

( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 8 1 ) , lines 1 9 7 4 - 7 ( p . 5 3 4 , n o .

to the circle o f P o p p a e a ,

who

h a d Jewish

sympa­

thies, a n d t h e n a m e s P a p p o s o r P a p o u s w e r e widely u s e d by Jews in J u d a e a a n d Egypt, i n c l u d i n g the wealthy P a p o u s o f inscription [ 1 2 6 ] ( t h e f o u n d e r a proseuche).

of

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

21

more generally, the likelihood that the Jewish taste for literary Greek evident in the inscriptions engendered Jewish Greek literary works, now lost, in other genres t o o . Not all Jewish work of this kind need have entered the nets o f Alexander Polyhistor or later Christian writers; the Christian writers will have been less c o n c e r n e d with what did not seem o f value in biblical inter­ pretation, catechesis or apologetic. Here the inscriptions implicitly call into question the doubt whether there once existed a larger body o f Greek Jewish literature than now survives. 21

2 2

(iii) Epigraphic Themes in Ecclesiasticus How then d o particular books appear in the light o f the epitaphs? Can epitaphs and literature illuminate one another? Here these questions are asked with Ecclesiasticus in view. This Greek trans­ lation was made for an Egyptian Jewish audience, but the inscrip­ tions show it up as barbaric in style, making concessions to the Greek literary tastes o f many Egyptian Jews only in vocabulary, not in verse-form. In content, however, it shares with the inscrip­ tions three epitaphic themes: encomium, lamentation, and conso­ lation. The epitaphs themselves represent Jewish patronage, and Jewish authorship is a strong possibility, as noted above. Like other epitaphs, however, they are governed by convention, and cannot be taken to express fully the opinions on virtue and death held by the patrons who commissioned them. T o a great extent they share the forms and sentiments o f the non-Jewish Greek epitaphs o f Egypt, although the plain and aniconic style o f the Jewish monu­ ments will perhaps have distinguished them from non-Jewish memorials more clearly than appears simply from comparison o f the inscriptions themselves. In any case, the inscriptions were set up by Jewish patrons, and will therefore indicate views and 23

2

1

In discussion o f the

point

from

examples

Jewish H o m e r '

p a p e r Prof. P. W . van d e r H o r s t s u p p o r t e d

including

the

chronicle

reference

to

this

Sosates,

the

(see M . D . G o o d m a n in E . Schiirer, revised by G . V e r m e s , F.

Millar, M . Black, M . G o o d m a n

& P. V e r m e s ,

The History

of the Jewish

People

in the Age of Jesus Christ, iii.l ( E d i n b u r g h : 1 9 8 6 ) , 5 5 9 , n . 7 4 ) . 2

2

S u c h d o u b t is e x p r e s s e d by M . D . G o o d m a n in S c h i i r e r revised, i i i . l ,

4 7 2 , n . 4 ; see the review by the p r e s e n t writer in VT 3 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 2 3 9 - 4 3 ( 2 4 2 ) . 2

3

among

See,

for

example,

monuments

p l a t e s x-xiv in

quoted

Horbury

or cited below,

Arsinoe daughter of Theodosius

& Noy,

Egypt,

those o f D e m a s

showing,

( x ) , Jesus

( x i i ) , A b r a m o s (xiii), a n d M a c h a o n

(xi),

(xiv).

22

W.

HORBURY

expressions thought to be acceptable in the Jewish community as a whole. (a)

Encomium

First, how does Ecclesiasticus compare with the epitaphs in the vocabulary o f character and status used especially in encomium? This vocabulary appears in Ecclesiasticus not only in the final encomium o f the fathers, but also in the proverbs which form the staple o f the book. It offers both contrasts and contacts with the inscribed texts, but is likely to reflect a roughly comparable social background. Ecclesiasticus lacks one o r two favourite moral epi­ thets from the inscriptions. Those not found include aXvnog and XpTiCTTos", the latter being particularly c o m m o n in epitaphs (but dxpTlCTTOS" appears twice (16:1; 37:19), and xpTloror|0eia. once (37:11)). On the other hand, the characteristically scriptural epithet StKaios" occurs in Ecclesiasticus (although by n o means so often as in Wisdom), but is lacking in the inscriptions. Where content is the same, expression may still differ; the chaste wife is ac6(f)pa)v in a Jewish epitaph, or her body is d y v o T p c u f j e s " [36= CIJ 1513, 33= CIJ 1510, both discussed below], but she is alaxwrripd or d|ia)|JLOS' in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (26:15; 40:19). O n e shared epithet is d y a G d s " , used o f the g o o d wife in Ecclesiasticus (7:19; 26:1, 3, 16), in 26:16 as yet another word in the sense o f ' m o d e s t ' or 'chaste'. In 12:7; 29:14 (Hebrew not extant) and 39:25 it is used o f the g o o d man ( 3 1 0 ) , as opposed to the sinner (diiapTtoXos", chosen to render in, ' b a d ' ) . In these three places dyaQog accordingly, through contrast with the 'sinner', takes on biblical overtones overlapping with those o f SiKdios", but at least in the first two places generosity is central to the sense; the ' g o o d man' lends or stands surety, while (in 29:14, and probably also in 12:7) the diiapTCoXos" is the borrower who does not repay, as in Ps. 36 (37):21 L X X . Generosity in a non-financial sense remains cen­ tral when, in the praise of the fathers, Phinehas is distinguished in more Hellenic fashion by the dyot06TT|S' o r generosity o f his soul's eagerness (45:23), a rendering which follows the tendency found elsewhere to picture the high-priests as ethical examples. 24

The generous ' g o o d man' portrayed in Ecclesiasticus is very 2 4

For

illustration

see

W . Horbury,

E p i s d e to t h e H e b r e w s , " JSNT19

"The A a r o n i c

( 1 9 8 3 ) 43-71 (59-63).

Priesthood

in

the

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

23

like his counterpart in the inscriptions. The metrical epitaph o f the Leontopolis dignitary Abramos [39=67/ 1530a; plate xiii] ends by presenting him simply as 'a g o o d man'; the whole may be quoted, since other lines in it are discussed below. TT£VTT|KOTCl TpiWV 6 T O 0 V KUKXOV f|6" dviKTaVTa

airros"

fpnaaev eLs 'Ai8r|v. olov Sqias" d^4>lKaXu^Tls• ,

b TravSapdTwp

Si xQwv &fi|icxJ>ai/r|S' 'APpduou IJAJXHS" T O O ncucapLOTOTdTou oxk dyepacrros' &j>u y a p cwa T T T O X I V , dXXd ical dpxr) TTav8f|ia) eSviKT) kore^er kv aoia8ioo&v y a p re T6TTCOV TToXiTapxfiv a^To? ^reipio, )

-

Tqv Si[iepf| SaTTdvnv ^ a v u a a s "

iTdvaa 8e Kal

T £ K V W V

dXXd au, bv

aoi,

kueoix b j a

TOL,

xdpiouv. 1

ijwx *!. """P^ accuses",

10

dyaOaiv au£ouev yevef|.

2) -rrapoSelTa,

l&iav dyaGoO Td(f>ov

T€ KaTev$r\[L&v Tola ^pdaas" oL

y d l a v ex S" £Xa4>pdv d ?

5

T O V

aravTa

dvSpos" dmGr

xpovov.

When he had already accomplished a span of fifty-three years, the all-subduer himself carried him off to Hades. O sandy earth, how notable a body you cover: that which had the soul of Abramos, most fortunate of men. For he was not without honour in the city, but was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy over all the people. "For you were honoured by holding a city magistracy in two places, fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality. Until you hid yourself in the grave all things that befitted you were yours, dear soul, and we, a family of good children, increase them." "But you, passer-by, beholding the grave of a good man, depart with these favourable words for him: 'May you find the earth light upon you for all time'." " G o o d man" here (line 11) suggests first o f all that Abramos showed the generosity befitting his station, as was emphasized earlier in the epitaph (line 8 ) ; his soul (line 4) manifested its quality in his bounties, and had this piece been in prose he might have been accorded a 'goodness o f soul', dyaSoTTis' ijjuxfjs', recalling Ben Sira's praise o f Phinehas (Dr J. W. van Henten draws attention also to the comparable IV Mace. 14:20 (cf. 15:28; 18:20), in which the mother o f the seven sons is "of like soul with Abra­ ham", 'A(3padp: 6\i6i\)vxov). The ' g o o d ' children, similarly, are setting up his stone with generous filial piety (line 10). This interpretation o f dyaGd? as 'generous' is o f course in full accord with the usage o f the word in Ecclesiasticus, and this sense o f

24

W. H O R B U R Y

recurs in Jewish and early Christian Greek as reflected in the New Testament. Thus the generous vineyard-owner in Matt 20:15 is dyaOds", and the wealthy and charitable Joseph o f Arimathaea and Barnabas are both described in Luke-Acts as dvr\p dyaOds", although in the last two cases something is added from the more distinctively Jewish or Christian vocabulary (Luke 23:50; Acts 11:24). The characteristically Greek farewell to the liberal Abramos can also be seen, however, in the light of the contrast with dpiapTCoXos" in Ecclesiasticus, to be open to a further and more biblical understanding when read by a Jewish passer-by. Abra­ mos would then be ' g o o d ' not simply as a benefactor, but also in a sense verging on 'righteous', as contrasted with 'sinner'; compare again Joseph o f Arimathaea, fully described as d v f | p dyaSos" Kal StKaLOS" (Luke 23:50). Once again, however, the biblical contexts evoked, especially in wisdom passages like Ps 37, would probably not be far removed in theme from the primary interest o f the epitaph in benefaction. In any case the passer-by, whether Jew or Greek, is left at the end not with Abramos's personal name, but with the deceased as the exemplar o f a social virtue — an effect of such epithets whether in literature or on stone. The section consisting o f chapters 38-41:13 in Ecclesiasticus has many contacts with the inscriptions. It deals first with the physi­ cian, sickness, funeral rites and mourning, then with the work of the scribe and o f various craftsmen, then with the wise man and (in a hymn) the underlying goodness and justice of God's works, then with the fear of death and with the social virtues, and lastly with death, children, and a g o o d name. The virtues c o m m e n d e d include g o o d faith and generosity, as HIOTIS and X^P S" respective­ ly may be rendered in Sir 40:12 & 17. Titans in the sense of reliability which it has by contrast with venality in Sir 40:12 is a civic virtue suitable to a magistrate, as is X ^ P ? , associated with e\€r\\iOG\)VT\ in Sir 40:17 (as in 17:22) and therefore to be rendered 'generosity'; compare the use of x^P S" in the plural to describe bounties by a Jewish office-holder in the epitaph of Abramos, who held office in two places, dyaGos"

L

1

L

Tt|V

8t|jLepf| 8aiTdvr|V

k^avixjas

xdpicn.v,

"fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality" [39= CPJ 1530a, 1.8]. (In the English biblical versions at Sir 40:17, therefore, 'bounti-

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

25

fulness' (AV) or 'bounty' (RV) seem preferable to 'kindness' (NRSV, REB); the later renderings are probably influenced by ion in the Hebrew text, but the second half-line in the Hebrew clearly refers to almsgiving, and this is probably the specific 'kindness' intended in the first half.) 25

1

These qualities of T r C a T i ? and X^P ? are the virtues ascribed to the young Somoelos in another Leontopolis metrical epitaph [29=6771451]: el

Se 6eA£is\ yv&vai

Suwiaai

TTOCTOT)

TTLOTLS"

But if you wish, you can know how great was (my) faithfulness and grace, and how all are possessed by grief. From Ecclesiasticus, then, it seems likely that Somoelos here is praised for virtues suited to a magistrate, reliability and generosity (I would now add this interpretation to the comments on [ 2 9 ] ) ; though likely to be young, for his father is still alive, he will have c o m e from a background wealthy e n o u g h to support office­ holders, and perhaps did hold office. Socfua is a virtue linked with charity in e n c o m i u m , both in Ecclesiasticus and in the epitaphs, once again as a feature in the portraits o f dignitaries; it was shown by Abramos, in the epitaph already quoted, OVK dyepaoTOS' «f>u yap a v d TravSfip.a) eOviicfj

TTT6XIV,

dXXd

icdi dpxn

karkfyeT kv oofyiq

"for he was not without honour in the city, but was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy over all the people" [ 39= CPJ 1530a, lines 5-6]. Here wisdom is especially associated with government, as often in the wisdom literature itself. Thus in Ecclesiasticus the en­ comium o f the fathers mentions the 'wise words' o f 'the rulers o f the p e o p l e ' (r|you|ievoi XaoO), and also their works o f charity (8iKmoa0vai), among the reasons why nations shall tell o f their crania (44:4,10,15).

2

5

S o (in a c c o r d with t h e G r e e k a n d the usual associations o f

npiJi

Sira) N R S V , R E B , a n d G . L . P r a t o , E tenia della teodicea in Ben Sira

in B e n (Rome:

1 9 7 5 ) , 3 2 5 & n . 4 6 , 3 9 3 - 4 ; with less probability, t h e virtues in b o t h halves o f the line Wisdom

are t a k e n in a g e n e r a l s e n s e

in A . A . D i L e i l a & P. S k e h a n ,

of Ben Sira ( N e w York: 1 9 8 7 ) , a d loc.

The

26

W. HORBURY

2o(f)ta. appears also in the epitaph o f Demas [30=C//1490; plate x ] , who died aged 38 T T O X X W V dvGpamw (3oi06s" €(3s\ "weep for the dead, for he has left the light" (22:11). The lines addressed to Dositheus, presumably the heir, are particular­ ly close to the third passage on mourning in Ecclesiasticus, quoted at the beginning o f this section (38:16-17); they treat mourning as a requirement, but also specify 'most bitter' tears, like Ben Sira's 'embittered' weeping. Consolation is entirely absent. Similarly, the early epitaph o f Demas [30], quoted in (a) above for its o n e line o f direct encomium, otherwise speaks only o f sorrow, and enjoins lamentation: K X a u c r a T e TrpoXnrdvTa ... T T O X L V , di>9panra)v 8 ' f\Qea K a l (f>iXiav, "weep for him that has left... his city, and the haunts and friendship o f men" (lines 5-6). N o consolation is offered, but the call to mourn the one who has 'left' his own place exemplifies a topic used with similar vocabulary in Ecclesiasticus, as just noted. T

O

V

A third epitaph is governed, again, by a threefold summons to lamentation, but is a shorter and humbler composition, made up of metrical tags (37= CIJ1522): TTaTTTrtcova ueixpov KXaOaov euiarag. KXOC [i£ iirfrnp, f] TT[eiTu]pwnevTi, cue [oaie ]Tn"aeTT|v: KXai)[aaTe] TrdvTes\ S t a n d n e a r a n d w e e p f o r P a p p i o n , t h e little o n e . M o t h e r , w i t h g r i e f , w e e p f o r m e , d e a d a t t w e n t y - s e v e n ; all o f y o u ,

consumed weep.

Here the mother is "set on fire" (•neTrvpu>\i.evr\), in what seems — although this has been questioned — to be an allusion to burning grief. The 'heated' lamentation c o m m e n d e d in Ecclesiasticus with a different Greek verb (0ep|i.atva)) will be compared below. Thus far, the Egyptian epitaphs can be seen emphatically to echo the summons to lament given by a Judaean Jew, Ben Sira. In this respect both Ecclesiasticus and the epitaphs tally with

30

W. HORBURY

ancestral practice as reflected in the Jewish scriptures. In study o f the epitaphs it has been asked if the value placed in them o n lamentation is not likely to be distinctively Jewish, and their correspondence here with Ecclesiasticus and probably also with the tomb o f Jason might seem to support the answer Yes; but it seems better to regard Jewish emphasis on lamentation as repre­ senting an emphasis found generally also in contemporary gentile culture, as the importance o f the theme in non-Jewish Greek epitaphs from Egypt confirms. Ecclesiasticus is therefore o f interest here principally as showing that this emphasis is reflected equally by literature and by inscriptions in Egypt, and was shared by Egyptian and Judaean Jews; it can fairly be said to represent a general Jewish attitude, and it exhibits o n e o f the bonds o f c o m m o n feeling between the diaspora and the home­ land, as well as between Jews and their non-Jewish neighbours. Pappion's epitaph, however, is part o f the evidence cited in another discussion o f Jewish practice; is cremation rather than inhumation reflected in the use o f the verb TTi>p6co here and in two other epitaphs [32=67/1509, line 4 f\\i [Tr]eTrupu)Kav eyco "I whom they burned (? with grief)"; 83= 67/1507 [ic]\de Trcnrip Kal M-T|Tr|p ol Tfupc5|j.evoL evvea€TT\v, "Weep, father and mother, — either burnt up by grief, for or having burnt her, — the nine-year-old"]? In Pappion's epitaph the mourning mother rather than the departed daughter can most readily be taken as "the one who is burned", but in the other two the burning can without difficulty be under­ stood o f the deceased, and G. Zuntz argued that this meaning, with cremation in view, is at least possible in all three passages. Nevertheless, it seems more likely that the burning grief o f the mourners is the subject o f all three, as was implied in the case o f Pappion's epitaph by the rendering "consumed with g r i e f above. Trupoco was often used metaphorically, of the fire o f love but also o f indignation and grief, as in III Mace 4:2, II Cor 11:29; and there is considerable evidence for ancient Jewish dislike o f cremation (Tacitus, Ann. xvi 6 thought it Jewish custom "corpora condere quam cremare, more Aegyptio"). T o an earlier discussion citing this and other e v i d e n c e there may now be added the main 31

32

33

3 1

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 7 6 - 7 , o n [ 3 3 ] .

3

2

G . Z u n t z , reviewing CPJ in, in JSS 1 0 ( 1 9 6 5 )

3

3

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 6 6 - 9 , o n [ 3 2 ] .

291-2.

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

31

passage on mourning and funeral rites in Ecclesiasticus (38:1623). It tantalizingly fails to specify a mode o f burial, neither com­ mending inhumation nor forbidding cremation nor mentioning secondary interment o f bones; inhumation might seem most readily compatible with the 'rest' o f the dead (38:23, ev avanavoei veKpoO, Hebrew no rmeD or no rnerra; cf. 22:11), but the wording can hardly be pressed to rule out cremation. O n the other hand, as noted above, Ecclesiasticus here inculcates 'heated' lamentation by metaphorical use o f another verb signifying 'to make hot', 0epu\ai vco, representing Hebrew Dan; and this usage itself has biblical antecedents (Deut 19:6, Ps 39:4, quoted in Greek above). Accordingly, the metaphorical use o f Trupda) for burning indig­ nation and grief can be compared with the metaphorical use o f 0epu\a.(,v(jo in Ecclesiasticus and the Jewish scriptures — in Deutero­ nomy, the Psalter and Ecclesiasticus with specific reference to grief at a death, and in Ecclesiasticus with a reference also to lamentation, such as is in general likely to be present in the epitaphs. Here, therefore, Ecclesiasticus contributes to the inter­ pretation o f the inscriptions, taking its place beside III Maccabees as evidence that 'fiery' grief will have been a familiar c o n c e p t among Jews in Egypt, and strengthening the view that Trupoco is to be understood metaphorically in the three epitaphs sometimes taken to reflect a practice o f cremation. Lastly under the heading o f lamentation, the advice in Eccle­ siasticus to be comforted after whole-hearted mourning (38:17) is comparable with the injunctions to the bereaved in the short but unusual metrical epitaph o f Rachelis [36=67/1513]: KOL £evoi, KaTaKXaujare TrdvTes"' ac6(f>pova, TTaai(J>'iXr|v, &s (CTWV) X'.

doTcol

PaxfjXiv

uf| \i£ uaTnv TT€V0LT£ Kevd{?}"

el 8 6<Xi>yov Cfpa xpovvov Kepiuevov,

dXXd eXeous- eXirlSa dya0r|V eyw -npoaSexopai. Kal' AyaGoKXffc {er&v) Xrj.

5

Fellow-townsmen and strangers, all weep for Rachelis, chaste, friend to all, about thirty years old. "Do not mourn me in vain, [? uttering] empty [? groans]. If it was decreed that I should live but a short time, yet I look for a good hope of mercy." Also Agathocles, about 38 years old. Here the poet or the stele itself calls for weeping (line 1), but

32

W . HORBURY

Rachelis tells the mourners to be comforted (line 3) .The apparent contradiction has been connected with other contrasts between lines 1-2 and lines 3-5; broadly speaking, the former are classical in style and content, but the latter, probably also meant as verse, are much rougher, and biblical in i d i o m . In fact the successive injunctions closely correspond to those in Ecclesiasticus, as noted in c o m m e n t on [36] (see the previous footnote). Moreover, the epitaph and Ecclesiasticus both speak o f death as decreed by divine judgment, and if the Greek version is followed this occurs in both cases in a speech by the deceased, a point discussed below (line 4 o f the epitaph, KeKpi|jivov, compare Sir 38:22 |J.v^a0r|Ti T O Kptu.0. uou). The great difference between Ecclesiasticus and the epitaph (and between this epitaph and most other Egyptian Jewish epitaphs o f this period) lies in Rachelis's "good h o p e " o f an after­ life, also discussed below. With regard to lamentation, mean­ while, Ecclesiasticus here suggests that lines 3-5 in the epitaph continue rather than contradict lines 1-2, and that, as would be expected, the thought of death as a divinely decreed judicial sen­ tence was widespread among Jews. Conversely, the inscription underlines the strikingly epitaphic style o f the speech by the deceased in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (38:22). 34

On the theme o f lamentation, then, the inscriptions c o m e close to Ecclesiasticus in both content and language. The b o o k can accordingly contribute to their elucidation, whether on the exege­ sis o f a single unusual epitaph (Rachelis) or on debated questions o f burial custom raised by more than one inscription (Pappion). The stress on the importance o f lamentation which is c o m m o n to Ecclesiasticus and the inscriptions emerges as o n e o f the bonds uniting Egyptian and Judaean Jews, and Jews and their gentile neighbours. (c) Consolation and Death Lastly, a third epitaphic theme c o m m o n to Ecclesiasticus and the inscriptions is consolation. Here, perhaps, the inscriptions most clearly offer a special contribution to the reconstruction o f ancient Judaism. It is on this theme, however, that divergence between the two bodies o f material has already begun to appear. Both

F o r c o m m e n t see H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 8 2 - 6 , o n [ 3 6 ] .

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

33

agree, with rare exceptions in the epitaphs, in treating death as the end; but Ecclesiasticus builds up consolation upon the thought o f death as universal, whereas in the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs the main reaction to death is simply the lamentation illustrated above. O n e or two inscriptions have links with the main consolatory argument offered in Ecclesiasticus, at least one seems to reflect a less argued but still consolatory admonition to enjoy life, such as also occurs in the b o o k , others lightly touch the consolatory theme o f rest, again present in Ecclesiasticus, and two suggest a consolation absent from Ecclesiasticus, the after-life; but all these consolations except the last assume the finality o f death, in some epitaphs there is n o consolation, and in any case lamentation predominates over consolation. The contact and divergence between the sources on this third theme are illustrated by the aphorism put in the mouth o f the departed in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (38:22, partly quoted above): 35

T O Kpiua uou, o n O U T C O S " epol k)(Ges K C U . aol ofjiepov.

uvfpOrrri

KCXI

T O

aov

R e m e m b e r the s e n t e n c e u p o n m e , for so also shall t h i n e be; yesterday for m e , a n d to-day for thee.

In Ecclesiasticus this grim commonplace leads to repetition o f the advice to be comforted (38:23), and its thought is more explicitly used for a theological consolation in a later passage on death (41:34 "Fear not the sentence o f death" which is "from the Lord over all flesh"). Within the passage on the duty o f mourning (38:16-23) the aphorism directly from the deceased comes in appropriately in the context o f the burial, mentioned in verses 16 and 23, and corresponds to a characteristic feature o f Egyptian Jewish and other epitaphs, a speech by the departed. It seems likely, then, that the Greek o f verse 22, in which the deceased is the speaker (|iou ... e|iot), represents the original Hebrew. The single Hebrew witness here, the same Cambridge fragment o f MS. B which was cited above (T.-S. 16.312), indeed makes the poet continue as speaker (l^...1pn); but, a change o f subject being unexpected, yodh in pn and ^ will have been read in the course o f transmission as the ,

3

5

S e e Prato, Teodicea,

Prockter,

3 3 2 - 6 3 , discussing 4 1 : 1 - 1 3 a n d r e l a t e d passages; L . J .

'"His y e s t e r d a y a n d y o u r s today'

(Sir 3 8 : 2 2 ) : R e f l e c t i o n s o n

Ben

Sira's view o f d e a t h , " Journal for Semitics 2 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 4 4 - 5 6 ( w i t h o u t the particular c o n c e r n with c o n s o l a t i o n i n v o l v e d in Prato's m a i n

subject).

34

W. HORBURY Be>

virtually identical waw. Epigraphic material therefore contri­ butes here to the textual reconstruction o f the Hebrew Ecclesiasti­ cus. On the other hand, advice fully agreeable to Ecclesiasticus here is not readily found in the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs. Instead, elements in the advice are attested singly. Thus, within the speeches o f the departed, Rachelis's epitaph [36=67/1513, quoted above] enjoins comfort after grief, and also shares with Ecclesias­ ticus the thought o f death as a judicial sentence, but still lacks Ben Sira's particular consolatory argument. Her "good hope o f mercy" remains close in vocabulary to the expression o f national hopes in Ecclesiasticus (2:7-9, developing Deut 30:9), but is also close to Jewish expressions o f a hope o f immortality, such as Wis 3:4, 9; the latter is probably intended. The principal consolation in Ra­ chelis's epitaph therefore traverses the assumptions o f Ben Sira's consolation, although, conversely, passages in Ecclesiasticus like 2:7-9 could have been understood, by those who shared the senti­ ments o f the epitaph, in the sense o f their own fuller hope. Immortality is again the consolation, once again in a speech by the deceased, in the concise and moving metrical epitaph o f Arsinoe, who died in child-birth; this ends 37

rat Td^x)?

kv KOXTTOIS" Kpimrei T O e\ibv Seuasba'iovg enere

OUTO?

dyvoTpa^es", 4 ^ X n °*

N o w t h i s g r a v e h i d e s i n its b o s o m my

soul

has

flown

to

the

m y chastely-nurtured body,

holy

ones"

[ 3 3 = CIJ

1510,

but with

comment].

The 'perfect' disciples, qualified to sing the Creator's praise, are oatoi in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (39:13, 24), and to a Jew this line in the epitaph might recall being "gathered to the fathers" (Gen 15:13, etc.), but its hint at an after-life for the soul is once again remote from Ben Sira's consolation. This is o n e o f two Egyptian Jewish epitaphs in which body and soul are linked and distinguished. The other, that o f Abramos, quoted above, is much closer to Ecclesiasticus. First, the divinity that snatched Abramos to Hades was the all-subduer, 6 TravScr

3

6

T h i s possibility is n o t r a i s e d by S c h e c h t e r & T a y l o r , S m e n d ,

D i L e i l a & S k e h a n , all a d l o c ; P r o c k t e r , '"His yesterday'". 3

7

Segal

or

t h e r e is n o special d i s c u s s i o n o f this v e r s e in

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 8 5 - 6 , o n [ 3 6 ] ,

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS AND J E W I S H LITERATURE IN

EGYPT

35

38

|idTO)p; the portentous epithet is used in a fully Hellenic context, but its solemn reserve contrasts with the more vivid mythology o f the epitaph o f a bride, who is made to say, in allusion to the story of Proserpine [31=G7/T508] us po[8]ov [e]v KffTTWL [V]OTL(TIV Spoaepdlai T 6 0 [T|]XOS" [al ] (JwiS'ia)? \J£ XaPa)(pw)v wxer' Iwv' A i 8 r | [ s" ] ... suddenly Hades came and snatched me away, like a rose in a garden nurtured by fresh rain. In Abramos's epitaph, by contrast, it seems likely that a supreme deity is envisaged (see the previous footnote). Here, therefore, the epigram corresponds to the negative side of the characteristically scriptural assertion that the deity himself "kills and makes alive, leads down to Hades and leads up" (LXX I Kingdoms (I Sam) 2:6, cf. Deut 32:39), a negative side which is singled out in Ecclesias­ ticus, following Job and Ecclesiastes. The epitaph thus connects the universality o f death with an almighty power, as Ben Sira does (41:3). Secondly, the reference to Abramos's soul which follows this opening statement leads into obituary rather than future hope; Abramos was snatched to Hades, but his body now beneath the sandy earth once held the notable soul o f a generous magistrate and benefactor, and his children too can say that they have behaved handsomely towards him, addressing him as "dear soul" in lines following the epitaphic convention that the de­ ceased both speaks and is spoken to. The passer-by is asked to say, May you find the earth light u p o n you for all time. (This c o m m o n epitaphic wish occurs also in the epitaph o f Arsinoe daughter o f Theodosius, quoted below, and in [109= CIJ 1484, 113= CIJ 1488] , ) Thus, after the initial reference to Hades, the epigram moves from the mention of the soul, connected with the past lifetime o f Abramos, back again to the initial theme o f the repose o f his body in the present beneath the earth. The epitaph therefore seems compatible with the Epicurean doctrine o f the mortality o f the soul (Lucretius hi 417-829), ascribed by Josephus 3 9

3

8

F o r t h e r e f e r e n c e o f this e p i t h e t to an o m n i p o t e n t divinity r a t h e r t h a n

t i m e , a g a i n s t a G r e e k literary b a c k g r o u n d , see H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt,

98,

on

[ 3 9 ] , line 2. 3

9

On

this w i s h

(Urbana: 1 9 4 2 ) , 65-8.

see

R.

Lattimore,

Themes

in

Greek

and

Latin

Epitaphs

36

W. HORBURY

also to the Sadducees, who "hold that souls perish along with bodies" (Ant. xviii 16). The epigrammatist's treatment o f Hades as the place to which Abramos was "snatched away" could merit Ben Sira's comment ou yap koriv eTTdvoSos" (38:21). Thirdly, the particular consolations in this epitaph, implied rather than worked out, are two which, o n c e more, appear in Ecclesiasticus: the universality o f death (41:3), and rest in the grave (38:23). A similar train o f thought emerges in the Doric dialogue epitaph o f another Arsinoe, daughter o f Theodosius [38 (and plate xii) = CIJ 1530]: ordXa uavuTeipa.

— T L ? kv Kuavauyei Tup.(3a)L Keiaai; Kal -rrdTpav Kal yevkrvy eveire. ' A p a i v o a , Koupa 8' AXli/ns- Kal 9 r | 8 o a l o i o , auio9d 8' Oviov ya Tpo^os" aueTepa. —

TroaaaeTTis' 8* wXiaSas" vrro aKOToev KXlua AdOas";

iKoaeTTis' yoepov x ^ P

CevyioQr$

0V

veKixov. —

8eyduous-;—(C)EI>x0T)v.—KaTeXlvTraves" aura 1

T £ K V O V ;

aTeKvos e(3av el^'AtSao

86uous\—

ir| aol Koixf>a xOwv d cf>9iuevoio (|>uXdKTa)p. — Kal aol, £eive, (f>epoL Kapirov dtTo aTaxwov. T h e stele b e a r s witness. — " W h o are y o u that lie in t h e d a r k t o m b ? Tell

me

your

country

Aline and Theodosius,

and

your

father."

"Arsinoe,

a n d the land which nourished

the land of Onias." "How old were you w h e n into the shadowy region

you

daughter

of

u s is

called

slipped

down

o f L e t h e ? " "At twenty years o l d I w e n t to

the m o u r n f u l place o f the dead." "Were y o u j o i n e d in m a r r i a g e ? " "I w a s . " house light

"Did you

leave

him

of Hades." "May the upon

you."

"And for

a child?" "Childless earth, you,

the

guardian

stranger,

may

I went

to

of the dead, it b e a r

the be

fruitful

crops."

Here too the p o e m returns at the end to the initial thought o f the tomb, and then the prayer that the earth may be light is developed with grace and tact to bring consoling hints of rest and o f nature's continuity; but the 'dark' tomb in the first line prepares for a mournfully repetitive insistence o n the u n d e r w o r l d — " t h e shadowy region of Lethe", "the mournful place o f the dead", "the house o f Hades". This threefold reference to the underworld recalls the similar threefold reference in the epitaph o f Jesus son of Phameis, quoted in the previous section. In Arsinoe's epitaph here the theme o f rest is again part o f such consolation as is offered, but the principal emphasis lies on the finality o f death,

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

37

again in accord with Ben Sira's maxim that "there is n o way up again" (38:21, quoted above). Perhaps the nearest analogy, in form as well as content, to the aphorism from the deceased in Ecclesiasticus is in [32=67/1509], where the departed Horaia, speaking also for her dead husband and daughter, dismisses the reader o f their epitaph with the distich 'A W

,

&irexeis & I

twelve,

d y y e X X e i v iraaiv

T O V

oalou (17:8) are problematical. Dupont-Sommer reads with recension q and codex 46 eir' auTou TOV T a d > o u and some scholars seem to translate the text o n the basis of T&fyov instead of e m T a d > i o u . However, emTacf/iou should be T O U

15

1 1

DeiBmann

(see

footnote

4)

1 7 3 : "...auf e b e n

(^TrLTd^Los" as adjective, s u p p l e m e n t e d by iriva^).

dieses G r a b g e m a l d e "

A n d e r s o n (see f o o t n o t e 4 )

5 6 2 : " u p o n their t o m b itself". K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " ( s e e f o o t n o t e

4)

7 5 1 : "auf d e m G r a b m a l selbst". 1 2

A n d e r s o n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 5 6 2 .

1

3

A n d e r s o n I.e. "race".

1

4

A n d e r s o n I.e. "looking u n t o G o d " .

1

5

D u p o n t - S o m m e r (see f o o t n o t e

jiidischen Kleine

M a r t y r e r k u l t , " TLZ

Schriften

4) 68, followed

by E . B a m m e l , " Z u m

7 8 ( 1 9 5 3 ) 1 1 9 - 1 2 6 ; r e p r i n t e d in I d e m ,

Judaica.

I ( W U N T 3 7 ; T u b i n g e n : 1 9 8 6 ) 7 9 - 8 5 , esp. p. 8 3 f o o t n o t e 4 3 .

'EmTd^aos" c a n b e u s e d as a n o u n , with the m e a n i n g ' f u n e r a l o r a t i o n ' toteles, Rhet. Dem. dec.

(Aris-

1 4 1 5 b ; D i o Cassius 5 5 . 2 . 2 ; 5 7 . 2 0 . 3 ; D i o n y s i u s o f Halicarnassus, De

2 3 . 1 0 ; 4 4 . 3 ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. orat. 9 [Mor. 2

849F])

or

1 7 § 1 7 7 ; L u c i a n u s , Alex.

'memorial game'

(often

6 0 ; Plutarchus, in

inscriptions,

i n s t a n c e / G I I . 1 1 0 0 6 11. 22f.; 1 0 1 1 11. 9f.; 1 0 2 9 1. 1 3 ; / G V . l 6 6 0 1. 4 ) .

Vitae for

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

49

16

considered as the preferred reading, and cannot be taken simply as referring to the grave itself. The first meaning o f emrd^ios (as an adjective) is that it indicates something at o r over a grave. The context o f 17:8 shows that we can assume this meaning here too, because the verse continues 17:7, where the author considers the idea that he could "portray the story o f the piety o f the mother on something" (em £coypaf]aa.i Tfjs" evoefteias GOV l a r o p t a v ) . In 17:7 this place is not specified, but en' avrov T O U emTad>(,ou in 17:8 follows on em T L V O S * in 17:7, which means that both verses should be connected with a hypothetical situation near the burial place. A funeral oration (emTd^ios- \ 6 y o s " ) in com­ memoration o f the fallen was usually delivered at the tomb and this was the obvious place for an epitaph t o o . 17

18

T L V O S "

T T J V

19

20

The orators o f the funeral orations d o not refer, however, to an inscription o n or near the grave as a remembrance o f the respectful deeds o f the deceased, but point to the grave at the beginning o f their speech to attract the attention o f the audience. Lysias writes for instance: "If I would consider the possibility to make clear to you, who are present at this grave (to napovTe? em T(38e T O O Td8aLois .l TOO

Tdnov

5

e[Tel^T|]ae^• T W 'IouSatlcov l

OIKOV

Kal T 6 V

£K TC3[V LS]Ctovl e x a p t a a T O Tdnov

ire-l

T[OLS'

Z[TpdT]a)vos'

Kal TrpoeSpla. T r a n s l a t i o n T r e b i l c o

3 9 ) , w h o discusses this i n s c r i p t i o n

f o o t n o t e 2 5 ) 21f.

731e).

TreSwvos" T 6 V

o n p p . l l O f . S e e Lifshitz

(see (see

58

J. W . VAN HENTEN

The going hand in hand o f remembrance and political honours appears from one o f the metrical epitaphs from Leontopolis (CIJ 1530A= JIGRE 39 11. 5-8): For

h e ( A b r a m o s ) w a s n o t w i t h o u t h o n o u r i n t h e city, b u t w o r e

t h e w r e a t h o f magistracy for the w h o l e p e o p l e in his w i s d o m , For

y o u w e r e h o n o u r e d with the l e a d e r s h i p o f two places,

generously performing a double duty.

5 9

It is striking that the verb Tiu\dco, which is part o f the customary formulations in honorary inscriptions (see the pagan inscription just mentioned, C # 7 3 1 f 1. 3; 738 1. 6; 766 1. 11; SEG 32 810 1. 3; cf. CIJ 1530A 1. 7 ) , occurs somewhat further in 4 Mace 17 at the beginning o f the famous passage on the effective meaning o f the death o f the martyrs in 17:20-22, which can easily be read as a continuation o f the epitaph in verses 9-10. The passage indicates the honours the martyrs deserve: their vindication by G o d in connection with a reference to Deut 33:3 in 17:19 ('All the holy ones are under your hands'), and the honour o f their glorious and saving death. The first part reads: "And these (the martyrs) were sanctified by G o d and not only honoured with this distinction (Kal OUTOL ohv ayiaa8e:vTes' 8id 8e6v TeTt^r-vTai, oh \i6vov T a i n r ) T f j T i | i f j ) , but also by the fact that through them our enemies did not take possession of our people, and the tyrant was punished and our fatherland purified ( I 7 : 2 0 f . ) . " As a matter o f fact even the intermediate part between the epitaph and 17:19-22 which is veiled in athletic metaphorical language (17:11-18) is connected with honorary inscriptions by the symbol o f the crown o f victory or glory ( a T e ^ a v o s * ) . In 4 Mace 17:15 it is said: "piety won the 60

6 1

62

5 9

oi)K dyepacfTOS" e<j>i" ydp dvd TTT6\LV, dXXd Kal dpyfj iTav8Ti|j.a) eGviicfj eoreeT' kv acxf>tg-

dioo&v ydp re

T6TTG)V iToXiTapxtov

avrbg ereiLid),

T1]V 8iu.epfj 8aiTdvr|V e^aviiaas* xdpLcav. S e e f o r t h e full text, the q u o t e d translation a n d s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y V a n d e r H o r s t (see f o o t n o t e 2 3 ) 156f. Further H o r b u r y & N o y (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 9 5 - 1 0 2 . S e e also V a n d e r H o r s t a n d L u d e r i t z in this b o o k , p p . 134f. a n d 2 0 8 - 2 1 0 . 6 0

T h e r e is hardly a parallel of this use of Tiudco etc. in t h e S e p t u a g i n t (cf. Esth 8 : 1 2 c ) . 6 1

A n d e r s o n ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 ) 5 6 3 a n d K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 7 5 2 translate differently. 6

2

S e e on this p a s s a g e V a n H e n t e n , " T h e T r a d i t i o n - H i s t o r i c a l B a c k ­ g r o u n d of R o m . 3 . 2 5 : A S e a r c h f o r P a g a n a n d Jewish Parallels," From Jesus to John. Essays on Jesus and the New Testament Christology in Honour of Marinus de Jonge ( J S N T S u p 8 4 ; ed. M . C . de B o e r ; Sheffield: 1 9 9 3 ) 1 0 1 - 1 2 8 .

A J E W I S H E P I T A P H IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 M A C C 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

59

63

victory and crowned (aTecfxivoOaa) her own athletes". Crowns ( o f gold or olive) for honoured persons are mentioned in CIJ 738 1. 8, 1450 1. 8, JIGRE 18 1. 14, Luderitz 70 1. 17 and 71 11. 23-25. The crown o f victory for the martyrs, which is often mentioned in Christian martyrological literature, is probably an adaptation o f these honorary crowns, to which pagan inscriptions often refer. T h e combination o f a reference to a crown o f h o n o u r and a formula with Tiuda) is attested in CIJ 738, 1450, 1530A and a Samaritan honorary decree from Delos (SEG 32 810). Here our list o f correspondences between 4 Mace 17:8-10 and Jewish inscriptions ends. The result o f our comparison is that there is an interface between the fictitious epitaph in 4 Maccabees and Jewish inscriptions formed by c o m m o n vocabulary, but only in 4 Mace 17:8f. There is parallel terminology to ^yKeKfjSewTcu in Jewish epitaphs from Phrygia (but note the discussion o f much closer non-Jewish parallels from several regions in Asia Minor in the next paragraph). Nevertheless, the non-literary parallels show repeatedly that the epitaph in 4 Maccabees stands on its own., It even has features which run counter to the standards in Jewish epitaphs, such as the omission o f the names o f the deceased. From the perspective o f the data in Jewish inscriptions, however, the pecularities o f 4 Mace 17:8-10 stand out. The honours to the mar­ tyrs are not paid by the Jewish community, but c o m e from the Lord. The group of persons, which should be commemorated, is very special, and the fact that they died because o f a political conflict with the Seleucid king catches the eye too. Maybe pagan inscriptions can bring these aspects into relief. 64

65

6

3

6

4

T h i s v o c a b u l a r y d o e s n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e in 4 M a c c a b e e s . Cf.

cn-e^avT^opos- in CIJ 7 4 2 a n d 7 4 9 ; also CIJ 7 7 7 , SEG 3 2 8 0 9 11. 3f.

a n d 8 1 0 1. 7. S e e T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 110f., 1 7 8 . H o r b u r y 8c N o y

(see

footnote 39) 30, 100. 6

5

S e e A . J. B r e k e l m a n s , Mdrtyrerkranz.

suchung

im fruhchristlichen

Stewart,

"Greek Crowns and

tienne. Memorial 1984)

Andrejean

Eine

symbolgeschichtliche

Unter-

Schrijttum ( A n a l e c t a G r e g o r i a n a 1 5 0 ; R o m e : 1 9 6 5 ) . Z . Christian

M a r t y r s , " Antiquite

paienne

et

chre-

Festugiere (eds. E . L u c c h e s i & H . D . Saffrey; G e n e v e :

1 1 9 - 1 2 4 . O n c r o w n s o f h o n o r in e p i g r a p h i c s o u r c e s in g e n e r a l D a n k e r

(see f o o t n o t e 5 4 ) 467f.

60

J. W . V A N H E N T E N

3. Possible connections with non-Jewish epitaphs and inscriptions of another kind Formulae indicating buried persons with KnSeuo) occur regularly in pagan and Christian epitaphs and there are also instances of composita like ^yKT-Seua), emicr|8elja) ('bury'), TrpoKT|8ei>co (see above) and TTpoeyKT]8eua) in funerary formulae. A search with the PHI CD ROM disk resulted in a total of 78 occurrences of forms with the simplex or composita in inscriptions, completions by the editors i n c l u d e d . Only eight of these are in inscriptions from outside Asia Minor (three from Attica, one from Macedonia, one from Bostra in Arabia, one from Palestine and two from Italy), 35 instances are in inscriptions from Ionia (chiefly from Teos, but also from Ephesus and Smyrna), the others are from Caria, Galatia, Lycaonia, Lycia, Lydia, Phrygia and Pisidia. O f course, not all epigraphical material is included o n the PHI compact disk, but the evidence probably indicates the geographical dis­ tribution of funerary formulae with Kn8euco and composita with this verb. This would mean that these formulae occur especially in Asia Minor. A surprisingly high concentration of epitaphs with KT)8eua) and eyKT|8eu(o from Lycia, not included o n the PHI disk, seems to confirm this assumption. 66

67

68

From Phrygia there are several Christian inscriptions with KnSeuo) which contain a formula to restrain others from burying someone at the place. A Christian epitaph from the third century CE (after 212) originating from Hierapolis in Phrygia corresponds to the first part of the Jewish epitaphs from Hierapolis discussed above: f) adpos" Kal 6 Trepl avrr\v TOTros" Mdp(Kou) Aup(T|Xtou) 69

Auatfiaxou T O O ALOKXeous", ev f\ KeKf|8eirrai auToss KT|8eu0r|aeTai 8e

6

6

PHI Demonstration

6

7

See

TAM

CD ROM

6 ( T h e Packard H u m a n i t i e s Institute: 1 9 9 1 ) .

3 . 1 , i n d i c e s , p p . 352f. s.v. emKT|8etJa)

a n d KT|8eiia)

(Termessus

in P i s i d i a ) . S e e also SEG 6 7 3 9 ( n e a r T r e b e n n a in L y c i a ) . 6

8

D r J. H . M . S t r u b b e , L e i d e n , kindly b r o u g h t to m y n o t i c e s o m e

rences which

are

KT|8eiJa>, eyKT|8ei3a)

not

always i n c l u d e d

etc.

o c c u r very f r e q u e n t l y in f u n e r a r y

O l y m p u s in Lycia, see SEG 6

TAM

3 5 1 0 8 4 (Aphrodisias, 9

SEG

28 1156

on

the

2 . 3 , p p . 3 6 4 - 4 0 7 a n d 425f.

2.519

(eTepw no.

disk.

with

inscriptions

from

(see b e l o w ) . S e e

8£

oi>8evl

££6v

358.

T.

Drew-Bear,

KXiSeOom

'earai

of Phrygia

also

Nouvelles

els'

TOOTO

T6

( 2 vols; O x f o r d :

inscriptions

de

( Z u t p h e n : 1 9 7 8 ) 106f. n o . 4 5 . S e e also SEG 6 2 3 0 ; 1 5 8 1 1 b 11. 6-9. MAMA and 358.

occur­

Formulae

Caria).

f i p t o o v ) . S e e W . M . Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics 1895-1897)

PHI

Phrygie 4 355

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 17:8-10

61

70

Aup(r|\la) MapCa f) Kal Tpata. However, one should not preconclude that formulae like these were specific to Phrygia. Pagan inscriptions from several regions in Asia Minor contain formulae with eyKT|8ei>a) or KT-Seuo) plus preposition e v . Ilasos 394 reads for example: T O u\vr|p:eiov M e [ v ] l T T T r o u [ T O U - -] I [-]avou, ev <S KT)86U8r|aeTaL a u T o s Kal [f)] I yuvf| n\ou Kal T a irai8la \iov Kal Ta K0|i(3la | J . O U . 72 71

1

'EyKT|8eua) is used in three epitaphs from Teos in formulae to prevent others from burying at the place (for instance (inSevos" eT€[p]ou exovrog' c£oualav e v i c n 8 e u a a l T i v a . . . ) , which occur very 73

7

0

L . A . P e n n a c c h i e t t i , "Tre i s c r i z i o n i cristiane i n e d i t e d i H i e r a p o l i s Frigia," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 3 9 ( 1 9 6 3 ) 1 3 1 - 1 3 7 , e s p . p p . 136f. n o . 3 . A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e a f e w o t h e r non-Jewish e p i t a p h s f r o m A s i a M i n o r in w h i c h t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f aopds* a n d KT|8ei)o) is f o u n d , this C h r i s t i a n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m H i e r a p o l i s is a c l o s e p a r a l l e l to t h e m e n t i o n e d Jewish e p i t a p h s f r o m Phrygia. S e e f o r m o r e r e l a t e d i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m H i e r a p o l i s J u d e i c h (see f o o t n o t e 4 6 ) a n d L . A . P e n n a c c h i e t t i , "Nuove iscrizioni di H i e r a ­ p o l i s Frigia," Atti della reale accademia delle scienze di Torino, classe di s c i e n z e m o r a l i storiche e filologiche 1 0 1 ( 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 ) 2 8 7 - 3 2 8 n o . 7 , p p . 297f. 7 1

IEph 2 2 9 9 C col. 2 , ISmyrna [ G . Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna ( 2 vols.; I G S K 2 3 - 2 4 ; B o n n : 1 9 8 2 - 1 9 9 0 ) ] 1 9 5 11. 8f., 2 4 6 1. 7. Cf. also Ilasos [ W . Blumel, Die Inschriften von Iasos ( I G S K 2 8 1 / 2 ; B o n n : 1 9 8 5 ) ] 3 9 4 1. 2 a n d 6 2 9 11. 3f. a n d an e p i t a p h f r o m C a r i a , see W . B l u m e l , " N e u e I n s c h r i f t e n aus K u z y a k a , " Epigraphica Anatolica 1 3 ( 1 9 8 9 ) 10f.; SEG 3 9 1 1 1 4 . S e e also f o o t n o t e s 6 7 - 6 8 . 7

2

7

3

Td

S e e f u r t h e r W . B l u m e l , Die Inschriften von Iasos (see f o o t n o t e 7 1 ) 2.86f. Koupta c o u l d b e the g r a n d c h i l d r e n , see LSJ S u p p l . 8 6 s.v. Kopptov.

R . D e m a n g e l & A . L a u m o n i e r , "Inscriptions d'lonie," BCH 46 (1922) 3 0 7 - 3 5 5 , e s p . pp. 336f. n o . 2 4 11. 4f. Full text o f this e p i t a p h by a n u n k n o w n w o m a n , f o r h e r h u s b a n d O n e s i m o s , h e r m o t h e r a n d herself, a c c o r d i n g to SEG 2 6 0 2 a n d the e d i t i o n o f D . F. M c C a b e & M . A . Plunkett, Teos Inscriptions. Texts and List ( T h e Institute f o r A d v a n c e d Study; P r i n c e t o n : 1 9 8 5 [ c o r p u s o n c o m p u t e r ] ) n o . 1 9 7 : [ — T T | V K]apdpav [Ta{i]l [Tqv?] KareoKeixioev £atrrfj Kal Tto dv8p[l]l ['Ovr|]aLLUp SaTopveivou Kal TQ TrpoevKe[KT|]l [ 8 ] eupii/n pTrrpl M a p i e u r i . LinSevos* eTe[p]l ou ZXOVTOS e£ovolav evKT\8evaal Tiva [tii]\ p a Tils' auvxttopiiojetos' airrfjs' f\ TOU dv8p6[s,]l 'Ovr)oi[Lov dv 8£ TLS* eTrixeipiioTj, 8ajaeil [e]ls* TOV lepcoTaTov 4>LOKOV 8nvdpial T r e v T a K o c u a . I f W i l h e l m ' s r e a d i n g o f t h e n a m e o f t h e m o t h e r (MapL^pn.) is c o r r e c t (SEG 2 6 0 2 ; D e m a n g e l 8c L a u m o n i e r r e a d Mayie\n\), we p r o b a b l y have to d o with a variant o f t h e J e w i s h n a m e M a r i a m m e / M i r j a m ( s e e G . M u s s i e s in t h e p r e s e n t v o l u m e , pp. 2 5 1 ) , w h i c h m e a n s that t h e i n s c r i p t i o n c o u l d b e J e w i s h o r C h r i s t i a n . S e e also t h e e p i t a p h b y a n u n k n o w n p e r s o n f o r his n e p h e w , c h i l d r e n , d e s c e n d a n t s a n d wife S a b i n a ( ? ) , D e m a n g e l 8c L a u m o n i e r n o . 2 3 ; SEG 2 6 0 1 ; M c C a b e & Plunkett n o . 2 4 8 : [- - K a l ] Kaiv[ . . ] T Kal TW aup[pi(p

e-rrel 6 ] l u l 6 s '

pou 'AXe£ [avSpos*

e v K e ] l KT)8eupe8a,

£ [vTauOa

eairrfj

rpa-nrar

Kal 6 a{ip]l Pid?

eyKT]8eu9fj]l v a r

e m x e t p f j a ] I a i , diroTetae [i Tfj leparrdTT)]! pouXfj 8 n v [ d p i a 7 4

7 5

990,

Kal T W ] I TTPOKT|-

pr|8]l evl

8e

e£ecnrio

pou rpaTr[T6s* Kal el

8e

TLS*

[6e"Xei

--.-].

TAM 2 . 3 n o . 9 5 4 . TAM 2 . 3 n o s . 9 4 9 , 9 5 1 , 9 5 3 , 9 5 4 , 9 5 5 , 9 6 0 , 9 6 2 , 9 6 3 , 9 7 6 , 9 7 9 , 9 8 3 , 9 8 9 , 998, 999, 1001, 1002, 1003, 1005, 1009, 1012, 1014, 1017, 1021, 1023, 1031,

1034,

1035, 1036, 1037, 1044, 1045, 1049, 1052, 1060, 1061, 1063, 1071, 1072,

1073,

1074, 1077, 1083, 1085, 1094, 1100, 1103, 1104, 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110,

1111,

1118, 1122, 1123, 1124, 1126, 1127, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1134, 1135, 1140,

1141,

1 1 5 2 , 1 1 5 8 , 1 1 6 3 , 1 1 6 4 , 1 1 6 7 . S e e also n o . 1 2 1 2 f r o m Phaselis. 'EyKT|8el3a)

also o c c u r s apart f r o m t h e relevant f o r m u l a , see n o s . 1 0 0 0 1. 5 , 1 0 1 1 11. 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 0 3 3 11. 3f., 1 0 4 2 11. 8f., 1 0 8 9 1. 1 3 , 1 1 0 3 11. 16f., 1 1 1 8 11. 4f., 1 1 3 0 1. 3 a n d 1 1 6 4 1. 5 , all f r o m

Olympus.

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 17:8-10

63

Aup(r)Xios') MouKiavos" •npaiTiopiavos' Kcrreaiceuaaa T O V TupPov eaura Kal yuvaiKi pou Aup(T]Xla) 2 e P a £ l a Kal TeKvois' fiptov CTepa) 8 e 5

ouSevl pevos

1

efeaTai eKTelaei

evKn8euaal Tiva, f| 6 TW

Piaad­

leparrdTco Tapelw *

Jjfy'.

Non-Jewish epitaphs from Asia Minor contain other formulae which are interesting with respect to 4 Mace 17:9. The formula o f a few (largely) Christian epitaphs from Sengen (Galatia) o r Egribayat (Lycaonia) resembles closely the beginning o f our fictitious epitaph: ...ev0d8e K e K V j S e u T a i . . . (4 Mace ev0aOTa). MAMA 7 582 (Sengen) reads for instance: ev0d8e KaiKT|8euTe ... 'AXe£av8pos\ O n a Christian epitaph from Eumeneia (Phrygia), probably dating from the end o f the third century CE, we find again a formula similar to 4 Mace 17:9. The epitaph reports that Aurelius Neikeros constructed the tomb for himself, his wife and their children, but granted the use o f it to his friend Aurelius Mannus, who was a soldier attached to the officium o f the provincial gover­ nor Castrius Constans. LI. 5f. contain the formula ev0d8e KeKT|8euTe Aup("nXios") Mavvog a T p a T i 6 r n r | s \ So the non-Jewish epitaphs confirm that the formula at the beginning o f 4 Mace 17:9-10 with 76

7 7

7

6

Full text: e v 9 d 8 e KdiK^SeuTe <J>iX6-l PPOTO? dyXadpop^os* d-l SpTiTOS" dKavrTTos- p(.T| S'l ol irdivrag eviKa rouvop'l 'AXe£av8pos' obv icaXXlcn-i>s" I d p a TeKvus* AftpfjXios' TTaO-l Xog obv K€ 'AVTL6XOU K£ TTav-l KpaTtou dvecfTfjaapev T6 0C0-I Xov T(3 TToGivoTaTO) Ke yXuKU-l TaTW i p w v TTaTpl pvi^pri [s ] I x d p t v . A c c o r d i n g t o W . C a l d e r , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o MAMA 7 p . x l , "there is n o e v i d e n c e o f e i t h e r p a g a n i s m o r Christianity in n o . 5 8 2 . . . " S e e also MAMA 7 5 8 5 1. 1 ev0d8e K[eKi^SeuTcti... ; 8 3 2 6 a , a n d t h e ( c o m p l e t e d ) b e g i n n i n g o f a n epitaph f r o m T e o s (third century C E o r later), see D e m a n g e l & L a u m o n i e r (see f o o t n o t e 7 3 ) n o . 3 5 ; SEG 2 6 1 4 ; M c C a b e & P l u n k e t t ( s e e f o o t n o t e 7 3 ) n o . 2 4 0 : [6 ev9d8e Kn8eu9els* MeveKpd-rns' ' A T ] I frdXou... 1

7

7

T e x t p u b l i s h e d by W . M . R a m s a y , " T h e Cities a n d B i s h o p r i c s o f Phryg i a , " / i / 5 4 ( 1 8 8 3 ) 3 7 0 - 4 2 6 , e s p . 4 0 1 f . n o . 2 0 a n d 4 3 6 ( R a m s a y suggests i n this article a d a t e f r o m t h e fifth c e n t u r y C E a n d Sebaste as p l a c e o f o r i g i n ) a n d with slight alterations in Cities and Bishoprics ( s e e f o o t n o t e 6 9 ) 2 . 5 2 9 n o . 3 7 3 : Aup. NeiKepa)? B'. Korea-I Ketiaaev T6 fipwovl [ e ] a i r n 3 Kal yuvaiKall TeKVOLS eGr|Ka 8el4>CXov. 'Ev0d8el KeKi^Setrre Afip.l M d w o ? aTpaTic5TT|S'l iTTTreus" aayLTTdpLS"! SpaKwydpis e £ 6iK[t]l ou TOO XapTTpoTdToul i | y e p 6 v o s Kacn-pto [u] I Kc6voTavTos l bg dv 8 ' emTT|8eu-l a e i eTepos", eore ab-\ [T8£K<x-

8co8eKa0eov;

0i(o)v,

e d i t o r s ev] tcp EKZI

this is g r a m m a t i c a l l y m u c h better t h a n t h e r e a d i n g o f t h e

8co8eKd9r|v.

If, h o w e v e r , t h e r e a d i n g o f t h e e d i t o r s is t h e

c o r r e c t o n e , o n e s h o u l d translate: " A x i o t t e n o s , w h o is r e s i d i n g t h e r e in

the

G r o u p o f T w e l v e Gods". ^

G . D o u b l e t & G . D e s c h a m p s , Bulletin

1890, 1894, 100:

de Correspondance

6 3 0 N o . 3 5 with a m a j u s c l e text (cf. J. Z i n g e r l e , Philologus 3 4 7 - 3 4 8 : r e s t o r a t i o n o f L L . 1-2; cf. J. S t r u b b e , in Magika

Hellenique

24,

5 3 [= N.F. 7 ] , Hiera,

55 note

r e s t o r a t i o n o f L L . 1 - 2 ) . L L . 1-2. T h e t e x t is p r o b l e m a t i c . A t t h e

begin­

n i n g o f L . 1 Z i n g e r l e r e s t o r e d [eve%ea0oj xoxc, 7taxpioiA,ouai |nexd T O e\ik. xeQr\vai ur)8eva erepov xeQr\vai ei

8

]XJ\ TEKVOV \iOV •

12

oqbk dv Tamd aei,

7uapd

TI KOIT|-

e£ri K p i a i v

npbq T O V 0e6v. E\)A,OYia7tao[iv].

16

Ligatures: L. 7 M E , L. 10 H N . L. 13:

xavxa

s e e n o n the

TCOIT|-, R o b e r t ; r i g h t l y c o r r e c t e d b y D o e r n e r , ph.

L . 1 4 : E S H , ec^n o r scjn ( = e c > i ) , R o b e r t , 3 9 8 .

1

0

6

See notes 19, 70.

as

can

be

108

J. H . M . STRUBBE

"I, Aur(elius) Kyrion, have made the grave, while alive, for myself and for my wife Aur(elia) Ioulias. And I want that n o one else will be placed (in it), after I will have been deposited, except my child. Whoever will d o something against these (prescrip­ tions), he will undergo the j u d g m e n t (and he will have to reckon) with the God. Blessing for all." A c c o r d i n g to L. Robert {op. ext., 408) the curse is a strange combination of two curse formulas, e£ei Kpiotv ("he will undergo the judgment") and ec;ei rcpoc, T O V 0e6v ("he will have to reckon with the G o d " ) . 1 0 7

3. Apameia on the Maiandros Dinar. Description and letter-forms not recorded; the division o f the lines is not indicated. After A D 212. Ed.: W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, No. 399 bis (copy of D. G. Hogarth) with commentary (cf. idem, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 172 N o . IX, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 364-365 N o . IX: translation and commentary; J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 774 with translation; cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57: translation o f the curse formula and commentary; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 99-101 with translation and commentary). See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 124 for the curse. kbp.

'Povcpoc, iouA,iavo$ P' ercoiJriGa T 6 f|]pcpov euccuTcp ice [xr\

cruiipicp u]o\> Aup. Taxiavfi • ic, o erepoc, o\) TeOfl • el 5e TIC, e7UTT|8e'uci, TOV

v6|xov oi5ev

[T]COV

Eioi)8ecov.

"I, Aur(elius) Rouphos, son o f Ioulianos, son o f Ioulianos, have made the heroon for myself and for my wife Aur(elia) Tatiane. N o one else may be put in it. But if someone will bury (another corpse here), he knows the law o f the Jews."

1

0

7

V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient

go j u d g m e n t before God".

Jewish Epitaphs,

1 2 5 translates: "he will u n d e r ­

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

109

4. Eumeneia I§ekli, in the "large Khan"; now in the depot o f antiquities at Denizli. Marble b o m o s with mouldings above and below; dim. unknown. The upper moulding consists o f a row o f palmettes, an egg-anddart moulding and a bead-and-reel moulding. Letters: H. not recorded; the letters o f L. 5 are somewhat larger than the rest; LL. 2-4 and 6-9 are very densely written. Ligatures; alpha with broken cross-bar and elongated right leg, plain epsilon, square sigma, rounded omega, upsilon with cross-bar. After AD 212. Ed.: J. Franz, CIG III, No. 3891 with a majuscle copy on the basis o f an edition by V. Arundell and a copy o f A. Delaborde; W. J. Hamilton, Researches II, 470 No. 353 (majuscle copy); cf. G. Perrot, RArch 1876, 281-282: reading o f L. 6 on the basis o f a copy o f Choisy; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 361 with commentary (cf. S. P. Ntantes, AneiXr]TiKai eKcppdaeig, 99, who cites LL 19-22); L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 436-439 (ph.) with ample commentary. See B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 536-537; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 68-69; A. R. R. Sheppard, Anatolian Studies 29, 1979, 175 with translation o f LL. 17-22; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 58 note 72; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 77-78, who all comment on the curse. See J. Strubbe, Lampas 22, 1989, 193 for a discussion of this Jewish magistrate in the city. On the upper moulding vac "EppGoaOe. vac On the shaft A\>p. riyLtXkoc, Mr\va Poi)A,£uxf|[cJ T O I Q yA/uKuxdxon; yoveftoiv 4 Av>pr\kioiq Mt|va (3' xot> QiXmnov $O\)XEX>T?\, yepouo),

8

Kai 'A7C(p((p 'Apia xd i'8ia E K XCOV iSioov • Eiq orcpoeicriSevoevx[6v] dSeAxpov QiXinnov Kai xr|v 7tdxpav K-upiAXav Kai xtiv el,ad£.X(pr\v 'Ioa). riat>A,av Kn8£u0r|-

110

J. H . M . STRUBBE

12

cexai 8e etc, a w o 11 xe ouvxpocpoc, amov OiA,f|XT| K a l ei xivi exepcp

16

£cov a\)v%copT|aei-

oc, 5' dv e7cixeipt|-

aei exepov ercetaevevKeiv,

20

A,r|V|/e-

xai 7iapd xou d0avdxou ©eoi) udoxevya aicbviov.

Ligatures: L. 2 ME, MHN, L. 4 HN. L. 1: EPP&0E (Arundell; omitted by Delaborde), eppco6e, Franz; [Ep]pcoa6e, Ramsay; [Epp]coa9e, Robert L. 2: TENEAAOE, Arundell (who often copied E instead of £); TEMEAAOZ, Delaborde; Te\ieXkoc„ Franz; pVuXewrnc., Robert, but the stone seems to be broken immediately after the eta. L. 4: ONinnOY, Delaborde. L. 6: APTATAIAIA, not transcribed by Franz but by Perrot; EKT--, E K T [ © V ] , Franz; EKT[.], Hamilton. L. 7: IAIQNNEIE, iSicov etc;, Franz; nPOIEK, Arundell; ITPOEKHAEYSEN[..], Hamilton; extr. [ T O V ] , Franz. L. 8: extr. KA:::::, Delaborde; KAI[..], Hamilton. L. 11: [p]ou, Robert; on the ph. one sees a vertical hasta, but there seems insufficient space for a ma. L. 14: AYTOI, Hamilton. L. 17/8: XEIPHIIEI, -jceipfiloft), Franz. L. 19: -EveyKeiv, Robert incorrectly as can be seen on the ph.; AH*FE, Hamilton. L. 21: omitted by Arundell. L. 22: TEITAAIQNIQN, Arundell. "Greetings. Aur(elius) Gemellos, son o f Menas, m e m b e r o f the city-council (has made this grave) for his very sweet parents Aur(elius) Menas, son o f Menas, son of Philippos, member o f the city-council and member o f the group o f elders, and Aur(elia) Apphion, daughter of Artas; (it is) his own property (made) out o f his own money. He has already buried in it his brother Philippos and his aunt Kyrilla and his cousin german Ju(lia) Paula. His foster-sister, Philete, will also be buried in it, and (others too), if he will grant the permission to someone else while alive. B u t the man w h o will attempt to place another (corpse) in it, will receive eternal scourge from the immortal God."

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

111

5. Akmonia Yenice (ca. 7 km. north o f Ahat). A description o f the monument is not available. Letters: n o information available; the division o f the lines is unknown. Probably in the 2nd half o f the 3rd cent. AD (on account o f the formula eaxai am& npbq xov 0e6v ) , Ed.: W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 563 with com­ mentary (J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 769 with translation; A. R. R. Sheppard, Anatolian Studies 29, 1979, 173 with commentary; cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57-58, who cites the curse with translation and commentary; P. Trebilco, Jewish Com­ munities, 74-75 No. 5. 2 and 135 No. 4. 5 with translation). See W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 171 N o . IV, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 363 N o . IV for a translation; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 86-89 for the curse; the inscription is often cited in studies o n Hypsistos, for example Th. Drew-Bear, GRBS 17, 1976, 248. 1 0 8

[e.g. edv 8e xiq exepov ocbua eiaeveyKr), ea]xai auxcprcpoc;xov 0e6v xov aSij/ioxov Kai

TO

apaq bpmavov ziq xov

UKOV

amov [eiaeA-Goixo

Kai uT|8evav evKaxaA,ei\|/aixo]. Init. a n d extr. r e s t o r e d b y R a m s a y o n the basis o f N o . 6.

"(But if anyone will introduce another body,) he will have to reckon with the most high G o d , and may the sickle o f curse (enter) into his house (and leave no one behind)." 6. Akmonia Susuz (ca. 6 km. west o f Ahat), in the wall o f a house. Marble basis, broken above and below; H. 0.74, w. 0.40, th. 0.42. The inscription is on the front (A) and on the right side (B). Letters: H. 0.02-0.035; ligatures; plain alpha and epsilon, square sigma, rounded omega. 2nd or 3rd cent. AD. 1

0

8

T h e E u m e n e i a n f o r m u l a e a x a t auxq) npoc, TOV Geov dates at the earliest

f r o m ca. 2 0 0 - 2 2 5 A D , see M . W a e l k e n s , Actes VII Congres epigr., 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 .

112

J. H . M . STRUBBE

Ed.: cf. E. Legrand & J. Chamonard, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 17, 1893, 271 No. 60 with a majuscle copy, who publish only A; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, Nos. 465-466 with commentary (see No. 613 for the provenance); (J. -B. Frey, CI]II, No. 768 with the majuscle text o f Legrand & Chamonard, and with translation); W. H. Buckler & W. M. Calder, MAMA VI, N o . 316 (ph.) on the basis o f a copy o f W. M. Calder, A. B. Birnie, J. C. Watson, with short commentary (cf. S. P. Ntantes, 'AneiXrixiKai £K(ppdo£ig, 95, who cites B LL. 5-12; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 74-76 with translation and commentary). See W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 171 N o . Ill, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 363 No. Ill for a partial translation; G. Kittel, TLZ 69, 1944, 15 and B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 536 for the curse; L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 400 note 1 for the interpretation of B LL. 1-2; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 86-89 for the curse; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57-58 with note 69, 124-125 for the Jewish curse. A. O n the front side [— eauTCp] [ K a i ] Xf[ GX)Vpicp Tpocpinr) ercovricyev. leaf 4 T(. TE8IOeAjuiaTou • e£6v 12 8e ecrce K a i T O V e7uaaK£\)dciavTav 'Auepiuvov TeGfjve ! vac nc, %dpiv. vac O n the shaft in the tabula A\)pf|Aioc, 'Pofi(poq eauTGp K a l 8 y u v a i x l EueA,7tioTn Kal dveyitp IlapGevicp kauTOiq £ C O V T 12

ec, K a x e c K e u a o -

av • (xexd TO GeGfjvai a w o ^ c ; , oc, dv dvopu^i Kal Pa16 XI dXXov veKpov On the shaft below the tabula Tl xuvPovrcpiaxeii ypdppa pidvi, etpXiai SKWOU GUV7cav yevoc, f| 0eou opyr). O n the lower mouldings 20 Tuvpoic, ydp Suo TOWO TO af|vac pa erciKiTai. vac Ligatures: L. 3 NH, L. 4 N H , L. 9 T H , L. 17 M M . L . 2 : A Y P I A I O I , At>p{A,io p:t|v(i)|xa Adpoixo. vac

L . 6: cpi[A,] - , C a l d e r Revue p h . is u n c l e a r .

de Philologie,

b u t i n MAMA

h e g a v e M o r e t t i .

L . 7: evjcopoq, M o r e t t i , b u t t h e p h . s h o w s t h a t L. 9: A N - Z H ,

av(x>£)r\,

Moretti; but

sigma is

not engraved.

Z - (= Z ) is n o t £ b u t

xi.

T h e form

n o t rare in the I m p e r i a l p e r i o d .

L . 12:0YKIN, lapis ... Catilia Eutychi ... I have made before .... This sarcophagus contains Hermione, the beloved foster-child o f Hermias, 4 years old. I, Publi(u)s Catili(u)s Hermias, a trader, 35 years old, lie here. But if someone will open this sarcophagus and will bury another (deceased), he will pay to the treasury 5.000 denaria. But if some­ one either buys this grave or erases the inscription, the wrath o f G o d will destroy his whole family." Moretti suggested that Catilius Hermias, a Jewish trader, came from Asia M i n o r . 111

1

1

1

I w o u l d like to t h a n k M s . Bij d e V a a t e , D r . J. W . van H e n t e n , Prof. D r . P. W . v a n d e r H o r s t a n d D r . C h . Safrai f o r t h e i r a d v i c e a n d m o s t v a l u a b l e h e l p . O f c o u r s e I a m a l o n e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the views e x p r e s s e d h e r e a n d f o r t h e r e m a i n i n g errors. I a m grateful to D r . P. Staples w h o c o r r e c t e d my English.

is

128

J. H. M. STRUBBE

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CATALOGUE Actes Vile Congres epigr. = Actes du Vile Congres international d'epigraphie grecque et latine, Constantza 1977 ( e d . Pippidi D . M . ; Bucarest - Paris: 1 9 7 9 ) B u c k l e r W . H . & C a l d e r W . M . , MAMA VI= Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua VI. Monuments and Documents from Phrygia and Caria ( M a n c h e s t e r : 1 9 3 9 ) C a l d e r W . M . , MAMA 1= Monumenta (Manchester: 1928)

Asiae

Minoris

Antiqua

I. Eastern

Phrygia

D o e r n e r F. K . , TAM IV. 1 = Tituli Asiae Minoris TV. Tituli Bithyniae Unguis Graeca et Latina conscripti. Fasc. 1. Paeninsula Bithynica praeter Chalcedonem (Wien: 1978) Franz J., CIG 111= Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum III (Berlin: 1 8 5 3 ) Frey J. -B., CI] 11= Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum II. Asie, Afrique Vaticano: 1 9 5 2 ) G a g e r J. G . , Curse

Tablets = Curse

Tablets

and

World ( N e w Y o r k - O x f o r d : 1 9 9 2 ) H a a r l 0 v B . , The Half-open Door= The Half-open

Binding

Spells from

Door. A Common

within Roman Sepulchral Sculpture ( O d e n s e : 1 9 7 7 ) H a m i l t o n W . J., Researches 11= Researches in Asia Minor, ( L o n d o n : 1 8 4 2 ; repr. Hildesheim: 1 9 8 4 ) H o r s l e y G . H . R . , New Documents 1= New Documents

Pontus

Illustrating

(Citta d e l the

Symbolic

Ancient Motif,

and Armenia Early

II

Christianity

/ (Macquarie: 1981) H o r s t P. W . v a n d e r , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs = Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. An Introductory Survey of a Millennium of Jewish Funerary Epigraphy (300 BCE700 CE) ( K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) K r a a b e l A . T h . , Judaism = Judaism

in Western Asia Minor under the Roman

Empire

( T h . D . H a r v a r d U n i v . ; C a m b r i d g e Mass.: 1 9 6 8 ) Lafaye G . , IGR 7 V = Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes IV (Paris: 1927) L a t t i m o r e R . , Themes = Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs ( U r b a n a 111.: 1 9 4 2 ) N t a n t e s S. P., 'AneiXnxiKai EKn|iicn"6s', 'famous'. On the other hand, the typically Koine ending -ag in the second-aorist (oXiaSas" ( 5 ) betrays the author's incomplete mastery o f the classical language. The KXL|±CI AdQag, the region o f Lethe, is identical to the y o e p o ? X&pog v e K U w v in the next line. Here, it would seem that there is n o more h o p e or expectation o f an afterlife than was the case in the traditional and gloomy ancient Hebrew conception o f she'ol. As will be seen, there is a great variety in this respect even in the few inscriptions discussed in this short paper. Finally, it should be no­ ticed here that the motif o f dying dreKVog, like the one o f dying as an ctyapLos", is in ancient epitaphs one o f the most frequent expres­ sions o f sorrow over those who had died as d t o p o i , the untimely dead being in the ideas o f most ancients highly lamentable per­ s o n s . Ateknos and agamos are the expressions par excellence to de­ note the incompleteness of the lives o f the deceased. One can find innumerable instances in Richmond Lattimore's classic study Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, that appeared exactly 50 years a g o . (Other instances from Leontopolis are nos. 1461, 1500, 1511.) 13

14

15

16

Line 9 is one o f the few Jewish instances o f the s(it) t(ibi) t(erra) l(evis) motif in Jewish epitaphs; it is found only in five instances, four o f which are from Leontopolis (in nos. 1484, 1488, 1530, 1530A) and one from Beth She'arim (BS II 1 6 7 ) . I give here the 17

1

3

See, e.g., Peek's G 7 1 6 2 2 , 1 6 2 4 , 1 6 3 0 , 1 6 3 2 .

1

4

F o r t h e i n t e r c h a n g e o f T a n d 0 see F. T . G i g n a c , A Grammar of the Greek

Papyri of the Roman 1

5

Grabinschriften raire

and Byzantine Periods ( 2 vols.; M i l a n o : 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 8 1 ) I 1 3 4 - 1 3 8 .

E. Griessmair,

Das Motiv

(Innsbruck:

( 2 vols.; A t h e n s :

der Mors Immatura

in den griechischen

1 9 6 6 ) ; A . M . V e r i l h a c , IlaiSes"

metrischen

dwpoi. Poesie

1 9 7 8 - 1 9 8 2 ) , p u b l i s h e s a n d discusses s o m e

200

funeGreek

m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h s with this t h e m e . 1

6

U r b a n a : 1 9 4 2 , 1 8 4 - 1 9 5 ; cf. also Griessmair, Das Motiv

1

7

F o r this t h e m e see R . L a t t i m o r e ,

70.

63-77.

Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs

65-

133

JEWISH POETICAL TOMB INSCRIPTIONS

Latin wording because in Latin epitaphs the formula in this (metrical) form has become so c o m m o n that it is very frequently abbreviated to s.t.t.l. In Greek epitaphs it never became such a fixed formula, even though the source o f the expression is a passage from Euripides' Alcestis 463-4 Koiicpa a o i ^TTavwGe Trecroi (cf. Meleager in Anthologia Palatina VII 461), a phrase that underwent all kinds o f variations especially in Latin poets like Propertius, Ovid, and Martial. It is noteworthy that of the extremely popular Latin formula n o Jewish instances have been recovered and also that the Greek formulae are again found only in Leontopolis and Beth She'arim. A second example from Leontopolis is 1490 (= GV700, from 117 BCE);i8 H e r e u n d e r t h e s h e l t e r o f this s t o n e , s t r a n g e r , lies . . . D e m a s , d e s e r t i n g t h e o l d a g e o f his very pitiable

mother

a n d his p i t i a b l e little c h i l d r e n a n d his m o u r n i n g wife. He

helped many men

b y his

skill.

W e e p f o r t h e m a n w h o has left t h e m o s t h o n o u r a b l e a n d h i s city, a n d t h e a b o d e s a n d f r i e n d s h i p o f

...[gap]

men.

D e m a s , a b o u t 3 8 years o l d , in t h e 5 4 t h year, t h e t h i r d o f month)

(the

H a t h y r . Y o u t o o , A l e x a n d e r , f r i e n d o f all a n d w i t h o u t

reproach,

excellent one,

farewell.

This epitaph consists of 3 disticha in poetic vocabulary and a prose ending. The restorations at the end of lines 1-5 are far from being certain. In line 1 it is possible to read Kelpm instead o f K e i T a i , which would imply that Demas himself is the speaker. AuaTTipos' (3) usually means 'harsh, bitter, severe', but here an unattested sense such as 'bitterly grieving' would seem to be required. The fact that PonSos" (4) was pronounced as PoiSo? enabled the poet to use it in this pentameter. Some o f the commentators assume that Demas had been a doctor, but 'helping many men by his skill' (if that is the correct reading; some read ovvioei) may also refer to another profession. The TTOXLS" of line 6 must be Onias' temple-city, Leontopolis. Again, there is no mention of any expectation o f life after death whatsoever. Lines 9-11 are a prose inscription added later by another hand.

1

8

See

t h e e d i t i o n a n d d i s c u s s i o n o f this e p i t a p h in E . B e r n a n d ,

tions metriques de I'Egypte greco-romaine

Inscrip­

( n . 3) 8 9 - 9 2 , o n the basis o f w h o s e treat­

m e n t I h a v e slightly c o r r e c t e d D . M . Lewis' translation in CPJ ( n . 3 ) III 1 5 3 .

134

P. W . VAN DER HORST

A third example from Leontopolis is no. 1511 (= GV 808, first century CE): I a m Jesus, m y f a t h e r was P h a m e i s ,

passer-by,

I w e n t to H a d e s w h e n I was sixty years o l d . W e e p all t o g e t h e r f o r t h e o n e w h o h a s s u d d e n l y g o n e to the secret p l a c e o f eternity to dwell in darkness. A n d y o u too,

D o s i t h e u s , w e e p f o r me,

f o r it is y o u r d u t y

to p o u r libations o f bitterest tears o n m y t o m b . You

are m y child, for I have d e p a r t e d childless.

All w e e p t o g e t h e r for Jesus, the

lifeless.

19

Some remarks may suffice. Line 1: Jesus was a very c o m m o n name among Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods as, for instance, A. Schalit's Namenwdrterbuch zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden: Brill, 1968) immediately makes apparent. The father (cpu? = cpuaas") o f Jesus has an Egyptian name (elsewhere spelled as TTa[if)S'). Line 2: the age o f the deceased is indicated not by words but by the Greek figure for 60, although it functions metrically. Line 3: irdvTag stands for TravTes" (see line 8 ) , a vulgarism caused by the fact that the endings of the nominative and the accusative plural tended to merge in Koine Greek. In other epitaphs from Leontopolis as well, the wayfarer is often called upon to weep, a frequent motif in ancient epitaphs. Line 4 again makes clear that the expectation of post-mortal existence scarcely differs here from the Old Testament view o f the gloomy she'ol. Lines 5-7 probably address Jesus' foster child, whom he, a childless man, regards as his own child. Avo[Levr\s in line 8 is difficult. It usually means 'hostile', which seems to be impossible here. Possibly it means 'without [ i i v o g ' in the sense o f 'vital force, vitality'; hence the translation 'lifeless' or 'strengthless', cf. d|ievr|v6s" (Frey's render­ ing 'malheureux' seems inadequate). As a final example from Leontopolis we quote 1530a (= GV 850, probably first century CE): W h e n h e h a d already a c h i e v e d the span o f 5 3 years, he who O

t a m e s all h i m s e l f s n a t c h e d h i m

sandy earth, what a b o d y you

off to

Hades.

hide

o f the soul of the m o s t blessed A b r a m o s . F o r h e w a s n o t w i t h o u t h o n o u r i n t h e city, b u t w o r e t h e w r e a t h

1

9

See t h e n o t e s by B e r n a n d ,

(n. 3 ) 9 2 - 9 5 .

Inscriptions

metriques

de I'Egypte

greco-romaine

135

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

of magistracy for the whole people i n his wisdom. For you were honoured with the leadership of two places, generously performing the double duty. And everything which was fitting to you, soul, before you hid yourself, we, your family of good children, are increasing. But you, passer-by, seeing the grave of a good man, say these fair words to him and depart: 'May the earth be light on you for ever'. 20

Lewis accepts Louis Robert's suggestion that Abramos had been the head of two local Jewish communities. Notable again is the absence of any expression of belief in life after death, even in the case o f an honoured community leader. In line 1 TrevTfJKOTa is an indication of the dropping of the nun in vulgar pronunciation. Line 2: T r a v 8 a | a d T 0 ) p is often used as an epithet o f time (or the perso­ nified Xpdvog). Line 3: d|i|io<J>avr)S' is a hapax but well-chosen in view of the bright yellow sand in the Egyptian desert. Line 4: (laicdp and l a a K a p i a T O S ' are very frequently used o f the dead. Lines 5-6: dpxfi depends on lore^ejo, he was honoured (lit. 'crowned^ with a wreath') with a magistracy over the whole community (dpxT) Trdv8r|[ios" eQviKX) belonging together; iQvog is frequently used to designate a Jewish community, cf. ethnarch). Line 7: T r o X i T c i p x w v means that Abraham was the head of the TTo\tTeu|ia of the Jews in Leontopolis. Lines 9-10 are very hard to translate; Bernand renders: "Tu as eu tous les honneurs convenables, chere ame, avant d'etre enfoui, et, lignee de bons enfants, nous y a j o u t o n s " . Lewis' translation, "everything which was fitting to your spirit", ignores the vocative character o ftyvxA,which is very often used as a term of affection for the deceased. Line 13 is o d d because the addition o f this verse containing the well-known wish sit tibi terra levis makes the p o e m end with two pentameters, which is very unusual. 21

22

23

Let us now look briefly at the two examples from Palestine, from the catacombs o f Beth She'arim, both dating from the third century CE. First BS II 127: 2 0

1965) 2 1

Lewis in CP] ( n . 3 ) III 1 6 2 ; L . R o b e r t , Hellenica I 18-24, X I - X I I 384-385. B e r n a n d , Inscriptions

metriques

( 1 3 vols.; Paris: 1 9 4 0 -

(n. 3) 9 6 .

2 2

B e r n a n d , Inscriptions metriques ( n . 3 ) 9 9 n. 8 . F o r a s o m e w h a t d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n see Liideritz e l s e w h e r e in this v o l u m e . 2 3

the

contribution

by G .

136

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

I, t h e s o n o f L e o n t i u s , l i e d e a d , J u s t u s , t h e s o n o f S a p p h o , w h o , h a v i n g p l u c k e d t h e fruit o f all (kinds o f ) w i s d o m , left t h e light,

( a n d left) m y p o o r p a r e n t s in e n d l e s s m o u r n i n g ,

a n d m y b r o t h e r s t o o , alas, i n m y B e t h S h e ' a r i m . A n d h a v i n g g o n e t o H a d e s , I, Justus, lie h e r e with m a n y

o f m y o w n kindred, since m i g h t y Fate so willed.

B e o f g o o d c o u r a g e , J u s t u s , n o o n e is i m m o r t a l .

This poetic inscription, written in disticha, is a clear demonstra­ tion that (some) Palestinian Jews were not only familiar with the Greek language but also with Greek literature, for the p o e m is full of Homeric phraseology and diction (although from a metrical point o f view the p o e m is far from faultless). In line 1 A e o v T e i 8 r ) S ' is already an imitation o f Homeric patronymics (cf. 'ATpei8r\s for 'son o f Atreus'). In line 2 the emphatical TTdar|S' a o ^ i n ? — to be translated as 'all kinds o f wisdom' —seems to indicate that it was not only Jewish wisdom (i.e. Torah study) but also Greek learning that Justus had been involved in. Lifshitz remarks: "The Jew Justus, a citizen o f that town which was for many decades a center of Jewish scholarship, and apparently also the author o f the in­ scription, used this expression in the sense accepted in his Hellenized environment". Sirach 6:19-20 also speaks o f the 'fruits' o f wisdom. A n r e i v 4>dos in line 3 is a Homeric expression (Od. XI 93), as is d K a x n ^ v o u s " (Od. IX 62, 105, 565, etc.; o n the faulty pro­ sody here see Schwabe-Lifshitz 102). AuTOKaoLyi/nTOS" for 'brother' in line 4 is very c o m m o n in Homer. B e a a p a (line 4) for Beth She'arim occurs also in Josephus. ' T o go to Hades' in line 5 in the sense o f 'to die' is c o m m o n both in Homer and in funerary epi­ graphy. In Jewish writings 'Hades' had lost its religious-mytho­ logical meaning (God o f the underworld), as has already been remarked above. But MoT pa KpaTaCn in line 6 (a typically Homeric verse ending) seems to be more difficult to reconcile with Jewish conceptions. Moira was the Greek goddess of fate, but apparently Justus sees no problem in using the term, in the tradition of Greek epigrams, to say that it was his destiny to die young. 24

The final prose expression, Sdpaei, ouSeis* d0dva.Tos", occurs very often in pagan epitaphs and its sense is much debated. This 25

2

4

S c h w a b e - L i f s h i t z ( n . 2 ) ad loc, p . 1 0 0 ; o n p . 1 0 1 they rightly e m p h a s i z e

t h a t "in this o n e h e x a m e t e r [read: p e n t a m e t e r ] c o n c e p t s f r o m two d i f f e r e n t w o r l d s mefet a n d a r e c o m b i n e d . " 2 5

und

E . g . G . D e l l i n g , "Speranda Futura," in his Studien zum hellenistischen

Judentum

(Gottingen:

zum Neuen

Testament

1 9 7 0 ) 39-44, and M . Simon,

137

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS 26

e x p r e s s i o n has been explained in very diverging ways ranging from 'banale, trostlose Wendung' to an expression o f 'courage et confiance' with respect to eternal life. It is very difficult to say what in each individual case may have been the associations this formula evoked. At first sight it may seem to be an expression o f resignation: n o one is immortal, death is common to all people, so try to be courageous in the face of the inevitable. It cannot be ruled out that such sentiments existed among Jews, who definitely did not all believe in immortality of the soul or resurrection o f the b o d y . That belief in afterlife was not part and parcel o f every­ body's Judaism is clearly evidenced by the slightly cynical epi­ taph o f a Roman Jew called Leo (CIJ 32*), which reads "Friends, I await you here!" (amici, ego vos hie exspecto) and by two Jerusalem inscriptions o n e o f which calls u p o n the survivors to enjoy themselves by eating and drinking (ev^paiveoQe ol £ d ) V T e s \ T O 8£ XOLTTOV [...] Treiv 5|ia [= d(ia] fyayelv), whereas the other simply says, "No one can go up [from the grave]". There is, however, some evidence that Sdpaei, ouSel? dBdvaTOS' was also used by Jews who did believe in a blessed afterlife. In one of the Beth She'arim catacombs we find two inscriptions by one and the same hand, BS II 193 and 194. The first runs 6 a p a e i T e , TraTepes" ocuoi, ouSels* dGdvaTOS", and the second evTvx&S TTJ U U W V avaojaaei. This seems to indicate that the use o f the 0 d p c r e i formula could well be con­ gruent with belief in the resurrection. Moreover, Gappetv/Gapaetv was already used by Plato in the context of a discussion o f afterlife 27

2 8

29

30

31

Odpaei,

ouSels*

dSdvaTOS", in

his Le christianisme antique et son contexte religieux I

(Tubingen: 1981) 63-81. 2

6

2

7

W i t h its variants (often o u S e l ? Delling,

d0dvaTos"

is

omitted).

"Speranda futura" ( n . 2 5 ) 3 9 , takes it to b e an e x p r e s s i o n

g l o o m y r e s i g n a t i o n w i t h o u t any h o p e o f afterlife; p r e t a t i o n is a d v o c a t e d by S i m o n , Gdpaei 2

8

of

the m o r e o p t i m i s t i c inter­

(n. 2 5 ) 6 5 .

T h i n k , f o r e x a m p l e , o f the S a d d u c e e s ;

see J. le M o y n e , Les

Sadduceens

(Paris: 1 9 7 2 ) 1 6 7 - 1 7 5 . 2

9

P u b l i s h e d by B. Lifshitz,

Biblique

"Notes d ' e p i g r a p h i e

palestinienne,"

7 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) 2 4 8 - 2 5 7 , w h e r e h e also refers to the m a n y p a g a n

Revue

parallels,

e.g. in Peek, G 7 7 1 6 , 7 2 1 , 9 0 5 , 1 1 1 2 , 1 2 1 8 , 1 3 0 1 , 1 3 3 3 , 1 9 2 5 , 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 7 , 2 0 2 9 , etc. Cf. L u k e 1 2 : 1 9 a n d 1 C o r 1 5 : 3 2 . It s h o u l d b e a d d e d that the occurring

nihilistic

pagan

a b b r e v i a t e d as n.f.f.n.s.n.c.) 3

0

F. M . C r o s s ,

3

1

B.

Deutschen

Lifshitz,

fui,

non

sum,

non

frequently

euro

(often

on

a Burial I n s c r i p t i o n f r o m

Mount

Scopus,"

(1983) 245-246.

"Beitrage

Palastina-Vereins

non fui,

has n o Jewish parallels.

"A N o t e

Israel Exploration Journal?,?)

formula

zur

palastinischen

78 (1962) 73-74.

Epigraphik,"

Zeitschrift

des

138

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

and immortality (Phaedo 63e, 78b, 87e, 9 5 c ) . And in the famous Codex Bezae ( D ) , at Luke 23:43, Jesus' answer to the repentant criminal's request, "Jesus, remember me when you c o m e into your kingdom", significantly is: "Keep courage (Gdpaet), today you will be with me in Paradise". Also in 4 Mace 17:4 the context leaves us in n o doubt that Gdppei is used there with regard to the expectation o f a glorious afterlife. So there certainly was a use o f 9appeiv/8apaetv in connection with the afterlife with very positive overtones. The exhortation 9dpoei, ouSel? d 0 d v a T O 9 , and certainly 0dpaei alone (which is frequent in Beth She'arim) was probably meant "to encourage the deceased to meet the dangers involved in the passage to the next world courageously". (The use o f Gappeiv in several passages in the New Testament demonstrates that it is employed most often in situations o f real and dangerous tests which can be passed or afflictions which can be b o r n e . ) The passage to the next world is beset with dangers, according to ancient conceptions, because inimical powers or demons will try to bar the deceased from entry into a new and blessed existence. Not only pagan Greeks and Romans but also Jews and Christians knew the notion o f a dangerous heavenly ascent o f the dead. 0dpaei wishes the dead the courage they need to be able to bring this journey to a successful conclusion. So there is g o o d reason to connect this phrase with a positive belief in a blessed afterlife, even though that need not be the case in every instance. 32

3 3

34

35

Let us look briefly at the second Palestinian instance, BS II 183:

3

2

3

3

Lifshitz, Beth She'arim II (n. 2 ) 2 2 4 . See

the

f i n e study o f t h e w o r d by C . S p i c q , Notes

de lexicographie

neo-

testamentaire I ( F r i b o u r g - G o t t i n g e n : 1 9 7 8 ) 3 6 7 - 3 7 1 . 3

4

S e e e.g. F. C u m o n t , After Life in Roman Paganism

169, and

his Recherches

repr. N e w York: 1 9 7 5 ) 3

5

Firmicus

sur

le symbolisme

(New Haven: 1922) 148-

des Romains

(Paris:

1942;

104-176.

Maternus,

De errore profanarum

f a m o u s e x c l a m a t i o n in

the

aecrioapevou,

fjptv

tfcrrai

funeraire

ydp

(Osiris?)

religionum

mysteries, 6appeiTe

2 2 , 1, q u o t e s pucxTai

the

TOU 0eoO

eK TT6VCOV aarrnpta. T h i s f o r m u l a i n d i c a t e s that

in m y s t e r y r e l i g i o n s as well 0 a p p e i v was u s e d in

c o n n e c t i o n with

from

R . Joly, " L ' e x h o r t a t i o n

pains', probably

r e f e r r i n g to afterlife; see

c o u r a g e ( 9 A P P E I N ) d a n s les mysteres," Revue 170.

M y c o l l e a g u e D r . Jan

also i m p l y

W i l l e m van

au

des Etudes Grecques 6 8 ( 1 9 5 5 ) 1 6 4 -

Henten

that, a l t h o u g h it is very p a i n f u l

'salvation

suggests that 0dpaei

(especially for

martyrs:

M a c e 1 7 : 4 ) t h a t w e all h a v e to d i e , the r e w a r d that is awaiting the

may see

4

righteous

o r t h e i n i t i a t e d after d e a t h is so g r e a t that w e s h o u l d r e m a i n c o u r a g e o u s in view o f that. T h i s s e e m s very p l a u s i b l e .

139

JEWISH POETICAL T O M B INSCRIPTIONS T h i s t o m b contains the dwindling remains of Karteria, preserving forever the illustrious m e m o r y o f a n o b l e w o m a n . Z e n o b i a b r o u g h t h e r h e r e for burial, fulfilling

thus h e r m o t h e r ' s

request.

For you, most blessed of w o m e n , your

offspring,

w h o m you bore from your gentle w o m b , your pious

daughter

- f o r s h e always d o e s a c t i o n s p r a i s e w o r t h y in t h e eyes o f m o r t a l s b u i l t this m o n u m e n t , s o that e v e n after t h e e n d o f life's t e r m b o t h o f you m a y enjoy again new a n d indestructible

riches.

This epitaph is metrically even more deficient than the previous one (there is an "intermingling o f dactyls and trochees and the length o f syllables is often ignored), but the spelling is correct apart from thrice i instead of £i. Lines 1-4 contain a statement about mother and daughter, lines 5-7 address the mother, lines 8-9 address both mother and daughter. Again there is much Homeric phraseology and diction (atyQirog, f|e, TLW, £6$, pe£o), KAUTCI epya, 6(J>pa, e t c . Here Zenobia is called 'pious' because she always performs 'praiseworthy deeds', in this case especially the proper burial o f her mother in the way this woman had asked her daughter to d o it. The editors take the 'new and indestructible riches' to be the splendid tomb o f Karteria, but it seems much more probable to see this as a reference to the 'treasure in heaven' that 'neither moth nor rust' can destroy and n o thieves can steal (Matt 6:20), that is, eternal life. 36

Finally, the most famous ancient Jewish funerary epigram, the only Latin o n e preserved, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum 4 7 6 (Rome, second to third century CE): H e r e lies R e g i n a , c o v e r e d b y s u c h a t o m b , w h i c h h e r h u s b a n d u p as fitting

to his l o v e . A f t e r twice

ten years s h e s p e n t with

o n e y e a r , f o u r m o n t h s a n d e i g h t days m o r e . S h e will live

set him

again,

r e t u r n to t h e light a g a i n , f o r s h e c a n h o p e t h a t s h e will rise to

the

life p r o m i s e d , as a r e a l a s s u r a n c e , t o t h e w o r t h y a n d t h e p i o u s , that she has deserved

to possess

T h i s your piety has assured love

for

your

people,

you,

this y o u r

a n a b o d e in

the

hallowed

this y o u r c h a s t e observance

of

life,

the

this y o u r

Law,

d e v o t i o n to y o u r w e d l o c k , the glory o f w h i c h was d e a r to y o u . all t h e s e d e e d s y o u r h o p e

o f t h e f u t u r e is a s s u r e d .

s o r r o w i n g h u s b a n d seeks his

3

6

comfort.

F o r details see Schwabe-Lifshitz ( n . 2 ) ad loc, p p . 1 5 7 - 1 6 7 .

In

in

land.

this

your For your

140

P. W. VAN DER HORST 37

This beautiful epitaph deserves to be dealt with at length but space prohibits this. It is unique not only in being our only Latin example but also in its unequivocal expression o f central Jewish ideas and values. Regina's husband glorifies her faithfulness, her piety, her love o f the Jewish people and her observance o f the commandments o f the Torah; and he also seeks comfort in his expectation o f Regina's resurrection from the dead. This is one o f the very few epitaphs that give such an unambiguous statement about the importance o f Torah and piety and faith in the resurrec­ tion o f the body. (I have to leave aside here the debated question o f whether the phrase meruit sedem venerandi ruris habere in line 8 is a reference to Paradise or to resurrection in the Holy L a n d . ) The Latin and the prosody are relatively faultless. 38

We have now briefly looked at 7 ancient Jewish metrical epi­ taphs. The material discussed is much too limited a sample too base any general conclusions upon. Let me therefore close with some modest observations that our scanty sources d o seem to permit us to make. We have seen a relatively g o o d knowledge o f the Greek (and Latin) language and literature in its archaic and classical forms, and also, albeit it to a lesser extent, o f its prosody, among educated Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. We also saw a restrained use o f Greek mythological motifs, or at least terms, like Hades, Lethe and Moira. We could observe a variety o f ideas about life after death, ranging from a gloomy pessimism to 3

7

The

translation

is by H . J. L e o n

(The Jews

of Ancient

Rome

[Phila­

d e l p h i a : 1 9 6 0 ] 3 3 5 ) , b u t slightly c o r r e c t e d o n the basis o f the critical r e m a r k s by

Lifshitz

(Prolegomenon

to

CIJ I 3 8 ) , w h o

also

convincingly

refutes

F e r r u a ' s thesis t h a t t h e p o e m is Christian. Lifshitz' c l a i m that amor

generis

(in l i n e

(her)

1 0 ) d o e s n o t m e a n 'love o f the

family'

seems

'loving

the

3

8

unfounded;

the

frequent

p e o p l e ' b u t 'love o f

meaning

of

L e o n , Jews ( n . 3 6 ) 2 4 9 , takes it to m e a n Paradise; so d o e s Frey ( n . 1)

ad

[Jewish]

cf.

(Jewish)

in

the

community'.

loc. B u t H . C . C . Cavallin, Life after Death Eschatologie

^iXdXaos"

und Jenseitserwartung

I (Lund:

im hellenistischen

1974) 168, U.

Diasporajudentum

Fischer, (Berlin:

1 9 7 8 ) 2 3 5 , a n d D e l l i n g , "Speranda futura" ( n . 2 5 ) 4 2 , take it to m e a n that by her resurrection

R e g i n a will have a p l a c e

[ H . L . Strack -] P. Billerbeck, Kommentar Midrasch

in

the H o l y L a n d , referring

zum Neuen

Testament

III ( M i i n c h e n : 1 9 2 6 ) 8 2 8 - 9 a n d I V ( 1 9 2 8 )

aus

Talmud

1198. There

Billerbeck

q u o t e s s o m e later r a b b i n i c testimonies to the effect that the r e s u r r e c t i o n take p l a c e in

the l a n d o f Israel. T h i s d o e s n o t i m p l y that o u r

open.

will

inscription

s h o u l d b e i n t e r p r e t e d as sharing this n o t i o n , b u t it has to b e c o n c e d e d venerandum

to und

that

rus is an o d d e x p r e s s i o n for Paradise. T h e q u e s t i o n m u s t r e m a i n

141

JEWISH POETICAL TOMB INSCRIPTIONS

a lofty expectation o f bodily resurrection or immortality o f the soul. There certainly was n o unanimity in this matter. We should, however, be careful in the use of the argumentum e silentio in this respect. It cannot be said that the writers o f the vast majority o f epitaphs in which there is no (clear) sign o f belief in afterlife were non-believers in this respect. For, in spite of the fact that belief in the resurrection o f the body was a much more central tenet in Christianity from the beginning than in Judaism, in ancient Christian epitaphs, too, this belief finds expression only rarely. 39

Perhaps the most interesting and puzzling aspect o f our topic is the uneven distribution o f the material. Why only o n e metrical epitaph from Rome, the city from which we have more ancient Jewish epitaphs than from any other place (even Jerusalem), n o less than some 600? Why are there n o metrical epitaphs from Asia Minor, where Jews had lived for so long and were integrated so much more into society than in many other areas o f the ancient world that it is only in Asia Minor that we find Jews in the highest echelons o f society and politics? Why are 80% o f our metrical epitaphs from Leontopolis, a very important religious centre for Egyptian Jewry? A n d why two metrical epitaphs in Homeric Greek in the necropolis o f Beth She'arim which was the burial-place of Rabbi Judah ha-Nasi, the codifier o f the Mishnah, and o f other rabbis and their families? Tertullian's phrase Quid Hierosolymis cum Athenis could be rephrased here as Quid Mishnae cum Homero? These are important and fascinating questions the answers to which either cannot (or not yet) be given at all or would require a much wider and more detailed treatment o f all aspects than has been possible in this short paper. 40

3

9

See

I. K a j a n t o , " T h e H e r e a f t e r

in A n c i e n t

Christian

Epigraphy

and

Poetry," Arctos 1 2 ( 1 9 7 8 ) 2 7 - 5 3 . 4

0

For further

Jewish Epitaphs

d i s c u s s i o n I have to refer the r e a d e r to m y b o o k

(n. 1 ) .

Ancient

142

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

APPENDIX: CORPUS OF JEWISH METRICAL EPITAPHS

41

CIJ 476 (Rome) I. 3. 5. 7. 9. II. 13.

Hie Regina sita est tali contecta sepulcro quod coniunx statuit respondens eius amori. haec post bis denos secum transsegerat annum et quartum mensem restantibus octo diebus. rursum victura, reditura ad lumina rursum, nam sperare potest ideo quod surgat in aevom promissum quae vera fides dignisque piisque. quae meruit sedem venerandi ruris habere. hoc tibi praestiterat pietas, hoc vita pudica, hoc et amor generis, hoc observantia legis. coniugii meritum cuius tibi gloria curae. horum factorum tibi sunt speranda futura, de quibus et coniunx maestus solacia quaerit.

IGUR III 1231 = IG XIV 1648 (Rome) 1.

[CTtOV 8]C£XOKTO) [LOVOjeVT) Kai TTCXpOcfVOV

eQaupe AtapoGeos" " r a T i p , |r]eX\6vu|icJ>ov Tu(3i [ir\vbg elKd8i [elXes", Tr]oi/r)pe 8atu\ov, bg T O V ^pvrraXiv [ol V 6 Q ] T O V O U K eKkxtaag, akrrrep fiXmae. [6eo8o]aiav

3. 5.

[r|v

[6KTa)]Kai8ex£'nr|S', ^

T L

iTapQevos"

oloyeveia

4 1

T h e r e a d e r will find h e r e the texts o f all Jewish m e t r i c a l t o m b inscrip­ tions. T h e first o n e f r o m R o m e a c c o r d i n g to the e d i t i o n o f L e o n ( n . 3 7 ) , t h e s e c o n d o n e a c c o r d i n g to the re-edition o f H o r s l e y ( n . 1; n o t e t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f its c o n t e n t s in a n o t h e r m e t e r after verse 5 a n d t h e final Latin l i n e in 1 0 ) ; t h e o n e f r o m L o r i u m a c c o r d i n g to C I L ; t h e o n e f r o m Larissa a c c o r d i n g to t h e e d i t i o n o f Frey ( n . 1 ) ; t h o s e f r o m L e o n t o p o l i s a n d S c h e d i a a c c o r d i n g to t h e n e w e d i t i o n o f H o r b u r y a n d N o y ( n . 3 ) , with o n l y slight m o d i f i c a t i o n s ; t h o s e f r o m B e t h S h e ' a r i m a c c o r d i n g to the e d i t i o n o f S c h w a b e - L i f s h i t z ( n . 2 ) . A s is the case with CIJ 7 0 1 f r o m Larissa, CPJ 1 5 3 9 f r o m L e o n t o p o l i s ( ? ) is n o t a m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h in t h e strict s e n s e o f t h e w o r d . O n l y t h e p h r a s e s

dKOdpevos

1

poyepto?

( 7 - 9 ) a n d <S T r d p o S o i S a K p t i a a r e

(9-10)

are in metrical

f o r m ( r e s p . h e x a m e t r i c a n d i a m b i c ) ; see B e r n a n d , Inscriptions metriques ( n . 3 ) 373. N e v e r t h e l e s s it has b e e n i n c l u d e d h e r e f o r t h e sake o f c o m p l e t e n e s s . The i n c l u s i o n o f the s e c o n d inscription f r o m R o m e ( I G U R III 1 2 3 1 ) is b a s e d s o l e l y u p o n t h e fact that t h e n a m e s T h e o d o s i a a n d D o r o t h e u s s o u n d very Jewish, b u t t h e r e is n o a b s o l u t e certainty a b o u t their Jewishness. The a u t h o r o w e s t h a n k s to C a m b r i d g e University Press f o r t h e i r p e r m i s ­ s i o n to r e p r i n t the m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h s f r o m the r e c e n t e d i t i o n b y W . H o r b u r y and D . N o y ( = JIGRE).

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

7.

[6EO]8OCRF,a

KCITOU,

ACOPO0EOI)

9.

[ D X X ' a) v ] r | X E 6 0 U | a e X D P O V , T'L a e T6OOOV evr]r\g [Te]epe [...

[ivrpQelg T?$ [ |J.F)

TRAPLSNS"

,

[

] o v 6|J.o^poa<Jvr|S .

1

7.

(bs Kayo) ^ I X D S E X ^ o s " e w v Kai Trdca TROXEITAIS'

9.

el|il

X P N A T O S " eKotp:f|0R|V OETOV 6

-nXrpiov DXXOYEVCOV. \p]g E V [ 0 O U X ] a i a i v

TlaouTOS',

E V 0 D 8 E uvn[j.f|a) Ket|iai II.

(erovg)

apiorog

dTro0i|ievos'.

8 , TIAAK/>I I N ' .

(LEONTOPOLIS)

1490

a ) 8 ' UTT6 T 6 ARNXDSOS" |j.EXA0POV, £ e v e , ANPIAS",

=

JIGRE

67Y 1.

3 0

YFIPAS- d ^ L ? linTpos"

Ke[nrai?...]

E X E ^ T d ^ ? ]

144

P. W. VAN DER HORST

3.

Kal TcfKva vrprt' eXeivd Kal aw-npdv ira [pdKotTiv],

5.

KXauaaTe T O V TrpoXiTrovTa T O oep-VOTa [TOV

TTOXXCOV dvSpcoTroov poiSo? euiv aocJ)[ia?J ]

Kal TTOXLV, dvSpcoTTtov 8' f|0ea Kal cJ>iXlav. >

7.

A[r|][ Las (pfs*] (enov) \r\,

9.

Kal. ay, 'AXgavope,

5

(eTous-) v8', 'A6[i)]p y'. TTaortf>iXe Kal dv£y11.

Kkrfre, xpntcn"]^. xfatpe]. 1508 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 31

1.

TT)V T O Trplv kv \\. [eyd]Xoiaiv dyaXXopivnv |j.eXd[0]poiai

3.

vfuliicpo^iiois"CTToXtSeaaiauvoiKos" [e]6[v] ydp a t o p o ?

5.

f|vtKa [ydp] KW[(I]COV Trdrayols' irp]bg espials' 8[

uap9[£]vov OKp:atr|v, £elve, cxfopuaov k\i£-

w\i4>[Qiv]og

anryepou TouSe X[e]Xoyx[a] T[d(J>]oir ]

f|[[ieX]X£v [ikXmv Trg[Tp]6[s'] £|J.QV [p.]eXa0p[ov] 7.

cos" p68[o]v [e]v KfpTtoi [V]OT'LOLV Spooepaiat TeOnXos' [ali^VLotcos" M-f Xa(3d){(3a)}v $x T' Iwv 'AtoYils-] e

9.

LKO [OL, £ei]ve, 8' eytb CTcftufv KIKXOUS- TeXeaaaa ?].

O y 1509 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 32 I.

"Opala? Tafyog ovrog, o6oiTr6pe- 8 d K p u a Xe[ipe].

3.

T p a f s ' Se^oSa? TrXiyjaa' er[e(ov. Tipels" &8[e ir]dpeap.ev,

N[i]KoXdou [0uy]dTT|p, f| K a T a TrdvT[a

arv]xf£,

6 dvrp K a l [r\ 0uyd]Tr|p K a l f | [ i [Tr]eir6pa)Kav eyih. 5

] e c n i v (TpiTrj), eiTa 8[£ TTCP.TT]TT| Elprivn 0uydTT|p, f| ydiios- O I K e860n.

7.

[K]dya> 8f) f) aKXripos", dvcfix^pavTos" u\eTd T O U T O U ?

9.

dXX' a T r e x ^ L S ' , to £elve,

II.

(eTou?) L', Xotax C-

e(38o(ifi TOU Xolax to8' ere0r|v w o yf|v.

oaavLKT| Xeta(3eiTi Tra-rfip, w8eivL 8e Mdipa

TT\V

K a T a TrdvTa aTuxfiv, Suopiopov, alvopiopov.

ur|{i}Tp6s" €TreX 8e p.' d^fis" dvOos* h>u|±<poKO|-iei,

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

TTporroTOKOU |ie

7.

Kat |ieiKp6v |iev

Ttpbg TeXog

TCKVOU 7

eyes\

tyvxh 8 '

els' ooious- e i r e T e .

'ApOLVOTlS' eTTLKT|8eiOS' (eTous-) Ke\

Mexeip P'-

6 ^ 1 5 1 1 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 34 1. El|iel eyd) 'Irjaous', 6 c^ij? 8e 4>a|ie'is\ TrapoSetTa, (e£f|KOVTa erOtv) r\XQov 8 ' e l ? 'Aei8av. 3.

KXauraTe 8f) d(ia TrdvTas" T O V e^aTr'ivns" (leTapdvTa

5.

Kai ov

7.

Teicvov epxii el o[tj], eyd) yap dTrf|X9ov dTeKs"

els* fiuxov

alcovcov, ev

aKOTig 8idyeiv.

8e, Aaxr'uSee, KaTcucXae p.e

-

8dKpLQL TTLKpOTdTOLS" TU|l(3a) e\i&

KXauaaTe TravTes" 6|iou 'Inaov

aol yap dvdyKn Trpoxeeiv

8ua|ievea.

CPJ1512 (Leontopolis) = //Gi2E 35 1. f]T0)v 8eKar\xs, ITauvi evd-rn eiKa8i

dpf|0avn.

e l a i 8 e |iou aTfiXnv, TrapoSiTa, KXauaov dSXriCTas',

3.

0

oais x^P "^ dpn

5.

Kcx//ai TrevTdia (iTevTaeTT|v).

y a p ouSe yd|iou ^eToxos" Ki|J.ai

Kai yove {ales' Trdaxoua' iKeXws* eirl ulov

61 re cpiXol 7.

£T|TOUCTIV 6|ir|XlKa Kai

a w | i a 8 ' e|iov KiTai x o p °

K<X>qvoas 9.

ev

(el)Tre

-

v

TIK^PCOI,

dpeaT6v,

auveTaipov

L

S' {Isl euaepea.

dupe, Travc68u{8u}pe, Kai TTavdpicrre{a},

os" Trdoris' {ns-} dpeTf^s' TrdvTOTe KuSaXipitofc)

CPJ1513 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 36 1.

doTeoi

Kai £evoi,

KaTaKXauaaTe TrdvTes"'PaxfiXiv,

ad)(J>pova, TraaL(f)lXr|v, ws- (TpiaKOVTaeTT)v). 3.

|if|

\ie

\±&TT)V TrevBlTe Kevd? [

el 8 ' 6<Xl>yov £ f | a a 5.

0V0V

XP

Kepi|ievov,

dXXd eXeou? eXniSa dya0r|V e y d ) Trpoa8exop.au Kai

'AyaSoKX-ns" cb? (eTcov) Xr\\

CPJ 1522 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 37 1.

TTaTrTrlwva |j.eiKp6v KXauaov emaTds'.

146

P. W. VAN DER HORST

3.

K \ O £ |ie |irrrr|p,

5.

£IK [0(JL6]TrTQ6Tr)V.

f) Tr[eTru]pa)p:euri

KXaufcraTe] JT&VTES. CPJ1530 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 38 I. 5/rdXa |iavuTeipa. —rig kv Kuavauyei Tupi^a) K e i a a t ; Kal irdTpav Kal yeveTqy 'ivene. — 3. 'Aporvoa, Koupa 8' ' A X L V O T I S ' Kal On&oaloio4>a|iia0d 8' 'Cvlou y a Tpo^os* dpLerepa. — 5. •noGoaeTr\s 8' &\ioQa$ imb O K O T O E V KXt|±a Ad0as"; — 0V

iKoo~€TT\s yoepov x&P £fa) veKvav. — 7. C^uy'io-Ons- 8£ ydiious"; —£eux0TTv. —KaTcXlviraves' a u r a TEKVOV; — a T e K V o s * £|3av el? 'At8ao 86u\ous\ — v 9. in aol Kou4>a x®& 4>0LM-€VOLO (J>uXdKrap. — Kal aot, £eive, (f>epoi Kapirov ano crraxvoav. II. (erovg) is*' ITauvi Ka'. v

a

CPJ 1530a (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 39 I. n e v T f | K o < i / > T a jpidv krkuv K U K X O V f)8' dvuaavTa auTos 6 TTav8ap:drap f p T r a a e v els* 'Al8r|v. 3. ai xQwv djip.o^avris', o W Sepias' apxpiKaXirnns' 'A(3pdpiou ^uxfl? T O U pLaKapioTOTdrou. 5. O U K d y e p a o T o s " etyv ydp d v d TTT6XII>, dXXd Kal dpxf) Trav8f|(ia) kQviK?\ ecnre(f>eT' kv ao(f>(.g. 7. 8 i a o w ydp T E TOTTGOV TToXiTapx&v awbs krei\i.& 1

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9.

8k a o t , C T T ^ O L X ' boa T O L , i/juxn, Trpiv efccuOes", TEKVbiV dya0aiv a u £ o u . e v yever\. dXXd a u , ai irapoSeiTa, I8cbv dya0ou Td(pov dvSpos" bv re Karev^rpjQiu Tola c^pdaas* dm0r

TrdvTa Kal

II. 13.

yalav

'ixois

kXafypav ei$ rbv dirairra

Cf/1539 (Leontopolis?) = JIGRE 40 1. d p i Maxdcav T O U Za(3(3a 3. TaLou, TeXeura e r a v _

5.

TTevre- 4>LXou^vn

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XP -

JEWISH

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9.

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tO TTCtpO-

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dcf>0iTov r\e 3 .

EJUS*

TTOXXOLOLV

BS I I 1 8 3 ( B E T H 1 .

mKpoTdTois'

[

veKvg [Z]a4)o[vs vibg

SEIXTOVS-

Y ' EX0[WV

AIJV 7 .

TTCTPT]?] .

]

SHE'ARIM)

TrdoT|S' 004)1119

XDIF;a

Kai

8 ' AXYEAFT

Trp6a0ev

auTOKaaiyvTyrous' 5.

(?)

£

(BETH

O? 3 .

TTJL

8 '

AOXRIOEA

1 .

Taina

ev 2 x 8 T R ) I , &rpa X [ A X O U A A rode (?)]. TrapaaTeLxovTes* 6 8 [ O V rfySe (?) el-nare TrdvTes'

KetfiaL

BSII127

]

[[wra

auval|IOU

TrevTeKaieiKoaeTTis'

9.

ypdp:

e\i | i e y d p o i a i v eyr\\i[e (?) \ie

XAIPF|[|I]A)V,

7 .

INSCRIPTIONS

6X06-

8OL, 1 1 .

POETICAL TOMB

ALET,

piou

0 L T e

TTXOUTOV.

ALPHABET-INSCRIPTIONS FROM JEWISH GRAVES* A L I C E B y DE V A A T E

Most Jewish epitaphs from the Graeco-Roman world are only short texts, consisting o f the name o f the deceased to which addi­ tions such as age, occupation, laudatory epithets, and greetings or a wish to the departed may have been placed. There are, however, inscriptions which stand out from this pattern. Remarkable are some which consist o f several letters o f the alphabet in successive order, or o f the complete alphabet. This kind o f inscription is commonly designated by the term abecedarium. T o avoid con­ fusion, however, the term alphabet-inscription is to be preferred, since abecedarium is the usual name for poetic texts, consisting o f several lines, the first o f which starts with the first letter o f the alphabet, the second with the second letter, etc. Familiar examples of such alphabetical acrostics are Psalms 111, 112 and 145. The inscriptions which are the subject of this paper, on the other hand, offer n o regular text. All they consist of, are just several successive letters o f the alphabet. Although they were discovered in graves, the alphabet-inscriptions seem to have nothing in c o m m o n with what is regularly considered to be an epitaph. N o personal name is included, so obviously they were not meant to commemorate a deceased. So what did they mean? Why should one write down the alphabet in a grave? Or, as A. Dieterich put it: "Freilich bilden diese Zeichenreihen kein Wort, aber d o c h eine Formel, die keinen Sinn haben mag, aber in irgendeinen Sinne zu irgendeimen Zwecke verwendet sein muB". 1

1. Description of the alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves Until now three alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves have been published. One o f them was found in Jericho and is dated in the first century CE, ante 68. The inscription consists o f the first 2

I w o u l d like to t h a n k D r J. W . van H e n t e n helpful 1

A. Dieterich,

" A B C - D e n k m a l e r , " Kleine

1 9 1 1 ) 2 0 2 ( = Rheinisches 2

R.

a n d L . C o z i j n s e n f o r their

remarks.

Hachlili,

Museum fur Philologie56

"The

Goliath

Family

Schriften

(Leipzig

and

Berlin:

[1901] 77).

in J e r i c h o :

Funerary

Inscriptions

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

149

eight or nine letters of the Greek alphabet. It is written in charcoal on the inside o f the lid o f an ossuary, a bone-receptacle. Clearly visible are alpha to theta; they may have been followed by an iota. Separated by a horizontal line over the width o f the lid may have followed phi. Two o f the letters have an unusual form: the bar o f the theta is missing and the zeta is slightly turned so that it looks like a nu. ABrA | EZ | HO | K?) | - |

i>XaKTT|piov, an amulet, which was put in the grave with the deceased, as a protection—most likely—against evil demons who threaten the voyage of the soul to the hereafter. Since the Leyden Papyrus had an apotropaic function, obviously the alphabet in this papyrus must have served this function. Dieterich argues that the magical significance of the alphabet in the Leyden Papyrus offers the p r o p e r explanation for the inscriptions. A magical signifi­ cance has to be awarded to them as well. 27

In addition to the Leyden Magical Papyrus there are other magical texts, not mentioned by Dieterich, which even m o r e clearly show the magical significance o f the alphabet. In a magical recipe we find the following advice in order to stay unharmed o n the battlefield: 28

Et 8e

kv -rroXepco dpXa(3fis- elvai, vr|aTeuaov fipepas" y' e i T a abv ovopa Kal T O O aou TraTp6s Kal prjTpos" peTa rf\g ap\ pe0' a'tpaTos* TrcptoTcpSs" dorrlXou Xeuicfjs" Kal p6axou kv x P P dyevfrrar Kal cf>6pei auro bxav diTepxei kv TToXipw a-yvcS?- Kal ov pfi -

POUXCL

ypdif/ov

>

TO

a

ae a T r n r r r a i

KOKOV.

TLC

2 9

'If you want to stay unharmed on the battlefield: fast three days, then write your name, your father's and your mother's name and 2

7

2

8

T h e f o l l o w i n g r e f e r e n c e s I o w e to L . C o z i j n s e n , U t r e c h t .

2

9

A . D e l a t t e , Anecdota

S e e a b o v e n. 1 0 .

sophic 1927) line

et Lettres d e

v.).

I ( B i b l i o t h e q u e d e la F a c u l t e d e P h i l o ­

d e Liege, Fascicule

36; Liege

and

Paris:

6 3 4 11. 5 - 9 . It is to b e n o t e d that LSJ r e c o r d s d X ^ d p n T O ? o n l y as m a s c u ­ (s.v.,

Thesaurus s.

Atheniensia

l'Universite

7 4 ) , t h o u g h it d o e s o c c u r also in the f e m i n i n e Graecae Lingua

(see f o r

examples

[eds. H . S t e p h a n u s a n d C . B. H a s e ; Paris 1 8 3 1 ] 1 . 1 5 9 9

156

A . J. BIJ DE V A A T E

the alphabet with the blood of an unblemished white dove and of a calf on an [lit.] unborn piece of paper and carry it with you when you go to war, being chaste; no harm will befall you.' Almost identical is the recipe to ward off an enemy: El

8e

(3oi)Xei

Iva

pvq a o i &/rr|Tai

Troificrai, ypdtfjov T 6 6vo|id aou

[sic]

atp-aTo?

dXcKTopos*

dcmlXou

pi*|Te

TTOTC

a

XeuKfjs"-

Tl

els X P x& ev

ApxcvTos" MLxafiX peTa TT\S a|3

TOO

116X60)? -

ex^pbs

Kai T U V yovecov aou aov

kvavriov aoi

Kai

T 6 6vou\av

Trap0evov yfj

els

\ie&

0i»pav

3 0

'If you want an enemy never to attack you or t o do anything against you: write your name, your parents' names and the name of the archon Michael and the alphabet on [lit.] virginal paper with the blood of an unblemished white cock: bury (it) in the earth near the city-gate.' The writing o f the alphabet served other purposes as well besides warding off evil o n the battlefield and warding off enemies. The alphabet is also recommended in a recipe for becoming rich and in a recipe for success in business. The objective o f these recipes could be attained, in combination with other magical practices, by merely writing down the alphabet. In addition to these recipes, there is an amulet to be mentioned which equally clearly sup­ ports the view that the alphabet could have a magical significance. O n the obverse o f this amulet the complete Greek alphabet is engraved. T h e reverse has in the centre only nine successive 31

3

0

Anecdota Atheniensia I, 6 3 4 11. 1 3 - 1 7 . T h e fact that the a r c h a n g e l M i c h a e l is m e n t i o n e d , d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n t h a t this r e c i p e is J e w i s h o r C h r i s t i a n ; t h e w o r l d o f m a g i c is a syncretistic o n e . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , w e m a y h a v e a p a r a l l e l o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n |ieT& Tfj? a(3, 'with t h e a l p h a b e t ' , in t h e B a b y l o n i a n T a l m u d . I n b. Gittin 6 0 a is r e f e r r e d to the d e d i c a t i o n o f a g o l d e n p l a q u e to the t e m p l e by q u e e n H e l e n a o f A d i a b e n e . T h e p l a q u e h a d t h e text o f N u m 5:1 Iff. e n g r a v e d o n it, "n'3 *fiVQ, ". I n his E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f b. Gittin, M a u r i c e S i m o n interprets I T 3 *pK2 as e x p r e s s i n g t h a t o n l y t h e initial letters o f N u m 5:1 Iff. w e r e written o n t h e p l a q u e (The Babylonian Talmud, Seder Nashim TV [ e d . I. Epstein; L o n d o n : 1 9 3 6 ] 2 8 2 ) . I n F. D o r n s e i f f s o p i n i o n , c r y p t o g r a p h y is at stake: every alef is r e p l a c e d by b e t h , every b e t h by g i m e l , etc. (Das Alphabet 7 1 ) . M o s t likely h o w e v e r , is that the e x p r e s s i o n r P 3 *pNZ is t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f [ierdi Tfjs" a(3, 'with t h e a l p h a b e t ' , f r o m t h e m a g i c a l r e c i p e s . V o t i v e tablets with the a l p h a b e t are w e l l - k n o w n . In b. Gittin 6 0 a w e m i g h t h a v e a literary e x a m p l e o f a Jewish d e d i c a t i o n with the a l p h a b e t . T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f t h e two e x p r e s s i o n s n e e d n o t i m p l y that q u e e n H e l e n a ' s d e d i c a t i o n — w h e t h e r h i s t o r i c a l o r f i c t i t i o u s — h a d s o m e m a g i c a l signifi­ c a n c e . N o t all a l p h a b e t - i n s c r i p t i o n s n e e d h a v e h a d a m a g i c a l f u n c t i o n . D e p e n d a n t o n the archaeological context a n d o n the g e n r e o f inscription, t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e a l p h a b e t m a y have differed. 3 1

Anecdota

Atheniensia

I, 6 3 4 11. 18 - 6 3 5 , 1. 1 0 .

157

ALPHABET-INSCRIPTIONS FROM JEWISH GRAVES

letters, including the numeral sti: a(3y | Sec | £r|9; on the rim are the magical letters par excellence, namely the seven vowels aenioua). It is clear from those instances that in the ancient world magical value was attached to the alphabet. The question is, with regard to the alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves, whether Jews shared this view. It is likely that they did. In the first place, the fact that the inscriptions are Jewish does not exclude the possibility that they were meant to be magical. During the last decades there is a growing awareness that, on the one hand, Judaism in the Graeco-Roman period was not an 'orthodox' self-contained monolith, and that, on the other hand, the borderline between religion and magic was a faint o n e . G. Luck states that "one cannot really understand the World of the ancient Greeks and Romans without some knowledge o f what is today called 'folklore'—what used to be called, in a dero­ gatory sense, 'superstition' ... Magic and witchcraft, the fear o f demons and ghosts, the wish to manipulate invisible powers—all were very much a part o f life in the ancient w o r l d " . T o these words might immediately be added that the Jews lived in that magical world too, or even, that Jews also contributed to that magical world. Many magical papyri bear the stamp o f Jewish tradition. According to ancient authors such as Juvenal, Celsus and Lucian o f Samosata, Jews, among others, had a reputation for their magical practices. Archaeological proof for the spread o f magic within Judaism has b e e n f o u n d in s o m e ancient Palestinian synagogues, where amulets have been discovered. At the synagogue o f ancient Maon, in the north-western Negev, nineteen amulets were unearthed in the apse, which would mean that they were placed in the immediate vicinity o f the 32

3 3

34

35

3

2

Ph.

Derchain,

d ' A t h e n e s , " Chronique 3

3

Six

"Intailles

magiques

du

Musee

de

Numismatique

d'Egypte 3 9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) 1 9 3 n o . 2 3 .

A s f o r t h e first s t a t e m e n t , see A . T . K r a a b e l , " T h e R o m a n Questionable

"Archaeological

Assumptions,"

Evidence

JJS

33

(1982)

Diaspora:

4 4 5 - 4 6 4 ; L. V.

Rutgers,

f o r t h e I n t e r a c t i o n o f Jews a n d Non-Jews in

A n t i q u i t y , " AJA 9 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) 1 0 1 - 1 1 8 . A s for t h e s e c o n d : H . S. V e r s n e l , R e f l e c t i o n s o n the R e l a t i o n s h i p M a g i c - Religion," Numen 3

4

Arcana

Collection

Mundi,

Magic

and

the Occult

Late

"Some

38 (1991) 177-197.

in the Greek and

Roman

Worlds,

A

o f A n c i e n t T e x t s T r a n s l a t e d , A n n o t a t e d , a n d I n t r o d u c e d by G e o r g

L u c k ( B a l t i m o r e a n d L o n d o n : 1 9 8 5 ) xiii. 3

5

See M . Stern,

Greek and

1974) nos. 2 9 9 , 3 7 4 and 3 7 5 .

Latin

Authors

on Jews and Judaism

(Jerusalem:

158

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE 36

Torah shrine. In the second place, especially concerning the alphabet, we have some evidence that Jews too considered the alphabet to possess magical power. This appears from The Testa­ ment of Solomon, a writing from the first century CE. In chapter 18 of the Testament, the appearance o f demons before King Solomon is described. The demons make themselves known by mention­ ing their name, they name their activity as well as the means by which they can be warded off. O n e o f the demons introduces himself as follows (v. 38): >

Eyw'Prj^ AuTcb0 KaXoOpm. 4>06vous tXa>v Kai pdxas" yel p.e Se TO a' Kai (3' ypa(f>6u£vov.

TTOLW.

KaTap-

37

T am called Rhyx Autoth. I cause jealousies and squabbles between those who love each other. But the alphabet, written down, thwarts m e ' . 38

There is therefore reason to accept the view that the alphabetinscriptions from the Jewish graves were presumed to have had magical power. Less clear, however, is the objective at which the inscriptions were aimed. In the magical recipes as well as in the Testament of Salomon, the objective o f writing down the alphabet is clearly indicated. In the recipes, the aim is to ward off evil, enemies, or the obtainment o f some g o o d ; in the Testament of Solomon it is to ward off a demon. The magical power exerted by the alphabet is therefore related to different objectives: protection against evil (whether persons or demons) or the obtainment o f prosperity. Exactly what objective the authors o f the alphabets from the Jewish graves had in mind, is not easy to determine. Considering that the inscriptions d o not relate directly to the deceased, as was concluded above, it is less likely that the alpha­ bets were written in order to bring prosperity or luck to the departed. Probably they were intended as a means o f protection against any disturbance o f the grave, whether by persons or by

3

6

J. N a v e h ,

Shaked,

Amulets

"Lamp Inscriptions and

Magic

IE]

Bowls—Aramaic

3 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 4 2 ; J. N a v e h Incantations

of Late

and

S.

Antiquity

2

(Jerusalem 1 9 8 7 ; first e d i t i o n 1 9 8 5 ) 1 6 . 3

7

Ed. C. C. McCown,

The

Testament

of Solomon

(Untersuchungen

zum

N e u e n T e s t a m e n t , H e f t 9; Leipzig: 1 9 2 2 ) . 3

8

T h e translation is f r o m D . C . D u l i n g ,

s i o n a' (Het

Kai

Testament

eeuwen

van

OTP I, 9 8 1 , e x c e p t f o r t h e e x p r e s ­

P', w h e r e t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f L . C o z i j n s e n van

Salomo,

Een

onze jaartelling

document

[Na

de

van j o o d s e

Schriften

D u l i n g translates literally: 'the letters A l p h a a n d

6;

is to b e

magie

Kampen:

Beta'.

preferred

uit d e

eerste

1990]

121).

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

1 5 9

demons. As appears from several Jewish Palestinian epitaphs, the desecration o f a grave was treated as a serious danger. What seem to have been viewed as appropriate measures were taken to protect the graves from this threat. An inscription from Beth She'arim for instance states: Trd? ToXpuSv dvu£e e

exactly co-terminous with the temple, since Jews could have settled there earlier (as Josephus perhaps im­ plies), and would not necessarily have left immediately after the temple was closed. However, it is unlikely that they were there before the first half o f the 2nd century BC, or that the community survived the revolt of AD 115-7. 4

T h e site known in Arabic as Tell el-Yehoudieh was first excavated by Naville and Griffith for the Egypt Exploration Fund in the 1880s. There were further excavations by Flinders Petrie (1890s), du Mesnil du Buisson (1929) and Adam ( 1 9 5 1 ) . The main interest was in finding the site o f the temple, which Naville and Flinders Petrie claimed to have done, although their inter­ pretation o f the remains they found has been regarded by some as rather imaginative. Du Mesnil du Buisson ("Le temple d'Onias" 64) referred to the so-called remains o f the temple as "Mr Petrie's miserable building", and Petrie's understanding o f the site seems to have been influenced more byjosephus's description than by the archaeological remains which were actually found. However, the identification of the settlement as Leontopolis has been univer­ sally accepted. Tell el-Yehoudieh matches the geographical de­ tails given by Josephus. There was a temple o f Bast there, which also matches what Josephus says. The tombstones show a high proportion o f biblical or Hebrew-derived names (including many 5

4

J o s e p h u s , J.W.

7 § 4 2 6 - 4 3 6 ; Ant.

12 § 3 8 7 - 8 , 1 3 § 6 2 - 7 3 . T h e e v i d e n c e a b o u t

t h e f o u n d a t i o n is discussed by M . D e l c o r , "Le t e m p l e d ' O n i a s e n Egypte,"

RB

75 (1968) 188-205. 5

E. Naville,

Exploration LI.

Fund,

Griffith,

"The

"The

BIFAO

"Compte

and

rendue

of

the Jew

and

the

City o f

Onias,"

Egypt

(extra v o l u m e for 1 8 8 8 - 9 , L o n d o n : 1 8 9 0 ) 3 - 3 0 ; F.

Antiquities

F l i n d e r s P e t r i e , Hyksos Buisson,

Mound

7th Memoir

of

Israelite

Tell

el-Yahoudieh,"

Cities ( L o n d o n :

sommaire

d'une

ibid.

33-76; W . M .

1 9 0 6 ) ; R. d u Mesnil

mission

a Tell

du

el-Yahoudiye,"

2 9 ( 1 9 2 9 ) 1 5 5 - 1 7 7 ; R. d u M e s n i l d u B u i s s o n , "Le t e m p l e d ' O n i a s et le

c a m p H y k s o s a T e l l el Y a h o u d i y e , " BIFAO D i s c o v e r i e s in t h e Eastern 5 5 (1958) 301-324.

Delta," Annates

3 5 ( 1 9 3 5 ) 5 9 - 7 1 ; S. A d a m , "Recent du Service des Antiquites

de

VEgypte

164

D. NOY

variations o f "Sabbath"), completely unparallelled anywhere else in Egypt, and one of the epitaphs (JIGRE no. 38) says that the dead woman was raised in "the land of Onias". T h e tombstones which Naville found came from what he regarded as a late Ptolemaic or early Roman necropolis: it was an area o f tombs cut in the rock on the fringe o f the desert. Much damage had already been done to it by people looking for lime­ stone and (presumably) grave-goods. The standard form o f tomb was a slope or a flight o f three or four steps down to a doorway sealed with a limestone slab, leading to an excavated chamber with a number o f horizontal niches (loculi) for bodies cut into the walls. The bodies were placed with a brick under the head. Some tombs contained stelae with inscriptions which Naville published. Presumably they were fixed to the walls by the openings o f the loculi, but this is not usually made clear in the reports. In one case two names were painted on plaster on the wall. Most o f the stelae eventually f o u n d their way to the Cairo and Alexandria Museums. There is also a substantial collection in the National Museum at Warsaw, but it is unclear how these stones were originally acquired. Naville removed the stelae he found, but he did not publish an adequate plan o f the necropolis or any systematic record o f where in it they came from. It is therefore impossible to put any o f them in context, or to establish any connection between people buried near to each other. 6

7

Du Mesnil du Buisson (1929) recorded having found further grave stelae in the necropolis, but only published one. A number of other stelae were bought by the Egyptian Antiquities Service in nearby villages. Their form and in some cases content support the attribution to Leontopolis which is suggested by their proximity. A few more stones which have appeared on the Egyptian antiquities market can be attributed to Leontopolis with reasonable confi­ dence because they contain Jewish names and have the other main characteristics o f the site.

6

A . K a s h e r , The Jews in Hellenistic

and Roman

Egypt

(Tubingen: 1985) 119-

1 3 5 , discusses t h e site b u t claims to b e able to distinguish b e t w e e n P t o l e m a i c a n d R o m a n t o m b s in a way w h i c h the excavators e v e n at their m o s t tic d i d n o t 7

Before

optimis­

attempt. b e i n g m o v e d to W a r s a w they w e r e in the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l

tion a s s e m b l e d

by W . W e i s s b r o d t at the L y c e u m H o s i a n u m

East Prussia ( n o w B r a n i e w o ) ; see further JIGRE

no. 59.

in

collec­

Braunsberg,

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

165

The commonest form o f stele at Leontopolis was a rectangular piece o f limestone into which was carved a field for the inscrip­ tion. A raised frame was left around the field, with a carved decoration in the shape o f a pediment (sometimes with acroteria) above it. There was usually no other ornamentation. This type o f tombstone is not unique to Leontopolis, but is unusual elsewhere in Egypt; it is, however, similar to the shape o f the frames carved into the rock-face for many Jewish epitaphs in Cyrenaica. There is a small collection o f nine Jewish tombstones {JIGRE nos. 106114) from Demerdash, further south on the fringes o f Heliopolis, and the standard form there was rather different, without the pediment. Most o f the inscriptions from Leontopolis have a date including a regnal year. In some cases this is explicitly from the reign o f Augustus, but usually it is merely in the form "Year 11". Many scholars have attributed the whole necropolis to the time o f Augustus, but without satisfactory grounds. People must have been buried at Leontopolis over a period o f at least two centuries. One inscription recording three deaths {JIGRE no. 96) seems to come from 5 8 / 5 7 BC, and another from the "54th year" (no. 30) has to be attributed to 117 BC in the reign o f Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II (unless it is using the Actian era rather than a regnal year). If the unidentified regnal years were really mainly Augustan, they ought to be distributed across the range o f Year 1 to Year 44. In fact, 26 or 27 come from Years 1-11, 12 from Years 12-22, 11 from Years 23-33 and 3 from Years 34-44. This suggests strongly that a number o f shorter reigns than Augustus's are included. If it was known which part o f the necropolis the stones with clearly Augustan dates came from, there would be some chance o f esta­ blishing a relative chronology, but the lack o f adequate records rules this out. The epitaphs with firm dates d o not show any development in letter-forms or formulae which would help to date the others, and some stones whose (Augustan) dates are only two or three years apart use completely different letter-forms. The language o f the community, at least for the purposes o f writing, was Greek. Many people had biblical or Hebrew names, often in a hellenized form, and others had Greek theophoric names like Dositheus and Theodosius, but there is n o convincing evidence from the inscriptions that anyone at Leontopolis knew Aramaic or Hebrew. Nor did they use any Jewish symbols: there

166

D. NOY

is n o sign o f a menorah or lulab on any o f the stones. The one possible indication o f the use o f Hebrew is that Lanzoni, an early investigator o f the site, claimed to have found a Hebrew inscrip­ tion on part o f a column, but it was lost when his boat capsized, and n o copy had been made. Sayce discovered a fragment o f stone covered with stucco with two letters scratched on it which he thought were old Hebrew characters, but the published fac­ simile shows that the "letters" could just as well be the remains o f a decoration, or accidental marks. 8

Josephus implies that the settlement originally had a military or partly military character which it retained until at least the time o f Cleopatra and Julius Caesar. Some Mishnaic references seem to indicate that the temple was not actively opposed by the authorities at Jerusalem, but neither was it recognized as a sub­ stitute for the Jerusalem Temple. Apart from this, knowledge o f how the community was made up and organised is limited entirely to what can be deduced from the inscriptions. Most o f the epitaphs amount to n o more than the name o f the deceased per­ son, patronymic, age, date, and a few laudatory epithets. Twelve of them are in verse, and some o f these are rather more informa­ tive about the social position of the deceased or about the commu­ nity. The style o f the prose epitaphs and the tendency to use verse quite frequently (or at least to try to use it) are both characteristic o f late Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt in general. 9

The inhabitants o f Leontopolis are addressed as "citizens" or "fellow-townsmen" (asteoi in contrast to xenoi, JIGRE no. 36) and the city is described as polls ( n o . 3 9 ) . Demas, aged 38, w h o "helped many people by his wisdom" (no. 30) may have been a councillor, but could also have been a doctor or scribe. Abramos, aged 53 (no. 39) "was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy (arche) over all the people" and was "honoured by holding a city magistracy (politarchori) in two places, fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality". All these references c o m e from verse epitaphs, where considerations o f metre are

8

T . Hayter

actions

Lewis,

"Tel-el-Yahoudeh

of the Society of Biblical

Archeology

(The

Mound

7 (1881)

J o u r n e y to the Biblical Sites in L o w e r Egypt, etc.," PEFQS 9

J o s e p h u s , Ant.

of

the Jew),"

Trans­

1 7 7 - 1 9 2 ; G . J. C h e s t e r , "A (1880)

136-8.

1 4 § 1 3 1 . O n the M i s h n a i c sources, see D e l c o r , "Le t e m p l e

d'Onias" 202-3; R. Hayward, ration," JJS 3 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 4 2 9 .

"The Jewish t e m p l e at L e o n t o p o l i s : a r e c o n s i d e ­

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

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167

probably more important than accurate terminology, and d o not really indicate more than that the community identified itself as a city and had some sort o f civic magistracy which was expensive for its holders. Abramos's other magistracy may have been held in a nearby Jewish settlement, but could have been further afield and need not have been in a purely Jewish community. A very fragmentary epitaph (no. 44) designates someone as pater, which might be an office rather than a relationship. There is n o reference to the temple, although a fragmentary inscription (no. 105) which appears to be a dedication to Theos Hypsistos might have come from there. One woman is described as hierisa (no. 84) which should probably be translated as "of priestly descent", although Brooten's alternative explanation that she could have had a function in the temple is just conceivable. 10

11

Many o f the inhabitants o f Leontopolis had Hebrew or biblical names or were the children o f people with such names. Others had Greek names which were popular among Jews, e.g. Aristoboulos (no. 45), Eirene (no. 67). However, a proportion of the stones contain only Greek names with n o particular Jewish connections, e.g. Hilarion daughter o f Philip ( n o . 7 0 ) . If this came from Alexandria, there would be n o suggestion that it was Jewish. However, at Leontopolis it is clear that Greek and Hebrew names were used in the same family, e.g. Machaon son o f Sabbataios (no. 40), Jesus son o f Phameis (no. 34). If people with purely Greek names were buried in the same way and in the same cemetery as obvious Jews, they evidently did not wish to be distinguished from Jews. The likelihood is that they were Jews themselves: there was a non-Jewish cemetery from Pharaonic times at the site, and if there was a later non-Jewish population, it would probably have had its own cemetery. Most o f the people recorded in the epitaphs have a patronymic, so it is possible to see if naming practices indicate either growing o r declining hellenization. Apart from Greek and Hebrewderived names, there are a few Egyptian and Latin ones. In most cases, fathers with Greek names had children with Greek names 1

0

The

attempt

o f K a s h e r , Jews

in Hellenistic

r e c o n s t r u c t s o m e o f t h e civic o r g a n i z a t i o n

and

Roman

Egypt

1 2 3 - 7 , to

f r o m this e v i d e n c e , partly

follow­

i n g L . R o b e r t , Hellenica vol.1 ( 1 9 4 0 ) 1 8 - 2 4 , s e e m s to press t h e material t o o far. 1 1

95.

B . J . B r o o t e n , Women Leaders in the Ancient

Synagogue

(Atlanta: 1 9 8 2 ) 7 3 -

168

D . NOY

(15) and fathers with Hebrew names had children with Hebrew names ( 1 2 ) . 6 fathers with Greek names had children with Hebrew names, and 5 fathers with Hebrew names had children with Greek names (2 more had children with Latin names, and 1 father with a Latin name had a child with a Hebrew name). O f 6 fathers with Egyptian names, 1 had a child with an Egyptian name, 2 had children with Greek names and 3 had children with Hebrew names. The figures d o not show any real trend towards either the hellenization or hebraization o f names; they d o however show a clear trend away from Egyptian names. The high proportion of metrical epitaphs at Leontopolis (12 out of 77) is quite striking. They range from poorly executed collec­ tions o f standard metrical phrases to some highly literate c o m p o ­ sitions, including one in Doric dialect. Some inhabitants o f the city c o m p o s e d , or had access to others who could c o m p o s e , elaborate epigrams with Homeric vocabulary and mythological allusions. They were willing to accept epitaphs beginning with stock phrases like "Look on my gravestone, passer-by" for stones which apparently could only be seen by s o m e o n e who went down a flight o f steps into an underground chamber, so it seems that the appropriateness o f the epitaph to the Leontopolis context was not always a priority. A number o f the sentiments they express can be given a Jewish interpretation, like "My soul has flown to the holy ones" (JIGRE no. 33.10), but only o n e contains anything more than a name which might be regarded as dis­ tinctively Jewish (no. 36): Fellow-townsmen and strangers, all weep for Rachelis, chaste, friend to all, about thirty years old. Do not mourn me in vain, [Puttering] empty [Pgroans]. If it was decreed that I should live but a short time, yet I look for a good hope of mercy. The first two sentences are standard metrical phrases. The last sentence is in very faulty metre (if it is metrical at all), and presumably indicates a special composition in biblical language to suit the views o f Rachelis's pious relatives. Metrical epitaphs are c o m m o n in Egypt but unusual among Jews elsewhere: apart from the twelve from Leontopolis, there is another Jewish one from Demerdash (JIGRE no. 114), one from Schedia ( n o . 23, Jewishness questionable) and a probably Egyp­ tian-Jewish one from Rome (no. 141). E. Bernand's collection o f

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

169

all the metrical epitaphs from Egypt contains over 200, mostly pagan but with a few Christian as well as the Jewish o n e s . There are only four other Jewish metrical epitaphs known: two from Beth She'arim and one each from Thessaly and R o m e . This is one o f the best indications o f how the Leontopolis epitaphs are more "Egyptian" than "Jewish". 12

13

Most o f the prose epitaphs give little information when looked at individually. They p r o d u c e the occasional oddity, like the married man aged eighteen (JIGRE no. 78) and the three-year-old who was probably murdered (no. 93). It is rare for the commemorator to be named, and only one epitaph ( n o . 98) gives the deceased man's place o f origin — unfortunately the place-name, Teberkythis, is otherwise unknown. The favourite formula'was chreste chaire ("excellent one, farewell"), and that was equally popular among non-Jews in Egypt. The other commonest epithets are aoros ("untimely dead") for people aged up to 35 (also in general Egyptian use) and pasiphilos ("friend o f all"), which was very unusual elsewhere. Alypos ("having done n o harm"), atekn.os ("childless", used rather strangely for people o f 19 and 20) and mikros ("little", used for people aged up to 35) were also popular: the first two were used elsewhere in Egypt, but mikros was n o t . Philoteknos ("loving h i s / h e r children") was very popular at Terenuthis, but occurs only once at Leontopolis. The epithets cannot be used as evidence that the Jews loved their friends more and their children less than other Egyptians, but they show how, for reasons which are now irrecoverable, local preferences could develop within a standard range o f ways o f describing the deceased. Four Leontopolis epitaphs record a woman's death in childbirth, which is seldom mentioned elsewhere in Egypt. 14

It is possible to use the Leontopolis epitaphs for rudimentary statistics, and to compare them with the only larger collections o f Egyptian gravestones, from Terenuthis (modern Kom-Abu-Billou, 2nd-3rd century AD) and Akoris (modern Tehneh, Roman and

1

2

1

3

E . B e r n a n d , Inscriptions M.

Schwabe

&

B.

metriques de I'Egypte greco-romaine

Lifshitz,

Beth

She'arim

II:

the

(Paris: 1 9 6 9 ) .

Greek

Inscriptions

(Jerusalem: 1 9 7 4 ) n o s . 1 2 7 , 1 8 3 ; CIJ n o s . 7 0 1 , 4 7 6 . [ S e e t h e a p p e n d i x to van d e r H o r s t ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n in this v o l u m e . ] 1

4

T h e use o f epithets at various Egyptian sites is e x a m i n e d by B. Boyaval,

"Quelques

remarques

sur

les

epithetes

funeraires

Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 2 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 2 2 5 - 2 3 0 .

grecques

d'Egypte,"

170

D. NOY 15

Christian period). This was done by Boyaval, but the corpus o f Leontopolis inscriptions is now rather larger than the o n e he worked with. These groups can also be compared with the Jewish epitaphs o f Cyrenaica, which come mainly from one site (Teucheira) and can be dated in a majority o f cases to the 1st century AD. 1 6

O f the people commemorated at Leontopolis, about 40% are women. This proportion holds for all age-groups, and is much the same as at the other Egyptian sites, in Cyrenaica and among Jewish epitaphs in general. Most o f the Leontopolis deceased have their age recorded, a practice which seems to have been c o m m o n e r in Egypt than anywhere else in the Graeco-Roman world. There is evidence for a tendency to round off ages to numbers ending in 0 or 5, which is also found at the other sites. A large majority o f the Leontopolis epitaphs prefix the age with the word hos, which is usually translated as "about". It does not seem to be associated with age-rounding, however, and probably means only that the dead person lived some months more (or less) than the age given in years. Only 25% o f epitaphs at Terenuthis and 4% at Akoris use hos; it does not occur among the Jews in Cyrenaica. 17

18

1

5

B.

Boyaval,

"Remarques

sur

les

indications

f u n e r a i r e g r e c q u e d'Egypte," Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie

d'ages

de

l'epigraphie

und Epigraphik

21 ( 1 9 7 6 )

217-241. 1

6

T h e i n s c r i p t i o n s are c o l l e c t e d by G . Liideritz 8c J. M . R e y n o l d s ,

judischer 1

7

Zeugnisse

aus der Cyrenaika

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

n o t e s t h a t in g e n e r a l than 1

8

among

women

Jewish

Epitaphs

are c o m m e m o r a t e d

(Kampen: 1991) more

often

102; he

a m o n g Jews

pagans.

A c c o r d i n g to R . D u n c a n - J o n e s ,

Papyrologie

Corpus

(Wiesbaden: 1983).

und

Epigraphik

" A g e - r o u n d i n g in Egypt," Zeitschrift

fur

3 3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 1 6 9 - 1 7 7 , t h e t e n d e n c y is less m a r k e d in

E g y p t t h a n e l s e w h e r e in t h e R o m a n E m p i r e .

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

0-9

10-19

20-29

30-39

40-49

50-50

60+

171

no age recorded

The table shows the relative frequency of various ages at death at the three Egyptian sites and among the Jews o f Cyrenaica. At Leontopolis, as at Akoris, the age-group recorded most often is 2029; at Terenuthis and in Cyrenaica it is 0-9. This has nothing to d o with the ages at which people actually died, as it is clear that anywhere in the ancient world a mortality table would show deaths at 0-9 far outnumbering any other age-group. Leontopolis is not unusual in the under-representation o f children, but it differs markedly from the other sites in the lack o f epitaphs for people aged 50 or more. Perhaps older people at Leontopolis were more likely to be recorded without an age, or perhaps they were more likely not to be recorded at all. 19

The clearest conclusion to be drawn from the Leontopolis epitaphs is that, at least in their practices o f commemorating the dead, the people o f the city were Ptolemaic or Roman Egyptians first and Jews second. Many o f them kept to Hebrew names, and in a few cases Hebrew names were introduced to families which had previously used Greek or Egyptian ones. At the same time they followed standard non-Jewish commemoration practices. Each major collection o f Egyptian epitaphs has its own peculia­ rities. At Leontopolis, the main ones are the shape o f the stelae

1

9

Cf. van d e r H o r s t , Epitaphs

73-84.

172

D . NOY

used, the fondness for the epithets pasiphilos and mikros and o f the word hos before an age, the tendency to mention death in child­ birth, and the lack of records of people aged over 50. There is n o obvious "Jewish" explanation for any o f these phenomena, and (with the exception o f the last one; see below) they are not parallelled among Jews elsewhere. 2. Venosa The Roman colony o f Venusia stood on the Appian Way at the boundary o f Lucania and Apulia. Its modern equivalent, Venosa, is at the northern edge o f the province o f Basilicata. The Roman city's main claim to fame is as the birthplace o f Horace. There have been some imaginative attempts to find Jewish influences on Horace, but the only real literary evidence for Jews at Venosa comes from the Hebrew Chronicle o f Ahimaaz and refers to the 9th century. Jews in other parts o f southern Italy are mentioned in 6th century literature, e.g. Procopius' history o f the wars between the Byzantines and Goths, and the letters o f Pope Gregory the Great. There is also an intriguing legal text from the emperors Arcadius and Honorius, dated to 398 (Codex Theodosianus 12.1.158): We have found out that throughout Apulia and Calabria many of the governing classes of the cities are in confusion because they are of the Jewish superstition and think that by a law which has been passed in the East they are defended from having to under­ take municipal duties. The emperors point out that there is n o such exemption in the West. The significance o f this for Venosa is indicated below. The catacombs on the Maddalena hill just outside Venosa were first brought to the attention o f the scholarly world in 1853. Two separate investigations were made, one on behalf o f the Naples Museum and one by two local notables who had a detailed plan drawn up. Thanks to them, Venosa is a much better recorded site than Leontopolis. A number o f roughly parallel galleries were discovered cut into the tufa of the hill, some with interconnecting passages. The best preserved gallery has most o f its burials in arched recesses cut into the walls (arcosolia), in which the graves were dug into the floor. Some go far enough into the wall to make r o o m for ten or more graves; in one or two cases the arcosolium was extended until it accidentally j o i n e d up with another gallery.

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D VENOSA

173

There are also burials in loculi, as at Leontopolis but cut into the wall o f an arcosolium or o f the gallery itself. The Venosa loculi sometimes occupy an entire stretch o f wall from floor to ceiling. The floors o f some o f the galleries are lined with graves, pre­ sumably dug when all other space was used up. The inscriptions were written either on tiles which were used to seal the graves or o n the wall or arched ceiling above the graves. Copies o f many were made in the 1850s, but they remained unpublished until 1878, when Ascoli reported to the TV Congresso Internazionale di Orientalisti, and then published his own m o n o g r a p h . Ascoli's publication was the basis o f most subse­ quent studies o f the catacombs, although a number o f other dis­ tinguished scholars visited the site. The texts which were pub­ lished by Frey in CIJ were based on the copies made in the 1850s, and on another anonymous manuscript which appears to have been drawn up at the same time and later came into the hands o f the great Christian archaeologist de Rossi. 2 0

Since Frey's work a number o f other scholars have re­ examined the inscriptions to produce improved readings. Colafemmina discovered a number of texts overlooked by the 19thcentury investigators, and in 1974 he found a new gallery with the first dated inscription, from the year 521. In the same gallery he discovered the first surviving painted tomb: a frescoed arcoso­ lium decorated with the full range o f Jewish symbols (menorah, ethrog, lulab, shofar, amphora) in gold and blue. 21

The state o f many o f the inscriptions has deteriorated conside­ rably since the 19th century. They were all painted or scratched on plaster, which has in some cases fallen from the wall or be­ c o m e damp; incursions by humans and livestock have done fur­ ther damage; and landslides and earthquakes, which had already blocked a number o f galleries in the 1850s, have continued to make parts o f the catacombs inaccessible, including the gallery discovered in 1974. However, substantial restoration work is now being u n d e r t a k e n . A small, apparently separate hypogeum came to light in the 1930s, but has also been made inaccessible by 22

2

0

G . I. A s c o l i , Iscrizioni inedite o mal note ( F l o r e n c e : 1 8 8 0 ) .

2

1

Colafemmina,

2

2

I a m very grateful

Soprintendenza

"Nova e vetera" 8 8 - 9 . to D r A n t o n i o

Archeologica

visited V e n o s a in S e p t e m b e r

for

1992.

C a p a n o a n d his c o l l e a g u e s o f

their c o - o p e r a t i o n

and

the

kindness w h e n

I

174

D. NOY

landslides. Excavations in 1981 found a whole new level o f catacombs beneath the known ones, but completely devoid o f inscriptions. Christian catacombs have been found too, within a few metres o f the Jewish ones, and there is a Christian inscription dated to 503.23

The dating o f the Jewish catacombs at Venosa has been much discussed, and the general consensus o f 5th-6th century was sup­ ported by the discovery o f the inscription o f 521. Paleography is o f limited help at Venosa because almost all other southern Italian inscriptions o f a similar period are inscribed o n marble or lime­ stone, whereas the Venosan inscriptions are painted or scratched on plaster in characters which are often o f a considerably more "cursive" nature. The inscription o f 521 seems to be one o f the latest, and to be roughly contemporary (judging by formulae and letter-forms) with the latest epitaphs from the main gallery. The latest inscription there is probably from the middle o f the 6th century, although the burials in the floors o f the galleries are presumably later. The earliest inscriptions from the main cata­ c o m b are likely to be from the late 4th or early 5th century, but they are some way from the entrance and are probably con­ siderably later than the first use o f the catacomb. The separate hypogeum, where the inscriptions were on marble, is probably 5th-century but could be slightly earlier. The dating suggested above would make the inscriptions o f Venosa contemporary with two smaller collections o f Latin Chris­ tian inscriptions: one from Aeclanum to the west, which runs from 399 to 546 by consular dates, and one from Tropea to the south, which runs from (probably) the mid-5th century to 5 3 5 . The area o f Venosa suffered heavily in the fighting between the Goths and Byzantines in the 540s and early 550s, and if the Jews of Venosa supported the Goths as the Jews o f Naples did, they were probably in some trouble after the Byzantine victory in 553. It seems likely that there are n o inscriptions after that date. There are many Hebrew epitaphs from the early 9th century, but there 24

2

3

2

4

L . Levi, "Le iscrizioni d e l l a c a t a c o m b a n u o v a di V e n o s a , " Rassegna Mensile di Israel 3 1 ( 1 9 6 5 ) 3 5 6 - 6 4 ; E . M . M e y e r s , "Report o n t h e Excavations at t h e V e n o s a C a t a c o m b s , 1 9 8 1 , " Vetera Christianorum 2 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 445-460; C . Colaf e m m i n a , Apulia cristiana. Venosa (Bari: 1 9 7 3 ) 5 6 ; C . C o l a f e m m i n a , "Scoperte a r c h e o l o g i c h e in V e n o s a paleocristiana," Vetera Christianorum 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 2 6 - 8 . A e c l a n u m : CIL 9 . 1 3 6 3 - 1 3 9 7 . T r o p e a : M . B u o n o c o r e , Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae 5 . 1 0 - 3 5 .

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

175

is apparently a gap of more than two centuries. It may be that the burials o f the intervening period have not yet been discovered, or that the Jewish community o f Venosa was temporarily displaced, but it is more likely that the remaining spaces in the floors o f the catacombs were being used up by people who were n o longer able to leave inscriptions. At Leontopolis the inscriptions were all in Greek, but at Venosa the catacombs were in use at a time o f linguistic change or at least confusion. Adjacent inscriptions can be in Greek and Hebrew, Latin and Hebrew, or all three languages. All the lst-2nd century pagan inscriptions o f Venosa are in Latin, but there is a pair o f inscriptions probably from the early 3rd century in which the same dedicant h o n o u r e d Mithras in Greek and Mercury in Latin. Greek was certainly still being used (at least occasionally) in epitaphs from predominantly Latin-speaking parts o f southern Italy up to the time of the Byzantine conquest. 25

26

The layout o f the Venosa catacombs makes it appear that the Latin inscriptions are generally later than the Greek ones, and several Greek epitaphs seem to have been written by people who were thinking in Latin, with Latin case-endings for Greek words and sometimes with Latin words transliterated into the Greek alphabet. The early users o f the catacombs were apparently Greek speakers, but they were not necessarily newcomers to southern Italy. Latin eventually replaced Greek as the language o f com­ memoration, perhaps some time after it became the everyday language. There are four epitaphs which record the successive generations o f a family: the first uses Greek and Hebrew, the second Hebrew, the third and fourth Latin and Hebrew {CIJnos. 599, 569, 613, 611). 27

Hebrew is scattered throughout the catacombs, usually as "shalom" formulae attached to Greek or Latin inscriptions. It must have been a conscious decision to write shalom rather than eirene or pax, words which had probably acquired Christian associations. Every arcosolium with at least two inscriptions has some Hebrew, but there is only one surviving inscription o f any length which is in Hebrew alone (no. 569; it may have been accompanied by a

Inscriptiones Incriptiones

Graecae 1 4 . 6 8 8 ; C o l a f e m m i n a , Apulia Christianae

cristiana 1 2 .

Italiae 5 . 1 , f r o m R e g g i o di Calabria, d a t e d t o 5 3 0 .

N o . 6 1 2 in Latin p r o b a b l y refers to the s a m e m a n .

176

D . NOY

Latin text which is now lost), and one in Greek written in Hebrew characters (no. 595). The collection of dated 9th-century tombstones from Venosa is entirely in Hebrew, and commemorates p e o p l e with mainly Hebrew names. The catacombs, however, show n o real increase in the use o f Hebrew over time. This is to some extent confirmed by naming practices. Latin names o c c u r in 35 inscriptions, Hebrew names in 18 and Greek names in 9 (leaving out dubious cases). Many o f the inscriptions provide the names of parents, and some mention grandparents and even great-grandparents. Where parents and children are both named, there are 12 cases o f parents and children both with Latin names and 2 o f both with Hebrew names. 7 parents with Latin names have children with Hebrew names, and 8 parents with Hebrew names have children with Latin names. There are at least 3 married couples where o n e spouse has a Hebrew name and the other has a Latin one. It looks as if the exclusive use o f the Hebrew language and the predomi­ nantly Hebrew naming system o f the 9th century are something new, not a continuation o f any 6th-century development. The gender division of the Venosa epitaphs corresponds exact­ ly to Leontopolis: 40% of those commemorated are women. The same division applies at Aeclanum; at Tropea women account for 50%, but the total number o f inscriptions is smaller. The Chris­ tians at Aeclanum and Tropea made considerable use o f symbols: crosses and chi-rhos. The Jews o f Venosa had the menorah as their standard symbol, although even that is less c o m m o n than the Christian symbols: it occurs in about one-third o f the inscrip­ tions. Apart from the painted tomb, which has every available symbol, there are three lulabs, two shofars and o n e possible ethrog. Like the Hebrew, the symbols are scattered throughout the catacombs, and d o not appear to become more or less c o m m o n over time. O n e notable difference between Venosa and the Christian sites is in the use o f dates. As stated above, only one inscription from Venosa has a date. That may be the result o f an external influence, because the woman commemorated, Augusta the wife of Bonus, is the daughter o f a man from Anchiasmon (modern Saranda in southern Albania), and granddaughter o f a man from Lypiae (modern Lecce, in the south-east corner o f Italy). She is the only person o f explicitly non-Venosan ancestry, although it is

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

177

very likely that other leading Jews o f Venosa would have inter­ married with their equivalents elsewhere in southern Italy or even further afield. Whereas the Jews of Venosa apparently took n o interest in recording the day, month or year, the Christians of Aeclanum were careful to mention all three, using the traditional Roman system, and at Tropea, although the year was rarely men­ tioned, the day and month usually were, again by the Roman system.

Perhaps connected with the lack of interest in the date at Venosa is a low level o f interest in the deceased's age, as shown in the table. Fewer than half the inscriptions mention an age, although there may be some cases where it has been lost at the end o f a badly preserved inscription. When an age is given, it is most like­ ly to be for a young child. Three children under one year old are commemorated, something which does not happen at Leontopolis or in Cyrenaica. There are occasional attempts at greater accuracy 28

2

8

been

In the V e n o s a included

have b e e n

diagram,

four people

described

o n l y as

"child"

in t h e 0-9 a g e - g r o u p . T h e figures f o r T r o p e a a n d

combined

because

representation o f the

have

Aeclanum

o f t h e relatively small n u m b e r s i n v o l v e d .

different

age-groups

is very s i m i l a r

at t h e

two

The sites,

e x c e p t that T r o p e a ( 1 2 o u t o f 2 6 ) has relatively m o r e ages o f 5 0 o r m o r e than Aeclanum

(11

out

of

3 7 ) . For Venosa,

c o n s i s t o f o n l y a n i s o l a t e d "shalom"

the

numerous

inscriptions

o r a few u n i n t e l l i g i b l e letters have

o m i t t e d f r o m t h e "no a g e r e c o r d e d " total.

which been

178

D. NOY

than just an age in years: there are epitaphs for people aged 14 years 5 months and 20 years 3 months. As people grew older, vagueness increased. Only five people over 44 have ages given: one is 50, two are 60, one is 70 and one is 80. There was clearly a considerable amount o f guesswork. The contrast with Aeclanum and Tropea is striking. At both Christian sites, almost every epitaph gives an age, and it appears that chances o f being commemorated increased rather than decreased with age. Despite the interest in dates, guesswork was still prevalent: virtually everyone over 40 has an age ending in 0 or 5. It is clear that at least in southern Italy Jews were more likely than others to commemorate the very young, and it also becomes apparent that in both southern Italy and Egypt they were less likely to commemorate the o l d . 29

At Venosa, epithets were almost never used to describe the deceased. Epithets are less rare at the Christian sites: dulcissimus occurs four times at Aeclanum and fidelis ten times at Tropea. Commemorators are also named very seldom in the Venosan inscriptions (explicitly only in CII no. 611) but slightly more often among the Christians. The formulae used at Venosa mainly concern the deceased "resting" in the grave: hie requiescit, hie pausat, in Greek hode keitai. At Aeclanum, there was a preference for hie requiescit in somno pads, and at Tropea recessit in pace. The formulae from Venosa were c o m m o n elsewhere among Jews and Christians, but a number o f Greek epitaphs at Venosa begin with taphos ("tomb"), followed by the deceased's name in the genitive or nominative. This expression is very unusual any­ where else, and seems be concentrated in the earlier Venosan inscriptions. 30

The epitaphs show that the Jews o f Venosa had a considerable variety o f titles. There are four archisynagogoi in three epitaphs: a father and son both named Joseph, a man o f 50 and a child o f 3 (CIJ nos. 584, 596, 587). They come from three different arcosolia, and there is n o indication o f any family connection between them. One man in a Greek epitaph has the title o f dia biou ("officer 2

9

3

0

Cf. van d e r H o r s t , Epitaphs

81.

G . P. B o g n e t t i , "Les i n s c r i p t i o n s j u i v e s d e V e n o s a

r a p p o r t s e n t r e les L o m b a r d s et l ' O r i e n t , " C R A I B L ( 1 9 5 4 )

e t la p r o b l e m e

was a sign o f E g y p t i a n i n f l u e n c e , b u t c o u l d p r o d u c e o n l y two e x a m p l e s o f e x p r e s s i o n b e i n g u s e d in

Egypt.

des

1 9 5 , a r g u e d that it the

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

179

for life"; no. 575), and this may occur in two other places where the reading is doubtful. There are two gerusiarchs, o n e in Greek and one (the father o f the deceased) in Latin (nos. 600, 613). There is also one didaskalos, mentioned as a father (no. 594). The man whose Greek epitaph is written in Hebrew characters, the 80-year-old Secundinus, is described as a presbyter (no. 595). Three women are described as presbytera: o n e aged 38 and two with n o age (nos. 590, 581, 597). Two o f them are in almost adja­ cent graves, and may well be from the same extended family. There is also a Christian presbytera from Tropea, and in 494 Pope Gelasius complained about women being allowed to "minister at the sacred altars" in southern Italy. A habit o f giving places o f honour to women seems to have been shared by Christians and Jews in the area. 31

The commonest title at Venosa is pater. It is mentioned four times in Greek and five times in Latin (some o f these inscriptions refer to the same person). It sometimes ran in families: the presbytera Mannine (no. 590) had a father and grandfather who were both entitled pater, and the pater Faustinus was the son o f a gerusiarch and grandson o f a pater (no. 613). Three Latin inscrip­ tions use the abbreviation PP (nos. 607, 610, 614). There was much debate about the meaning o f this until the discovery o f the separate hypogeum produced the Greek epitaph o f a pater pateron (no. 619b). This title is known mainly from the cult o f Mithras, but according to the Letter o f Severus which describes the con­ version o f the Jews o f Minorca to Christianity in 418 (PL 20.731), the leading Jew o f the island was "the teacher o f the law and, if I may use their own word, pater patrum". It is fairly certain that the Latin PP stands for pater patrum, and designates someone who, for a limited period or for life, was ranked above the ordinary patres. O n e pater had a wife who is described in Greek as meter (no. 619d), which might be her title as his wife or something she held in her own right. A woman named Alexandra, who has n o male relative mentioned, is called pateressa ("fatheress"; no. 606). This word could surely have been c o i n e d only by s o m e o n e deter­ mined not to use mater/ meter, and seems to imply a woman who in her own right was equated with the patres.

3

1

See

the

discussion

by G .

nell'antichita," Vetera Christianorum

Otranto,

"Note

sul

19 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 341-60.

sacerdozio

femminile

180

D. NOY

The epitaphs show that titles proliferated at Venosa, but they d o not show how they were acquired or what responsibilities (if any) went with them. The titles d o not necessarily indicate a rigidly hierarchical organization for the community; they may demon­ strate only how the community h o n o u r e d its most important members. The recurrence o f titles within families may show not that the titles were hereditary but that the positions o f influence (presumably accompanied by wealth and benefaction to the com­ munity) which the titles recognized tended to concentrate in a few families. The inscription which appears from its position to be the latest (no. 614) commemorates a husband and wife, Gesua and Agnella, who each had a grandfather described as pater patrum; Gesua and Agnella and their parents had n o titles. This may indicate that the communal structures which produced the titles had broken down by the mid-6th century, a predictable consequence o f the wars o f that time. The best-known epitaph from Venosa (no. 611) illustrates the concentration o f titles within a family, and represents the fullest development o f the fondness for lists of ancestors which many o f the epitaphs show. The length o f the genealogical list seems to be unparallelled anywhere in Italy at this period, and it includes maternal as well as paternal ancestors. The text is bilingual, and reads: 32

L a t i n : " H e r e rests Faustina, d a u g h t e r o f F a u s t i n u s t h e

pater,

aged

years 5 m o n t h s . S h e was h e r parents' o n l y child. T w o apostles two rabbis s p o k e the dirges for her, a n d she m a d e great g r i e f f o r h e r p a r e n t s a n d tears f o r t h e H e b r e w : "Resting-place o f Faustina.

enough

community."

M a y h e r s o u l rest! P e a c e . "

Latin: "She was the g r e a t - g r a n d d a u g h t e r granddaughter

14

and

of Faustinus the

o f Bitus a n d Asellus w h o w e r e leaders o f

pater, the

community."

The epitaphs o f a number o f Faustina's relatives can be identified in the same arcosolium and the adjacent o n e . The "apostles" provide further evidence o f links between Venosa and the wider Jewish world. The inscription is too late for them to be emissaries o f the Patriarch, but they may well have c o m e from other communities in Palestine, perhaps (as has been suggested) the 3

2

T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Jewish titles is d i s c u s s e d in a f o r t h c o m i n g p a p e r : T . R a j a k & D . N o y , "Archisynagogoi: O f f i c e , T i t l e a n d Social Status in t h e Greco-Jewish S y n a g o g u e " , Journal of Roman Studies ( 1 9 9 3 ) .

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

181

academy o f Tiberias. Legislation o f 429 (after the abolition o f the Patriarchate) had prohibited the Iudaeorum primates o f Palestine from collecting money in other provinces, but it is unlikely to have been enforced in Gothic Italy. O n the boundaries o f the Jewish community are a man who seems to be described as a proselyte and another described as teuseves (CIJ nos. 576, 619a): that would be the transcription, according to normal Venosan practice, o f theosebes, "godfearer", the term best attested at Aphrodisias. He is buried in the same hypogeum as people with Jewish titles, although in a different part of it. 33

Several Venosan Jews also had a role outside the Jewish com­ munity. Another Faustinus, who secured the burial place at the end o f the main gallery for himself and his wife and son, was both gerusiarch and archiatros, "chief doctor" (no. 600). This title could apply to someone who worked at the imperial court or to a doctor employed by a city; it is extremely unlikely that he would acquire it by working only for the Jews of Venosa. Faustina in no. 611 caused "tears for the community" by her death. Her grand­ fathers were both maiores civitatis, leaders o f the community, which seems to be an indication of general honour rather than a specific office. The community in question must be the city o f Venosa and not just the Jewish community, because civitas was the standard Latin word for "city" or "municipality" at this time. In the dated inscription, Augusta's husband Bonus has the title vir laudabilis, a distinguishing mark o f the holders o f municipal offices. Greek epitaphs mention two men described as patron tes poleos, "patron o f the city" (nos. 619b-c). This was originally a title bestowed on provincial governors or members o f the imperial family who protected a city's interests, but came increasingly to be given to the most important residents of the city. Nothing is known about the members o f the ruling class at Venosa in the 5th and 6th centuries apart from the information from the Jewish catacombs, so claims that the city was entirely run by Jews are unsubstantiated. However, it is clear that Jews could hold leading positions in the civic structure as well as places 3

3

Codex

M . Salzman),

Theodosianus

16.8.29. According

f r o m t h e l a n d o f Israel, p r o f o u n d l y wisdom."

to C h r o n i c l e

of Ahimaaz 4b

t h e r e was at V e n o s a in the 9 t h century "a m a n w h o h a d

(tr.

come

l e a r n e d in the law o f G o d , a m a s t e r

of

182

D. NOY

o f h o n o u r in their own community. The order which the empe­ rors issued in 398 had its effect in making the Jews o f Venosa take up their municipal burdens. 3. Conclusion In one rather negative way, the communities o f Leontopolis and Venosa have something in c o m m o n . Neither o f them shows the signs o f cultural change which have been ascribed to them: there is n o evidence o f any trend o f hellenization at Leontopolis, or o f any hebraization at Venosa up to the mid-6th century. At Leontopolis, the similarities with non-Jewish Egypt are very strong. The Jews there apparently had little conscious need to differentiate themselves from other inhabitants o f Egypt in their epitaphs. The ways in which their epitaphs d o differ seem to have little to d o with any statement o f Jewish identity. At Venosa, the Jewish epitaphs show some signs o f the influence o f their nonJewish surroundings. They differ in small and perhaps subcon­ scious ways from some o f the expressions used by their Christian contemporaries, and at the same time they use Hebrew formulae and Jewish symbols in what must be a deliberate statement o f their own identity. The difference may be one o f place: Leon­ topolis was a largely or even entirely Jewish city, whereas Venosa was a mixed one in which the Jews were important but not necessarily predominant. The more significant difference could be one o f time. In Egypt (or at least at Leontopolis) in the 1st century BC and A D , religious identity was perhaps not a major problem. In 5th and 6th century AD southern Italy, the "market­ place o f religions" was at the height o f its business, and the Jews of Venosa, however well integrated into city life they were, felt obliged to use their own trademark wherever they could. 34

35

3

4

L. V. Rutgers,

and N o n j e w s

"Archaeological

in L a t e A n t i q u i t y , " AJA

Evidence 96

i n f l u e n c e s in s u c h areas as art, a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d 3

5

Pagans

J. N o r t h , and

"The D e v e l o p m e n t

for the

(1992)

Interaction o f Jews

1 0 1 - 1 1 8 , discusses

mutual

magic.

o f R e l i g i o u s Pluralism,"

The Jews

among

Christians ( e d . J. L i e u , J. N o r t h & T . Rajak; L o n d o n : 1 9 9 2 ) 1 7 8 - 9 .

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA? GERT LUDERITZ

Much confusion has reigned in modern historiography regard­ ing the constitution of the different bodies o f people denoted by the term iro\iT6V\ia. Though the word is not rare and has a rather broad variety o f meanings (e.g. 'political action', 'civic right', 'state', 'government'), it has also been used as a technical term to denote groups o f people with various forms o f organisation. As a terminus technicus, however, Tro\tTei)(ia is not very c o m m o n , and that is what has made the task of understanding its specific character more difficult. It can stand for an institution within the political organisation o f a Greek polis as well as for other groups o f people — for example an organisation o f aliens residing in a foreign city. The present article is a survey o f the types o f organi­ sations which called themselves 'politeuma', in an effort to reach a more precise definition o f its various technical usages. Two inscriptions from Berenice in Cyrenaica published in the eighteenth century are among the first instances known in which 'politeuma' occurs as a technical term. They consist o f decrees which had been promulgated by a Jewish organisation called 'The Politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice'. Another poli­ teuma is mentioned in the so called 'Letter o f Aristeas' (in § 310); since the publication o f the Berenice inscriptions it has been taken by most scholars to refer to an Alexandrian Jewish organisation o f the same kind as the one in Berenice. The term 'politeuma' is usually thought to stand here for the Jewish 'community'. Referring to Alexandria, for example, it has been maintained that Oi diTo T O U TToXiTeup.a.TOS" signifies the entire Jewish population in Alexandria, and is synonymous with T O TrXfj0os\ The politeumata are also supposed to have enjoyed certain privileges distinguishing them from other communities. This assumption applies not only to Jewish politeumata, but also to 1

2

1

C p . C i c e r o Epistulae

ad Atticum

1 7 4 ( 9 . 7 ) . 3 " . . . m e iroXCTeupa d e

pace

suscipere", w h i c h is taken u p in 1 7 6 ( 9 . 9 ) . 2 as "actio d e p a c e sublata est, q u a m quidem ego 2

meditabar".

Schiirer 1973ff.,

3:88

(with f u r t h e r

tations o f t h e p o l i t e u m a in A l e x a n d r i a see

literature). below.

For different

interpre­

184

G. LUDERITZ

several non-Jewish organisations calling themselves by this term. Authors who made similar assertions are cited in support. An article by Ruppel published in 1927 is often referred to in this respect. Ruppel's article is a useful collection o f texts in which the word TTo\tTei)|j.a occurs, though his interpretations can be vague or even confusing at times. This is not to discount Ruppel's con­ tribution altogether — he did not pretend that his results were always reliable. His conclusions, however, could hardly be used to support the o n e view that the term stood for a public body 3

4

5

6

3

See

for e x a m p l e A p p l e b a u m 1 9 7 9 , 1 6 0 : " . . . o f the Jewish

(dpxovTes")

a n d the p o l i t e u m a

(iToX(Teu|j.a)

o f t h e city -

archontes

m e a n i n g , o f the

w a r d e n s o f t h e o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y , a n d o f the c o m m u n i t y i t s e l f

; Roux &

R o u x 1 9 4 9 , 2 8 8 : "Les Juifs j o u e r e n t d a n s l'Egypte a l e x a n d r i n e et r o m a i n e u n r o l e c o n s i d e r a b l e . . . G r o u p e s au sein d e leurs p o l i t e u m a t a , c o m m u n a u t e s a la fois p o l i t i q u e s e t religieuses,

ils vivaient a u x c o t e s d e la cite p a i e n n e

..." ;

S m a l l w o o d 1 9 7 6 , 2 2 5 : " . . . a q u a s i - a u t o n o m o u s civic u n i t , g e n e r a l l y k n o w n as a politeuma

b y m o d e r n , if n o t always by a n c i e n t writers. A politeuma

was a

r e c o g n i z e d , f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d c o r p o r a t i o n o f aliens e n j o y i n g t h e r i g h t o f domicile

in

a foreign

city a n d f o r m i n g a s e p a r a t e , s e m i a u t o n o m o u s

civic

b o d y , a city within t h e city; . . . It h a d to b e officially a u t h o r i z e d b y t h e l o c a l r u l e r o r civic b o d y , p r e s u m a b l y by a written charter setting o u t its rights a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n , t h o u g h n o e x a m p l e o f such a d o c u m e n t survives." 4

A perhaps extreme

demonstrate conceived

that

the

e x a m p l e is K a s h e r w h o w r o t e a b o o k "to try to

equality which

as a n e q u a l i t y b e t w e e n

community

t h e Jews

(TToXiTeuua) a n d t h e G r e e k polis",

t h e q u e s t i o n w h a t a p o l i t e u m a is c o n f i n e s d e f i n i t i o n s o f the t e r m politeuma" 5

strove

is

to

be

b u t w h o w h e n d e a l i n g with "accepted

(Kasher 1 9 8 5 , I X , 3 0 ) .

E x a m p l e s : r e f e r r i n g to t h e i n s c r i p t i o n das

obtain

h i m s e l f to cite s o m e OGI

l i c h d i e S t a d t g e m e i n d e v o n E l e a zu v e r s t e h e n , Sfjiios", TTOXL?, TTOXITCU ist

to

two s e p a r a t e p o l i t i c a l b o d i e s , t h e Jewish

Wort

1 . 3 3 2 : " U n t e r IT. ist natiirneben den

vielleicht

der

Bezeichnungen

Abwechslung

wegen

g e b r a u c h t " ( p . 4 3 3 ; slightly s h o r t e n e d ) ; c o n c e r n i n g SIG 2 . 6 9 5 . 1 2 f . w h e r e t h e goddess

Artemis appeared

in

M a g n e s i a TTTo8e£a|JLevo[u] T r d c r a s ' . Instead o f expressions like "all the women" (TOLS yuvdiKas- T r d a a s - ) three texts mention that 'the politeuma of the women' had been called or received: ' L E P E R S ' EV 'Hptatois"] MevnTTros' AeovTO? [Ka0' u]o8eaCav 8e ElepoKXeolus- ( K T O P A C E U S - ) ] 'Iepna TTamaLvd MeveaSecos' [....] eKdXeaev 8e 17

18

19

( 1 )

Kai

TO ( 2 )

TroX[el]Teup:a

TOOV

yuva[i]|Kd)v.

UTrteicrlSe^DPIEVOS'

8e Kai

TroXetTeuua

TO

TWV

yuvatKaiv ev

T O T ?

TipaioLs*... (3)

[ . . . ] [ T O "H]paiov TToXutTeXws" KlaXeaas- T O TroXeC[Teu]p:a T U V

yuvaiKoov, [8ovg 8e] eKdoTrj | i e T d

(8nvapious") a',

611010)9

T W V X[OLTT]C3V

T(3V e£ ZQovs [a]va

Kai ildig] auv dv8pdaiv dvtapdaiv el? TT\]V

TT[6X]LV

(?) ev TOTTLotLS" . . .

After having read all the texts from the sanctuary o f Zeus

1 7

Deschamps & Cousin O p p e r m a n n 4, 3 1 - 3 3 . 1 8

Deschamps

& Cousin

1887ff.;

Oppermann

1887ff., 2 : 3 7 5 , n o .

1 9 2 4 ; for

the

dating

1; also in O p p e r m a n n

see

1924,

75f. 1 9

7:40,

Deschamps no. 23.

& C o u s i n 1887ff., 6:181f., n o . 1 2 3 ; 6 : 2 0 4 - 6 , n o . 1 4 5 , 1. 3f. ;

190

G. L U D E R I T Z

Panamaros, this is less enigmatic than might seem at first glance. Other inscriptions specify that 'all the w o m e n ' — f r e e women and slaves, citizens o f Stratonicaea and pilgrims (amongst whom were apparently also Roman women) — t o o k part in the Heraia. The 'politeuma o f the women' in the three inscriptions cited probably stands for exactly that ('all the w o m e n ' ) , because, if 'politeuma' had meant a special group, the other women should have been also m e n t i o n e d . Most likely the women formed an association during the feast; the men were excluded from participating in the Heraion itself, they remained in the precincts ('^'ept(3o\os ). If this is right, the politeuma o f the women was probably a temporary association lasting only for the time o f the feast; a continuous union o f pilgrims would be rather hard to imagine. Festive asso­ ciations o f this type are not unknown, thus in Thera the members of an association o f pilgrims to the 'Zeus o f the rain' called them­ selves the K O I V O V T W VCTU(iTTop(fuoveva)vTrapd A [ t a T]eriov. This K O L V 6 V (a c o m m o n designation for all kinds o f associations) was probably not a permanent one, but it was organised well enough to be able to publish a decree in honour o f the leaders o f the feast and to arrange for the payment of wreaths and the inscription. 20

21

,

22

b) Politeuma o f the supreme goddess Sachypsis The politeuma is known through a stele from Philadelphia in the Faiyum. The inscription is dated 7th April 9 3 : 23

2

0

C p . D e s c h a m p s & C o u s i n 1887ff., 7 : 2 3 ; t h e text d o e s n o t relate to t h e

H e r a i a b u t to t h e C o m y r i a , the feast o f the m e n , c e l e b r a t e d in h o n o u r o f Z e u s Panamaros women.

every

Both

second

feasts

year

were

TTavTas" Kal ' P u p a i o u ? Kal ££vovg mentioned,

they were

alternating

similar

in

with

the

m a n y respects.

Hera

by t h e

corresponding

in t h e

the

TroXelras

women

Ti8as- , e t c . ) , w h o d i d n o t participate in t h e c e l e b r a t i o n s within however

of

TtXeiarovg

Kal TrapofKous" Kal 8ov\ovg

accompanied

festival

H e r e TOII?

are (TroXei-

the

temple

( t h e t e m p l e in this case was t h e ' C o m y r i o n ' ) , b u t r e m a i n e d

outside

temple

precincts.

F o r t h e p i l g r i m s s e e O p p e r m a n n 1 9 2 4 , 59f.: TOLS"

em8r|pVj[o"a]o-iv [ev Tfj iTa]vr|yupi envois' op eTTi8T|pta TOU 0eoO. 2

1

T h e texts t e n d to list all d e e d s

of generosity

o f t h e priests

whether

s u m m a r i z i n g o r e n u m e r a t i n g . T h e w o m e n m e n t i o n e d s e p a r a t e l y at t h e

end

o f text ( 3 ) m a y have b e e n s o m e o f the ' p o l i t e u m a ' , w h o r e c i e v e d gifts a s e c o n d t i m e ; this p a r t o f the text d o e s n o t refer to the c e l e b r a t i o n s in t h e H e r a i o n t h e m e n are also 2

2

-

present.

SIG 3 . 1 1 0 7 ; N i l s s o n

keinen

Verein, sondern

festive

associations

1 9 0 6 , 4 , c o m m e n t s : "KOLV6V b e z e i c h n e t die Festversammlung,

a n d associations

of w o m e n

d i e d i e Festleiter in

connection

somit ehrt";

with

hier for

official

feasts see also P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 7 0 - 7 3 , 2 9 I f . 2

3

Bernand

1975ff.,

2: n o .

121

(with

bibliography,

commentary

and

W H A T IS THE POLITEUMA?

191

Trrep AuTOKpaTopo? KaLaapos" [ A o p m a v o O ] 2e(3aaToD TeppaviKoO TOTTOS" TroXiTeupaTos' 'ApGwTou peydXou piaKapiTou Qeag peylc^TT|S• Sax^ea)? dvoLKo8opf)Gr| e TIT IleTptoviou ZeKouvSou e-rrdpxou A i y i n r r o u Sid "ApSwvos TrpooTaTOU ITpuVrapxos' eypcutyev'en'dyaGak [L] L(3', <J>appox)Gi 1

ip*.

-

("For t h e I m p e r a t o r C a e s a r D o m i t i a n u s A u g u s t u s

Germanicus,

the area o f the p o l i t e u m a of the blessed Harthotes the Great o f the supreme

goddess

praefectus

Sachypsis

Aegypti

has b e e n

Petronius

r e b u i l t in

Secundus

by

W r i t t e n b y P r o t a r c h o s . F o r t u n e , y e a r 12, 12th

the

time

Abdon,

of

the

chairman.

Pharmuthi.")

The T O T T O ? (area) o f the politeuma might stand for the whole temple of Sachypsis (thus Bernand 1975ff, 67) or for just a part of it reserved more or less for the politeuma. T h e politeuma was named on the o n e hand after the late Harthotes the Great — h e may have been the founder o f the politeuma — and on the other hand after the goddess Sachypsis — a surname o f Isis which is difficult to explain. The language o f the inscription is a bit queer (there is n o t a single article) but there is hardly another explanation o f ... TroXiTeupia.TOS' 'Ap0a)Tou \ieydXov pLdKciptTou (teas' \ieyCoTr\s 2axwi|iea)S'. T h e priests o f the same temple called themselves with a similar double genitive construction ol Iepels TorSos* S a x ^ L o s " , Qeas \ieyiarr\s, TT}S TrpwTTis' em(f)avetoT|s\ lepou T O O O V T O S " ev QeaSeXfyeLai ... ("the priests of Isis Sachypsis the supreme 24

25

p h o t o g r a p h o n table 2 7 ) ; Sammelb. 2

4

L i k e w i s e t h e r e was -

r o s a T6TTOS' o f t h e u n i o n

1.5739.

a l s o in P h i l a d e l p h i a o f the g o o s e h e r d s

in t h e t e m p l e o f P n e p h e -

(jdifos

avv68ov

XT|VO(3OCTKO5V) ;

b e c a u s e o f t h e p l a c e w h e r e t h e i n s c r i p t i o n was f o u n d a n d b e c a u s e t h e r e a r e o t h e r dedicatory inscriptions

in t h e s a m e t e m p l e c o m p l e x

(the propylon, a

w o o d e n d o o r a n d t h e p a v e d p a t h h a d b e e n d e d i c a t e d b y a cavalry o f f i c e r ) s e e m s unlikely that the area o f the u n i o n Pnepheros

c o m p r i s e d the w h o l e

temple

( P n e p h e r o s was o r i g i n a l l y a s u r n a m e o f several g o d s , t h e

form

N e p h e r o s also o c c u r s - f r o m n e f e r - h o r , 'with b e a u t i f u l c o u n t e n a n c e ' ; t h e in

Pnepheros

is

the

Egyptian

article). T h e

dedicatory inscriptions

of

it of p

this

t e m p l e are to b e f o u n d in B e r n a n d 1975ff., 2 : n o . 1 0 7 - 9 ( 1 0 9 is t h e o n e o f t h e g o o s e h e r d s ; f o r t h e l o c a t i o n s o f the inscriptions see t h e p l a n o f t h e t e m p l e in Bernand, pi. 2 ) . 2

or

5

B e r n a n d 1975ff., 2:67f. A s to c o r p o r a t i o n s c a l l e d after a p e r s o n

c h a i r m a n ) s e e San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 7

(ovvoSos

Aaua,

ovvodog

(founder

AeiodTos'); for

c o r p o r a t i o n s with n a m e s o f deities in t h e genitive see San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , l : 2 0 f . ( a u v o S o s ' 'A^poSiTTis", e t c . ) ; c p . also CIG

epovTes" TT\V named

a t f v o S o v TOO

Aids

1 . 1 2 4 (vauicXTipoi Kai ^utTopoi o l

TOO H e v t o u ) ; t h e r e

were

after a d e i t y a n d a d d i t i o n a l l y after a p e r s o n ; s e e

f r o m K o s in Z i e b a r t h 1 8 9 6 , 4 4

(Qiaaog

t h e n a m e is n o t f o r m e d w i t h g e n i t i v e s R h o d o s with ovv,

'A(J>po8iaiaTav TWV

also

associations

e.g.

the

OVV

EOTOXCI) -

examples here

b u t in t h e u s u a l f o r m f o r K o s a n d

f o r these f o r m a t i o n s see P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 7 6 f . ) .

192

G.

LUDERITZ 2 6

goddess the first arisen, o f the sanctuary in Theadelphia . . . " ) . Thus the politeuma may have been founded by Harthotes (perhaps through a testamentary act o f d o n a t i o n ) , and it was presided by a TTpoaTdTr)S" — in Egypt the most c o m m o n expression for the chairmen o f all kinds o f associations and c l u b s . The politeuma had a T O T T O ? in the temple o f Sachypsis and was also named after the goddess. All these details would lead to the conclusion that this 'politeuma' was a club o f the type otherwise often called ovvodog o r K O I V 6 V , c o m m o n l y termed 'cult asso­ c i a t i o n ' . This is also the opinion of all scholars commenting o n this inscription. 27

28

29

c)

Politeuma o f soldiers (without reference to the place o f origin)

A dedicatory inscription written probably in 112/11 or 7 6 / 5 B . C . mentions a politeuma o f the soldiers stationed in Alexandria: 30

Ad Zarrfjpi Kal "Hpai T e X e i a i T O uoXtTeupa T W V V 'AXf^avSpelai cf>epopeva)v cTpaTLWTcov, wv TrpoCTTd.TTis' Aiovuaios" KaXXcavos ypapparevs 8k ^IXLTTTTOS" 4>LX'LTTTTOU KTurrai, euyriv. L c ' . ("To Zeus Soter and Hera Teleia, the politeuma of the soldiers brought to Alexandria, their chairman Dionysios of Callon and secretary Philippos of Philippos, the founders, ex voto, year 6") 1

The politeuma of the soldiers had a chairman and a secretary — both c o m m o n posts in antique corporations. Attached to these is the designation K T t o r a i . A K T I O T T I ? in such context is a founder either o f a building (e.g. a temple) or of an association. Since n o building is mentioned that would have been dedicated to Zeus v Soter and Hera Teleia, and since the word evxA occurs (the c o m m o n formula for a simple votive offering), it seems that only 2 6

2

B e r n a n d 1 9 7 5 f f . , 2: n o s .

7

Cp.

Poland

1909,

112 and

271-74;

in

1 1 3 , 11. 4 - 7 . some

associations

the

founders

are

e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r r e d to as KTCOTTIS'. 2 8

San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 5 8 - 6 0 .

t a r c h o s in

the

end

o f the

Zuckerman 1988,

i n s c r i p t i o n was

1 7 8 , t h o u g h t that the

the ypctppaTeus" o f

the

Pro-

politeuma

(writer o r secretary, a c o m m o n title in a s s o c i a t i o n s ) , b u t P r o t a r c h o s m a y have b e e n the 2 9

a

common

above, who 3 0

m a d e the

also

inscription.

It is o p e n to q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the m a i n r e a s o n f o r t h e f o u n d a t i o n

always had

stonemason who

f o u n d e d the

mainly other Fraser 1 9 6 0 ,

Fraser.

cult;

the

shipowners

and

merchants

cited

in

association 'of Z e u s X e n i o s ' , for e x a m p l e m a y

social o r e c o n o m i c 1 4 7 - 5 2 ; SEG

common

2 0 . 4 9 9 ; Sammelb.

was

note

25

have

interests.

8.9812; dating according

to

W H A T IS T H E

POLITEUMA?

193

the votive stele with the inscription has been dedicated. Thus K r C c n m should refer to the two persons mentioned (rather than to the whole politeuma), and the two in all likelihood had founded the politeuma. 31

d) Politeumata of citizens o f one city living abroad Near Sidon several painted stelae with grave inscriptions have been found, which are probably from the early second century B.C. The paintings o n the stelae, in most cases painted o n a ground o f stucco, represent soldiers in armour. In eight cases those who provided for the inscriptions have been mentioned; and amongst these eight four stelae had been provided for by four dif­ ferent politeumata. Three examples (the forth is badly preserved): (1) Kauviwv T O TroXiTeupia 'ITT[ ] Kai 'ATToXXwvl8r|v 'Ep|±a[y6pa], Zrjvwva Zr^vwvos", [ ] Zrjvwvos", 'Ior8wpov 'A0[ ] , 'EppLcovaKTa 'ApTep.i8[wpou], T O U S " airrwv [TT0]\LT[aS"]. (2) S a e T T a ? TpoKovSou Teppxiarjcwv T W V upo? OlvoavSois" iTt8ris' OT)p.p.axos" Teppx|aa£wv T W V irpbs OlvodvSois" I T I O T 8 W V T O TroXiTeup.a T O V e a u T w v TroXeLTT|V, XP \ ^ Xdip€. (3) LTivapewv T O TToX(,Teup.a KdpTaSiv Epp:aKTi(3tXou Ainaov xpriore Kal dXirrre xdipc. (1. "The politeuma o f the Caunians to Hip ... and Apollonides (sons) o f Hermagoras, to ... , their fellow-citizens." 2. "Saettas 3 2

T GT

3 1

F o r TTpocn"dTT|S' see n o t e 2 8 , for y p a p p a T e u ? in c o r p o r a t i o n s o f E g y p t a n d for KTtaTns' as usual d e s i g n a t i o n for the f o u n d e r o f a c l u b see San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 7 , 7 3 - 7 5 (KTI<JTQS TOV KOIVOU, KTIOTTI? elepetov p u o r t S v ) . Fraser 1 9 6 0 , 1 5 0 , n o t e 2 0 , has n o t e d t h e difficulty w h i c h arises if KTCoTai is u n d e r s t o o d h e r e as ' f o u n d e r s o f a b u i l d i n g ' , b u t s e e m s n o t to h a v e k n o w n t h e m e a n i n g ' f o u n d e r o f a c l u b ' : " T h e a d d i t i o n o f €VXT\V at t h e e n d o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n w o u l d n o r m a l l y ( b u t n o t invariably) i n d i c a t e t h a t it was t h e p l a q u e itself w h i c h was d e d i c a t e d , a n d n o t a m e n t i o n e d , o r u n m e n t i o n e d , b u i l d i n g o r o b j e c t . . . Evidently, h o w e v e r , s o m e f o u n d a t i o n was i n v o l v e d . . . " Fraser cites two parallels ( 1 5 0 , n o t e 1 1 8 , citing Sammelb. 1 . 4 2 0 6 ; 5 . 8 0 6 6 ) b u t in this r e s p e c t t h e s e two i n s c r i p t i o n s are n o t similar; t h e K T (CTTCILm e n t i o n e d t h e r e h a d b u i l t a lepdv Kal TOV TreptBoXov Kal Td ouvKupovTa TrdvTa. 3

2

M a c r i d y 1 9 0 4 , 5 4 7 - 5 6 (with p h o t o g r a p h s ) . S o m e o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s have b e e n p u b l i s h e d m o r e t h a n o n c e a b o u t the s a m e t i m e in d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s ( s e e t h e c o m m e n t b y M a c r i d y 1 9 0 4 , 5 7 1 ) . S e v e n o f t h e stele w h i c h w e r e b r o u g h t to C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d a l s o b y M e n d e l 1 9 1 2 f f . , 1: n o . 1 0 2 - 8 , w i t h a b e t t e r d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e p a i n t i n g s a n d s u b s t a n t i a t e d datings. T h e text h e r e is c o r r e c t e d in a few p l a c e s (af>Tcov i n s t e a d o f auTtov, lTi8r|S' i n s t e a d o f TTLSTIS") a n d s o m e u n c e r t a i n c o m p l e t i o n s o f l a c u n a e have b e e n r e p l a c e d b y d o t s . T h e t h r e e stele cited h e r e have t h e n u m b e r s A , 2 a n d 3 in M a c r i d y ; the first is also p r i n t e d in OGI 2 . 5 9 2 .

194

G. LUDERITZ

(son) o f T r o c o n d a s , Pisidian o f the Termessans from near Oenoanda, fellow soldier. The politeuma o f the Pisidians o f the Termessans from near Oenoanda to their fellow-citizen. Valiant one, farewell." 3. "The politeuma o f the Pinarers to the Lycian Cartadis (son) o f Hermactibiles. Valiant and griefless o n e , farewell.") In (1) and in (2) the deceased are citizens from the cities Caunus and Termessus, who got funerary stelae from the politeumata o f their fellow-citizens (in the second inscription they are termed 'Pisidians from Termessus'; to distinguish this Termessus from another one also in Pisidia a remark is added: from near 'Oenoanda'). In (3) a Lycian obtained a stele from the citizens o f Pinara, which is also in Lycia; he was perhaps not from Pinara itself (otherwise this would probably have been noted) but associated with the politeuma. In (1) and (2) —but not in the third inscription where the dead person was probably not from Pinara ( ! ) — t h e deceased are designated as TroXiTai abr&v. It has been assumed that this implies that the members are called 'citizens' o f the politeumata, but there are strong arguments against this interpretation: TroXtTns' as a noun has two meanings, first 'citizen' (e.g. TTOXCTTIS' TroXecos') and secondly 'fellow-citizen' (e.g. TToXtTrjs* u|ao)v). The plurals auT(3v a n d eauTolv must refer to the communities o f citizens from Caunus and Termessus; so they cannot refer to the respective politeumata as institutions — the deceased were ' their fellowcitizens' ( o f the other citizens living in Sidon and belonging to the politeuma) and not 'its citizens' (of the politeuma). Thus, the fact that the deceased are here called TroXtTOti can easily be understood as referring to them as fellow-citizens o f Caunus and Termessus respectively. In this sense — 'fellow-citizen o f the city o f origin' 33

34

35

3

3

E.g.

Schiirer

1973ff.,

3:89,

note

4:

"The

members

call

themselves

TTOXCTCU." 3

4

3

5

E x a m p l e s can easily b e f o u n d in L i d d e l l & S c o t t 1 9 6 8 . T h i s is a l s o t h e

1985), in

Egypt, e a c h of the

one

single

avT&v

interpretation of

1 7 5 , n o t e 6: "Contrary to e t h n i c

polis,

TTOXCTTIV

common

and the

S i d o n i a n a s s o c i a t i o n s was in

calling the

surviving

citizenship of

the

this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , takes t h e was

the

"legal a n d

Zuckerman

were

origin;

(reviewing Kasher

w h i c h w e will e n c o u n t e r

e s t a b l i s h e d by S o l d i e r s f r o m

d e c e a s e d TOUS"

members

city o f

1988

politeumata

O-VT&V T\o\irag

evidently

referring

. . . Kasher, without

epitaph's wording for

o r T6V to

an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t

political" status o f a m e m b e r o f any

their

considering

politeuma

polites

(p. 30)

d o e s n o t h e s i t a t e to a p p l y his c o n c l u s i o n to t h e situation in A l e x a n d r i a . . . "

and

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA?

1 9 5

— the term TroX(TT|S' is also used for members of a club ('colle­ gium') formed by citizens of Nysa in Rome (Clerc 1885, face B ) . This collegium is known through an honorary decree passed by the city of Nysa for a fellow-citizen, Titus Aelius Alcibiades, who did so much good that, "if one wanted to enumerate everything, his whole life wouldn't be long enough" (11. among other things he had also founded the aforesaid collegium. Some lines may be cited, because they refer — although a little exuberantly — to the emotions involved in founding such corporations of fellowcitizens abroad: . . . T O re KoXXr^ytov KaXoup.evov eic T C O V avrov TroXeiTtov ev tr\ $aoi\evovor\ Ptopiaitov TroXei ovoTT)od\ievos Kai xp^M-ctTa Koiva Trap'avrov KaOiepaxjas* ... 'iv' tocrrrep aTroiKia T L S " fj 8 x ^ 0 9 fnieTCpos" ov £evog ovSk dXXoTpios" dXXd eyxtopios- -rrapd 'Po^atois" 8iaTeXf) .. ; It would of course have been possible for the 'collegium' organized by Alcibiades e\c Ttov auToO TroXetTtov to put up epitaphs for its members and write T O V eairrtov T T O X [ T T | V , and no ancient reader of the inscriptions would have concluded that TroXCTT)S'was the common term for the members of a collegium. That TroXtTr)S' was a term for the members of an association (or a politeuma) is nowhere attested and seems improbable. 2

9

-

3

3

)

;

3 6

The epitaphs from Sidon do not tell us much about the politeu­ mata of the different cities. The members must have been soldiers (but it is possible that there were civilian members as well), and the politeumata may have been rather small. The same function of putting up a funerary stele was, according to four other epitaphs from the same site, also performed by a brother (Kepaias* 6 a&ehfybs eoTT\oe), by comrades (ol e T a t p o i or ol puya)v dve0r|Ke Ala

4>pi»yiov. L K £ ' KataapCos"), cf)app.ou0(l) 2e(3aorfj. ("C. Iulius Hephaistion, son o f Hephaistion, former priest o f the politeuma o f the Phrygians, erected it for the Phrygian Zeus; year 27, Pharmuthi, the day o f Augustus.") (5) Inscription from Alexandria; copy from the records o f the head o f the royal special account (6 Trpos" TO5 18IO) Xoyco), 24th September, 120 A . D . : 'Aya0fj T U X T | L . ['A]vT(,ypac|>ov uirojivT|LiaTLa|iwv M a p K i o u M o t o r a x o u T O O Trpos" TCO ISCcp X6yop. Le ' 'A8piavo0 Kataapots" T O O tduptou, ©w0 KC O U X T T C O U noTdp.covos" Kal T O J V CTUV auT(3 d[Tr6 43

' .

TToXtT]e u (laTog" AuKt'cov eirt Trapd V T L A i o v u c r i ' w

Kwp.oypapIp.aTetas' TrpoariKoiiaav

T O O

auTtots"

ypap.p.aTei

M]apewTou eiTrdvTCov p.vr|p.aTocJ>uXaK:Cav KaPt oi) 8e6vTO)s\ UTTO Atovualou

T O S " ypapLjiaTetos" r&v [ ].o.[.au]Tdls'

TOO

Trap6v

] — 01s/ TT T P S "

crai Kal [

("With g o o d luck. Copy o f the records o f Marcus Moisiacos, head o f the special account: Year 5 o f Hadrian Caesar, the Lord, 27th Thoth. Ulpius [son] o f Potamon and those with him from the politeuma o f the Lycians say, in the presence o f the Te[...

KCLTOIKIOV

iTTTTecov). T h e

c o p y o f this letter

( o f Pancrates)

again contains

the

c o p y o f a letter this P a n c r a t e s h a d written t o t h e royal secretary ((3aaiXiic6s' ypappaTeus")

a n d in w h i c h

he

h a d cited

a n o t h e r letter

Sosos a n d Aigyptos. T h e correspondence

Asclepiades son o f Ptolemaios f r o m the e p h o d o i men.

The

official

proceedings

he

had got

was p r o v o k e d b y t h e

are c o m p l i c a t e d

to the (PTeb.

colonizing 1.30

s i m i l a r ) , a n d a n u m b e r o f details r e m a i n o b s c u r e b e c a u s e

and

of

from

transfer

of

cavalry­ 1.31

are

considerable

l a c u n a e . A m o n g t h e o b s c u r e p o i n t s is also t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e p o l i t e u m a the

Cretans. T h e

('chosen',

editors

( o f PTeb.)

have

proposed

' a s s i g n e d ' by t h e p o l i t e u m a ) in 1. 8f.

( s e e a b o v e ) t h i n k i n g t h a t it

refers to S o s o s a n d A i g y p t o s . T h i s d o e s n ' t s e e m unlikely; t h e n t h e w o u l d h a v e c o o p e r a t e d s o m e h o w with t h e a u t h o r i t i e s

KaTa]xeipia6evTiov unknown Cretan the

politeuma

(but perhaps peTtr or

m i g h t also b e p o s s i b l e s u p p l e m e n t s s i n c e it is c o m p l e t e l y

w h a t was w r i t t e n

h i n t in t h e

of

. . . TTpolxeipicrB^VTCOV

in

the

large lacuna

before

t h a t ) . T h e r e is

text that the M a c e d o n i a n Asclepiades h a d s o m e h o w b e c o m e

no a

(this was t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f t h e e d i t o r s o f t h e p a p y r u s ) . C o n c e r n i n g

politeuma

of

the

Cretans

the

only

information

c e r t a i n t y f r o m t h e m u t i l a t e d t e x t is that it e x i s t e d

inferred

with

a n d that 5 0 0 m e n

to

be

were

a t t a c h e d to it in s o m e way ( b u t they n e e d n o t to have b e e n m e m b e r s ) . 4

3

CIG

2 . 5 8 6 6 c ( A d d e n d a , p . 1 2 6 0 ) ; IGRom.

1 . 4 5 8 ; OGI

658;

Sammelb.

5 . 7 8 7 5 . T h e d a t e is given a c c o r d i n g to t h e E g y p t i a n way; o n e c a n i n f e r t h a t e i t h e r t h e p o l i t e u m a o f t h e Phrygians e m i g r a t e d f r o m E g y p t t o P o m p e i i j u s t C . Iulius H e p h a i s t i o n

or

( p e r h a p s h e h a d p r a c t i s e d his ' f o r m e r ' p r i e s t h o o d

in E g y p t ) , o r that t h e s t o n e was b r o u g h t f r o m E g y p t to C a m p a n i a b e f o r e 7 9 A.D.

( t h e d a t e o f t h e e r u p t i o n o f the V e s u v i u s ) .

_

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA?

199

secretary Dionysios from the village secretariat o f the Marea district, that the guardianship o f cemeteries belongs to them and not as it ought; from Dionysios, the secretary present ") Sometimes the inscription OGI 2.737 (Sammelb. 5.8929) is cited as evidence for another politeuma o f the ethnic type, a politeuma of Idumaeans in Memphis. But it seems that this politeuma in Memphis must rather have been the politeuma o f the city o f Memphis, which together with the 'Idumaeans o f the city' honoured a certain Dorion. All the texts are from Egypt (as to no. 4 see note 43). Whether all the Cilicians, Phrygians, Lycians, etc. living in o n e place belonged to the politeumata or whether the respective politeumata were smaller groups, cannot be deduced from the texts with any 4 4

45

46

4

4

Sammelb.

3 . 6 0 2 5 ; IGRom.

1 . 1 0 7 8 ; SEG 2 . 8 4 8 ; Sammelb.

5.8757 (improved

text). 4

5

4

6

T h u s , for e x a m p l e , Schiirer 1973ff., 3:45; T h o m p s o n Crawford 1 9 8 4 ; Z u c k e r m a n 1 9 8 8 , I75f., 178. OGI 2 . 7 3 7 is an h o n o r a r y d e c r e e p a s s e d at a m e e t i n g (auvaycoyr)) TO£! TToXiTeupaTos" Kai. TCOV diro TTJS" TrdXetos* 'I Soupaitov. T h i s a l o n e m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d a m b i g u o u s ('the p o l i t e u m a o f t h e I d u m a e a n s t o g e t h e r with t h e I d u m a e a n s o f t h e city' o r ' t h e p o l i t e u m a o f t h e city t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e I d u m a e a n s o f t h e c i t y ' ) ; b u t it b e c o m e s d e f i n i t e t h r o u g h 11. 23f.: t h e h o n o u r e d p e r s o n shall g e t a c o p y o f this d e c r e e , so that h e m a y see h o w g r a t e f u l the city is to h i m ("iV etSfji f\v e'ax'nKev Trpos airbv f| TrdXiS" evxdpiarov dTrdvTT)aiv). f| 176X19 m a y easily r e f e r to t h e p o l i t e u m a o f M e m p h i s in c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h t h e I d u m a e a n s diro Tfjs* TrdXecos" b u t h a r d l y j u s t t o t h e assembled Idumaeans. 1

( O t h e r w i s e f| TrdXis' w o u l d s t a n d h e r e f o r an o r g a n i s a t i o n o f I d u m a e a n s c o n s i s t i n g o n t h e o n e h a n d o f t h e p o l i t e u m a o f the I d u m a e a n s a n d o n t h e o t h e r h a n d o f o t h e r I d u m a e a n s n o t b e l o n g i n g to the p o l i t e u m a . T h e s e o t h e r I d u m a e a n s w o u l d b e c h a r a c t e r i z e d as ' f r o m t h e TrdXis"' to d i s t i n g u i s h t h e m f r o m the I d u m a e a n s o f the p o l i t e u m a , w h o h o w e v e r w o u l d also b e l o n g t o t h e TroXtS" h o n o u r i n g D o r i o n . A n d this TrdXis w o u l d b e a n I d u m a e a n city w i t h i n t h e city o f M e m p h i s . T h i s w o u l d b e t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f T h o m p s o n C r a w f o r d 1 9 8 4 , 1 0 7 2 f . if o n e draws o u t the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A s o n e sees, o n e gets e n t a n g l e d in c o n t r a d i c t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f diro rf\s TrdXews" if t h e p o l i t e u m a is u n d e r s t o o d as r e f e r r i n g to a n I d u m a e a n o n e , a n d also the t e r m TrdXtS" f o r a g r o u p o f I d u m a e a n s s e e m s unlikely. A p a r t f r o m T h o m p s o n C r a w f o r d a u t h o r s t h i n k i n g that a p o l i t e u m a o f I d u m a e a n s is m e a n t h e r e d o n o t e n t e r i n t o a discussion o f the crucial clause (in 11. 2 3 f . ) , o r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e t e r m p o l i t e u m a as d e n o t i n g a p u b l i c institution o f t h e city a d m i n i s t r a t i o n is u n k n o w n ; t h u s as it s e e m s i n S c h i i r e r 1 9 7 3 f f . , 3 : 4 5 : " T h e politeuma is certainly n o t that o f the city o f M e m p h i s ( w h i c h w o u l d b e r e f e r r e d to as polis o r demos)." H e r e , t h e m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g is that it is p r e c i s e l y this w h i c h h a p p e n s : an h o n o r a r y d e c r e e is p a s s e d at a m e e t i n g o f t h e p o l i t e u m a o f t h e city, a n d since t h e p o l i t e u m a r e p r e s e n t s t h e d e c i s i o n t a k i n g b o d y o f t h e city, t h e h o n o u r s b e s t o w e d are r e f e r r e d to as 'by t h e polis'.) 1

200

G. L U D E R I T Z 47

finality. Two inscriptions (2, 4) mention 'priests' o f the poli­ teuma. ' Iepeii? is besides T r p o a T d T n s ' a c o m m o n title in all sorts o f clubs and corporations, and not only in the so called cult asso­ ciations. Thus there were in Egypt priests o f a company o f durra millers (oXupoKorroi; dXupa is a kind o f grain) or o f a soldiers' c l u b . In three cases, in the documents from Ptolemaic times, there seem to have been soldiers in the politeumata: in (1) and (2) persons with military ranks dedicate a pylon (a monumental gateway) and precincts; in (3) — though the circumstances remain unclear — the politeuma o f the Cretans is obviously connected to the cavalry stationed at Cerceosiris in the district o f Arsinoe (the site is mentioned in 1. 19 o f the papyrus). Whether these politeumata consisted exclusively o f members o f the mili­ tary profession or whether also other Boeotians, Cilicians, Cretans belonged to these politeumata one cannot say. It is n o surprise that in the Ptolemaic kingdom groups o f persons o f the same ethnic origin were frequently groups o f soldiers. Military units often consisted o f soldiers o f the same origin, and especially in the Ptolemaic kingdom several clubs o f soldiers o f a c o m m o n eQvog are known, which did n o t call themselves 'politeuma' (see below). Apart from the references to priests in two inscriptions, there is n o information about the internal organisation o f the politeumata or about their legal position versus city or state. There are several associations formed by people o f the same ethnic origin; examples have been collected by Ziebarth (1896, 4 8

4

7

I n ( 2 ) o n e can ask w h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e p o l i t e u m a ( o f t h e

Boeotians)

a n d t h e ' B o e o t i a n s g a t h e r e d in X o i s ' was, b u t t h e w o r d i n g

n o t allow for a viable decision: T h e 'gathered Boeotians' c o u l d have included

does

theoretically

Boeotians w h o were n o t m e m b e r s o f the p o l i t e u m a

(which

w o u l d e x p l a i n w h y it is e x p r e s s e d in this w a y ) . M o r e o v e r it is p o s s i b l e

that

n o t all t h e B o e o t i a n s in X o i s are m e a n t ( a n d also n o t t h e w h o l e p o l i t e u m a ) but

only

those

"whose

names

have

been

written

down

on

the

stele"

( p r o b a b l y this relative clause d o e s n o t r e f e r o n l y to t h e OT)|nTo\iTeu6p.evoi,

it

s e e m s likely t h a t t h e n a m e s o f all t h e p e r s o n s w h o h a d d e d i c a t e d t h e p r e ­ cincts s h o u l d b e m e n t i o n e d o n t h e s t e l e ) . T h i s 'stele' d o e s n ' t exist any m o r e ; t h e stele a n d t h e n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s listed will n o t have b e e n t o o l a r g e one 4

8

m a y j u d g e f r o m similar OGI

2.729

(dedicatory inscription; e n d o f the

3

R

D

century B . C . ) : . . .

'Avou(3ei ol Trpea(3uTepoi TQSV 6\UPOK6TTQ)V. l e p e u ? 'Aupevvetis" . . . ; Sammelb. ( b e t w e e n 8 0 a n d 6 9 B . C . ) : . . . ol TO T e T a y u ^ v o v 1

oVTe

[£x S

iTTTreLS" I(Sv apxicTuvalyGdyds Kai dpxiepet>S" [ . . . ; f u r t h e r Nicolo 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 6 7 - 7 0 ; Poland 1 9 0 9 , 3 3 9 - 5 1 Greek world).

if

inscriptions.

1.623

T]UH ' A p a i v o i T T i i examples

in

(also f r o m o t h e r r e g i o n s o f

San the

201

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

121-23) and Poland (1909, 81-83). Here only some associations in Cyprus may be mentioned, interesting in this context because they are also from the Ptolemaic kingdom and they consist partly of people from the same e6vr| that constituted also politeumata; some can be dated to Ptolemy VIII: OGI 1.148 is an honorary inscription by a K O I V O V T C O V ev Tfji vr)acoi Taaaopievcov K I X C K C O V , the same holds true for no. 157: 9e68copov SeXeuKou TOV cruyyevfj rod paorXecos' TOV orpaTriyov Kai vai>[apxov K]al dlpxtepea] T O K O I V O V T C O V ev TT\I vqacoi TaaaopLe vtov K L X I K C O V euepyeoTas" eveKev TT}S eis e[auh~6. In OGI 1.146 (as welf as in 147) a 'koinon' of the Lycians is attested: To K O I V O V T C O V ev TT)I VT\CJU>I Tao"(70|j.evcov A U K L C O V Ataa0evr| T O V auyyevfj T O O PaorXecos- (f)iXaya0£as- eveKev. Besides there were K o i v d o f Thracians and Ionians (see below). Apart from the names, one cannot perceive any differences between these Koivd and the TToXiTeup.aTa, the information, to be sure, is meagre. Now, if such associations in the Ptolemaic k i n g d o m are called K O I V O V or by similar terms, then they are treated in books on antique clubs and associations and they are supposed to have been free to constitute themselves without super­ vision by the state, whereas associations with the designation 'politeuma' are seen as something legally quite different. The term 'politeuma' is seen as a term pertaining to the domain o f constitutional law; the politeumata o f the Cilicians, Lycians, Boeotians are supposed to have been — in modern terms—public institutions not private ones. The very clear definition o f Smallw o o d (1976, 225) may be recalled: "A politeuma was a recognized, formally constituted corporation o f aliens enjoying the right o f domicile in a foreign city and forming a separate, semiautonomous civic body, a city within the city; ... It had to be officially authorized by the local ruler or civic body, presumably by a writ­ ten charter setting out its rights and constitution . . . " This is not evident from the texts cited, and it moreover seems improbable that there should have been in the same state two kinds o f associations o f e.g. Cilicians serving in the army, which would have had enjoyed completely different legal status. Obviously it was the word 'politeuma' and not some other indication in the 49

50

4

9

San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 1 0 .

5

0

T h u s for example

teuma:

Ruppel

Bedeutungsgeschichte

1 9 2 7 already in t h e title o f his w o r k

eines staatsrechtlichen T e r m i n u s " ) ;

Z i e b a r t h in Pauly & W i s s o w a 1894ff.,

21:140If.

("Poli­

likewise

202

G.

LUDERITZ

few texts that gave rise to the assumption that the politeumata should be differentiated from other associations. But the fact that 'politeuma' could be used to denote the association o f the goddess Sachypsis o r the association o f the women during the Heraia should have cautioned against this assumption. Furthermore, it seems that the usage o f the words 'koinon' and 'politeuma' may not have been so radically different: There are some inscriptions from Cyprus where in a 'koinon' beside the ethnically defined group there were also others who participated; this participation was described by a verb related with i r o X i T e u L i a , i.e. they were persons who were — to coin a new term — 'politeuizing along': T O K O L V O V T W V ev K u i T p c o i T a a o o L i i v w v 0 p a L K w v Kal T W V a u | i T r o \ i T € U O Lievwv. O r in OGI 1.145: T O K O L V O V T W V ev TT\I Wjawi MaacroLievwv 'Iwvwv Kal T W V ouvTToXLTeuo|j.evwv. Attached participants in a K O L V 6 V can thus b e called CTULLTroX.LTeudp.evoL. T h e same expression occurred in the same way in connection with the politeuma o f the Boeotians in text no. 2 above (ol emovvr\y\ievoi ev Eoei B O L W T O L 51

52

[ m l ol CTULifrroXLTeuopievoL).

In conclusion Corresponding to all the categories o f politeumata in this section (festival association, cult society, group o f soldiers, association o f compatriots) there existed corresponding associations which called themselves K O L V O V , CTUVOSOS" o r suchlike; sometimes as in the case o f the organisations o f Cilicians in the Ptolemaic army the correspondence seems to be very close, and participation in a K O L V O V can be termed auLiTroXLTeueoGaL. The politeumata had func­ tionaries with the same titles as other associations. They could 5

1

O n e m a y question

t h e m e t h o d if in a n i n v e s t i g a t i o n

o f the m e a n i n g

o f t h e t e r m ' p o l i t e u m a ' t h e starting p o i n t is a p r e c o n c e i v e d a s s u m p t i o n a n d the

' p o l i t e u m a o f t h e w o m e n ' is t h e n i n t e r p r e t e d a c c o r d i n g l y ; t h u s R u p p e l

1927,

4 5 0 : " Es gibt

Zwecken;

doch

gelegentliche

erscheint

v e r e i n i g u n g TT. g e n a n n t Stratonikeia gemeinde berger's

scheinen

wurde." Ruppel mir

also

u n d Landsmannschaft comment

in

Frauenversammlungen

es a u s g e s c h l o s s e n ,

OGI

2.592:

eine

daB e i n e

then

interprets:

Mittelstellung

einzunehmen"

(452).

"Alia, s e d i t e m

zu

derartig

religiosen lose

Kult-

"Die F r a u e n

zwischen C p . also

n o n p r o p r i a vi

in

BurgerDittennomen

TToXtTeupa u s u r p a t u r in titulis S t r a t o n i c e n s i b u s . . . TroX[t]Teupa TCOV yuvattktov." 5

2

OGI 1 . 1 4 3 ; shortly b e f o r e 1 2 1 B . C . , t h e w h o l e

PaatXecos" uldv, T 6 V a T p a r n y d v Kal vauapxov

text

runs: T i T o X e p a i o v

Kal dpxiepea Kal dpxiKuvTiyov T 6

KOLV6V TWV kv KuTTpcoi Taaaopevcov GpaiKcov Kal TCOV aup-rroXiTeudpevcov; s e e t h e c o m m e n t a r y in OGI.

203

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

apparently be founded by individuals who enjoyed a certain prestige in the politeuma (which does not exactly support the view that the constitution o f a politeuma would have been determined by the local authorities). There is thus n o reason discernible in the above cited texts which would justify the view o f any really fundamental difference between politeumata and other associa­ tions. If o n e tries to argue for a different legal position o f the politeumata versus other associations, one either has to ignore one or several o f the categories o f politeumata listed above (e.g. the politeuma o f the w o m e n ) , or somewhat strange interpretations have to be resorted to (cp. note 51). But this statement can only be formulated in negative way: a dogmatic differentiation o f politeu­ mata on the one hand and other associations on the other is not possible on the basis o f the few surviving texts. This does not necessarily imply that all politeumata or other associations always had the same legal position. For example, though Caesar dissolved all newer societies by order, the Jewish 'collegia' were e x e m p t e d . They obviously enjoyed a special legal status. 53

It seems that the idea to separate the politeumata (as public institutions) from the (privately constituted) associations origi­ nated in a paragraph written by Perdrizet in his publication o f the Sidonian inscription in which the politeuma o f the Caunians h o n o u r e d Tofts' auTtov TroXtTas'. The key for Perdrizet's interpre­ tation o f the word 'politeuma' was the politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice. Perdrizet thought that the Jews in Cyrenaica had the same rights as the Greek citizens, and this, for him, determined the meaning o f 'politeuma' in contrast to the 'koinon': "Le K O L I A S V est une association religieuse formee d'etrangers, qui n'ont rien a voir dans les affaires de la cite, n'ayant point l'isonomie. Le TToX(T6U|ia est forme aussi de gens de sang etranger, mais isonomes, c'est-a-dire citoyens, T T O X I T C U " (Perdrizet 1899, 47; cp. 45). Consequently he also thought that such a privileged position must have been granted by a sovereign: "c'est parce que les Juifs de la 54

5

3

Suetonius

Caes.

4 2 : "cuncta c o l l e g i a p r a e t e r a n t i q u i t u s c o n s t i t u t a

traxit"; similarly S u e t o n i u s Aug.

dis-

3 2 ; c o m m e n t a r y in L i e b e n a m 1 8 9 0 , 2 7 - 3 3 ;

f o r t h e Jewish associations in R o m e see b e l o w , n o t e 8 1 . 5

4

Perdrizet 1 8 9 9 , 4 2 - 4 8 ; for

text and

interpretation

(especially o f

the

m e a n i n g o f TTOXCTTIS" in this c o n t e x t ) see a b o v e . Perdrizet's article is e.g.

cited

by L e s q u i e r 1 9 1 1 , 1 4 4 , a n d by D i t t e n b e r g e r in his c o m m e n t a r y to OGI

2.592

("Caunios qui S i d o n e c o n s e d i s s e n t c o r p u s q u o d d a m q u o d suis l e g i b u s u t e r e t u r effecisse observavit P e r d r . " ) .

204

G.

LUDERITZ

Diaspora entendirent garder leur loi que Ptolemee et Seleucos leur donnerent cette organisation politique speciale, le TroXlTeuLia" (47). After Perdrizet, the assumption that Jews had normally possessed citizenship o f the respective cities was d r o p p e d , but the inference Perdrizet had derived from this was retained—for all politeumata. The irony then is, that whereas scholars dealing with the history of the Jews usually point to the non-Jewish politeumata in order to substantiate the cause o f a special legal position o f these institu­ tions, this very idea — that politeumata were sort o f public institu­ tions with special rights — was originally deduced from a mis­ conception o f the legal position o f the Jews. 55

3. The Politeuma of the Jews a) A Jewish politeuma in Alexandria? When, according to Pseudo-Aristeas, the translation o f the Torah into Greek had been completed, Demetrius the librarian gathered the multitude o f the Jews in Alexandria (§ 308: o w a y a y a ) v 6 AnLi-qTpios" T O TTXfjSos' T W V 'IouSatcav), and the scrolls were read out s o l e m n l y . In this context Pseudo-Aristeas uses the word poli­ teuma (§ 310): KaStos" 8k aveyv&oQr] T & T £ U Y J ) , or&VTes ol lepets" Kal T O J V epLinvecov ol TTpeo|3i>Tepoi Kal T O J V diro T O U TroXiTeup.aTos' ol re f|you|j.evoi T O O T T X T ^ 0 O U S ' EITTOV ... ("When the rolls had been read out, the priests and the elders o f the translators and o f those belonging to the 'politeuma' and the leaders o f the multitude rose and said . . . " ) . In this sentence four groups are listed: 'The priests', 'the elders o f the translators', 'the elders o f those from the politeuma', and 'the leaders of the multitude'. As to the meaning 56

57

5

5

Strabo,

f o r e x a m p l e , in r e f e r r i n g to t h e situation in C y r e n a i c a

in J o s e p h u s A] 1 4 . 1 1 5 ) m a k e s a clear d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n Jews a n d

(cited

citizens,

a n d t h e s a m e h o l d s true f o r t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s set u p by t h e p o l i t e u m a o f Jews in 5

6

the

Berenice.

P s e u d o - A r i s t e a s m a y h a v e b e e n i n s p i r e d (as h e s e e m s in o t h e r parts o f

his b o o k l e t ; see M u r r a y 1 9 7 5 , 1 2 6 f . ) by 1 Esdr ( c p . 9.38ff.: Kal

awfixQ'n

Trdv TO

iepevs Kal dvayvoSaTTiS" TOU v d p o v . . . K a i vdpou kvdmiov TOV TTXT^GOUS' . . . Kal kv TC2 XOaai

TrXfjGos* . . . Kai. kO~TT\ E a S p a ? 6 dvaXa(3tov EaSpas" T 6

fkpxtov TOO

T 6 V v d p o v TTdvTes" 6 p 0 o l ^aTTjaav. I n

another

'I o u S a i c o v o r

representatives

s i m p l y Trpea|3i5Tepoi as

m e n t i o n e d (1 Esdr 5

7

6 . 5 ; 2 Esdr

c o n t e x t Trpea(3uTepoi Ttov of

the

people

ITpea(3uTepoL are n o t necessarily o l d e r p e o p l e ; like ' s e n a t o r s ' ,

o f t e n stands f o r m e m b e r s o f a c o u n c i l . I n the g o s p e l s Trpea|3iiTepoi of

the

Sanhedrin)

ypappaTeis".

are

are

5.9; 6.7, 14; 1 0 . 8 ) .

often

mentioned

along

'elders'

(members

with dpxiepeLg-

and

205

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

o f 'politeuma' then, four possible interpretations c o u l d b e considered: (1) 'Politeuma' stands for a politeuma o f the Jews i n Alexandria, comparable t o the 'Politeuma o f the Jews i n Berenice'. I n this case the d i r o T O O T T o X i T e u p . a . T O S ' can hardly be identical with T O Tr\fj0os', otherwise i t would be difficult t o understand how the 'elders from the politeuma' could be a different group from the 'leaders o f the multitude'. The politeuma then might have been a smaller circle o f Jews, distinguishable s o m e h o w from the o t h e r Jews o f Alexandria — for example persons with some property, who had organised themselves i n a politeuma and were mentioned here separately because o f their importance. I f o n e tries— a s i s frequently d o n e — t o interpret 'politeuma' here a s meaning the Jewish 'community' ( i n the sense o f a n organisation comprising a l l the Jews i n Alexandria), then — i f o n e does n o t simply ignore the difficulties involved — either the text has t o b e altered, o r a complicated difference between the Trpea(3uTepot T C O V d i r o T O O 58

Tro\iTei3|iciTOS' and the f | y o i > p . e v o i has t o b e constructed, which

would require considerable effort.

59

(2) According t o a n interpretation o f Zuckerman (1988, 181-84) 'politeuma' here means the Jewish state i n Palestine, the choice o f the term being influenced, according t o him, by the usage o f 'politeuma' o r related words for a n idealized Jewish state i n Hellenistic Jewish literature. Zuckerman pointed t o the fact that 60

5

8

T h e r e are rather strong a r g u m e n t s against an alteration; see S c h u r e r

1973ff., 3 : 8 8 , n o t e 2 . 5

9

Ol i^yoiipevoi TOO TTXTJOOUS' d o e s n o t s e e m t o b e a t e c h n i c a l t e r m ; t h e

w o r d i n g in t h e p a r a g r a p h s b e f o r e § 3 1 0 is r a t h e r l o o s e : D e m e t r i u s TO TTXfj0os' TCOV ' I o u S a i i o v

(which

Josephus

AJ

12.107

renders

gathers a s TOT)S"

' 1 0 1 ) 8 0 1 0 1 ) ? diTavTas"), r e a d s t h e translation t o all (TTCIOT) 'in t h e p r e s e n c e o f the

translators',

r\yov\iivoig

a n d they

(the multitude)

a s k that a c o p y b e g i v e n

rolg

CUJTIOV. F o r a critique o f W e n d l a n d ' s ( 1 9 0 0 , 1 2 8 ) a t t e m p t t o solve

t h e p r o b l e m s e e R u p p e l 1 9 2 7 , 2 8 1 ( W e n d l a n d t h o u g h t , t h e TTpeaPtiTepoi ' o f t h e p o l i t e u m a ' w e r e p r e s b y t e r s o f t h e s y n a g o g u e , as s u c h n o civil and 6

servants,

t h e r e f o r e d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e f r o m t h e 'leaders o f t h e m u l t i t u d e ' ) . 0

"Pseudo-Aristeas'

translators

came

concept

from, provides

o f Palestine,

the idealized

the necessary

clue.

country the

I n his heavily

Helle-

n i z e d d e s c r i p t i o n , J e r u s a l e m turns i n t o a p e r f e c t l y s i t u a t e d polis s u r r o u n d e d by a b u n d a n t chora; t h e H i g h Priest E l e a z a r . . . c o n v o k e s t h e "citizens" o n all i m p o r t a n t o c c a s i o n s . T h e d i v i n e l a w is t h e p e r f e c t c o n s t i t u t i o n country;

those

w h o live

according

t o it a r e d e s c r i b e d

(politai) of the

as TCJV KCIT' a\)Ta

TretToXiTeuu^vcov Kai uoXiTeuou^vtov dv8piov [ § 3 1 ] . T h i s t e r m i n o l o g y , w h i c h is n o t w i t h o u t

parallels

choice o f the term

in t h e Hellenistic Jewish

politeuma,

literature,

explains the

in its m o s t c o m m o n m e a n i n g o f a city-state-

206

G. L U D E R I T Z

the translators hardly travelled alone from Palestine to Alexan­ dria— in § 172 they were sent u\t£T& dodxiXetas' iroXXfis', which has b e e n rendered by Pelletier (1962) as "avec une nombreuse escorte"; and the journey to Egypt was a visit on governmental level. If 'politeuma' signifies here the Jewish state, this would explain why the elders o f the translators and the elders o f the politeuma are so closely linked in Aristeas' sentence. Both groups would be representatives o f Palestinian Jewry in contrast to the 'leaders' o f the Jews living in Alexandria. It is true that 'politeuma' can signify 'state' o r 'government' (One might add that 'politeuma' would also be an appropriate designation for the Sanhedrin, the sovereign body o f the aristo­ cratic Jewish polity, whose members were frequently called TTpea(3uTepOL ['elders'; see note 5 7 ] . That would be congruent with the somewhat complicated expression TCOV diro T O U TroXiTeup.aTos' — the elders present would o f course be only a small part o f the elders, who constituted the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem). However, it is doubtful whether a reader in antiquity could have easily under­ stood that 'the elders o f those from the politeuma' should refer to representatives o f the Jewish state in Palestine, who had not been mentioned anywhere else in the narrative. The fact that 'politeuma' often means 'state' or 'government' suggests two other possible interpretations, which have not, as it seems, been proposed hitherto: (3) 'Politeuma' stands here for the Ptolemaic state, and the Trpea(3uTepoi were some dignitaries o f the Ptolemaic court, like the librarian Demetrius, who was no Jew but was present, according to Pseudo-Aristeas, at the solemn reading o f the translation. That would fit the context, since the matter is reported later to the king, who was not present himself at the occasion (§ 312). (4) In a more technical sense 'politeuma' could refer to the politeuma o f the city o f Alexandria; the 'presbyteroi' would then be representatives o f the polis Alexandria, who were present at the 61

like, constitutional state formation, for the designation of Eleazar's Pale­ stine" (Zuckerman 1 9 8 8 , 1 8 2 f . ) . Just one example for this meaning (Polybius 2 1 . 1 7 . 1 2 ) : Trpea|3euTal . . . Kal rrapd ToSicov Kal Trapd Spupvatcov Kal o x e 8 6 v TCOV e m TdSe TOO Taiipou TrdvTcov TCOV KaToiKouvTcov e0vcov Kai TroXiTeupdTcov ("ambassadors . . . also from the Rhodians and from the Smyrnans and almost all the peoples and states [or governments] living on this side of the Taurus mountains"). 6 1

207

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

reading. The TroXtTeup.a T C O V 'AXe£av8petcov is attested in another place as well: it is mentioned in the so-called Boule-papyrus (dated to either the first half o f the first century A . D . or the last quarter o f the first century B . C . ) . The proposition at stake in this document is that a city council ((3ouXr)) would see to it that "men who are uneducated and unlearned should not defile the presently pure politeuma o f the Alexandrians" ( . . . T O TrXtT£upLa T C O V 'AXe£avSpettov qMipqiov wrcipxov &0p€Tnroi Kai avdycoyoi y e y o v o T e s * dvOpcoTroi pLoXuvcoca). By the 'uncultured men' the Jews must be meant in the first place, and the 'politeuma' here is most probably identical with the citizen body — in a city founded by the promoter o f democracy, Alexander. Thus according to interpretations (2) to ( 4 ) , a somewhat: free translation would be "the priests and the representatives o f the translators and o f the state and the leaders o f the multitude", leaving it o p e n which state is meant. In all three cases there would be n o problem in differentiating the 'elders o f the poli­ teuma' from the leaders o f the Jews in Alexandria. There is an­ other argument for these interpretations: If 'politeuma' designates the sovereign body o f a city or a state or government, there is usually n o further determiner; if on the other hand it stands for a group o f aliens or some other association, it is normally explicit­ ly said which association is meant. This is however not a strict rule, if it is clear which politeuma is meant—as in the Jewish inscription for D. Valerius at the e n d — a simple T O TToXtTeupia without a determiner may suffice; but in the passage o f PseudoAristeas it would be very unclear if a politeuma of Jews should be referred to — especially if a politeuma o f the Alexandrians existed in Alexandria also. Though the Boule-papyrus is a little later, it 6 2

63

64

6 5

6

2

Musurillo 1954, no.

1, with b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l r e m a r k s a n d

o n p p . 8 3 - 9 2 ; the text is also to b e f o u n d in Sammelb. 6

3

commentary

4 . 7 4 4 8 a n d in CPJ 2 . 1 5 0 .

I n t h e a b o v e cited s e n t e n c e f r o m t h e B o u l e - p a p y r u s TCOV 'AX.e£av8peCcov

is p e r h a p s a d d e d to e m p h a s i z e t h e c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n citizens'

and the intruding

the 'pure p o l i t e u m a

' u n c u l t u r e d ' Jews ( a n d

E g y p t i a n s ) , w h o w e r e o b v i o u s l y n o t c o n s i d e r e d to b e A l e x a n d r i a n 6

4

T h u s , f o r e x a m p l e , in t h e i n s c r i p t i o n

for M . Tittius

of

possibly

citizens.

(cited below) T 6

TTo\irev\ia TCOV ev BepevlKrj 'IouSalcov o r T 6 troXlTeupa f)pcov, see t h e e x a m p l e s in this article a n d n o t e 4 1 . 6

5

T h e other

Berenice

(SEG

honorary decree 16.931; Luderitz

passed

by the p o l i t e u m a

1983, no.

7 0 , with

o f t h e Jews

bibliography),

in

where,

after t h e p o l i t e u m a h a d b e e n specified in 1. 1 3 , it is a l i t d e f u r t h e r b e l o w j u s t r e f e r r e d to as TO T T o X t T e i i u a .

208

G. L U D E R I T Z

does not seem probable that the politeuma mentioned there was a new p h e n o m e n o n in Alexandria. And if it was possible at the time o f Pseudo-Aristeas to talk o f a 'Politeuma o f the city o f Alexandria' (which is to be assumed), then he would have had to specify whether he meant a Jewish politeuma; otherwise the wording would not have been understandable, also in his time. But, if he thought of the politeuma o f the city o f Alexandria, and if perhaps a 'politeuma o f the Jews' didn't exist at all, then the text makes sense the way it is formulated. O n e may add that it is rather doubtful whether a Jewish politeuma did exist in Alexan­ dria: if it was not only a private club o f some Jews but exercised some administrative function in Alexandrian Jewry, the poli­ teuma (or the elders o f the politeuma) would have represented something like a •yepoucjta (senate). But it seems that the Jewry o f Alexandria actually had a monarchic tradition; at the head was an 'ethnarch' (also called 'genarch') — at least at the time o f S t r a b o . A yepovoia which was to look after the interests o f the Jews o f Alexandria was First introduced by Augustus — possibly to assimilate the structure o f the Jewish population in Alexandria to that in other cities. T h o u g h the several possible interpretations discussed above cannot be discounted, the interpretation that the politeuma o f the city o f Alexandria was meant remains the most likely. At all events, the existence o f a Jewish politeuma in Alexandria is very uncertain. 66

67

68

b) Jewish politeumata in and around Leontopolis? There is, in the Archaeological Institute o f the University o f Gottingen, an epitaph o f a man with the Jewish name 'APpaLios* dating from around the first century A.D. The stone was bought in Cairo but probably comes from the area o f Leontopolis in the district o f Heliopolis (there are similar inscriptions from this 6

6

6

7

6

8

This also holds true f o r 'politeuma' in the free rendering o f the same story o f the translation o f the Torah by Josephus AJ 1 2 . 1 0 8 : Kal TCOV epprivecov ol TrpeafJuTepoi Kal TOO TroXiTeupaTos' ol Trpoeo*TT|K6Tes'. Josephus AJ 1 4 . 1 1 7 ; as to ethnarch as a title o f the Hasmonaean princes see Schiirer 1973ff., l:333f., note 1 2 . Philo in Flaccum 7 4 : Tfj? ydp fipeTepas" yepouaias", f}v 6CTCOTTJPK a l euepyerns' ZePaaTds" eTnpeXT)aopevT)v TCOV 'IouSaiKtov el'XeTO peTd rqv TOU yevdpxou TeXeuTfjv 8 i d TCOV Trpos' Mdyiov M d £ i p o v evToXtov . . . For a short discussion and bibliography see Schiirer 1973ff., 3 : 9 2 - 9 4 .

W H A T IS T H E

209

POLITEUMA?

r e g i o n ) . Abramos exercised in two places the office o f a t t o X i T d p x n 9 ( o r - 0 9 ) , and this has been interpreted by Louis Robert (1940ff., 1:21) to signify that Abramos stood at the head o f two Jewish politeumata in two neighbouring places. The important lines o f the epigram in this context are: 69

(5)

OIK a y e p a o T o s '

etpu yap dvd TTTOXIV, dXXd Kai

kart^er' ev oofyiaTe. TdiTiov TroXiTapxcov abrbs

dpxti

Trav8f|ptp eOviKf) Siaatov ydp

emp.10

l(Jlv

Tf]V Sipepf} 8aTfdvnv e^avuras"

x&P -

In E. Bernand's translation, who follows the interpretation o f L. Robert: "En effet, il ne fut pas sans recevoir des honneurs dans sa ville, mais il a porte la couronne d'une magistrature de communaute s'exercant sur tout le peuple, dans sa sagesse. A la tete des citoyens de deux localites tu t'es vu a l'honneur, et tu as avec liberalite pourvu a la double depense." The crucial features o f this interpretation are: e8viKfj is (as u a v S T p c p ) combined with dpxf) and not with crocf>lg (Robert 1940ff., l:20f.: "Je crois qu'il ne faut pas rattacher e S v i K f j acro^tg, c o m m e ont fait les divers editeurs et commentateurs, car, quelque sens que Ton veuille donner a oofyLa, eQviKt] ne donne pas un sens approprie."); and the term refers, according to Robert, to the Jewish people (20: "Quant a e0viKT), ce terme ne peut surprendre. Dans l'epitaphe d'un Juif, e6vo9 ne peut etre la province d'Egypte, mais le peuple j u i f " ) . Then Abramos would have been 'crowned' with an dpxti Trav8r|p.a) e G v i K f i (Robert, 21: "Abraham a rempli une magi­ strature sur tout Yethnos des Juifs dans sa ville"). Correspondingly Robert did not take the verb T r o X i T a p x e o ) to mean 'hold office o f a T T o X i T d p x T | S ' (civic magistrate or similar)', but thought that it signified 'be at the head o f a Jewish politeuma' (probably as ' A r c h o n ' ) : "On ne trouve un «politarche» que bien loin d'Egypte, en Macedoine et en Thessalie. Mais l'organisation m e m e des Juifs de la Diaspora nous fournit un terme tres p r o c h e de 70

6

9

B e r n a n d 1 9 6 9 , 9 6 (with b i b l i o g r a p h y a n d c o m m e n t a r y ) ; H o r b u r y & N o y 1 9 9 2 , n o . 3 9 (with c o m m e n t a r y ) ; t h e text is also to b e f o u n d in R o b e r t 1940ff., 1 : 1 8 - 2 4 ; Sammelb. 1 . 5 7 6 5 ; CP] 3 . 1 5 3 0 A . 7 0

C p . the English n o t w i t h o u t h o n o u r in m u n a l magistracy over city m a g i s t r a c y in two liberality."

translation in H o r b u r y & N o y 1 9 9 2 , 9 5 : "For h e was t h e city, b u t was c r o w n e d in his w i s d o m with a c o m ­ all t h e p e o p l e . F o r y o u w e r e h o n o u r e d b y h o l d i n g a p l a c e s , fulfilling t h e d o u b l e e x p e n s e with g r a c i o u s

210

G. LUDERITZ

«politarche». Le Pseudo-Aristeas nous parle du TroXiTeuLia des Juifs d A l e x a n d r i e , et nous avons des inscriptions emanant du TroXiTeuLia T C O V kv BepevlKT) 'IouSatcov. Abraham a du etre, en deux localites, sans doute voisines, a la tete du TroXiTeuLia des Juifs" (21). But there are some problems: Robert seems not to have noticed that the title 'politarches' does occur in Egypt; in POxy. 745.4 (from about 1 A . D . ) an official with this title is mentioned, the context to be sure gives n o information about his function: ... cbs" K a l wrecrxou 8id T O O TToXeTTdpxou QeocpLXov. Otherwise the title is c o m m o n in Macedonia, where it designates city prefects. If the title did exist in Egypt, however, a reader o f the inscription would probably not have associated TToXLTapx^co with a Jewish politeuma — for gram­ matical reasons alone: TroXiTapx^co can hardly be a c o m p o u n d f o r m e d from TToXl'TeuLi.a— for we would expect that to be TToXLTeuLiapxeco. Moreover, the phrase eOviKfj ev oxxptq does make sense; for eGviKos* may in contrast to Jewish' denote something 'pagan': el ov 'IouSalos* InTapxwv eOviKcos- Kal OVK 'I ouSa'iKcos' COS", mos" T a e0VT) dvaYKdCeis' lou8at£eiv (Ep.Gal. 2.14). Then, also the following interpretation is possible: Abramos would have held in two places a civic magistrature (that o f a 'politarch'); this was an dpxr) Trdv8r)Lios' — that is, over the whole population, Jews and non-Jews. This office was bestowed upon him through the 'wisdom o f the gentiles'. That would fit the clause OVK dyepaaTos* ecpu y d p d v d T T T O X L V — he was h o n o u r e d throughout the town (thus by the Jews and the others). The poetical wording o f the epigram makes it difficult to say what exactly is meant — at least until we know o f more politarchs from Egypt and understand their function better. It is, however, very uncertain whether the existence o f two Jewish politeumata in neighbouring places should be assumed on the strength o f this inscription. 71

c) The Politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice The city o f Berenice in Cyrenaica is the only known site where a Jewish organisation with the designation 'politeuma' is really attested. Two inscriptions o f this politeuma have survived; they are both honorary decrees. The interpretation o f these has had a de7 1

Act.Ap.

G s c h n i t z e r in 1 7 . 6 , 8.

Pauly & W i s s o w a

1894ff.,

Suppl.

1 4 : 4 8 3 - 5 0 0 ; see

also

211

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

cisive influence on the understanding o f all sorts o f politeumata. One is for a certain Decimus Valerius Dionysios, who had had the floor o f the building called 'amphitheatron' stuccoed and the walls o f the same building stuccoed and decorated with paintings. This was a benevolent contribution for the politeuma (11. 25f.: £ T r t S o ( i a TOOL TroXtTeuucnr). He must have been a Jew, since the politeuma freed him from public services and only Jews could have been held liable for the performance o f liturgies about which the politeuma o f the Jews could decide (11. 14f.: ... KOLL e l e v dXetToupynTotv trajan? [ X e ] i T o u p [ y U a s ' ) . Besides he is crowned 'by name' with a crown o f olive-branches and ribbon at every gather­ ing and new m o o n , and the archons were to write the decree on a stele o f Parian marble and put it up in the most prominent place in the 'amphitheatron'. The decree ends with the outcome o f the ballot: "All (pebbles) white" (1. 21: X e u K d i Trdom). Parts o f the stone are badly preserved and some details o f the decree remain obscure, including the exact date, but one may guess that the inscription is probably from the first century B . C . 7 2

The other, better preserved o f the two decrees runs as follows:

73

ve' <J>aaxf> Ke' em auXX6you T?$ aKnvoem dpxovrtov KXedvSpou T O O 2/rpaToviKou Ei^pdvopos- TOV 'AplaTtovos" Xtooryevous' TOO StoaLTTTrou 'AvSpopdxou T O O 'AvSpopdxou MdpKou AaiXtou 'Ovacdtovos" T O U 'AuoXXtovLou 4>LXO)VL8OII TOTJ 'Ayfp \iovog AuTOKXeous" T O O Zrivtovos" Uiovi["E]TOU?

T^^|yLas•

5

KOU TOl) 6eo80TOU 'ItOOrpTOlJ TOO XTpdTCOVOS" 1

EiTel MapKos T ' L T T L O S " 2eiXav0pt6rrtos' Kai KOXCOS' ev Te Tf)i dvaaTpocf>f) T\avxLov ^ 0 0 9 evSiKvupevos" del 8taTeXtov T u y x d v e i oi) p.6vov 5% ev TOUTOLS* dpapf| eauTov Trapeo~ XnTaL dXXd Kai Tot? KOT' 18'iav evTuyxdvoucri

10

15

7 2

R o u x & R o u x 1 9 4 9 ; SEG

1 6 . 9 3 1 ; R e y n o l d s 1 9 7 7 , n o . 1 8 ; Liideritz 1 9 8 3 ,

no. 70. 7

3

Some

IGRom.

o f the

photograph); 3:94,

n u m e r o u s p u b l i c a t i o n s : CIG

1.1024; Roux & Roux.

note 20.

3.5361

1949, 2 8 3 - 8 5 , 2 9 4 - 9 6

Reynolds 1977, no.

(with

bibliography);

(with b i b l i o g r a p h y

17; Liideritz 1 9 8 3 , n o . 7 1 ; Schiirer

and

1973ff.,

212

G.

20

LUDERITZ

T W V TToXlTtOV 6TL 5% Kal ToT? €K TOl) TToXtTeU" LiaTos"fytwv'Ioi&xiois- Kal Kotvf) KOL tcar'iotav euXpT)OTov TrpoCToraalav Trotoupevos' ov 8taXeiTret Tf|S" ISla? KaXoK&ya0la? a£ia Trpaaatov iv tov xvp ^8o^e T O I ? a p x ^ '™ TroXiTeuLiaTL T W V ev Bepevlicn 'IouSalcov CTratveaat TC air T O V KOL aTeavouv ovopaaTl KO9' eKaorny auvoSov Kck voupr|viav oTecfxivtoi eXalvtoL Kal 1 XriLtvloxcoL T O U ? 8e apxcvTas avaypdij/ai T O ilrty^LaLta el? aTf)Xr)v Xl0ou ITaplou Kal Oeivai el? TOV e m c m p o T a j o v TOTTOV TOU d|i(|)L0edTpou Aeu Kal Tra aat ouCTL

25

K a

L

t n

("Year 55, 2 5 Phaoph, at the gathering of the feast o f tabernacles, at the time o f the archons Cleandros o f Stratonicos, Euphranor o f Ariston, Sosigenes o f Sosippos, Andromachos (5) o f Andromachos, Marcus Laelius Onasion o f Apollonios, Philonides o f Hagemon, Autocles of Zenon, Sonicos of Theodotos, Josepos of Straton: Seeing that Marcus Tittius, son o f Sextus, (from the tribus) Aemilia, (10) a fine and g o o d man, since he came to the prefec­ ture over 'public affairs' has been exercising their governorship humanely and rightly and has always displayed a calm charac­ ter in his behaviour, (15) and has not only been showing himself in these things not burdensome but also for the citizens meeting with him privately, and besides, in exercising a useful governor­ ship also for the Jews o f our politeuma collectively and privately, has not (20) ceased to act worthy o f his own nobility — therefore the archons and the politeuma of the Jews in Berenice decided to c o m m e n d him and crown him 'by name' at every gathering and new m o o n with a crown of olive-branches and (25) ribbon, and that the archons have the decree written on a stele of Parian stone and have it set up in the most prominent place in the 'amphitheatron'. All white.") The date corresponds most likely to the 2 7 October 43 B . C . This is not the place to g o into the details o f translation, to comment upon the person and function o f the person honoured, the honours conferred, or the historical context of this document. t h

74

7 4

The

dating

r e a s o n s will b e Z e u g n i s s e zur

mentioned

g i v e n in Sozial- u n d

my

here

has

not

forthcoming

proposed

"Die J u d e n

hitherto. der

The

Cyrenaika:

Kulturgeschichte einer religiosen Minderheit

d e r A n t i k e " . T h e r e , also a d i s c u s s i o n o f the f o u n d a n d a review o f the

been

book

o t h e r p o i n t s m e n t i o n e d will

history o f the discovery o f the

two

inscriptions.

in be

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA?

213

J u s t o n e p o i n t m a y b e m e n t i o n e d b e c a u s e it h a s s o m e b e a r i n g the

question

cannot

have

animals floor,

of

been

and

7 5

place. for

of

with

seats

politeuma

public

was:

The

amphitheatre

for

Such

made

of

games had

stone

with

no

be

7 6

around,

it

seats f o r spectators on

three

'Ap.cpL0^aTpov m i g h t

sides

thus

building o f the type of a

with

be

an

may

in

also

side

$ov\evTT\piov

a

a building

with con­

that m e a n s

with

remaining

appropriate

in

characterize

U - form,

one

ana­

improbable

p o l i t e u m a h a d a right to p u t u p inscriptions T h e w o r d d|i(J>i6ea.Tpov d e s i g n a t e s

wild

stuccoed

would

i n C y r e n a i c a , a n d it w o u l d b e

all

on

'amphitheatron'

amphitheatres

amphitheatre

spectators

structions rows

a

at that t i m e

that the Jewish public

the

gladiators.

a permanent

chronistic

seats

what

open.

designation

for

7

7

a

( o r eKKXnCTiaCTTT^ptov, L a t i n

' c u r i a ' ) , a t o w n h a l l — t h e p l a c e f o r p o l i t i c a l m e e t i n g s . BouXeuTrfpia. at that t i m e they

were

normally had

rather

w o o d or stone) in

a semicircle

high

a square

halls,

7 8

or rectangular g r o u n d

and

the

rows

of

seats

as in

an

odeum, 7 9

so

that speakers

could

to b e h o n o u r e d a n d inscriptions — especially

hall o r in a c o u r t . where

8 0

T h e assumption

the Jewish

seats

along

the

5

7

6

7

7

7

8

7

9

8

0

seen

the

decrees —

walls

were

entrance-

that this ' a m p h i t h e a t r o n '

decrees

t o w n h a l l is n o t t o o f a r f e t c h e d .

7

be

statues o r p a i n t e d portraits o f p e o p l e

e r e c t e d in o r at the b o u l e u t e r i o n , s o m e t i m e s also in a n

building with

of

r a n often a l o n g the walls o n t h r e e sides, straight o r

well. Walls c o u l d b e p a i n t e d ,

Berenice,

plan,

(made

were

set

modelled

up, after

was the

It s e e m s to h a v e b e e n

a

Jewish

type a

in

of

a

building

C a p u t o 1 9 5 5 , 2 8 3 - 8 5 , a n d G a b b a 1 9 5 8 , 64f. a r g u e d f o r the possibility o f a s t u c c o e d f l o o r in p u b l i c a m p h i t h e a t r e s , b u t t h e i r a r g u m e n t s d e p e n d o n m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s ; t h e w h o l e q u e s t i o n o f this ' a m p h i t h e a t r o n ' a n d a m p h i ­ theatres will b e discussed in m y b o o k (see previous n o t e ) . T h e so-called dictionary o f Suidas has (s.v. TOTros- TravTaxoSev TrepLCTKOTroupevos".

dpcf>i6ecrrpov):

'Ap(J>i6eaTpov

D i o n y s i u s o f H a l i c a r n a s s u s calls t h e o l d C i r c u s m a x i m u s in R o m e , w h i c h h e d e s c r i b e s as a b u i l d i n g in U - f o r m , an dpi0eaTpov. Vitruvius De architecture!, 5 . 2 : " . . . curia in p r i m i s est f a c i e n d a a d digni­ t a t e m m u n i c i p i i sive civitatis. E t si q u a d r a t a erit, q u a n t u m h a b u e r i t latitudinis d i m i d i a a d d i t a c o n s t i t u a t u r altitudo; sin a u t e m o b l o n g a fuerit, l o n g i t u d o e t l a t i t u d o c o m p o n a n t u r , et, s u m m a c o m p o s i t a , e i u s d i m i d i a pars s u b lacunariis altitudini detur." S m a l l e r cities c o u l d have b o u l e u t e r i a o f a b o u t 2 6 x 2 0 m ; see M c D o n a l d 1 9 4 3 , 2 5 4 , g r o u n d plans after p . 3 0 8 . L i b a n i u s (Descriptiones 2 a n d 4 ) tells o f l a n d s c a p e - p a i n t i n g s in a b o u l e u t e r i o n - with a t o w n a n d p e o p l e h a v i n g g o n e in s p r i n g i n t o t h e fields, r e l a x i n g u n d e r trees, also a h o r s e was p a i n t e d , etc. (Descr. 4 ) . McDonald 1943, 272-76.

214

G. L U D E R I T Z

for meetings, probably the o n e where the politeuma and the archons met regularly. The question what the politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice was may be subdivided into three questions: What was its legal position versus the city o f Berenice and versus the Jews? O f w h o m did it consist — all the Jews o f Berenice or a smaller group? What can we know about its internal organisation? The legal position of the politeuma. In some documents cited by Josephus, Jewish organisations in other parts o f the world are termed avvobog or GLaaos' — both terms are typical for associations or clubs. SuvoSos* is a very general designation for all sorts o f associations, whereas the term Qiaoog normally stresses the reli­ gious aspect o f an association; in the passage cited by Josephus t h o u g h , Qiaoog is used in a juridical context referring to asso­ ciations in Rome and stands for 'collegium'. The term Tro\tTeu[ia does not speak against a privately constituted association, and there is n o indication in the inscriptions from Berenice that the politeuma differed in terms o f rights or duties vis-a-vis the polis from other Jewish organisations elsewhere. It should be noted however that the Jewish organisations seem to be at variance in some respects with the c o m m o n types o f clubs or associations known otherwise: for Josephus the very existence o f the Jewish 'collegia' or ovvoboi is closely linked with the fact that Jews could live according to their traditional laws, that they had their own jurisdiction, where they could conclude contracts or settle dis­ putes among each other (see the texts in note 81). Strabo attests a similar partial autonomy in legal matters for the Jews o f Cyre­ naica, and this would also in Cyrenaica presuppose among other things some administrative organisation, probably also an archive o f their own. It is likely that the politeuma o f the Jews in 81

82

8 1

A / T 4 . 2 1 5 f . : K a i yap rdLos- K a i a a p . . . ev TC3 S i a r d y u a r i KttXutov Qidoovs auvdyea0ai Kara TT6XLV \iovovg TOUTOUS" [the Jews] OI!»K eKcoXuaev ovre xp^uaTa ovveiofyepeiv oxire auv8eiiTva iToieiv, OUOLCOS* 8e icdyco rovs dXXous" Gidaous" KtoXuoov TOUTOIS' \iovois emTpeiTco KaTd Td TrdTpia e9r\ Kai v6uipa auvdyea0ai re Kai eaTida0ai ( c p . note 5 3 : S u e t o n i u s talking about the same event uses the eLV w o r d 'collegium'); AJ 1 4 . 2 3 5 : aiiTous" a w o 8 o v e x t8tav KaTd TOUS" TraTpCous" v6\iovs dir' dpxfis" Kai TOTTOV 1!8LOV ev co Td Te updyuaTa Kai Td? np6g dXXtjXous' dvTiXoylas" Kptvouaiv. C i t e d by J o s e p h u s A] 14.116f. 8 2

215

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

Berenice was such an administrative organisation. Some features of the politeuma seem to substantiate this assumption: the number of archons (seven in the inscription for D. Valerius, nine in the decree for M. Tittius) seems too large for a smaller club consisting of some Jews, and the voting procedure is rather complicated and untypical for private voluntary associations. Thus o n e may conclude: there is n o information about the legal position o f the Jewish corporation 'politeuma' vis-a-vis the city o f Berenice. Jn this respect the politeuma might not have differed substantially from other privately constituted corpora­ tions. But actually, for the Jews o f Berenice the politeuma might have exercised governmental functions—judicial, administra­ tive, notarial, etc. 83

84

The members of the politeuma — all the Jews of Berenice or a smaller circle? T h e Jewish population o f Cyrenaica consisted o f men, women and children, and they were either free o r slaves. H o w many (all o r a smaller body and from which o f these groups) belonged in Berenice to the politeuma, and had therefore e.g. the right to vote concerning the ratification o f decrees involving expenses for the politeuma? If we g o by the rather generally accepted view, that 'politeuma' stands for the Jewish community (see above note 3 ) , then every Jew and Jewess o f Berenice would have had the right to vote — this would imply a radically democratic tradition, which is surely rather unusual. We d o n o t know how large the Jewish population o f Berenice was, but it must have been considerable — not just a few hundred Jews. If one looks in the two inscriptions — for D. Valerius and 85

8

3

Z u c k e r m a n 1 9 8 8 , 179f.,

thought

that

the politeuma

o f t h e Jews in

B e r e n i c e m a y have b e e n a s m a l l private v o l u n t a r y association o f o n l y s o m e o f t h e Jews o f B e r e n i c e

-

t h o s e with

a special

interest

in G r e e k

democratic

traditions. 8

4

A s to a r c h o n s in associations - o f t e n t h e r e is o n l y o n e a r c h o n - s e e f o r

e x a m p l e P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 3 6 2 f . N o r m a l l y in private a s s o c i a t i o n s

every m e m b e r

c o u l d p r o p o s e a d e c r e e , a n d usually t h e r e are n o r e c o r d s o f t h e b a l l o t result (an

exception

Ziebarth tioned 542),

t h o u g h is t h e a s s o c i a t i o n

1896, 144-46.

runs

o f t h e SioTnpiaoTaC i n A t h e n s ) ; s e e

T h e formula expressing

that the d e c r e e

was sanc­

-

s i m p l y e'8o£ev TCO KOIVC$ o r TOLS SICLCTCOTCIIS', e t c . ( L a r f e l d 1 9 0 7 ,

and not e8o£e

rots'

dpxovoi

Kal . . . as h e r e .

For the parliamentary

p r o c e d u r e s o f t h e Jewish p o l i t e u m a o n t h e o t h e r h a n d s e e b e l o w . 8

5

87/86

Strabo (cited by J o s e p h u s B . C . ) writes

AJ 1 4 . 1 1 4 - 1 8 ,

that t h e J e w i s h

population

w h e r e h e refers to t h e year in C y r e n a i c a was g e n e r a l l y

l a r g e . L a t e r , d u r i n g t h e c o m m u n a l riots b e t w e e n Jews a n d G r e e k s , t h e p o p u ­ lation a r o u n d B e r e n i c e a n d T e u c h e i r a s u f f e r e d severely - H a d r i a n f o u n d e d a

216

G. LUDERITZ

M. Tittius — for hints giving some information about the size o f the politeuma, one comes across the voting procedure. According to the formula eSo^e T o t s ' dpxoucu Kai Ttoi Tro\iTeij|j.aTi T t 3 v ev BepeviKn 'I ouSaitov a draft o f the decree was probably worked out by the archons (most likely a proposal drafted by one or more o f the archons), then approved by them, and later at the next meeting submitted to the politeuma for balloting. The politeuma voted with pebbles (if;fjcf)oi), those representing positive votes were white (XevKai T r d a a i ) . If there had been any negative votes in connection with the two surviving decrees, the numbers o f posi­ tive and negative votes would have been given, and we would know rather precisely how big the politeuma was. But it can hardly have been very large: if the politeuma had consisted o f the whole Jewish population o f Berenice (or also of just all the Jewish men) —that is, if the politeuma had been something like a Jewish popular assembly - , they would probably have voted by a show o f hands (xeipcnrovta). That was for example the normal procedure in Athenian popular assemblies (Aristotle Atheniensum respublica 42.1, 61.1-7). It is not very likely that huge numbers o f pebbles were counted. For comparison: in two other decrees from Cyrenaica, where there was a voting procedure with pebbles, the numbers o f votes recorded were 109 and 53 (see below). A resolution from 158/59 A . D . from Macedonia (Vatin 1962) has the closest parallel to the formula XeuKal T r d a a i outside Cyre­ naica, and it shows how the voting proceeded if a plebiscite was involved: this is a decree which had to be ratified both by the council ((3ou\f|) and by the people (OTTOS' ; 11. 7-9: A6y|ia T O Kupto0ev U T T O re Tfjs* PouXfjs" K a i T O O 8T}LLOU dTreaTaXKaLiev Trpos' oe KaOd-rrep 6 vopLos* a u v T d a a e i ) . After deliberation (11. 15f.: T O I S * PouXeuTais" (3ouXeuaa(ieVOLS') the council voted—with pebbles (those for positive 86

8 7

n e w city b e t w e e n these two cities to r e p o p u l a t e the area. S u c h a large n u m b e r o f v i c t i m s in

this p a r t o f C y r e n a i c a w o u l d h a r d l y b e

Jewish p o p u l a t i o n o f Berenice a n d

Teucheira had

u n d e r s t a n d a b l e if

been of a

the

comparatively

m o d e r a t e size. 8

6

For

the

interpretation of such formulas

(one

of

the

most

important

s o u r c e s f o r types o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a n d p a r l i a m e n t a r y c o n d u c t in G r e e k cities) see L a r f e l d 1 9 0 2 , 6 4 4 - 4 6 , 6 6 1 - 6 7 ; G u a r d u c c i 1967ff., 2 : 1 3 - 1 8 , 4 1 - 4 7 , 8

7

made

They need not of

bronze

Atheniensum

h a v i n g the

respublica

51f.

necessarily have b e e n of stone. In A t h e n s they were w o r d s tyrKbOZ A H M O Z I A i n s c r i b e d

6; B o e g e h o l d

1 9 6 3 , with p i c t u r e ) ; t h e

(Aristotle

white

s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e t^fjcpot w e r e o f s t o n e , shells o r similar m a t e r i a l .

colour

W H A T IS T H E P O L I T E U M A ?

217

votes were white); after that the decree was ratified by the popular a s s e m b l y — by a show o f hands: Kal Trepl TOUTOU I/JT)CJ)OU 8ievexQ€ior\g kyevero Traoai XeuKai. 'ETrexeipoTovrjCTev 6 orjiios" ("And when there was a ballot about this pro and con, the result was: All white. T h e p e o p l e confirmed by a show o f hands."). That (certain) decrees had to be confirmed by plebiscite was c o m m o n practice. In Attica, for example, any recording o n stone — w h i c h involved costs for the public treasury—had to be authorized by the people and the respective resolution had to be included in the text of the decree. 88

The cities o f Cyrenaica o n the other hand had a less demo­ cratic tradition. Here costly honours could be passed without a plebiscite just by the council (on a proposal o f and after approval by the gerontes). Thus in a decree for a certain Aleximachos from T e u c h e i r a / A r s i n o e which had b e e n d e c i d e d by the gerontes and the b o u l e : 8e86x9ai TOLS" y e p o i a i Kal T&I [p]a)Xdt (11. 6 1 f ) . This was explicitly an honour bestowed by the 'polis': OTTO)? Kal ol XOLTTOI [0]e6jpevTes" T&V Tas* TTOXIOS' dvuTTofaJToXov euxapiorlav . . . The gerontes and the boule decided "that the city shall erect for him a bronze statue" (11. 66f: avQe\i.ev airrak T a v TTOXIV dv8pidvra XaXKrjLov). The costs incurred were to be paid from the public treasury (11. 76ff: €K 8a\iooLu>v). A n d the decree ends with the result of the ballot: XeuKai p8 ("109 white"). 89

9 0

Decrees which could be passed just by a boule (more exact: first by a smaller circle and then by the boule) are otherwise rare, and this seems to be a peculiarity o f Cyrenaica. This may also explain why the formula XeuKai Traaai (or with a number instead o f T r d a a i ) is u n c o m m o n elsewhere: voting with pebbles is a procedure occurring in a boule or a court o f justice, in popular assemblies voting is done differently. It is important to note the difference from the above mentioned decree from Macedonia: there the boule decided o n a motion, which was then submitted to the popular assembly; only the result o f the ballot in the boule was reported with the formula TrdCTai XeuKai. In Teucheira/Arsinoe it is the finally ratified decree which was passed by the boule —with a 91

8

8

8

9

9

0

9

1

Larfeld 1 9 0 2 , 6 0 1 . R e y n o l d s 1 9 7 5 ; L a r o n d e 1 9 8 7 , 4 7 2 - 7 8 . Citations f o l l o w L a r o n d e ' s text. LI. 56ff.: " . . . so that t h e r e m a i n i n g w h o see the u n c o n c e a l e d g r a t i t u d e o f t h e city . . . " Larfeld 1 9 0 7 , 4 7 4 .

218

G.

LUDERITZ

similar formula, but this formula has another significance, because here it records the final resolution. There is another inscription from Cyrenaica where something similar is likely to have happened. It is a decree from Mgernes probably also from the first century B . C . The beginning o f the inscription, where the body deciding upon the resolution must have been mentioned, is lost, but the decree ends with the note that 53 persons voted positively (again with white pebbles). These 53 persons can hardly have been the whole 'people' o f Mgernes, but must have been a smaller body. This body, representing the 'village', decided upon honours, which were 'a gratitude o f the village', and the person thus honoured was exempted from all taxes which were 'due to the village'. Again, the decree was probably passed just by a kind of boule without plebiscite. This seems to have been an o l d tradition in Cyrenaica. T h e earliest decree from this region ratified by the boule without approval by a popular assembly — according to the editor from the fourth century B . C . — is a decree conferring the status o f TTpo^evos*; the decree is from Euhesperides, the city in whose location Berenice was later founded: 9 2

93

EcfxSptov Kai

yep6vTcov eTray6vTtov S& T a t

|3io\aV Eiifkov EupioTto,

'AyeoTpaTov Moax'iiovos', SupaKooios", EuaTrepiT&v Trpocfevos" Kai e K y o v o ? .

r\\i.ev abrbg

94

Fraser, in his edition o f the inscription, thought that a plebiscite was still p e n d i n g . A decree which could be passed just by the boule (upon a motion o f the ephori and the gerontes) must have looked very unusual to him (in 1951 he could not have known the decree from Arsinoe mentioned above); but on the other hand it is obviously unlikely that a decree which had n o t yet been ratified should be inscribed on stone. 95

9

2

9

3

who

SEG 9 . 3 5 4 ; L a r o n d e 1 9 8 7 , 3 3 4 - 3 6 (with c o m m e n t a r y a n d b i b l i o g r a p h y ) . A

ixp6^evog

represented

is a f o r e i g n ' p u b l i c f r i e n d ' o r 'guest' o f a state, o f t e n o n e t h e interests

o f t h e state

o r its c i t i z e n s

in his

own

community. 9

4

Fraser 1 9 5 1 ; SEG 1 8 . 7 7 2 . " U p o n m o t i o n o f t h e e p h o r s a n d t h e g e r o n t e s

t h e c o u n c i l d e c i d e d (dvSdvco) that E u b i o s , s o n o f E u b i o t o s , ( a n d ) H a g e s t r a t o s , s o n o f M o s c h i o n , ( b o t h ) Syracusians, shall b e p r o x e n o i o f E u h e s p e r i d e s , t h e y and 9

their 5

descendants."

Fraser 1 9 5 1 , 1 3 7 : " T h e d e c r e e was p r e s u m a b l y p r o b o u l e u t i c , that is t o

say, it was p r o b a b l y ratified i n s o m e way, p e r h a p s as p a r t o f a c o m p r e h e n s i v e d e c r e e c o n f e r r i n g p r o x e n y o n several p e r s o n s , b y t h e p o p u l a r assembly."

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

219

Thus, that honorary decrees could be passed by just a small body (such as a yepovoia) and the boule seems to be specific for Cyrenaica. Probably connected with this is the occurrence o f the formulae X e u K d l p0 ' or similar as referring to the final ratification of the decrees — these formulae are in this form typical o f Cyrenaica too. The connection between these two features would be the fact that a voting procedure involving the counting o f pebbles is only usual in a body such as a boule. In the two Jewish decrees, the 'archons' and the 'politeuma' exercised the same functions as the 'gerontes' and the 'boule' in the decree from Arsinoe; in all these cases the honours thus accorded imply costs. And obviously the voting procedure was the same. Joyce M. Reynolds had already pointed to the fact that' the formula X e u K a i Trdaai in the two Jewish inscriptions seems to be derived from Cyrenaican practice, but perhaps one may g o a little further : not only the formula, but also the parliamentary procedure in the passing o f decrees, and thereby probably also the 'constitution' o f the Jews in Berenice, seems to be modelled—,at least in some points — after the parliamentary practice and constitutions o f Cyrenaica. Thus one may conclude from the voting procedure that: (1) The politeuma is likely not to have consisted o f the whole Jewish community of Berenice — a count­ ing o f pebbles (in a probably secret ballot) rather seems to be typical for smaller bodies; (2) T h e politeuma might have functioned as something like a boule, at least in so far as the competences, powers and the structures, that this body had, are concerned. 96

Apart from the mode of voting, the nature o f the meeting place might give some indication as to the probable size o f the politeuma. It has been mentioned above that the 'amphitheatron' appears to have been a building where the politeuma met, and that it might have been constructed like a 'bouleuterion' — a city hall. It will rather have been smaller than the bouleuterion o f a city; but, even if it was a large building, it could at the most have accommodated a few hundred people. If the assumption is correct, i.e. that the 'amphitheatron' was something like a bouleuterion, it

9

6

R e y n o l d s 1 9 7 7 , 2 4 5 , c o m m e n t i n g u p o n the

i n s c r i p t i o n f o r M . Tittius:

"the d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e f a v o u r a b l e votes in 1. 2 8 a p p e a r s to b e lifted f r o m l o c a l Greek

practice."

220

G. LUDERITZ

would be congruent with the theory proposed here: that is, that the politeuma was modelled on the councils in the cities o f Cyre­ naica. The internal organisation of the politeuma. At the head o f the Jew­ ish politeuma in Berenice were archons whose number varied to some extent in the course o f time. Whether there were other functionaries as well is not evident from the two decrees. "Apxwv is a very c o m m o n designation for officials in all sorts o f organi­ sations. There are archons at the head o f cities (as in Athens) and also in clubs or associations, but there they are not frequent in preChristian times. The different Jewish kinds o f archons in the diverse countries o f the antique world should probably not simply be equated. The archons o f the politeuma in Berenice may have had different positions and functions than e.g. in later times the 'archons' in Jewish communities o f Rome or the archons o f the synagogue (-npooevxT]) o f the Theban Jews in Arsinoe/Crocodilopolis. "Apxcov denotes persons at the head o f corporations, and the nature o f the post depends on the character o f the respective organisation. The archons o f the Jewish politeuma in Berenice 97

98

99

9

7

T h e r e is p e r h a p s s o m e difficulty with 11. 1 7 - 1 9 o f t h e d e c r e e f o r M .

Tittius, w h e r e m e e t i n g with

it is w r i t t e n

that -

h i m privately -

as h e

did for the

s h i p a l s o f o r t h e Jews o f o u r p o l i t e u m a c o l l e c t i v e l y p o l i t e u m a was an expect Jews

citizens

M . Tittius h a s e x e r c i s e d

administrative

of

"a u s e f u l

Berenice governor­

a n d privately." I f

b o d y f o r all t h e Jews,

one

might

the

rather

that M . Tittius s h o u l d b e l a u d e d f o r his a d m i n i s t r a t i o n vis-a-vis ( a n d n o t o n l y vis-a-vis the Jews o f t h e p o l i t e u m a ) . T h a t t h e

the

politeuma

s e e m s to e x p r e s s its thanks o n l y f o r t h e useful a d m i n i s t r a t i o n versus its o w n m e m b e r s w o u l d fit b e t t e r , if t h e p o l i t e u m a was o n l y a private c l u b w o u l d s p e a k f o r its m e m b e r s o n l y ) , o r if t h e p o l i t e u m a was an comprising

all

t h e Jews.

But

perhaps

one

should

not

(which

organisation

overinterpret

the

p o l i t e u m a ' s u s e o f f o r m u l a s o f s p e e c h , a n d p e r h a p s M . Tittius h a d o n l y b e e n dealing

with

members

of

the

politeuma.

A t any

rate,

if

one

takes

the

p o l i t e u m a to h a v e b e e n a private c l u b o f o n l y s o m e Jews, o n e w o u l d h a v e to a c c e p t that this c l u b h a d a very u n u s u a l m o d e o f taking d e c i s i o n s , a n d if o n e thinks

t h a t all

would

follow

t h e Jews that

of Berenice

the Jewish

were

population

m e m b e r s o f this p o l i t e u m a , of

Berenice

was

either

it

quite

i n s i g n i f i c a n t o r that a l a r g e p o l i t e u m a h a d a r i d i c u l o u s l y c o m p l i c a t e d v o t i n g system f o r d e c r e e s . 9

8

9

9

P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 362f.; San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 6 2 . dpxovTcov 'I[ou]8a(cov TrpoaeuxTlS'6'nPaL'cov

expenditures

on

the

water-supply

from

in an a c c o u n t o f receipts a n d

Arsinoe/Crocodilopolis

(CPJ

2 . 4 3 2 . 5 7 ) ; as to t h e a r c h o n s o f several Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s in R o m e c p . CIJ 1, p p . LXXXVII - X C I . H e r e t h e title o c c u r s also with c h i l d r e n : CIJ 1 . 8 8 - an dpxcov [VTIITTLOS' at t h e a g e o f e i g h t years a n d two m o n t h s ; CIJ 1 . 4 0 2 - ZIKOUXOS-

2a(3eLvos"

peXXdpxtov [ a r c h o n d e s i g n a t u s ] BoXoupirioiiov €T<SV (3 ' pTivcov i ' .

221

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

held office for one year — the decrees are dated after them (in a similar way the city o f Berenice dated officially after the annual priest o f A p o l l o ) . Part o f their business was to decide on decrees which were then submitted to the politeuma for ratification. Besides they were — if this was decided — responsible for the publication o f the decrees; this is noted at the ends o f the two surviving documents. 100

The politeuma ti'ad funds at its disposal. With this money, for example, inscriptions could be financed; and it probably had a building, the 'amphitheatron'. How the funds were obtained is not quite clear, but it seems that at least wealthier persons were under obligation to perform liturgies, from which obligation they could occasionally be freed by the politeuma. Meetings were probably held regularly — as it seems on Jewish holidays. 101

Conclusion: It is, o f course, difficult to arrive at reliable conclusions from a few facts like the voting procedure, the name o f a probably Jewish building and the assumed rather large size o f the Jewish popula­ tion — all this amounts at the most to something like circum­ stantial evidence. But if one accepts a certain probability that the politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice may have been a kind o f c o u n c i l — c o m p a r a b l e in some respects to the 'boule' in the cities and perhaps also villages o f Cyrenaica - , then the question arises which social group did the politeuma consist of. It is possible that the use o f the term 'politeuma' does not so much derive from the usage o f the word for all sorts o f associations (politeuma o f

1 0 0

C p . Reynolds 1977, no.

("year 3 4 , at 'ApiaToSdpco 1 0 1

ing new

the

time of

3 , 1. 1: L X8 ' h i

the

lepetos- T O O 'ATTOXXCOVOS" AOo-io?

priest o f A p o l l o ,

Lysios"); a n d

no.

1 3 : err'

( p r o b a b l y first c e n t u r y B . C . ) .

T h e d e c r e e for M . Tittius was d e c i d e d "on the o c c a s i o n o f the of

the

moon

and

every avvoSos

o n every S a b b a t h , c p . Isaiah Kai f\\iepav

p e y d X r | v are of

the

1 . 1 3 w h e r e rag

mentioned

politeuma,

every

( p e r h a p s S a b b a t h - Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s vouu-nvias' upwv Kai Td

together).

This

holds

true

c o n d i t i o n that the r e p e a t e d h o n o u r s ( c r o w n i n g 'by n a m e ' , etc.) meetings

gather­

feast o f t a b e r n a c l e s " , m e e t i n g s m i g h t have t a k e n p l a c e at

and

were n o t

d e l e g a t e d to

the

met

ad^ara

under

service in

S y n a g o g u e ( w h i c h p e r h a p s w o u l d have b e e n m e n t i o n e d ; c p . in t h e d e c r e e 'the p o l i t e u m a a n d the I d u m a e a n s o f the city' f r o m M e m p h i s ,

the

t o o k p l a c e at

OGI

the of

2.737.16-

1 9 : Kai CTTiTd^ai T O I ? iepeOai Kai 'lepoilidXTais' e m TCOV fl^vcov uepv-fjaOai auToO eTL 8 e Kai e n i

TCOV T O O TroXiTeu[J.aTOS' evcoxicov a T e ^ a v o O o G a i

e£dXXco oredvto).

-

8 i d TTavTOS"

222

G. L U D E R I T Z

soldiers, o f the goddess Sachypsis, o f the Boeotians, etc.); the usage of 'politeuma' for the ruling class in the cities (as for example in Cyrene) may also have been a major source; the title 'archon' is at that time more characteristic o f cities than o f associations. Gyrenaican cities obviously had oligarchic constitutions, and the Jews had an aristocratic tradition too. Josephus, referring to the Sanhedrin and the high priests, sometimes talks o f the 'boule' and the 'archons' in Jerusalem; and some Jewish cities outside o f Jerusalem were also administered by a b o u l e . Sometimes a council o f 70 (or 71) men is attested. It is possible that in the Jewish diaspora o f Cyrenaica a special form o f political institution developed, which originated from a mutual influence o f Jewish and (a specific Cyrenaican) Hellenistic practice. That means, o n e has to reckon with the possibility that the Jewish politeuma in the two inscriptions from Berenice is a local peculiarity o f the Jewish diaspora in Cyrenaica. This might explain why the term is not really attested outside o f Cyrenaica, and why it is not mentioned in Josephus o r other antique authors in c o n n e c t i o n with the Jewish diaspora — in contrast with the considerable career the term 'politeuma' has had in the modern historiography o f the diaspora. 102

103

1 0 4

105

1

0

2

T h a t t h e f u n c t i o n s o f ' p o l i t e u m a ' a n d ' c o u n c i l ' c o u l d m e r g e is p e r h a p s n o t w i t h o u t parallel. In s o m e cities after t h e e n d o f the third c e n t u r y t e r m s l i k e ol T T o X i T e u d p e v o i o r T O KOLV6V TIOV TroXiTeuopevcov s e e m t o s t a n d f o r (3ouXevTat (see n o t e 1 6 a b o v e a n d the text referred t o ) . 1

103 p e x a m p l e BJ 2 . 3 3 1 : peTaTrepi/idpcvos' TOUS" T C d p x i e p e i s Kal rrjv (3ouXf|v; 2 . 4 0 5 : ol re dpxovTes" Kai (3ouXeirraL o

1

0

4

1

0

5

r

Schiirer 1973ff., 2:184f. (with literature).

E x a m p l e s f r o m B a t a n a e a , G a l i l e e , A l e x a n d r i a in S c h i i r e r 1 9 7 3 f f . , 2 : 2 1 0 f . 'Seventy' is a n u m b e r w h i c h m i g h t s e e m p o s s i b l e also f o r t h e p o l i ­ t e u m a in B e r e n i c e - it lies b e t w e e n 1 0 8 ( t h e majority in a v o t e in A r s i n o e , a city) a n d 5 3 ( t h e n u m b e r o f positive votes in a v i l l a g e ) ; b u t o f c o u r s e this is n o t m o r e than m e r e speculation.

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA?

223

ABBREVIATED LITERATURE A b b r e v i a t i o n s o f classical w o r k s , e p i g r a p h i c a l a n d p a p y r o l o g i c a l

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The history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus

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R e v i s e d a n d e d i t e d b y G . V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r ,

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Fiirstlich J a b l o n o w s k i ' s c h e n

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A The

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( 1 9 8 5 - 8 8 ) : 171—

INSCRIPTION AND CONTEXT: READING THE JEWISH CATACOMBS OF ROME TESSA RAJAK

Epigraphy, as we all know, is the "handmaid" o f history. Yet in Jewish epigraphy, as in the study o f inscriptions generally, it is usual to analyse texts as disembodied entities, divorced from any spatial and visual context, related for the most part to one another, sometimes to literature. Often enough, this is unavoidable. But in the Rome catacombs, whence not far short o f half o f all known Jewish inscriptions emanate, we are offered a very remarkable context, a visual world which cries out to be considered together with the written word within it. It is a new consideration o f this context which currently holds out, I would suggest, our most hopeful route to a better understanding o f the inscriptions. Here, I offer n o more than a preparatory investigation, in which I shall look at some o f the major problems o f interpretation, and through which I shall h o p e to indicate areas where further work is likely to be fruitful. The focus will be on a number o f historical questions rather than on the material per se. Another direction in which our view o f the texts might be widened with the help o f visual data is by incorporating the symbols and designs which appear with many epitaphs into our discussion o f the verbal element. That, however, has to be the subject o f a separate study, although we shall have occasion to touch on the question o f representation. The disjunction between text and context did not always exist, and, as may be imagined, tunnels, decorations and texts alike were avidly scoured by the earliest explorers o f both Christian and Jewish catacombs, starting with Bosio, "the Columbus o f the cata­ combs", whose La Roma Soterranea was published posthumously in 1632; going through de Rossi and Marucchi; and in a sense including even Father Frey, the indefatigable, if n o t quite infallible editor o f the Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum (for which the significant work was, we are told, completed before the second world war, in spite o f a later publication date). This tradition in 1

S e e P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

Jewish Epitaphs

(Kampen: 1991) 12.

227

R E A D I N G T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF R O M E

Christian archaeology at Rome has not been lost, as we shall see when we c o m e to discuss Fasola's recent work at the Villa Torlonia site. Inscriptions and Excavations The history o f the excavations o f the Jewish catacombs o f Rome has been very well told by Leon and I shall only mention some relevant points here. The situation is that, while we are in the position o f being atjle to relate most of the extant inscriptions, with the exception o f those on sarcophagi, to the particular catacomb from which they come (just a few have turned up in o d d locations in or outside R o m e ) , it is much harder to place them in an exact context. Six or seven Jewish catacombs are known, with four apparently n o longer in existence, but the bulk o f our material derives from two extant sites and one non-extant site, one o f the former comprising two separate burial systems. 2

We are presented with contrasting situations. The catacomb o f Monteverde, beside the Janiculum (sometimes known by its topo­ graphical location, as Via Portuense) is now built over. The bulk of its inscriptions was taken off to collections at various times, most of them to the Lateran where a Jewish r o o m was set up, and they were r e c o r d e d by Nikolaus Miiller. For any notion o f their original location within the overall plan o f the catacomb, it is on the old records that we depend. On the other hand, in the Vigna Randanini, it is still possible to enter the main Jewish catacomb o f the Via Appia area, discovered in 1859, with a g o o d number o f inscriptions still in the walls, though probably not in situ; further exploration could be fruitful. Finally, the two extensive burial complexes (known also as the Via Nomentana catacombs) in the garden o f Mussolini's residence at the Villa Torlonia, were dis­ covered in 1920 and have been systematically explored in recent years by U. Fasola, with the lower catacomb yielding 90 texts, some very fragmentary, and the upper 24. The small and now 3

2

H . J . L e o n , The Jews of Ancient

referred

to

as L e o n .

R o m a " , in A . G i a r d i n a

For m o r e

Rome

(Philadelphia: 1 9 6 0 ) ;

details, C . V i s m a r a ,

( e d . ) , Societd

romana

henceforward

"I c i m i t e r i

e impero tardoantico

ebraici (Rome

di and

Bari 1 9 8 6 ) 2 . 3 5 1 - 5 . 3

It is still necessary to refer to N . M i i l l e r a n d N . A . B e e s , Die

der judischen

Katakombe am Monteverde

zu Rom (Leipzig: 1 9 1 9 ) .

Inschriften

228

T . RAJAK

lost Vigna Cimarra hypogeum has produced six Greek inscrip­ tions. From Via Labicana, outside the Porta Maggiore, where now a new road runs (strikingly photographed in Leon's b o o k ) , came five or six items, and also two Hebrew scrawls, fancifully restored by Marucchi and rightly dismissed by Leon; and from Via Appia Pignatelli, a site which was once proposed as Jewish, two highly dubious texts. It is helpful at the start to recall that c. 75% o f the total of some six hundred known texts is in Greek. O f the distribution of paintings and visual material, something will be said later. The problems and limits o f the excavations deserve some words now. 4

It would be foolish to expect too much from any early explo­ ration or excavation. It is also a wholly familiar story for tomb robbers to have emptied much o f a site, as is reported for a number of galleries at Villa Torlonia. None the less, in this case, we have an additional set o f disadvantages. It is not unfair to say that the Jewish tombs have been, quite simply, the p o o r relation in Christian archaeology. While arousing intermittent interest and curiosity, they could not compete with the venerated shrines o f Christian saints and martyrs. The consequences are apparent in the record o f work cut off in midcourse, and in the ready abandonment of Jewish sites. The prime case o f such neglect is, o f course, the Monteverde catacomb, and Miiller vividly evokes for us his desperate attempts to get the permits which would allow him to complete his investigations. This was a site which had been known from the earliest phase o f catacomb exploration, for Bosio had already ascribed it to the "ancient Hebrews"; it is a reasonable surmise that at its full extent, this burial area would have been at least as large as the Villa Torlonia complex. Quarry­ ing and the resultant weakness o f the tufa, resulted eventually in a total collapse o f the system, and this time it is blocks o f flats con­ structed on part o f the site which Leon had the pleasure o f photo­ graphing. 5

6

The obvious consequence o f this sad story is the near certainty that material o f inestimable value has been destroyed. But I am concerned with some less obvious, and perhaps more interesting consequences. It will be helpful to list them here as a preliminary.

4

Leon,

5

Die judische

6

fig.7.

fig.l. Katakombe am Monteverde

zu Rom (Leipzig: 1 9 1 2 ) , p r e f a c e .

229

READING THE JEWISH CATACOMBS OF ROME

1) It is unlikely that the entire constellation o f galleries and chambers which made up any Jewish catacomb were ever excavated in their entirety. Lost peripheral material may have had a special importance, as we shall see. 2) We are in a position to ascribe inscriptions to catacombs; but not to areas within them. The organization o f burials is opaque to us. This deficiency could be to some extent remedied by pain­ staking work amongst the original accounts, published and unpublished, but it remains to be seen how great the returns might b e . 3) Disentangling the relative phases o f a catacomb's construction is an essential preliminary to evolving any kind o f hypotheses about actual dating. The complexities o f such a task have been demonstrated by U. Fasola in exemplary fashion but within a limited scope at the Villa Torlonia site. He has shown very clearly that we need to think in terms of sections o f catacomb complexes. Through a study o f their meeting point and o f the methods o f the diggers, the upper and lower catacombs have beeri delineated as separate systems. A study o f the construction suggests the likelihood that the two systems were being developed simultaneously during their peak period, which will have been in the third century. Part o f the lower catacomb had been expanded several times before what is apparently the first visible gallery o f the upper catacomb was begun. Two interactive opera­ tions within the upper catacomb itself are detectable, with a new section being started before the first section was deepened. A spur to this first section may, however, on the basis o f small finds, have been a post-Diocletianic expansion. After all this, the sad fact emerges that one o f the hardest sections to place, even in relative terms, is, as chance would have it, the epigraphically richest part o f the lower catacomb. The general picture, then, is o n e o f numerous interrelated phases, and this makes it extraordinarily difficult to date any particular item from a catacomb without very precise knowledge. 7

8

7

David

Noy's

Cambridge

forthcoming

Jewish

Epigraphy

c l e a r e r . I a m grateful

edition Project

of

the

will

Roman

inscriptions for

undoubtedly

make

the

matters

to h i m f o r assistance w h i c h facilitated t h e w r i t i n g o f

this p a p e r . 8

U . Fasola,

Archeologia

"Le d u e

catacombe

Cristiana 5 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 7 - 6 2 .

e b r a i c h e di V i l l a T o r l o n i a " ,

Rivista

di

230

T . RAJAK

It is highly dubious whether even this kind o f analysis will be possible in relation to Monteverde, where we depend on reports alone, nor even at the Vigna Randanini, given the present state o f the catacomb, where several bouts o f "tidying up" seem to have taken place. 4) Not having access to the story o f any one catacomb's develop­ ment, we are tempted to take the easy route and simply to treat them as a unit when we discuss their inscriptions; then we generalize about the Jews o f Rome. Yet, if anything is clear, it is the emptiness o f such generalizations. Diverse Jewish milieux We should rather ask whether, on the available evidence, we can say anything meaningful about the differences between Jews buried in different locations. Scholars have found at least some reason to identify such distinctions, and have d e e m e d them either date- or culture-related. But these are crude and impressio­ nistic readings. However, the linked questions as to whether we may detect differing levels o f assimilation or o f acculturation in different parts o f the Jewish community, and how these might relate to changes in Jewish society over time, are central to any grasp o f the community. So the first step must be to re-examine the old distinctions. First, there is the interpretation, current since Nikolaus Muller, and endorsed by Erwin G o o d e n o u g h , that the Jews buried at Monteverde were in some sense more "conservative" in their Judaism. It has been observed that the Vigna Randanini texts have n o Hebrew. The only exception is a decorative shalom, o f little significance, on a sarcophagus from the vicinity, belonging to Faustina, and decorated with masks which have led some to decide she was an actress. But what Hebrew was found at Monteverde? Leon can report three inscriptions (reckoned by him as a proportion o f 1.4%!), a figure which he rightly describes as "almost negligible"; all three carry a basic shalom formula, o n e 9

10

11

9

E . R . G o o d e n o u g h , Jewish Symbols

in the Greco-Roman

Period

( N e w York:

1 9 5 3 - 6 8 ) 2.4ff. 1

0

A . Konikoff,

Raisonne 1 1

Sarcophagi

from

the Jewish

Catacombs

(Stuttgart: 1 9 9 0 ) 111-15, with discussion o n p . 4 2 .

Leon, 76-7.

of Rome:

a

Catalogue

231

READING T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF R O M E

merely scratched in the stucco. There is simply not enough for quantification to make any sense. In any case, where a signifi­ cant showing o f formulaic Hebrew in a funerary context does occur, as at Venosa in Apulia, it is to be connected with broad processes o f linguistic change in the Diaspora, linked probably to rabbinization, and occurring at a late date; not to Palestinian roots or to special closeness to the religious mainstream. 12

Image has been associated with language in this type o f argu­ ment. When it comes to ornament, it has been noted that there are notably fewer representations of living beings (three accord­ ing to G o o d e n o u g h ) in Monteverde than in Vigna Randanini. The argument from representation is also insecure: the copious material which has c o m e to light in Palestininian synagogues, and even more in the Rabbinic cemetery at Beth-She'arim, makes it clear that during the Rabbinic p e r i o d , when the Roman catacombs were in use, a relaxed attitude to the second commandment prevailed even in the most halakhically stringent circles. The point needs n o elaboration, and the conclusion must be that the numerical disparity here has n o implications in terms of Jewish orthodoxy. 13

14

G o o d e n o u g h , as often, has scrutinized the evidence m o r e searchingly than anyone else and has asked important questions. He merits more attention than he currently receives. However, his notorious preoccupation with reconstructing a comprehensive non-orthodox Diaspora Judaism which expressed its ideas through mystical symbolism has led to distortions. In any case, the prob­ lem o f the distribution o f figurative representation in the cata15

1

2

H . J. L e o n , " T h e Jews o f Venusia", JQR

For m o r e

recent developments,

see

N . S . 4 4 ( 1 9 5 4 ) 2 6 7 - 8 4 is basic.

especially C . C o l a f e m m i n a ,

scavo in localita ' C o l l i n a d e l l a M a d d a l e n a ' a V e n o s a " , Vetera (1981)

443-51;

E . M . Meyers,

"Report

on

the

"Saggio

Christianorum

Excavations

at

the

di 18

Venosa

C a t a c o m b s 1 9 8 1 " , Vetera Christianorum 2 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 4 4 5 - 5 9 . 1 3

1

4

G o o d e n o u g h , Symbols 2.15ff. Basic

d i s c u s s i o n in J.

t h e I m a g e in J u d a i s m , " No

Gutmann, Graven

"The

Images:

'Second

Commandment'

Studies in Art

and

( e d . J. G u t m a n n , N e w Y o r k : 1 9 7 1 ) xiii-xxxx; 3 - 1 6 ; also in Beauty Studies in Jewish Custom

and

Ceremonial

Art

and

the Hebrew in

Bible

Holiness:

( N e w Y o r k : 1 9 7 0 ) 1-14; a n d

HUCA

32 (1961). 1

5

See

Greco-Roman

the

editor's forward

Period: Abridged

to E . R . G o o d e n o u g h , Jewish

Edition

( e d . J. N e u s n e r , P r i n c e t o n :

Symbols

in

the

1 9 8 8 ) xi-xxxiv,

w h e r e t h e critiques o f N o c k a n d M o r t o n S m i t h are also d i s c u s s e d .

For Beth

She'arim,

Excavations

see

during 1953-68

e s p e c i a l l y N . A v i g a d , Beth 3 (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 6 ) .

She'arim.

Report

on

the

232

T . RAJAK

combs does await an explanation, and one in terms of chronology is not to be excluded, for we must suppose that, the prohibition on images, which was taken rather strictly in various Jewish circles during the Second Temple period, was relaxed by a gradual progression after A.D.70. Then there is the question o f what has been called "Romanization" o f the Jews. Variations on this scale are seen to be reflected in the balance o f Latin against Greek in the epitaphs, with Leon estimating that at Vigna Randanini over a third o f the epitaphs are Latin, and at Monteverde about a fifth, while at Villa Torlonia there are only four Latin texts, and those on distinctive marble plaques. Such divergences seem immediately significant, but we need to remember the very partial sample on which the figures are based: we are most unlikely to be dealing with complete catacombs. 16

We have also to bear in mind, once again, that the surviving or known material from any particular catacomb probably repre­ sents burials over a considerable period, even if not over the whole time that the catacomb will have been in use. The evidence o f brick stamps, which provide at least a terminus post quern, has been ably reassessed by Rutgers, and this suggests a concentration o f building in the Severan era, but some activity at both Monteverde and Villa Torlonia (as we have seen) stretching back to the second and on into the fourth century. The Vigna Randanini cemetery appears to have yielded only seven brick stamps, o f which five are certainly Severan. But the chronological distri­ bution o f surviving epitaphs will not necessarily be the same for different catacombs. 17

We cannot judge, then, whether we are dealing with different types o f Jews or with changes over time. Greek was commonly used among the Roman plebs, but Greek was also the language of the Bible and o f prayer for diaspora Jews. There is n o direct evidence for a Latin Jewish Bible. Whether, therefore, the use o f 18

19

1

6

1

7

Leon, 77. L.V. Rutgers,

" U b e r l e g u n g e n zu d e n jiidischen

Katakomben

Roms",

/ A C 33 (1990), 158-9. 1

8

I. K a j a n t o , A Study

Finlandiae 1

9

447,

of the Greek Epitaphs

of Rome

(Acta

Instituti

Romani

2 . 3 , Helsinki: 1 9 6 3 ) .

A. Deissmann, argues that the

Light from

the Ancient

hexametric Regina

Near East

(4th ed. L o n d o n :

inscription from

Monteverde

1927) (CIJ

1 . 4 7 6 ) , with its e c h o e s o f the V u l g a t e , is an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a

R E A D I N G T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF

233

ROME

Latin connotes a lower level o f Jewish education, a greater dis­ tance from Judaism, or simply a modest social advance in Roman terms cannot easily be decided; nor may a higher frequency o f Latin be automatically assumed to be a later development. These questions will have to be asked against the perspective o f patterns of language usage among the Roman plebs generally, and it may well be that the Jewish pattern will be seen simply to follow those trends. If so, a longstanding Jewish conformity to the immediate pagan environment would be suggested, with the Jews as a proper constituent element o f the Roman plebs (which is still in many respects an unknown quantity to us). Organization of Burials A major issue is the organization of the burials within a catacomb, which, were it ascertainable, could give us vital information about family and synagogue groupings. T h e archaeologists have tended to regard individual cubicula, wherever they be, as occupied by household or family units o f one kind or another. But we have as yet, so far as I can see, n o evidence o f contiguous burial by the members o f any one family at Rome, though this p h e n o m e n o n can be seen in the (largely later) Jewish catacombs of Venosa (Venusia) in ancient Apulia, and is discussed by David Noy in this volume. Family cubicula are known in the Christian catacombs, o f Rome; indeed, the entire Via Latina structure, with its remarkable paintings, has been ascribed to one family unit. For the Jews, the alternative arrangement o f burial by synagogue is probably to be excluded within catacombs; all we can say with confidence is that several synagogues used the same catacomb complex. Still other models are, o f course, conceivable: the sim­ plest o f all would be that for each deceased the next space along was allocated, or purchased (which it was remains unknown) in a convenient catacomb currently operative. At the Vigna Randanini, a fair number o f marble or plaster tomb closures carrying epitaphs are today to be seen in the walls o f the catacomb, but it would appear that many have been moved from their original 20

Latin Jewish 2

0

Bible.

S o J. M . C . T o y n b e e , Death and Burial in the Roman

2 4 2 . O n this c a t a c o m b , Art

( N e w Lanark: 1 9 9 1 ) .

The Unknown

Catacomb:

a Unique

World

(London: 1971)

Discovery

of

Christian

234

T . RAJAK

locations, and we may not draw any conclusions about arrange­ ments in that catacomb without tracking down the history o f the work within it. Burial and Social Level How to locate the Jews o f Rome within the social spectrum is a more teasing problem than has normally been acknowledged, and one on which little light is shed by the vituperation o f Roman writers. The archaeological evidence is far more important. Leon maintained without much hesitation that the catacombs reflected the low status o f those Jews, in the simplicity o f their tombs, the general p o o r quality o f the script in the usually rudimentary epitaphs, and the poverty o f a good proportion o f the loculi closures, which are plaster more often than marble. He admits a few prosperous individuals, but allows them to disappear from view after surveying the relevant artefacts, without allowing them to affect the overall picture. Leaving aside Jewish objections to elaborate burial places (articulated several times by both Philo and J o s e p h u s ) , two types o f visual evidence in particular challenge the first impression derived from our written epitaphs, and suggest that elite practices and values were not absent from the Jewish community. This implication has not gone unnoticed, but it has been stated rather than explored. First, marble sarcophagi were found in the vicinity o f the catacombs, and also marble sarcophagus fragments within the galleries. Others with Jewish characteristics were f o u n d in various locations around the city. None o f these have so far proved securely restorable to their exact original locations, though Konikoffs publication gives some impression o f the discoverers' reports and o f the known findspots. The tendency to regard sarcophagi as intrusive pagan material was sharply attacked by G o o d e n o u g h and is n o w generally receding. Twenty two such items are associated with the Jewish catacombs, only four carrying explicit 21

22

23

2

1

Leon,

romischen

203-24; H . Welt.

Berucksichtigung

Eine der

Solin,

"Juden u n d

Syrer

ethnisch-demographische sprachlichen

Zustande"

im

westlichen

Studie

Aufstieg

mit

und

Teil

der

besonderer

Niedergang

der

romischen Welt 2 . 2 9 . 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 7 1 3 - 2 0 . 2

2

See

T . R a j a k , "Jewish B e n e f a c t o r s " ,

t h e Jewish D i a s p o r a "

Proceedings of a Colloquium

h e l d at Tel-Aviv University, J a n u a r y 1 9 9 1 ,

See above, n.10.

on

forthcoming.

235

READING T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF R O M E

Jewish imagery, in the shape o f a menorah. In the well-known fragment o f a Jewish "seasons" sarcophagus (provenance un­ known), the menorah replaces the usual portrait in the central roundel, and o f this Jocelyn Toynbee nicely said, "there could scarcely be a m o r e impressive piece o f evidence o f a Jewish patron's deliberate choice o f a pagan setting for his most revered religious symbol". The norm is to draw on the c o m m o n stock o f designs, including, of course, human representations such as the figures o f the seasoris, and mythological motifs such as the Muse Urania, or cupids picking grapes. The assumption is that all emanated from the normal local workshops. Sarcophagi were in use in the West from the second century, and a m o n g the Christians from the third. It is worth noting that they were in established Jewish use in Palestine at the necropolis o f Beth She'arim during this same period. 24

25

26

The tendency for such attractive items to be appropriated and reused, for example as troughs, together with the total absence o f Jewish imagery on many o f them, means that further Jewish sarcophagi are likely to have travelled around the city and their fragments to be now unrecognisable. That fragments have lain unnoticed even within the catacombs is suggested by Rutgers' recent claim to have found, at Vigna Randanini, fractions o f the Muse Urania sarcophagus identified from an old photograph in the Bodleian Library. 27

28

Nine sarcophagus inscriptions refer to synagogue p o s t s . Twelve sarcophagi, including the long lost coffin o f the proselyte and synagogue mother o f two congregations, Beturia Paulina alias Sara, and the lost sarcophagus o f the Gerousiarch (?) Julianus, bear or bore inscriptions whose formulae and titles are wholly in line with the epigraphy o f the Jewish catacombs. It is 29

30

2

4

2

5

Konikoff, 111-14; T o y n b e e , Death and Burial 2 3 8 . O n workshops,

Interaction 2

6

2

7

see

L. V. Rutgers,

"Archaeological

Evidence

for

the

o f Jews a n d non-Jews in L a t e Antiquity", AJA 9 6 , 1 ( 1 9 9 2 ) 1 0 4 - 6 .

T o y n b e e , Death and Burial, 2 7 0 - 7 . Konikoff,

fragment

in

II-4.2;

L. V . Rutgers,

der judischen

Katakombe

"Ein an

in der

situ e r h a l t e n e s

Sarkophag-

V i a A p p i a " , Jewish

Art

14

( 1 9 8 8 ) 16-27. 2

8

2

9

CIJ 1.523 a n d 5 0 4 .

3

0

In addition

K o n i k o f f , 1-1,2,3,6, 1 1 1 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 2 0 , 2 1 . to t h e

above, Konikoff,

II-5 (a p a i n t e r ) ,

speaks o f Julia I r e n e Arista as "iustam l e g e m

colens".

111-15,16; 111-12

236

T . RAJAK

worth observing that in most cases the writing itself is o f the same primitive level as the epitaphs from the simpler burials within the catacombs. Since sarcophagus burial is evidently not a cheap option, the interesting possibility is raised that the crudity o f the texts may be a culturally rather than an economically deter­ mined p h e n o m e n o n . Jewish clients and Jewish masons may by this have chosen to distance themselves from the epigraphic habit of the surrounding culture, with all its connotations o f display. As well as noting the vulnerability o f sarcophagi, we must remember that the failure which we have discussed to excavate Jewish catacombs to the limits, and the liability of exposed parts to landslides, renders likely a disproportionate loss in the burials o f important and prosperous individuals and families: these may well have located themselves on the periphery in areas which could be marked off, especially as the immigrant community became more rooted in Rome and its social structure therefore m o r e differentiated. Toynbee endorses the suggestion that at Vigna Randanini, the three small rooms between the current entrance o n the Via Appia Pignatelli and the catacomb proper were used for the burial o f "special persons". These happen to have survived because they are a means o f access; other such in other places are likely to have perished. 31

The evidence o f the sarcophagi should be given its full weight. It then b e c o m e s not unreasonable to posit for the Jewish community o f Rome in the imperial period a ratio o f rich to p o o r comparable with that in the steeply graduated social pyramid o f Romans society generally. Major questions remain. Above all, we have to face the problem that, while synagogue titles are wellrepresented in the surviving sarcophagi, it is also the case that title-holders o f what would seem to be every level figure amply amongst the ordinary epitaphs, including five archisynagogoi and some forty seven archons. Some o f these, but by n o means all, have superior loculus closures made o f marble. Should we, then, conceive o f a significant social distance between those interred in sarcophagi and the other community notables? A n d if the archisynagogate was in fact, as we have reason to believe, a title 32

33

3

1

3

2

Death and Burial, 2 3 8 . On

this, see

R . M a c M u l l e n , Roman

Social

Relations

(New

Haven

and

London: 1974) 88-120. 3

3

S e e T . Rajak a n d D . N o y , "Archisynagogoi:

O f f i c e , T i d e , a n d Social Status

R E A D I N G T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF

ROME

237

o f some eminence, we would have to c o n c l u d e that social distinctions were not invariably made visible in tomb types? And yet it seems that sometimes they were displayed. Were we to be able to trace difference o f practice through different periods we should undoubtedly have a clearer picture o f the meaning o f these social distinctions, but we should not assume that the solution to the conundrum lies entirely in change over time. T o m b paintings are also widely regarded as an index o f prosperity. We cannot tell what has been lost, but we can now feel comfortable about restoring to the Jewish ambit the four rooms in the western part o f the Vigna Randanini catacomb which are quite nicely decorated with so-called "pagan" symbolism: Vic­ tory garlanding a nude youth who carries a branch and, perhaps, a quiver, with peacocks and other birds (room 1); Fortuna with cornucopia, cupids, dolphins, hippocampus, flowers etc. (room 2) (The date palms in the four corners o f r o o m 4 may argue for Jewishness). Strenuous and long-standing claims from among the Christian archaeologists that these were chambers from an earlier hypogeum, incorporated in the Jewish catacomb by the fossores and passively accepted by the Jews, were already persuasively dismissed by G o o d e n o u g h ; further investigation o f the construction o f the galleries would be needed to lay the old theories finally to rest. The paintings are, then, an indication o f the resources and aspirations o f the communities which were users o f this burial place, if not o f individual or o f family means. The synagogues o f the Siburesians and the Campesians are named in inscriptions from this c a t a c o m b ; and even if these had once served p o o r inhabitants o f the Suburra and Campus Martius districts, there is no reason to suppose that their circumstances were unchanging. It is to be noted that a fine sarcophagus from the garden o f the Villa Torlonia, its ends decorated with griffins, has a crudely cut inscription, first read by Leon, which names "Caelia Omnina, wife of Julianus, archon of the Siburasians". 34

35

The Villa Torlonia catacombs also held paintings, and to these

in the 3

4

Greco-Jewish S y n a g o g u e " , f o r t h c o m i n g in JRS

table E in V i s m a r a 3

5

83, 1993.

S y n a g o g u e affiliation in the d i f f e r e n t c a t a c o m b s is h e l p f u l l y set o u t 388.

K o n i k o f f , 111-21.

in

238

T . RAJAK 36

Beyer and Lietzmann have given generous treatment. Three cubicula, all with arcosolia, depicted with considerable panache and elegance pagan mythological and Jewish motifs, including a flaming menorah and dolphins twisted around a trident. Both groups o f paintings are directly comparable in design and tech­ nique with the decorated rooms o f a number o f Christian cata­ combs: this is visible even to the casual observer, and the parallels have been well explored by Rutgers. More broadly, we need to give content to any proposed social stratification and to try to relate the Jewish hierarchy to the surrounding society. What sort o f a figure could a prominent Roman Jew ever hope to cut in the city at large? Could he ever be more than a mere Trimalchio? How far above and beyond him were the members o f the senatorial class? T o pursue the Roman Jewish elite further, it becomes necessary to evolve a model for the social structure o f the community as a whole. A n d there we b e c o m e involved in central and familiar problems o f Roman social history, the question o f the "middle class" (including its freedmen), and, as I have said, the composition o f the Roman plebs. 37

38

Religious Exclusivity A context-related p r o b l e m with wide implications is that o f religious exclusivity within Jewish burial areas. This has a bear­ ing o n our conception o f the tripartite interaction between Jews, Christians and pagans: a much more open situation than used to be envisaged is now favoured in many quarters. Evidently, the Roman catacombs were Jewish burial areas, and many Jews chose to be buried among their co-religionists. But have we any grounds for seeing the separation of Jews in death either as total, 39

3

6

H . W . B e y e r a n d H . L i e t z m a n n , Die judische

in Rom 3

7

Katakombe

der Villa

Torlonia

(Berlin a n d Leipzig: 1 9 3 0 ) ; for b i b l i o g r a p h y , see L e o n , 2 0 7 a n d Rutgers,

Jewish

Uberlegungen

Catacomb

Niedergang

Art

der romischen

in

1 4 5 - 5 1 ; cf. J. G u t m a n n , its

Relation

to

n.l.

"Early S y n a g o g u e

Christian

Art",

and

Aufstieg

und

Welt 2 . 2 1 . 2 ( e d . H . T e m p o r i n i a n d W . H a a s e ,

Berlin:

1984)) 1313-42. 3

8

F o r an e p i g r a p h i c a p p r o a c h ,

Imperial

City

of Rome:

a Quantitative

see P. H u t t u n e n , Study

Epitaphs Published in the "Corpus Inscriptionum 3

9

The Social Strata in

of the Social Latinarum"

volume

S e e J. L i e u , J. N o r t h , T . Rajak eds., The Jews among

in the Roman

Empire

( L o n d o n a n d N e w York: 1 9 9 2 )

Representation

in

the the

(Oulu: 1974).

Pagans

introduction.

and

Christians

239

READING THE JEWISH CATACOMBS OF ROME

or as dogmatic? I have collected material on mixed burials from various Diaspora sites, and had come to conclusions very similar to those now admirably presented in Rutgers' recent study. His work makes it unnecessary to traverse this ground in detail here. The difficulty, and above all at Rome, is that we come up against distortions in the record. It is not fanciful to ascribe these to deepseated p r e c o n c e p t i o n s about Judaism and Jews, as Rutgers perceives. T o grasp what is involved, one cannot d o better than refer to Bosio's assurance to his readers, referred to by L e o n , that the sacred cemeteries o f the Christians were never profaned or contaminated by bodies o f Jews. T o this we may add the highly emotive reaction to the Jewish catacombs expressed by an author (admittedly not necessarily a scholarly o n e ) in the Catholic World of 1879 and cited by Rutgers: "there is a cold cheerless look about the place very different from that o f any neighbouring Christian catacomb, so full of the warmth of faith and hope". In other words, the Jewish catacombs are seen as a place entirely apart - whether from Christian or from pagan space. The obvious consequence o f such attitudes is that material which appears to be unjewish in the supposedly exclusive Jewish catacombs has been systematically relegated to appendices, such as those o f dubiously Jewish inscriptions, carrying D(is) M(anibus) or the Greek equivalent, in Frey's Corpus. They are explained away, like rooms 3 and 4 o f the Vigna Randanini catacomb. In fact, Frey regularly accounts for the presence in a Jewish catacomb o f any text or fragment which to him has an "allure paienne" with the claim o f secondary use as the closure o f a Jewish loculus. Some apparently eccentric texts may well have been simply disregarded when the first records were made in a catacomb and the material in it first organized. A handful o f DM texts, for n o very g o o d reason, have found their way into the main body o f Frey's collection. 40

41

42

43

4

0

Rutgers,

Interactions;

c a t a c o m b s , see P. P e r g o l a , del

cimitero

del

in

Christian

"Le c a t a c o m b e r o m a n e , m i t i e realta (a

on

proposito

Domitilla",

mixed

Societd

Christian-pagan

romana

e impero

burial

tardoantico

2 (ed. A .

G i a r d i n a , R o m e , Bari: 1 9 8 6 ) 3 3 2 - 5 0 . 4 1

Leon 47.

4

2

Interactions 1 0 1 .

4

3

Appendix

material:

CIJ 1, e d . 2 , 5 3 5 - 7 4 . A c c e p t e d D M texts: CIJ 1 . 4 6 4 ;

5 2 4 (a "metuens"); 5 3 1 (a vegetable-seller n e a r the proseuche). found

in C h r i s t i a n

catacombs,

t o o : see

e.g.

D M texts w e r e

Ferrua 4 4 . Against

acceptance:

240

T . RAJAK

T o determine in advance what is Jewish and what is not (or even "probably" not) is to operate with a preconception of Jewish identity, when our task is, precisely, to seek to define that identity. The relative infrequency o f such material, as against material which can readily be taken as Jewish, does not mean that the marginal material is unimportant. The interpretation o f "unjewish" material (a very different p h e n o m e n o n from the plentiful inscriptions, amounting to some one hundred and twenty, which are not visibly Jewish and can only be defined as such by their context) is obviously a com­ plicated matter. Are we dealing with the adoption o f a Roman formula which, however much this may surprise us, was not unacceptable to Jews, even if it was not widely favoured? Or are we seeing traces o f marginal, misguided or even "bad" Jews? Or, again, still allowing all such texts a real attachment to the cata­ combs where they were found, should they perhaps be linked to pagans who were in some way associated with Jews, perhaps by family ties, or with sympathizers o f one sort or another? That such material is indeed intrusive, having dropped into the cata­ combs or been somehow imported, is not, admittedly, an impossi­ bility, yet it should not be allowed as an assumption. The implications of re-instating such texts into the catacombs at all times, except where there is a specific reason not to d o so, are important. We move again nearer to the view that Jewish epitaphs are part o f a world in which there were various forms o f close association between some Jews and some non-Jews. This, as Rutgers o b s e r v e s , need not have lessened the Jews' sense o f ethnic identity. 44

Conclusion A discussion such as this requires n o long conclusion, since its purpose is to ask questions, to reflect on how we might g o about answering some o f them, to indicate areas o f obscurity in the evidence or o f methodological difficulty in interpreting it, and to serve as a pointer for work that lies ahead. If, however, we are to Solin

657; but

see

now

R . S.

K r a e m e r , Jewish T u n a

I d e n t i f y i n g R e l i g i o u s Affiliation in E p i g r a p h i c 8. 4

4

Interaction,

117.

and

S o u r c e s , HTR

Christian

Fish:

8 4 (1991) 155-

READING T H E J E W I S H C A T A C O M B S OF ROME

241

sum up those areas where it appears that progress might be made, then the following should be singled out: the archaeology o f the catacomb in the Vigna Randanini; the comparison o f the language pattern in the Jewish epitaphs with that among the Roman plebs; the sharpening of our social analysis o f the Roman Jews in the context o f changing social patterns in the city; the comparison o f Jewish with Christian patterns on all fronts; and the investigation o f the various categories o f "dubiously Jewish" or supposedly non-Jewish material found in the catacombs. The Jewish inscriptions o f Rome, taken together with their context in the catacombs, d o not belong exclusively to Jewish history, though to j u d g e by a widespread neglect o f L e o n ' s excellent b o o k on the part o f Roman historians, one might think that this was the case. The inscriptions in context are a first rate, cohesive collection of data on an ethnic group who, from Julius Caesar to the conquest o f Christianity, were a characteristic element in the life of the city; and archaeology can play a crucial part now in our reconstruction o f that life.

JEWISH PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME NON-LITERARY SOURCES G E R A R D MUSSIES

Our knowledge o f Jewish onomastics in Greco-Roman Antiquity is based o n both literary and non-literary sources written in Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek or Latin. The main literary sources are the later works in the Septuagint-canon such as the four Books o f the Maccabees, the New Testament, the oeuvre of Josephus, and, o f course the Palestinian and Babylonian Talmud. The nonliterary sources are those papyri and inscriptions that deal with Jewish persons or affairs: for instance, the well-known collection of Jewish papyri from Egypt o f Tcherikover, Fuks and Stern, the contracts, letters and other documents found in the Judean Desert, and the Jewish inscriptions scattered all over the Roman Empire, with important concentrations in Rome, Venosa (Apulia), Cyre­ naica, Tell el-Yehudieh (Egypt), Jerusalem, and Beth Shearim (Galilee). The inscriptions are in principle collected in the corpus of Frey and Lifshitz, and that o f Luderitz, o r their successors, if any. As far as Jewish personal names are concerned, there would be absolutely n o reason for keeping apart the two categories o f sources just mentioned, because they always appear to confirm o n e another in this respect. The only difference is, that, as a matter o f course, the personal names present in the literary sources have been the object o f scholarly attention more often and for a longer period o f time. The one and only reason, therefore, why the non-literary sources figure in the title o f this lecture is, that it is to this category that recently some important material has been added, namely, the funerary inscriptions from the tomb o f 1

1

W i t h r e g a r d to t h e N T , f o r i n s t a n c e , D e i B m a n n m a d e t h e r e m a r k that t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e s t h a t o c c u r in R o m 1 6 h a v e n o t h i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y "Ro­ m a n " , b u t are attested all o v e r the a n c i e n t w o r l d [Licht vom Osten. Das Neue Testament und die neuentdeckten Texte der hellenistisch-rdmischen Welt ( T u b i n g e n : 1 9 2 3 ) ] 2 3 8 n. 7 . Cf. also E . M . M e y e r s - J. F. S t r a n g e , Archaeology, the Rabbis, and Early Christianity ( A b i n g d o n - N a s h v i l l e : 1 9 8 1 ) 1 0 3 , w h o n o t e t h e a g r e e ­ m e n t b e t w e e n t h e n a m e s f o u n d o n t h e J e r u s a l e m ossuaries a n d in t h e N T . N o t e that e v e n s u c h a s y n c o p e as Bepvticri f o r BepevtKn in A c t s 2 5 : 1 3 etc. a n d 4

J o s e p h u s , / . W . 1 § 5 5 2 etc. is c o r r o b o r a t e d by an ossuary-inscription Jerusalem).

(071366,

243

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

the so-called "Goliath family" at Jericho, published by Hachlili in 1979, the list o f Jews and Godfearers found in Aphrodisias, pub­ lished by Reynolds and Tannenbaum in 1987, and the final reports o f the excavations at Masadah, published by Yadin, Naveh and others in 1989. Before examining these new discoveries, however, it may be appropriate to survey the different topics, the specific points o f attention, and the questions, that have been discussed and raised especially in connection with the names o f Jews in Greco-Roman Antiquity. 2

a) First o f all there is the difficult problem o f identifying an­ cient Jews by their names only. This has recently been discussed by Van der Horst in his study o f the ancient Jewish epitaphs, and by myself in c o n n e c t i o n with the Christian inscriptions o f Palestine. Suffice it to repeat here that first and foremost it is very often impossible to distinguish Jews and early Christians, and that many o f both groups simply escape our notice when they bear pagan names and n o further clues are present. This is so because the definite schism o f Judaism and Christianity was carried, through in different places at different times, all kinds o f mixed groups and intermediate sects having existed up to the end o f Antiquity. Morover, there are hardly any names in this period that are typically Jewish or typically Christian .We may now think such a name as Moses to be the hall-mark o f a person's Jewishness, but the Armenian historian Moses o f Chorene, who was a Christian o f the Vlllth century, proves the contrary. O n e may think all bearers of the name Paulus belong unmistakably to the Christian Church, but the "Judas, son o f Paul" in the Aphro3

4

2

R . H a c h l i l i , " T h e G o l i a t h F a m i l y in J e r i c h o . F u n e r a r y I n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m a First C e n t u r y A . D . Jewish M o n u m e n t a l T o m b , " BASOR 2 3 5 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 3 1 6 5 ; R . H a c h l i l i - P. S m i t h , " T h e G e n e a l o g y o f t h e G o l i a t h Family," ibid, 6 6 7 0 ; M . S i m o n , "Design o f a C o m p u t e r P r o g r a m . E s t a b l i s h i n g t h e F a m i l y R e l a t i o n s o f Individuals B u r i e d in the J e r i c h o T o m b , " ibid 7 1 - 7 3 . J. R e y n o l d s — R . T a n n e n b a u m , Jews and Godfearers at Aphrodisias. Greek Inscriptions with Commentary. Texts from Excavations at Aphrodisias conducted by Kenan T. Erim ( C a m b r i d g e Philological Society. S u p p l e m e n t a r y V o l u m e 1 2 ; C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 8 7 [ h e n c e f o r w a r d r e f e r r e d to by " R T " ] ) . The Yigael Yadin Excavations 19631965. Final Reports. Y. Y a d i n - J. N a v e h , Masada I. The Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions (Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) ; H . M . C o t t o n - J. G e i g e r , Masada II. The Latin and Greek Documents (Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) . 3

P. W . v a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. An introductory survey of a millennium of Jewish funerary epigraphy (300 BCE - 700 CE) ( C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Biblical E x e g e s i s a n d T h e o l o g y 2; K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) 1 6 - 1 8 . R . van d e n B r o e k - J. J. V . M . D e r k s e n - G . Mussies - K. V r i e z e n , Kerk en kerken in Romeins - Byzantijns Palestina. Archaeologie en geschiedenis. (Palaestina A n t i q u a 6; K a m p e n : 1 9 8 8 ) 1 8 6 - 1 9 0 . 4

244

G. MUSSIES 5

disias-inscription should warn us to be careful. If ZeuOns", other­ wise a well-known name o f several Thracian princes, did not figure in a list o f persons paying the ' I O U S C U K O V TeXecrpia or Jewish tax in 73 CE, we would never have taken him for a Jew but for a pure Thracian. The name o f his father, "Theodoros", is worthless here as a clue, since the pagan philosopher T h e o d o r o s 6 "ASeos" (c.340 - c.250 BCE) is there to remind us o f the fact that many pagan Greeks also bore names beginning with Theo-, while his nick-name shows, furthermore, that one certainly did not always live in accordance with such a name. 6

b) With this remark o n 2eu0r)S' we have already passed o n to the next subject, namely that so many o f the persons, who with certainty can be identified as Jews, have n o Hebrew, but foreign, mostly Greek or Latin names, both in the Palestinian homeland and in the Diaspora. In the papyrus about the Jewish Tax just quoted only six out o f the twenty-six Jewish inhabitants o f Arsinoe in the Fayum still have Hebrew names, the ambiguous 2£u\o)V included, which may be the transliteration o f the Hebrew Shim'on, but also a Greek name meaning "Flat-Nose". This docu­ ment offers, o f course, no genealogies of these tax-payers, but even so it is clear that some o f them had been named after relatives, one man after his father, one after his grandfather, and two little girls named n p c o T o O s " most likely after their c o m m o n paternal grandmother. It is certainly wise not to assume that all these people bearing foreign names had n o Hebrew names at all, but to reckon with the possibility that many, if not all o f them, had a Hebrew name as well, which for some reason or other never appears in our sources. Such a case is certainly that o f the Hasmonean king Aristobulos II, who goes by this name only in history, his Hebrew name never being mentioned, while his homony­ mous uncle and grandson, Aristobulos I and III, are also known as Judas and Jonathan, respectively. c) With regard to the character of these foreign names used by Jews several typical categories can be discerned. c-1) First there are the translated names, translated from Hebrew into Greek or Latin. Especially frequent were Theodoros, T h e o d o t o s , Dorotheos, Dositheos, T h e o d o t i o n , etc., and their

5

6

R T 1 0 3 (b 1 9 ) .

CPJII nr.

421 (pp. 204-206).

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

245

feminine counterparts. These were widely used among Jews for YSnathan, Nathanyah, Mattanyah, Nathanael, and the like, all meaning "Given by God", "Gift of God", "God has given", the difference between El and Yahweh being levelled in the process. Purely Latin renderings o f these names are rare, but in Rome Aon-Tpo? ( i.e. Dativus: CIJ 416) and Flavia Datiba (i.e. Dativa: CIJ 234) may well have served this purpose. In the Jewish Tax Papy­ rus we find one Theodoros, one Theudous, its feminine hypocoristic, and twice a Dosarion, which may be the hypocoristic o f either Dosithea or Theodosia. A very frequent Latin translation name was Justus as the equivalent o f Tsadoq, perhaps also o f names like Tsidqiyah. Similarly, A I ' T T ] T O S ' occurs as the exact counterpart o f the Hebrew name blWZJ, or the Aramaic K'T'KEJ, both passive participles indicating a son that had been "asked" or "prayed for". These two Semitic names are, of course, much better known in their Grecized forms as those of SaOXos* and his travel companion EiXas" in the Book of Acts (cf. in Lib. Ant. Bibl. 40:2 the name o f Jephthah's daughter: Seila). An interesting instance is also reXdcu^o)? (CIJ25; 317; 991 ?), as a rendering o f Isaac, a name which was later also in use among Christians. This, by the way, raises some interesting questions with regard to the identity o f the Gelasios figuring in a list o f names in the Mithraeum o f S. Prisca, and o f the two Syrian (?) bearers o f this name inscribed in the Dolichenum on the Aventine. Further instances are Ireneus (CIJ 69 Rome) and Elpf|VT| (CIJ21, etc.), which may represent Shelomo and Salome, and Tlapriyopi^o)? "consoling, comforting", which is in all likelihood the counterpart o f such names as Nachum, Nechemyah or Menachem. 7

c-2) Akin to these pure translations are those Greek theopjxoric names o f which the divine element could be identified with or could be seen as translating the name o f Yahweh. Apart from the general term Geo-, which we have already touched upon, there was only one Greek g o d to answer the conditions, and that was

7

M . J. V e r m a s e r e n - C . C . van Essen,

the Church

of Santa Prisca in Rome

The Excavations

in the Mithraeum

least, syncretistic b a c k g r o u n d o f the n a m e m a y have b e e n the creative o f t h e Primeval G o d as in PGM

of

( L e y d e n : 1 9 6 5 ) 1 8 4 - 1 8 6 . T h e p a g a n , o r , at laugh

X I I I 1 6 1 - 1 6 3 a n d 4 7 2 - 4 7 5 : " A n d the Divinity

laughed

7 times: c h a c h a c h a c h a c h a c h a cha. A n d w h e n t h e Divinity h a d

laughed

there were born 7 gods, those w h o encompass

For t h e s e are the o n e s that a p p e a r e d

first."

the c o s m o s / t h e

all.

246

G. MUSSIES

Zeus himself. The identification o f Zeus and the G o d o f Israel was made quite explicitly by the Jewish Torah-interpreter (Pseudo-) Aristobulos. He quoted, in support o f his own argument, the first nine lines o f Aratus' Phaenomena, in which the name o f Zeus in the genitive case occurs no less than three times. Aristobulos took care, however, to replace the second and third A L O ? byGeou, and defended this by saying that this was what the Greeks really meant by the name (ap. Eusebius P.E. 13.12). And so when Paul in Athens two centuries or so later, or Luke in Antioch, as the case may be, quoted the 5th line from the same p o e m (Acts 17:28), a line which does not contain Zeus' name but the demonstrative T O O , the reference, though out of context, is still to Zeus. And when his speech continues with "being therefore God's offspring", the same identification is reiterated by implication. So it need not surprise us that Jews did not object to bearing such names as AioaooTo? (CPJ 19 1. 13), At6cf>avT0S' (CPJ22 1. 14: 201 BCE; also CIJ 18), ZrivoStopa (CIJ43), [Z]r,vo(3£a ( C i / 1 0 3 5 Beth Shearim), or Jovinus (CIJ467: IOBINV), the last perhaps being also used as the Latinized form o f Job, phonetically: [yov]. It is sometimes stated that Jews in this period had n o objections, either, to bearing theophoric names containing other divine elements. This, how­ ever, is only partly true, because gods and goddesses other than Zeus were often interpreted by them as being identical with some of the ordinary men and women that figured in their own sacred history. And so sky-supporting Atlas was, according to PseudoEupolemus as quoted by Eusebius (P.E. 9.17.9), considered to be the same as Enoch, because the latter was thought to have been an astrologer (so 1 Enoch 41-44; 72-82). Asbolos, a centaur whose name means "soot" (Hesiod, Shield 185), was equated with Cush (Gen 10:6), the ancestor o f the dark Ethiopians (P.E. 9 . 1 7 . 9 ) . Musaios, the archetypal musician o f the Greeks, was d e e m e d identical with Moses (P.E. 9.27.3); first, o f course, because o f the likeness o f their names, and second because both were composers of songs (Exod 15; Deut 32). This equation may account for the Mouaatos-SipLcovos", 'IouSatos' Tfj? eTayovfjs' (CPJ 20, 228-1 BCE, 8

8

People

S o by G . M u s s i e s , "Greek in Palestine a n d in t h e in

the First

Amsterdam: 1976) durch

das

Century

(CRINT

1:2; e d s .

1 0 5 2 . Cf. G . D e l l i n g , Die

hellenistische

Judentum

n a m e s d o n o t i m p l y apostasy.

S.

Safrai

Bewaltigung

(Berlin: 1 9 8 7 )

D i a s p o r a , " The

Jewish

& M . Stern; A s s e n der

57, where he

-

Diasporasituation says t h a t s u c h

J E W I S H P E R S O N A L NAMES IN

247

SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

Tebtynis). But on the other hand the Egyptian god o f writing and science, Thoth-Hermes, whose holy bird was the ibis, was thought by the priests, as Artapanus reports, to be also the same as Moses (P.E. 9.27.6), no doubt because he is the first man recorded in the O T as writing (Exod 24:4; 33:2) cf. Eupolemus ap. Eus. P.E. 9.26.1, who says that it was Moses who first instructed his people in the art o f writing. There is a double reflection o f this second equation in the 'EpLifas* 6 K a i 4>LP'LCOV, the son of 'Ovta? (CPJ453). The first name is, o f course, a derivation o f "Hermes", the second is derived from Coptic n g i n , meaning "the Ibis". In a comparable manner, the supreme divine pair o f Egypt in the Ptolemaic and Imperial periods, Sarapis, as corn-god mostly capped with a cornmeasure, and Isis Lactans, suckling baby Horus, are in the Babylonian Talmud and in the Tosephta interpreted as pictures o f Joseph and Eve, with the latter, it is said, because "she suckled the whole world" (b. 'Abod. Zar. 42b; t. Abod. Zar. V (VI) 1), and with the former, o f course, because o f his connections with grain. Although both Talmud and Tosephta forbid the possession o f utensils or ornaments on which these two were depicted in some way, so as not to sin against the second commandment about the "graven image", it is a telling fact that there was evidently n o objection to theophoric names like E e p a T r t o o v (SEG XVI 910: Cyre­ naica), ' I O T W V (CPJ480), or 'IatSoopo? (CIJ985: Galilee). In the case of names there is n o graven image, and so any other objections possible may have been removed by the re-interpretation o f the deities as human beings. Moreover, names like Serapion were almost certainly associated at the same time with the class o f angels called Seraphim, while Ision could also be felt to be a shortening hypocoristic o f Isak, cf. also a "Rabbi 'on*, the priest". There are, however, many more instances which cannot be explained in this particular way. H o w are we to account, for instance, for such names as ' A p T e L i l S c o p o s " (CPJSO), Aiovuofa (CIJ 1063: Beth Shearim), ' H p a t ? (CPJ421), or ' A T T O X X W ? (Acts 18:24)? What can we make o f "Benus (i.e. Venus) filia rebbitis Abundanti" (CIJ568: Naples). Is this a translation o f Esther=Ishtar? Can 9

10

9

Cf.

Texts

(Coptica

<J>lB

in W . E. C r u m - H . I. B e l l , Wadi

consilio

et

i m p e n s i s Instituti R a s k -

Sarga.

Coptic

Oerstediani

and edita

Greek III;

C o p e n h a g e n : 1 9 2 2 ) nr. 3 1 . 1 0

J. N a v e h , On

Ancient

Synagogues

Stone and

Mosaic.

The Aramaic

and

[ H e b r e w ] (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 8 ) nr. 7 5 .

Hebrew

Inscriptions

from

248

G.

MUSSIES

one assume this etymology to have been known? Possibly there have existed many more o f such Euhemeristic re-interpretations o f Egyptian, Greek and other deities, which simply have not come down to us. Even so, the man named Qr\yevT\g in the Jewish Tax papyrus (CPJ421) confronts us with a riddle. This name is, in origin, certainly the same as the well-known Qeay£vr\s, but its etymological meaning, "born of / to (the) goddess", seems hard­ ly to be an epithet ever making much sense in Jewish religion. The Jewish name OnSoatos" (CIJ 1530), though, seems rather to indicate that 0r|- also was, like ©ev-, a shortening o f 6 e o . However that may be, in order to explain such cases as Artemidorus, we probably also have to allow for some extent o f Jewish-Pagan syncretism. Otherwise it will not be easy either to understand the presence o f Jewish votive inscriptions near the sanctuary o f the god Pan (Min) at Edfu, like "Ptolemy the son o f Dionysius, a Jew, praises the g o d " (CIJ 1538). With regard to the names o f Christians one is faced with a similar duplicity. On the one hand it is known that they sometimes changed their original names if these were pagan theophorics. Eusebius explicitly mentions five martyrs who came from Egypt, and who had substituted their former "idolic" names by respectively "Elias, Jeremias, Esaias, Samuel and Daniel" (Palestinian Martyrs 11.8). On the other hand one sees that such men as Origen and Dionysius o f Alexandria, Diodorus o f Tarsus, and Isidore o f Pelusium left their pagan names unaltered. The retention o f pagan theophorics in later periods may have to d o with the fact that some o f the earlier Christian bearers o f such names had been martyrs and were thus honoured and memorized. And so Dionysius Exiguus and Isidore of Seville (both VIth cent.) may have owed their names to the much earlier homonymous martyrs, but it is rather doubtful that such an explanation will also account for e.g. Dionysius o f Alexandria (Illrd cent.). It is speculation to assume that he did not change his name because he had heard about the contemporary martyrdom o f Dionysius o f Paris. Moreover, not every name o f 11

12

1 1

Origen's pagan name

see D . F o r a b o s c h i ,

'Qpiyevris' was a c o m m o n o n e in I m p e r i a l

Onomasticon

Alteram Papyrologicum

also t h e p r i n c i p a l s o f m o n a s t i c tradition in M i d d l e Egypt: &NOyn,

i<xp.(e)(.s' (Josephus, Ant. 2 §111). 13

e) In Hebrew itself there existed several ways to form hypocoristics in the Imperial period. One procedure was to shorten, by apocope a n d / o r syncope, the full name preferably to its first or at least to one syllable, for instance Yehochanan "John" first to Yan-, to double the final consonant, if any, hence Yann-, and then to add the element -ay, with Yannay as the resulting name. Such a name could easily be Hellenized into one ending in -atos", in this case into lavvaLOS", well-known by its famous bearer, king Alexander Jannaeus. Other examples are Zakkay - ZaKxatos' from Zakharyah "Zachary", and Matthay - MaTSatos" "Matthew" from Mattanyah or Mattityahu. The formation o f this type o f short name did not entail any drastic changes in vocalism. It is therefore extremely dubious whether the alleged name "Zouumos'" in one o f the Bar Kokhba letters can really be considered as a hypocoristic o f Shim'on, who

1

3

The

backformation Beviauis' (nom.)

f r o m B e v i a u i v i n t e r p r e t e d as

an

accusative is exactly p r o p o r t i o n a t e to the c r e a t i o n o f the p l a c e - n a m e ZeiKfxopis" (nom.)

from

the

plural

tsipporin

"birds"

(cf.

b.

Meg.

6a)

or

"whirling

waters", likewise r e - i n t e r p r e t e d as a G r e e k accusative. CIJ 9 0 0 has ' I w v a S a in g e n i t i v e p o s i t i o n . T h i s is p r o b a b l y to b e r e a d as 'IwvaGd, b e l o n g s with n o m . M.

H.

Williams,

tions," ZPE 9 2 S a p o u q els

'IwvaOds'

(as in Papyrus

"The Jewish

(1992)

248-250,

Community

Enteuxis of

Corycus:

discusses MAMA

9 e 6 8 o T o v Kai SapoT)v. T h e

first a n d

the

genitive which

2 3 . 1 ) a n d acc. Two

III ( 1 9 3 1 )

More

'Icova0dv. Inscrip­

n r . 6 8 4 eicydvcov

t h i r d n a m e s h e r e are

best

e x p l a i n e d as g e n . a n d a c c , respectively, o f a Z a p o M f j s ' f o r m e d f r o m Eapouf|X.

2

5

G. MUSSIES

2

14

is then also supposed to be the same as Bar Kokhba himself. We would rather prefer to read it as SouXatos', which, according to the photographs, is all that can be read in line 2 0 , whereas in the opening line the middle part of the name, including [M] or [ A A ] , has wholly vanished. O n e would have here then an instance o f the Nabataean name Shullay, which was also rendered in Greek as ZuXXaio? (Josephus, Ant. etc.; Strabo or 2oXXeos\ 15

1

§

6

2

2

0

1 6 . 4 . 2 3 - 2 4 )

16

Another way to form hypocoristics was to shorten the full name somewhat less than as described above, and to add -d(h). If we take the same instance again, Yehochanan was first shortened to Yehochann- or Yochann- (also with doubled final consonant), and after the addition o f -d(h) there resulted respectively the masculine names Yehdchannd(h) and Yochannd(h). Both occur in the so-called Babatha archive with bar, and a father's name added, which confirms their masculine gender (documents The former is also found as a textual variant in the pedigree o f Jesus according to Luke 3 : 2 7 (mss. KMIT) T O O 'Icoavvfi, whereas the mss. majority has T O O 'Icoav(v)dv. Another well-known instance o f this type was 'Aqibhah from 'Aqabhyah. 1 4 ,

1 5 ,

1 6 ,

2 0 ,

2 2 ) .

1

7

18

Sometimes names o f foreign provenance were also treated in 1

4

S o B . Lifshitz, "Papyrus grecs d u desert d e Juda," Aegyptus

42 (1962) 243-

2 4 4 , with p h o t o g r a p h o p p o s i t e p . 2 5 6 . 1

5

S e e t h e p h o t o g r a p h s in Lifshitz (see f o o t n o t e

Kokhba.

The

Imperial

Rome

rediscovery

of the legendary

( L o n d o n : 1971) p.

1 4 ) a n d in Y. Y a d i n ,

hero of the last Jewish

1 3 1 . T h e latter

Revolt

transcribes

the

Bar-

against name

as

" S o [ . . . ] i o s " a n d d e n i e s the a l l e g e d identity with B a r - K o k h b a ( p . 1 3 0 ) . 1

6

schen

Cf. SoXXcuos- {CPJ 6 7 1. 4; 6 8 1. 4 ) a n d S o X X e o ? , see A . A l t , Die Inschriften

der Palaestina

Veroffentlichungen

des

Tertia

westlich

der

deutsch-tiirkischen

Araba

griechi­

(Wissenschaftliche

Denkmalschutz-Kommandos,

H e f t 2 ; B e r l i n - L e i p z i g : 1 9 2 1 ) nr. 1 8 ( B e e r s h e b a 5 1 8 C E ) , w h e r e it is e q u a t e d with

Nabataean

Stuart, Syria. Syria in 1904-5 7

A l s o a S o X X e o ? in E . L i t t m a n n - D . M a g i e -

and

of the Princeton

1909.

8

Archaeological

Division III: Greek and Latin

Inscriptions.

D . R.

Expeditions

to

Section

A:

Syria ( L e y d e n : 1 9 2 1 ) nr. 2 3 8 .

N . Lewis, The Babatha

Archive.

in the Cave of the Letters (Jerusalem: 1

University

1

Southern 1

Shullay.

Publications

The Documents

from

the Bar-Kokhba

Period

1989).

Cf. T . I l a n , ' " M a n b o r n o f W o m a n . . . '

(Job 1 4 : 1 ) . T h e P h e n o m e n o n

M e n B e a r i n g M e t r o n y m e s [sic] at the T i m e o f Jesus," NovT

34 (1992)

of

23-45,

e s p . 3 8 - 3 9 . - A f u r t h e r type o f hypocoristic is that w h i c h e n d s in - o n , b u t h e r e it is always u n c l e a r S h i m ' o n , or with formed 1925)

with w h i c h

one

is c o n f r o n t e d ,

f r o m n T o X e n c u o s " [cf. The Jewish I

136a],

with

H e b r e w p - , as

in

G r e e k -(ov, as in Zrjvtov. A b t a l y o n is p r o b a b l y TITOXXCIOV,

while

' A b d o n is

the

Encyclopedia

(New

Hebrew formation

York-London:

on

the

basis

of

' A b d i y a h , b u t w h i c h are N a q d e m o n ( f r o m NiKxSormos") o r pom ( f r o m B6TI0OS')?

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y

253

SOURCES 1

this way, ' I O U C T T O S " becoming ntsov (CIJ1197 Noarah), NtKoXaos n b p : or Niqlah (DJD II 24 D ( 4 ) , 20). A third kind o f hypocoristics were those that simply dropped their final consonant, Maryam b e c o m i n g Maryah, both used with reference to the same woman in Dominus Flevit nr. 7, and Yoseph b e c o m i n g Yose, for instance n o v in CIJ 987 ( C a n a ) . Possibly such names were back-travellers to Hebrew from Greek, where such clippings were necessary for morphological reasons (see above): cf. at Matt 27:56 (v.l.) Map'ta r| 'Icacrfj |iX|TT|p. From the occurrence o f a MtfpTiXos' 'ICLKW (Aphrodisias-inscr. b 11-12) o n e might therefore take it that a Hebrew text could contain a lpi?"' as well. After this necessarily sketchy survey o f the different pheno­ mena encountered in this field, it is now time to turn to the new sources which we mentioned at the outset. The excavations carried out at Masada, the last stronghold of the Jewish Revolt, have provided us with a great many ostraca, jar inscriptions, graffiti and scraps of papyrus, altogether 951 items. Almost all o f these texts are very short and fragmentary, but they d o contain many personal names. Here, it is not necessary to discuss these important excavations in detail; but in what follows we shall gratefully make use o f the new data they provide. 19

The Goliath family needs somewhat more c o m m e n t . The t o m b o f this by now famous family was found in the Jewish cemetery at Jericho, which was unearthed in the late 70s. It con­ sists o f two chambers at different levels which are interconnected by a passage and a small staircase. There is a beautiful fresco in it, which represents a trellised vine with leaves, bunches o f grapes, and birds perched on the branches. The tomb contained 22 ossuaries or bone-chests, on which in most cases (14x) had been noted whose bones they contained. Half of these inscriptions are in Greek, half are written in square script and then either Hebrew or Aramaic, three o f them being bilingual. The family obtained

1 9

The various occurrences of 'IaK(3 in genitive position, without a 'IaxcS? in the same context, are ambiguous {CIJ 910; 927; 1160), for they may be genitives of 'IaKco?, or indeclinables like Joseh. - Another type of shorten­ ings are such names as 'DH (from AriprJTpios', with itacism), "O'R ( f r o m 'Io-iScopos*?), see Naveh (see footnote 10) nr. 75, 'pnoa (from ITaTptKios') (y. Yoma 41d), mnKB (from napriyopios', CIJ 1041), unless these should be read as Demay etc.

254

G. MUSSIES

its curious name in modern publications because some o f its members had the sobriquet "Goliath", and not undeservedly so: according to their skeletal remains they must have been very tall indeed. Their social status appears from the fact that one o f them, Theodotus alias Nath[an]el, was a freedman o f "Queen" Agrippina, the wife o f the Emperor Claudius. First o f all these inscriptions give us some insight into the prac­ tice o f name-giving in this family. With regard to the filiation we follow the results o f the special computer analysis which took into account both the inscriptions and the physical characteristics o f the bones.The ancestor was called Yeho'ezer (I), son o f El'azar (I) "Goliath"; he had, among other children, three sons who respec­ tively received the names El'azar (II), Ishma'el (I) and Yeho'ezer (II) "Goliath"; each of these three had in his turn a son whom he called after his own father, hence Yeho'ezer III, IV and V; nr. IV of these had a son who got the name o f Ishma'el (II), probably after his great-uncle. Unfortunately, the parents' names o f none o f the different "in-laws" are mentioned, so that most o f the further name-connections, if any, remain in the dark. Nevertheless it is clear that the practice within this family corroborates the critical remark, which was made to Elisabeth in Luke 1: 61, when she wants her son to be called 'John", although none o f the relatives had that n a m e . O n e wonders whether the "Eleazaros Gigas", who was given as a present to Tiberius by the king o f Parthia (Josephus, Ant. 18 §103) was not the same man as the ancestor o f this family o f giants. The Hebrew names used in this family are the usual ones that one would expect: Yo'ezer, Eleazar, Nathanael, Maryam, Ishmael, etc. The excavator and editor Hachlili makes the remark that Ishmael was rare in this period, but the prosopography at the end of CPJ III contains three different persons bearing that name (nrs.13, 120, 452), and two more have been found on ossuaries unearthed at Dominus Flevit (nrs. 4 and 6 ) . Moreover, there was at least o n e highpriest Ismael in the Ist century (Josephus, Ant. 18 §34), possibly two if he is not the same as the one mentioned in Ant. 20, §179, and at least four Rabbis called Ismael are quoted in 20

2

0

See

" N a m e G i v i n g after Relatives in the A n c i e n t W o r l d " in P. W . v a n

d e r H o r s t - G . Mussies, Studies on the Hellenistic

Background

(Utrechtse T h e o l o g i s c h e Reeks 10; Utrecht: 1 9 9 0 ) 65-85.

of the New

Testament

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y

255

SOURCES

21

the later Talmud. In all likelihood this name had been assigned in each case not so much after the son o f Abraham, but rather because o f its meaning "God will hear". The Hebrew names have been Hellenized in the ordinary way: Mapidixn (nr. 1), 'IouSas* (nr. 1), 'IcoeCpo? (nr. 4 ) , 'IaLtafjXos- (nr. 4 ) , etc. Goliath has the Greek form ro\ta0os- (nr. 9 ) , as in Josephus, Ant. 6 §172 etc., although at its first occurrence in 6 §171 the mss. have roXid0T)S'. ShelamTsion, "Peace o f Sion", is here ZeXaLicuco (nr. 11), which differs from ZaXaLuJaw, as Josephus renders it (Ant. 18 §§130; 131; 138), and perhaps from SViXaTrTLwy (CIJ 935), if that really is the same name. Only one o f the persons interred in this tomb, the freedman o f Agrippina, had as well a Hebrew as a Greek name. O n his own ossuary the inscription runs: GeoSoTOU dTr(eXeu0)epou paaiXtCTOT|S' 'AypiTTTreti/ns' cropo? (nr. 3 ) , whereas he is referred to on the ossuary o f his daughter Mariah ( m o ) as Nathan(a)el (nr. 7a: ^ « [ ] ] r a ) , which is broadly an equivalent o f Theodotos. O n e might further suppose that at least o n e o f the seven Yo'ezers and Eleazars went alternatively by the name o f BonGo?, like the priest from Alexan­ dria o f that name, who was himself also the father o f a Yo'azar and an Eleazar, both highpriests in the Ist century (Josephus, Ant. 17 §339), but this is, o f course, a piece o f mere guess-work. By far the most important addition to our knowledge of Jewish onomastics has been furnished by the discovery o f the by now famous Aphrodisias inscription. It dates back to the second quarter o f the Ilnd century at the earliest, but may well have to be assigned to a later part o f that century. At any rate it is the first piece o f evidence for the presence of Jews in this ancient town in western Asia Minor east o f Miletus, consisting o f a long list o f the 125 male members (124, if the president was a woman, see below) o f a club or association, which had to d o with a meal or meals. T h e problematic opening line is most likely an invocation o f 22

1

2

1

B . Bagatti - J. T . M i l i k ,

Gerusalemme), and

6. -

Gli

Scavi

del

"Dominus

Parte I: La necropoli del Periodo Romano

D. Rokeah,

"Prosopography of

t h e Jews

Flevit"

(Monte

Oliveto

(Jerusalem: 1 9 5 8 ) nrs. 4 in

E g y p t , " in

CPJ I I I

( C a m b r i d g e - M a s s . : 1 9 6 4 ) p p . 1 6 7 - 1 9 6 (papyrusnrs. 1 3 ; 1 2 0 ; 4 5 2 ) . - F o r the f o u r r a b b i s o f this n a m e w h o o c c u r in t h e T a l m u d , see H . Strack - P. B i l l e r b e c k , Kommentar

zum Neuen

nischer Index.

Testament

Verzeichnis

aus

Talmud

der Schriftgelehrten.

und

51979) 184-185. 2

2

Midrasch,

Geographisches

S o Frey, b u t n a m e s in -cov are m a s c u l i n e .

vol. V - V I Register

Rabbi-

(Miinchen:

G. MUSSIES

2 5 6

divine help and runs as follows: 6 e 6 g P O T I G O S TTa.TeXXa.8o [1 or letters]. O f the last sequence of letters several explanations have been given.The editors assume the most probable solution to be a dative TraTeXXa, with the following 8o[.] being either a word mean­ ing "building": 86[p.(os")L 86[p.("np.a)] or some form of the verb "to give" e.g. 86s", or "gift", "giver(s)": 86(ais-), 8 O T (tapes'). The word TraTeXXa "dish; plate", originally a loan word from Latin, was cur­ rent in Imperial Greek and occurred also as a loan in H e b r e w . The editors also assume that it means here, by extension, "charity plate; the collecting o f (cooked) food and its distribution to the p o o r ; soup-kitchen", just like its Hebrew counterpart "'lnDn (tamchuy), which, besides "plate", had these further senses t o o . As it is not unusual for Greek words in a Jewish context to take over the total meaning o f their Hebrew, at first partial equivalents, such an extension o f the meaning o f TraTeXXa would be quite thinkable. But we have said elsewhere that a dative sg. is not very likely here, because it should in Koine-Greek have the form TraTeXXrj, and we proposed instead to take the whole as one word and read it as TraTeXXa So [$•], the genitive sg. o f an otherwise unattested TraTeXXds". This might have the meaning "dish-man", and in this text "charity dish-man". so that the line could mean "God (is/may) be the helper o f the charity-disher". It is, however, incompatible with the Greek language and therefore hardly pos­ sible, to read here, with M. H. Williams, a word like '"TTaTeXXaSos", the aor. imperative o f an alleged verb *TraTeXXa8C8a)(iL, meaning 1

2

23

24

25

26

27

2

3

2

4

RT8;26. J. Levy, Neuhebrdisches

Midraschim 2

5

und

M . Jastrow, A Dictionary

and

the

Williams,

Chalddisches

Worterbuch

uber die Talmudim

Midrashic

Literature

of the Targumim, (New York:

the Talmud

1967

[=

Babli and

1903])

H.

d o u b t e d , as a p p e a r s clearly f r o m e.g. m. Pe'a 8:7 a n d b. B.Bat. collecting

o f t h e f o o d , its i m m e d i a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n ,

from

" q u p p a h " are

explicitly

41

(1992)

c a n have t h e special s e n s e o f "soup-

kitchen", b u t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s u c h a Jewish c h a r i t a b l e institution

the

M.

" T h e Jews a n d G o d f e a r e r s I n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A p h r o d i s i a s . - A C a s e

d i s p u t e s m o r e o r less that tamchuy

means

Yerushalmi,

1676b.-

o f P a t r i a r c h a l I n t e r f e r e n c e in Early 3 r d C e n t u r y C a r i a ? , " Historia 303

und

( L e i p z i g : 1 8 8 9 ) vol. I V , 2 6 .

discussed.

The

"basket", b e c a m e in a similar way to m e a n

as well as its latter,

cannot be

8b, where

which

the

difference properly

" p o o r f u n d " , cf. J a s t r o w

o.c. 1 3 3 8 a a n d Levy o.c. I V 2 7 0 b . 2

6

As a model

of such

semantic

extensions

m a y serve

here

the

word

oxfjiTTpov "stave; stick". T h i s was u s e d to r e n d e r t h e H e b r e w w o r d 03tD "stave; stick",

b u t as t h e

latter also m e a n t

"tribe", cncfjirTpov

"tribe" in t h e L X X , e.g. at 1 K g d m s 2 : 2 8 . 2

7

Mnemosyne 4 4 ( 1 9 9 1 ) 2 9 3 - 2 9 5 .

adopted

the

sense

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

"put

(food) upon our plate".

28

257

Apart from the fact, that as a first

c o m p o u n d - m e m b e r TrdTeXXa should become TraTeXXo- (cf. the nickname LTaTeXXoxdpcav), 8l8a)Lii cannot occur as second com­ pound-member after a substantive, neither can simple verbs like X ^ y w , (f>epa), etc. These are, as it were, substituted by verbs like -SoTeco, -Xoyea), cj>ope(o, hence

oTTo8oTea),

p.u0oXoyea), KapTroope(jO. The

final option seems to be then that TrdTeXXa is the neuter plural o f the also attested substantive TrdTeXXov/(3dTeXXov with the same meaning, and to supply 80 [i] or 86 [n], both aor. optatives found in Koine Greek {SB '6941; UPZ 1 1. 4 ) . The first line might then convey something like "May God the Helper provide meals". The whole o f the second sentence o f the inscription runs as follows:

01

irrroTeTayLievoi

Tfjs" 8eKav(LasO T W V

TeuXoy (-<JOV) eis* dTrev0r)aiav

T& TTXT|0L

cf>iXoLia0(3v TCOV

KC

Trav-

eKTtaa[v] e£ I8'ia)i> LivfiLia: "The

persons mentioned (lift. : placed) below, (members) o f the Society of the Studious, who are also the

for alleviation o f grief, in

behalf o f the congregation/the people (?), founded by private means

a/this(?)

monument".

The

sense "congregation" for

1

TrXfjOos may be instanced by Acts 6:2, 5. The most problematic word o f these lines is, however, TravTei>Xoy(..), both because o f its uncertain completion, and the rather wide semantic range o f euXoy-. A n additional problem is whether els' dTrev0T|OTav should be connected with it, or rather with ^KTiaav. The editors have very cautiously chosen for TravTeuXoy (wv), assuming this to have the same meaning as TravTeuXoyoOvTes",

29

but here there are some

objections to be made. As far as we can see the various possibilities of completing rravTeuXoy (..) comprise the following: a) TravTeuXoy (wv); unattested; would be a compound o f TravT- and euXoyos", for which the dictionaries give the senses "sensible, reasonable", "legitimate", "honourable" (only 1 Mace 12:43), "eloquent" (only Exod 4:10 v.l.); b) TravTeuXoy ( T I T W V ) ; attested with the meaning "blessed by all", referring to the virgin Mary,

30

compound o f TravT- and e^XoynTOS"

"blessed"; c) TravTeuXoy (CaTcov); unattested; would be a compound o f TravTand e t ^ y i o - T o s * "well calculated; calculating well"; "blessed";

2 8

2 9

3 0

Williams o.c. 3 0 9 . RT5. G . W . H . L a m p e , A Patristic Greek Lexicon ( O x f o r d : 1 9 6 8 ) 1 0 0 4 b .

258

G. MUSSIES 31

d) Trav-reuXoy ( O I I V T C O V ) (edd.; Williams) ; unattested; as there are no c o m p o u n d s o f the element Trav(T)-, TravTO- on the one hand, and a verb on the other, such a verb as *TTavTeuXoyea>, if it existed, is unlikely to have been a c o m p o u n d o f T T O . V T - and evXoyim "to bless; to praise"; the (rare) verbs that nevertheless begin with T r a v ( T ) - seem to belie this statement, but they can all be derived from substantives or adjectives that had already b e e n c o m ­ p o u n d e d with that element, such as TravriyuptCG) from TravT^yupiS', Travoupyea) from TravoOpyos", etc.; as a consequence, a postulated verb *TravTei;XoYea) would have to be a derivation from *TravT£uXo yog, meaning "to be *TTavTeuXoyos"", with senses as given under a), which d o not, however, comprise "blessing" or "praising". The most fitting and at the same time least boastful o f all these possible senses would be "blessed in all respects (by G o d ) " , which may be carried by b ) , the only word that happens to be actually attested, and which might well link up with the immediately following "for alleviation o f grief. In this way G o d would be the ultimate performer o f the charitable acts done by the more or less wealthy community members. As to the p.vf]p.a which they founded, this may quite well be the column itself. "Tomb", the most c o m m o n sense o f this word, would hardly be in place. O n e can imagine the establishment o f a cemetery for a community, but not a tomb. Williams supposes that it refers here to the triclinium or dining-hall o f a burial society, but I think that neither a dining-hall nor a cook-shop would as such be called a p.vfjp.a. If the stone was ever part o f a building, it must have been the one where the Society met a n d / o r organized the TrdTeXXa to be distributed to the needy o f the congregation. What follows next are two lists o f names: I) a mixed list o f people, apparently born Jews, (three) proselytes and (two) Seocjefieig or Godfearers, together 73 persons; II) a list, which according to its superscription contains Godfearers only, together 52 persons. With the patronymics included, the total o f the different personal _

32

3

1

RT

35-36; Williams o.c. 3 0 5 . T h e

o n l y e x c e p t i o n s e e m s to b e

iravTo-

KpaT^a) "to b e a l m i g h t y , v.l.in L X X Za. 8:2" a c c o r d i n g to LSJ 1 3 0 0 b . T h i s tex­ tual v a r i a n t is n o t r e c o r d e d in t h e prophetae context, and 3

(Gottingen: the

2

1967)

p a r t i c i p l e TravTOKpa-raSv,

t h e r e f o r e a "ghost-word". 2

G o t t i n g e n - e d i t i o n by J. Z i e g l e r ,

3 0 5 , b u t m u s t b e , a c c o r d i n g to t h e

O.c. 307-308.

certainly a m i s t a k e f o r

Duodecim syntactical

TrctVTOKpdTcop,

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

259

names mentioned amounts to some 130. A more precise figure cannot be given, because a number o f them are abbreviations o f either names or professions, and some may be nicknames rather than names given at birth. There can be n o question o f dealing here with all o f these names. Instead o f that we shall give a succinct survey o f the different classes o f names to be discerned, and make some suggestions here and there with regard to unanswered questions' or questionable explanations made by the editors. The inscription distinguishes between three kinds o f adherents of the Jewish confession: there are Jews, there are proselytes and there are Godfearers. T o begin with the last. People thus indicated are the same as those who are otherwise called ol oe$6[Levoi or bl (J>o(3oi3|j.evoi TOV Geov throughout the Book o f Acts and also by Josephus (Ant. 14 §110). These were Judaizing sympathizers, who had not or not yet made the decision to convert completely and become proselytes. As a matter o f fact they were o f Pagan, in later times perhaps also o f Christian origin. It will be clear, therefore,, that the purely Greek names o f all these Godfearers have nothing to d o with Jewish onomastics in the strict sense. It is true that we find among them one 'EvoafifidQiog (6 48), who has, o f course, a Jewish name meaning "well-observing the Shabbath". I think this can be explained either as an adoptive name, or from the fact that the man may have been the son o f a Jew and a heathen woman. Compare the case o f Timothy in the NT, who was the son o f a pagan father and a Jewish mother, but uncircumcised (Acts 16:1). I d o not think one should adhere to the suggestion o f Solin and totally exclude inscriptions about Godfearers from any corpus o f Jewish inscriptions. O n the contrary, they rightly de­ serve their place, since they have to d o with the Jewish religion, but they should, o f course, be marked as such in the indexes. Naturally, the same holds g o o d o f the proselytes. According to the Talmud, a proselyte was supposed, among other things, to adopt a new, Jewish name, and even n o longer to mention his father's name together with the new adoptive one, but rather to call himself "a son o f Abraham". On our inscription the three prose­ lytes identified as such d o indeed have Hebrew names: Samuel, 33

3

3

H.

Solin,

"Juden

W e l t , " A W R W II 2 9 . 2 , 6 5 5 .

und

Syrer

im

westlichen

Teil

der

romischen

260

G. MUSSIES 34

Joses and Joseph (a 13; 17; 2 2 ) . The fact that one of them, Joseph, mentions his father Eusebios by name, need not necessarily mean that he neglected a talmudic prescription. It might as well mean that his father was a proselyte before he became one him­ self, but apart from such borderline-cases proselytes had n o ances­ try (cf. b. Yebam. 62a). A fourth convert, another 'EuaaP(3d0ios", may be hidden under the epithet tivog (b 16). This could well be an alternative rendition o f Hebrew 1i (ger), which means both "stranger; foreigner", and "proselyte". In that case he would also appear to have adopted an at least partly Hebrew n a m e . These adoptive names are known from elsewhere. At Rome there are the instances o f "Felicitas, now called Nuemi " (CIJ462), and o f "Veturia Pauc(u)la (not: Paulla), now called Sara " ( 6 7 / 5 2 3 ) . Two more, bearing both the new name o f Judas, are known from ossuaries found in and near Jerusalem (CIJ 1385; Dom. Flev. 1 3 ) , and also a woman now called Shalam (Dom. Flev. 31). An ostracon from Masada mentions a Yeshua' Giord, which is Aramaic for "proselyte" (Mas. I 420, 7 ) . Curiously, rtwpas" could apparently also occur as a proper name (Josephus,/. W. 2 §521 etc.; DJD II, 120 C 9 ) . A much later instance was that o f a court-chaplin o f the emperor Lewis the Pious, called Bodo and a member o f a Frankish noble family. In the year 838 he pretended to set out on a journey to Rome together with a nephew, but instead o f crossing the Alps he crossed the Pyrenees, and travelled into Spain, where he con­ verted to Judaism, took on the new name of Eleazar, and started to write polemics against Christianity. Well-known is the still later instance o f Johannes-Obadyah, around 1100. A similar custom could be practised on the occasion o f Christian baptism: a Saxon king, Cedual, was called Petrus after his conversion. Consequent­ ly, whenever a Jew converted to Christianity, he also could adopt a new, "Christian name". Gregory o f Tours tells the story o f a 35

36

37

38

3

4

Cf. R T 4 5 .

3

5

F o r a discussion o f t h e f r e q u e n c y o f the n a m e s S a b b a t h i o s ,

etc., see 3

6

Sambathion

below.

Carried

out

as

" N V E N N " , in

which

the

"NN"

are

probably

an

e r r o n e o u s s o l u t i o n o f " M I " written in ligature in t h e s t o n e - m a s o n ' s p a p y r u s . F o r the f o r m o f the n a m e cf. in L X X R u t h N a ) e p ( p ) e i ( v ) . 3

7

The Jewish Encyclopedia

3 ( N e w York - L o n d o n : 1 9 2 5 ) 283a;

Encyclopaedia

Judaica 4 (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 1 ) 1 1 6 4 s.v. B o d o . 3

8

Encyclopaedia

Norman

Proselyte.

Judaica

1 2 (Jerusalem:

1 9 7 1 ) 1 3 0 6 - 1 3 0 7 s.v. O b a d i a h ,

the

261

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

Juda who was called Quiriacus after his baptism, i.e. K u p t a K O S " (Hist. Franc. 1.34). All this does not mean that proselytes were always called in daily life by their new adoptive names. O n e o f the earliest examples known by name is that o f NucdXaos from Antioch, mentioned in Acts 6:2, who apparently retained his original Greek name, or perhaps never took a new one. Further instances are C(h)rysis, a woman convert in Rome (CIJ222), and a Dio­ genes son o f Zenas (Dom. Flev. 21), whose tombstones are silent about their new names, if any. Josephus has some instances too: the Roman lady Fulvia, whom he describes as a 'VpoaeXr|Xu0uia. to the Jewish institutions" (Ant. 18 §82), and the well-known case o f the royal family o f Adiabene, queen Helen and her son Izates (Ant. 20 §17ff.). All three, however, were persons o f high status, to whom the author preferably kept referring by the names once used, for clarity's sake. 39

1

If we now turn to the persons not called Godfearer or proselyte on the Aphrodisias inscription, — the word 'IouSatos- does not occur at all—, we see that a considerable number o f them bear ordinary Hebrew names such as Samuel, Judas, Benjamin, Ruben. Joseph occurs both in this form and Hellenized as Joses. Jako is found by the side of the unshortened Jakob, but as it has the function o f a genitive, the nominative may have been either Jako as well, or the Hellenized Jakos ( 6 1 3 ) . The only Hebrew names worthy o f special mention are that of the TrpoaTdTris' or president o f the society, IcrnX, who naturally opens the list (a 9 ) , and that o f 'Ieaaeos- (a 14). Before the inscription was published, Bernadette Brooten had already mentioned this president in a post-script to her study o f the Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue. It was automatically assumed there that the Yael of the inscription was a woman presi­ dent, but this may have been done without the complete text o f the stone being available to the authoress. The assumption itself 40

3

9

I. K a j a n t o ,

Onomastic

Studies

in

the Early

Instituti R o m a n i F i n l a n d i a e 2 , p t . l ; Helsinki: 4

0

Inscriptions

(Acta

BJS 3 6 ( C h i c o : 1 9 8 2 ) 1 5 1 . I n two r e c e n t articles this p o s i t i o n has b e e n

argued a)

Christian

1963) 105.

more

thoroughly:

" T h e G e n d e r o f IctT)X in t h e Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A p h r o d i s i a s , "

in:

H . W . A t t r i d g e - J . J . Collins - T h . H . T o b i n S.J. ( e d d . ) , Of Scribes and

Scrolls.

Studies

Origins

on

the Hebrew

Bible,

Intertestamentary

Judaism,

and

Christian

presented to John Strugnell on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday ( C o l l e g e

Theology

262

G. MUSSIES

rests, o f course, on the presupposition that Yael was a feminine name only. The editors have endeavoured to undermine this position by pointing to two men who are called I cmX in the L X X at 2 Esdr 10:26, 4 3 . These instances in themselves, however, con­ stitute rather weak evidence, since they are both textual variants o f forms that happen to be much closer to the Hebrew names as found in the MT, namely Ia(e)triX (10:26 cf. MT mr ) and Ie(e)ir)X (10:43, also 10:2, cf. MT ^w). In all likelihood "IanX" arose from IairjX at 10:26, and may have influenced in its turn the ortho­ graphy o f the similar name at 10:43, as these two verses are not so widely apart. However this may have been, as the resulting variant is found only in one o f the arid name lists o f the OT, and not in one o f its lively stories, it can hardly be supposed to have occasioned its later use as a male name all by itself. For this it needed, rather, the support o f a famous Yael, and the only o n e possible is, o f course, the heroine in the history o f Deborah and Barak (Judg 4:17-5:24). But she was a woman, and can one take it for a fact that her name was borne by men as well? This question assumes already that some distinction at least was made in Israel and Judaism between specific w o m e n ' s names and specific men's names, but was this really so? The question may be diffi­ cult to answer because the women's names known to us are by far in the minority as compared with those o f men. Moreover, the practice in later Judaism may have differed from that o f the preexilic period. In spite o f the relative scantiness o f women's names, however, some facts d o emerge clearly. 1) The different types o f theophoric name, that can be distin­ guished appear to have been neutral in this respect, because they were originally short sentences about G o d . The following in­ stances are attested both for men (m.) and for women (w.): Abiyahu (m. 1 Sam 8:2; w. 2 Chr 29:1), Atalyahu (m. 1 Chr 8:26-27; w. 2 Kgs 8:26), Yokebed (w. Exod 6:19; cf. m. IwxapY, 1 Sam 14:3 L X X = Ikabod), Mehetabe'el (m. Neh 6:10; w. 1 Chr 1:50), Mikayahu (m. Judg 17:1; w. 2 Chr 13:2). Without exact male counterpart, but as 41

L

>

t

Society R e s o u r c e s in R e l i g i o n 5; T h e C o l l e g e T h e o l o g y Society: 1 9 9 0 ) b)

"Iael

TTpoo"T(i TT|?

in

disias," in: B . P e a r s o n ( e d . ) , Helmut 4

1

the

Jewish

The Future

Koester ( M i n n e a p o l i s : 1 9 9 1 )

Donative

Inscription

of Early Christianity.

from

Essays

163-173. Aphro­

in Honor

of

149-162.

R T 1 0 1 . T h e s e e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l i n s t a n c e s are q u i t e rightly r e j e c t e d

by B r o o t e n ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 6 8 - 1 7 0 .

263

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

o p p o s e d to numerous male names beginning with Y(eh)6- or El(i)-, or ending in -yah(u), there occur the following female ones: Yeho'addan (2 Chr 25:1), Elisheba' (Exod 6:22 = "Elizabeth"), Yecholyah (2 Kgs 1 5 : 2 ) . The same holds g o o d o f names beginning with A b ( i ) - and Ach(i)-, which referred, at least origi­ nally, to a g o d or to G o d invoked as father or brother. Both for a woman and a man is attested the already mentioned Abiyahu. Without exact male counterpart, but again alongside many male instances o f Abi- and Achi-, we find: Abigal (2 Sam 17:25), Abigayil (2 Sam 3:3)', Abichayil (1 Chr 2:29), Abital (2 Sam 3:4), Abishag (1 Kgs 1:3), Achino'am (2 Sam 3:2; but cf. m. Abino'am Judg 4:6). 42

2) That masculine substantives could serve as male names, and feminine substantives as female names, is exactly what o n e would expect, and in line with the procedure in other languages which have grammatical genders such as Greek. Examples are layish "lion" (masc.) and also a man's name (1 Sam 25:44), and debdrdh "bee" (fern.) and also a woman's name (Gen 35:8; Judg 4:5). Contrary to this, however, masculine substantives could also be used as female names, and feminine ones as men's names, hence: tdmdr "palm-tree" subst. masc, but women's name at Gen 38:6; 2 Sam 13:1-2; 2 Sam 14:27; no'am "delight" subst. m a s c , but woman's name Na'omi "my delight" (Ruth 1:2); ayydh "hawk" subst. fern., but man's name 2 Sam 3:7, yondh "dove" subst. fern., but man's name 2 Kgs 14:25; rechob "space" subst. fern., but man's name Neh 10:11; techinndh "favour" subst. fern., but man's name 1 Chr 4:12. Such a practice would have been impossible in Greek: 8d(f>vr| (f.) could only b e c o m e a woman's name, ore^avog (m.) only a man's. 43

3) T h e only Hebrew names, then, that may have b e e n con­ sistently reserved either for women or for men, were those that occurred in pairs opposing a masculine form to a feminine form. These were mainly adjectives and participles used as personal

4

2

T h e H e b r e w looking,

belong

M o d e r n E n g l i s h w o m a n ' s n a m e Muriel

h e r e at all. It is C e l t i c a n d derives f r o m O l d Irish

bright", see R . C o g h l a n d , Irish First Names 4

3

(Belfast:

does

muir gheal

not

"se a

1985) 53.

I n s t a n c e s o f o n e a n d t h e s a m e H e b r e w substantive u s e d alternatively as

a woman's

name

w o u l d b e Timnd',

and

as a m a n ' s

are

hard

to f i n d .

An Edomite

example

at least if that is a substantive in o r i g i n . It is a m a n ' s

at G e n 3 6 : 4 0 , b u t a w o m a n ' s n a m e at G e n 3 6 : 1 2 , 2 2 .

name

264

G. MUSSIES

names, such as yadid (m.) vs yediddh (f.) "beloved", hence Yedidyah, the original name o f king Solomon (2 Sam 12:25), as opposed to Yedidah, the mother o f kingjosiah (2 Kgs 22:1); Shelomi (man N u m 34:27) vs Shelomith (women Lev 24:11; 1 Chr 3:19); Meshullam (men e.g. 2 Kgs 22:3) vs Meshullemeth (woman 2 Kgs 21:9) ; perhaps also Chanan (Avav) as opposed to Channah (Avva) "gracious", but the former may well be a shortened t h e o p h o r i c n a m e . Here belong certainly also such suppletive pairs as "bull" vs "cow" (le'ah), "ram" (ayil) w "ewe" (rachel), "son o f (ben) vs "daughter o f (bath) as soon as they were made into names, hence Le'ah, Eyl-6n (Judg 12:11), Rachel, Bin-yamin "son o f the right hand", Bath-sheba' "daughter o f the oath", etc. 44

For the comparison o f specific women's names and specific men's names the period o f postbiblical Judaism offers somewhat more data than the O T does, with its many lists o f mostly male persons. This is illustrated, for instance, by the fact that Rokeah's prosopography in CPJ III, which lists some 840 Egyptian Jews, 4

4

T h e r e a r e a n u m b e r o f s e e m i n g e x c e p t i o n s in t h e f o r m o f

a d j e c t i v e s o r p a r t i c i p l e s w h i c h are n e v e r t h e l e s s a d d i t i o n to t h e r e g u l a r p a i r s/Shelomi

feminine

u s e d as n a m e s f o r m e n . I n

(masc. adj., m a l e n a m e ) -

s/Shelomith

(fern, a d j . , f e m a l e n a m e , t h e r e also o c c u r m e n w h o a r e c a l l e d Shelomith, i n s t a n c e , at 1 C h r 2 6 : 2 5 . H e r e o n e a l m o s t certainly h a s to r e a d niG^tf some

mss. a n d the

meaning

L X X SaXcopwQ, w h i c h

"welfare" o r

"recompense",

or

may have perhaps,

been

since

an

for with

appellative

there

are

some

m o r e m e n ' s n a m e s in n v , t h e r e w e r e a s p e c i a l k i n d o f h y p o c o r i s t i c s .

The

b e s t k n o w n i n s t a n c e is, as a m a t t e r o f fact, t h e n a m e Q o h e l e t h , a l l e g e d l y t h e p s e u d o n y m o f k i n g S o l o m o n . It o c c u r s b o t h with a n d w i t h o u t t h e

definite

article, a n d is m o s t l y s u p p o s e d to b e a substantive i n d i c a t i n g a f u n c t i o n

or

p r o f e s s i o n , s o m e t h i n g like " ( M y ) Preachership"; cf. O . Eissfeldt, Einleitung

in

das Alte

Testament

(Tubingen:

4

1976)

6 6 6 . T h e s a m e m a y h o l d g o o d o f ha-

S o p h e r e t h ( E z r a 2 : 5 5 ) a n d P o k e r e t h (Ezra 2 : 5 7 ) , s e e m i n g l y n a m e s o f officials o f S o l o m o n , b u t t h e article o f t h e first n a m e m a k e s it already clear that it is n o t a p e r s o n a l n a m e . M o r e o v e r , t h e L X X - r e a d i n g s A a e ^ n p a S a n d 4>axepot9 d o n o t e x a c t l y p o i n t to f e m i n i n e participles. E z r a 2 : 5 5 maion 'in well m e a n

" m e m b e r s o f t h e scribes' guild". A c c o r d i n g to F.

might

as

Zimmermann,

The Book of Tobit ( N e w Y o r k : 1 9 5 8 ) 4 4 t h e n a m e T(I)(3IT/0 a r o s e f r o m " T o b i " with t h e a d d i t i o n o f - t ( h ) in o r d e r to m a k e it u n d e c l i n a b l e

(quoting C. C.

T o r r e y ) . T h i s is a r a t h e r c u r i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n , f o r t h e r e a p p e a r s n o w h e r e

to

b e a n y r e s i s t a n c e a g a i n s t d e c l i n i n g H e b r e w n a m e s as s o o n as they f i g u r e in a G r e e k text. C o d e x Sinaiticus o f T o b i t d o e s i n d e e d d e c l i n e t h e n a m e a f e w times,

h a v i n g t h e n o m . TtofJts at 1 1 : 1 0 , 1 2 , 1 4 , the acc.Ta)(3tv at 1 0 : 9 a n d 1 1 : 1 9 .

M o r e o v e r , if t h e o r i g i n a l f o r m o f t h e n a m e was TcoBi it c o u l d h a v e b e e n left as it was, as is s h o w n , f o r i n s t a n c e , by t h e u n d e c l i n e d n a m e o f A e u ( e ) t in the

LXX. No

likelihood

addition

Tobit(h)

o f a c o n s o n a n t was n e e d e d

represents

a

female

to

substantive

effect now

this.

lost

In

with

all the

m e a n i n g "goodness", o r p e r h a p s a h y p o c o r i s t i c like 2aXo)pco0 a b o v e , o r else w e m a y h a v e to d o with s o m e k i n d o f c o r r u p t i o n like S i p a x for RTO.

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

265

contains n o less than 10% women, but the proportion is unfavou­ rable again in the rather "masculine" T a l m u d . What changes in this period, then, is not so much the system itself, but rather that increasingly many persons were now named after the famous ancestors and ancestresses, whose stories figured in Holy Scripture. This is abundantly attested by the numerous bearers o f names like Abra(ha)m, Sar(r)a, Isa(a)c, Rebecca, Jacob, Judah, Joseph, Benjamin, found in the inscriptions and papyri after the Exile.The first examples o f the re-use of the names of Jacob's sons already occur together in a list in Ezra 10 (w. 23, 30-33, 4 2 ) . Some, however, which one would expect to re-occur as well, have not (yet?) been found or very rarely: Adam, Eve, Noah, Dinah, Gideon, Samson, David (the latter, for instance, only o n c e in CIJ vol. I, in nr. 621, a completely Hebrew inscription at Tarentum). Nevertheless, with regard to those that d o occur it is clear that they were always assigned, either to girls or to boys, in accordance with the biological sex o f the famous earlier bearer o f the name. So, although such a name as Yehoshua', as we have seen, could in principle be borne by members o f both sexes, the renown o f the male successor o f Moses made it henceforth unfit for girls. Or so it seems. Surely n o one would ever expect that a Jew would give the name o f Moses' sister to his son. It occurs so often with women, and in several forms (Mapid|i, Mapidp.(p.)r|, Mapid|iVT|, Mapia, even Mapids*, with genitive MapidSos (67/1328), that o n e can hardly think o f a more typically female name. But even in the O T it occurs also as a man's name, at 1 Chr 4:17 ( Vg Mariam, but L X X Mapoov), and even if the L X X version may cast some doubt on this instance, there is also a man called Mapiap.os', son o f Simon, paying the Jewish Tax in Apollinopolis Magna (Upper Egypt) o n September the 27th of 100 CE {CPJ 195 = SB 5819), and warning us, as it were, against making too absolute rules. 45

1

It is time to return to the O T Ya'el, the wife o f Heber, and to the I crnX o f Aphrodisias. Under which of the above headings does the name o f the O T Ya'el come, under the neutral names that could be borne by men as well as women, or under the gender specific names? Since the substantive for "mountain-goat" opposes, accord4

5

The

Bremmer,

proportion "Plutarch

was e q u a l l y

unfavourable

a n d the N a m i n g

in

Classical

Athens,

o f G r e e k W o m e n , " AJPh 1 0 2

s e e J. (1961)

4 2 5 - 4 2 6 , a n d t h e literature q u o t e d t h e r e ( D . Schaps; J. G o u l d ; A . H . S o m m e r stein).

266

G. MUSSIES 46

ing to s o m e , a masculine yd' el (attested only in the plural ye' Slim, ya' ale in the OT, the singular being found in the Mishnah) and a feminine ya'aldh (attested only in the construct state ya'alath in Prov 5:18-19 ) , one would suppose both these words to have been used as gender specific names, but in that case the problem would be that the masculine substantive would have had to b e c o m e a male name, whereas in Judg 4:17 it is clearly that o f a woman. This problem is, however, non-existent, if the feminine substan­ tive ya'aldh, or as it is also vocalized yd'eldh, does not refer to the female o f the ya'el or mountain-sheep, but to another species, the "gazelle", as Jastrow maintains. Derivation by means o f -ah certainly served more purposes than just that o f forming females by the side o f males, as is shown by such pairs as mekes "tax" miksdh "number; worth", se'dr "hair" - sa'arah "a hair", chdkdm "wise" - chokmdh - "wisdom". But since the determination o f species o f animals, plants, or (precious) stones, that are referred to in ancient languages, is notoriously difficult and disputed, it is better not to consider such a differentiation too rashly as a matter which is already certain, although it would solve the problem. Instead, o n e might rather assume, because Proverbs is a post-Exilic composition, that ya'el in the much earlier period o f the Judges was still a two-gender word, like dob "he-bear" (Prov 28:15) or "she-bear" (2 Kgs 2:24), and that the special feminine form was created at a later time beside it. In this case, that is if the

47

48

49

50

4

6

F. B r o w n - S. Driver - C h . A . Briggs, A Hebrew and English

Old Testament

Veteris Testamenti 4

7

Rosh

Lexicon

of the

. ( O x f o r d : 1 9 6 6 ) 4 1 8 b . - L . K o e h l e r - W . B a u m g a r t n e r , Lexicon

in

Libros ( L e y d e n : 1 9 5 8 ) 3 8 9 a .

ha-Shanah

3 : 3 , w h e r e it is stipulated that t h e s h o f a r b l o w n at t h e

N e w Y e a r s h o u l d b e t h e h o r n o f a wild g o a t . 4

8

4

9

sex

Jastrow, o.c,

584b.

Greek feminines o n l y : XUKOS"

"swine; b o a r ; sow" vs of)

f o r m e d f r o m a n i m a l - n a m e s likewise

"he-wolf ucuva

or

"wolf

vs

XiJKaiva

1) "hyena"; 2 )

do not

"she-wolf,

but

oppose e.g.

( k i n d o f ) "antelope"; 3 )

3?

(kind

"sea-fish". 5

0

It has e v e n b e e n s u p p o s e d that 'IdXn, as J o s e p h u s calls h e r (Ant.

2 0 8 ) , r a t h e r p o i n t s to a Ya'aldh Schalit,

Namenworterbuch

(ed.), A

Complete

zu Flavius

Concordance

Josephus

to Flavius

[ = S u p p l . I to K . H . R e n g s t o r f

Josephus

(Leyden: 1 9 6 8 ] 5 6 , with

r e f e r e n c e to A . S c h l a t t e r ) . T h e o s t e n s i b l e m a l e c o u n t e r p a r t I a X o ? , w h i c h is f o u n d in Ant.

5 §§207-

in his H e b r e w B i b l e t h a n to a Ya'el , s e e A .

7 § 3 7 9 f o r the Biblical Yechi'el o f 1 C h r 2 9 : 8 , s h o w s

t h e s a m e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e l o n g e-vowel. A t a n y rate, e v e n if J o s e p h u s Ya'aldh

a

however,

, that r e a d i n g w o u l d p r o b a b l y b e a c o r r e c t i o n o f t h e lectio

read

difficilior

Ya'el. A s it stands n o w in the M T this f o r m o f the n a m e m a y well d a t e b a c k to t h e X l t h c e n t u r y B C E , a l t h o u g h the earliest c o r e o f t h e B o o k o f J u d g e s is

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

267

substantive had a double gender, it could certainly be used as a name for both women and men, as the above survey has shown. And indeed, there is also an instance o f a male person bearing it, albeit in Aramaic disguise, for among those who repatriated under Zorobabel mentioned at Ezra 2:56 and Neh 7:58 we find "the sons of Ya'ala / the Ibex" (LXX: IenXa, IeXa, IeaXn, IeanX, IeXnX). This name is based on the Aramaic substantive ya'ala ( K ^ y ) or ya'ela ( K ^ j r ) , which is a masculine noun in the status deter­ minates ending in ~a . As Aramaic was becoming the lingua franca in Mesopotamia by that time this is n o surprise, and other Aramaic names are found in the same context, for instance, Lebana or "the White" (Ezra 2:45; Neh 7:48). This instance proves at least that up to the Exile the name was not yet totally restricted to women. O n e would expect this to have happened during the subsequent period o f Judaism owing to the reputation o f the historical Ya'el, but as the Aphrodisias inscription offers the only further instance o f its re-use in Jewish Antiquity, such a gender specialization cannot be proved or assumed to have obtained in this case. That is only reasonably certain if it is backed up by a significant number o f examples, as is, for instance, the name Yehoshua' - 'Irjaous*. 5 1

O n the other hand, the complete absence of a Biblical name in our materials should not lead us to conclude that it was "there­ fore" not used. As it is, the combined corpus of Jewish papyri and inscriptions, together with the New Testament, the books o f Josephus dealing with the post-Exilic period, and the Talmudim contain a comparatively restricted and incidental onomastic collection. It still has, for instance, such a preponderance o f male names, that for that reason alone it can hardly be considered as representative of the population as a whole. two c e n t u r i e s later a n d its final r e d a c t i o n V t h o r I V t h c e n t u r y B C E , see G . F. M o o r e , A Critical and Exegetical XXXIII -

XXXV. -

Commentary

on Judges ( E d i n b u r g h : ( 1 8 9 5 ) 1 9 4 9 ) ,

. C u r i o u s l y , it is also S o n g s o f S o n g s in w h i c h t h e

subst. g a z e l l e rrax is a t t e s t e d f o r t h e

first

m a s c . "OS. B o t h w e r e also u s e d as p e r s o n a l differently:

rrax, t h e m o t h e r

time,

by t h e

side o f the

fern,

existing

n a m e s , t h o u g h v o c a l i z e d slightly

o f k i n g J e h o a s h , at 2 Kgs 1 2 : 2 , t h e

Aramaized

as a m a n ' s n a m e at 1 C h r 8:9 (for the purely A r a m a i c e q u i v a l e n t cf.

the

fern. T a p i S a in A c t s 9 : 3 6 ) 5

1

ibex,

Jastrow, chamois"

o.c,

5 8 4 b ; cf. Syriac ya'lo

in J. P a y n e

Dictionary founded (1903) 1979) 194b.

upon

Smith

e x p l a i n e d as: "m. the mountain

(Mrs. Margoliouth),

the Thesaurus

Syriacus of R. Payne

A

Compendious

Smith, D.D.

goat, Syriac

(Oxford:

268

G.

MUSSIES

Where does all this leave use with regard to the I ar\\ o f Aphro­ disias? Quite clearly, in n o position at all for drawing any con­ clusion based only on the name itself: we d o not know whether it was frequently used or rarely; and, as a consequence, we d o not know either, whether it occurs as a male name here in accor­ dance with its grammatical gender (which is masculine, because a feminine counterpart has existed at least since the composition of Proverbs, c. 300-250 BCE) , or as a female name contrary to its grammatical gender (but claimed for women only due to the fame o f the O T heroine). In other words, both are quite possible. In the inscription, however, the name is followed by the title Trpo(jTdTT|S' or "leader", which is a masculine substantive. If the personal name does not offer a decision, maybe this substantive can. Brooten has argued that this word refers here to a woman, and adduces: Vov^elva 'Iou8ala dpxicruvd'yto'yos' (CIJ741 11. 1-2) and 4>otpnv...ouaav [Kai] SiaKovov (Rom 16:1), as parallels o f masculine substantives used for w o m e n . There is, however, a difference between these two parallels on the one hand, and words o f the type TTpocrTdTT|S" on the other. 5 2

53

The former are c o m p o u n d substantives or substantived adjec­ tives ( d p x L - , 8ia-), which end in - 0 9 and belong to a class o f words that always lacked a separate feminine form in -n, and were therefore used both as masc. and as fern, till after the end o f Antiquity. This appears, for instance, most clearly from such epithets o f the Virgin Mary as 0 6 O T 6 K O S ' , first found in works o f Hippolytus and Origen and used ever since. On the other hand, the words in - T T | S " (gen. - T O U ) , which are often derived from verbs to denote the "actor" or performer of what is expressed by the verb itself, regularly had feminine counterparts formed with -TLS" (gen. -Ti8os") o r - T p i a . Hence there are found, a l K ^ T L ? , PouXeOTiss T T O X L T L S " , TrpodjfJTis", McoapViTiS', SapiaptTLS", (Berenike II and Kleopatra III) 54

5 2

F o r t h e d a t i n g o f Proverbs as a c o l l e c t i o n see C . H . T o y , A Critical

Exegetical

Commentary

on the Book of Proverbs

(Edinburgh:

(1899)

and

1970) X I X -

XXXI. 5 3

B r o o t e n ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 6 7 n. 2 0 , a n d ( 1 9 9 1 ) 1 5 3 n. 1 5 .

5 4

A s feminine personal names,

h o w e v e r , s u c h c o m p o u n d s n e a r l y always

h a v e -Ti, as in ' A V 8 P O P D X T | , EavBtTnrn, etc. T h a t this was a later d e v e l o p m e n t appears

from

the

r e s t r i c t e d to t h e desses ( H e s i o d ,

fact

that

the

few

compounds

r e a l m o f mythology:"ATpouos", Theog.

without

one

o f the

9 0 5 ) , a n d " A y p a u X o ? a n d ndvSpoaos",

a n d d a u g h t e r o f K e k r o p s ( A p o l l o d o r u s , Libr. 3 . 1 4 . 2 ) .

the

fem.-T|

are

three fate-god­ respectively wife

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

269

and many more, as opposed to a I K C T T I S * etc., and so, by the side o f T R P O O R D T T I S * , also a T R P O C R R D T I S ' , a title which is used in R o m 16:1-2 in connection with that same Phoebe who was there already called a 8 i d K O T O S ' . A derivation by means o f - T p i a is |aa9T}Tpia, which is used at Acts 9:36 to refer to the woman-disciple Tabitha-Dorcas, in contradistinction from the frequent masculine P : a 0 r | T T I S ' . Unlike the compounds in - 0 9 , these masculine actorwords in - T T I S " were not used to refer to women. Schwyzer men­ tions only one example: Sophocles Track. 1125 T F J S " TRATPO(F>6vToi> u r ) T p 6 s \ wc Kkvewv €(i£, but in this verse-line the second word is clearly used metri causa instead o f the expected TRA.Tpo(F>6vou, which did n o t fit the metre. Note, however, the use o f the latter in the comparable combination in Euripides Orestes 193 uaTpocJ>6vou H-cn-pos", in a choral lyric of a different metre. EuepycTts*

55

The reasoning "if (words o f the type) a p x i a u v d y w y o s " can be used for women, so can (words o f the type) T r p o o r d T T i s ' " does not hold, because the two word-classes are n o t wholly comparable, neither morphologically, n o r syntactically. With regard to the word "leader' o f the Aphrodisias-inscription, the only way left to consider it a feminine word would be to suppose that it shows a reversed itacistic spelling o f T R P O O R D T I S ' . The further use o f the n is, however, so consistently correct in the inscription, that such a supposition would be more or less a petitio principii. So the con­ clusion must b e , that if I anX as a name is inconclusive as to gender, it is the word T r p o o r d T T i c which rather points to a man than to a woman. 56

5

5

E . Schwyzer, Griechische

Grammatik

4

( M u n c h e n : 1 9 6 8 ) v o l . I, 4 9 9 .

B r o o t e n ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 6 6 n. 4 4 p o i n t s to a 2 4 'AvTiTTeos" Ep|iT| as a p o s s i b l e i n s t a n c e ( s o also R T 9 9 ) , i n t e r p r e t i n g it as a n abbreviation of ' l e p e u i ( o u ) , but in that case t h e initial I and t h e s e c o n d e w o u l d b e m i s s i n g . T h e f a t h e r ' s n a m e is b e s t r e a d as a post-classical genitive o f 'Epuffs', w h i c h d i d o c c u r as a p e r s o n a l n a m e (cf. F o r a b o s c h i o.c, 1 0 9 b ) , o r as a n a b b r e v i a t i o n o f t h e g e n . "EppriTos" [ s e e W . P a p e - G . B e n s e l e r , Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, (Graz: ( 1 9 1 1 ) 1 9 5 9 ) 3 8 2 b ) o r TipuT|o-idvaKTOs\ IfEpp-t) were s h o r t for 'Epur^ou, t h e g e n . o f 'EpueCag ( s o , hesitatingly, R T 5 and 9 9 ) , it w o u l d r a t h e r p r o v e that e i b e f o r e a back-vowel had not yet b e c o m e [ i ] , as e l s e w h e r e , but was still a c l o s e d e-vowel. I n this p o s i t i o n e i was o f t e n substituted b y T), as l o n g as t h e latter had not itself b e c o m e [i] yet, cf. Schwyzer, o.c, I 1 9 3 - 1 9 4 ; F. T . G i g n a c , A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, v o l . I. Phonology, ( M i l a n : 1 9 7 6 ) 2 4 0 - 2 4 1 . T h e latter a d d u c e s 'A\e^dvdpT]av ( 1 0 4 C E ) and K a i a a p r ^ o u ( 1 1 8 C E ) ; cf. also in t h e s o - c a l l e d T a t a - i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A p h r o d i s i a s itself (MAMA V I I I 4 9 2 , inscr. b ) TT\S vyT\as, in w h i c h t h e y = [ y ] has a b s o r b e d t h e n o r m a l l y f o l l o w i n g iota. 5

6

270

G. MUSSIES

The second Hebrew name which is worthy o f study is Ieaaeou (a 14). This is certainly to be construed as the genitive o f leacraTos' the Hellenized form o f the name o f David's father Ieciom (LXX and NT), which is also used by Josephus (Ant. 5 § 3 3 6 ) . The two hybrid, half Hebrew half Greek, names 2 a | 3 ( P ) d 0 i o s ' and Euaa(3((3)d0LOS" deserve some special attention, because o f the frequency in Egypt o f the similar names 2aP(3a0aLOS", Za(p.)|3a0ta)V etc. The Aphrodisias-inscription has n o less than eight different persons bearing such names (a 18; 25; b 15; 16; 18; 24; 32; 48), and a further instance is also found on a possibly Jewish inscription from the same t o w n . O n e o f these eight is listed under the heading o f the God-fearers (b 48), the remaining may have been ordinary Jews, because proselytes would have been so indicated. Considerably more bearers o f names derived from the word "shabbat(h)" are known from Antiquity. Vol. I o f CIJ contains 16 Jewish as well as 8 allegedly Jewish examples o f such names, the Jewish Egyptian papyri up to 1964 no less than 56, while Foraboschi's lexicon has listed the additionally published ones, Jewish or not, up to the year 1971, of which those beginning with 2ap.TTinstead o f Ea|i(3- are worthy o f some note; moreover, the dedica­ tions to the "Highest G o d " found at Tanais contain 4 instances. The problem posited by these names is that not all o f them occur in a Jewish or Christian context. The editors o f CPJ, who noted that several o f them are found in otherwise purely Egyptian fami­ lies, to j u d g e from the onomastics in e.g. nr. 485, have supposed that the popularity o f this originally Hebrew name was due to groups o f syncretistic sabbath-observers, even to venerators o f a special sabbath-goddess Sambathis, so that not any bearer o f such a name needs to have been a pure Jew because o f that fact a l o n e . The original Hebrew name Shabbetay is found for the first time in Ezra 10:15 and Neh 8:8. According to the Masoretic punctuation 57

58

59

60

61

5

7

B r o o t e n ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 6 6 n. 4 surmises that this c o u l d b e t h e n a m e of Isaiah. T h i s is, h o w e v e r , a l m o s t always r e n d e r e d as ' H a a t a s ( L X X , N T , J o s e p h u s , e.g. Ant. 9 § 2 7 6 ; cf. rvJJtfK Masada I nr. 4 1 1 ) , e x c e p t f o r ' I e a a ( e ) t a s at 2 C h r 26:22. 1

>

5

8

136) 5

9

6

0

R T 1 3 5 n r . 7 b ; in spite of t h e s t a t e m e n t in the i n d e x ( p . 1 4 7 ) n r . 9 ( p . d o e s n o t have a EuaaPPaeios", b u t a Eua£(3ios'. F o r a b o s c h i , o.c, 2 7 8 b , 2 7 9 a b .

B . Latyschev, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini etLatinae (Petersburg: 1 8 8 5 - 1 9 1 6 ) vol. II nrs. 4 4 6 , 4 4 7 , 4 4 8 , 4 5 1 . 6 1

CPJ III p p . 5 3 - 5 4 .

Graecae

271

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN SOME NON-LITERARY SOURCES

it had an explosive [ b ] , not a spirant [v]. Whether such a [b] is, phonetically, to be called a geminate is not important here, but it is apparently represented in the LXX counterparts o f this name by Zappaeai (2 Esdr 10:15; some mss. Za(3a0ai) and Ea(3paTolos- ((1 Esdr 9:14, 4 8 ) . When in post-classical Greek the earlier voiced explosive [b] by phonetic change had become a spirant [v] in almost any position, the occurrence o f the explosive [ b ] was henceforth restricted to the post-nasal environment LL(3 and vp\ for instance in the verb" \a|i(3dva), and the same held g o o d o f the distribution o f spirant 8 as against explosive 8. In the same sur­ roundings, that is after [m] and [n], the voiceless explosives [t] and [p] also came to be pronounced as voiced explosives, as [d] and [ b ] , as appears from such spellings as Trev8e (BGU975 1. 8; 45 CE)-, 8em-rrev8e (SEGI 705; Perge, Ip?), EeKoOvTos- (ROxy. 2421) reversely for ZeKouv8os', 2np.|3p6vi (o)s" for Sepyrrpawios*, and ov[L ppoi/na'tq) for crup. TrpovnaCa) (P.Oxy. 1199 1. 17; H i p ? ) . Outside o f the post-nasal position, then, the explosive [b] occurred only incidentally, in Koine Greek in general, in loan words such as d(3[3a, ad(3(3aTov etc., and as the result of assimilation o f [mb] to [b(b)J in (leTaXaPPdvwv {P.Oslo 153 1. 10: H p ) , £u|3|3dXXecj0ai, auppoXov, and particularly in Egyptian Greek as a free variant or allophone o f the voiceless explosive [ p ] , e.g. in d(3exw for dire xw (O.Tait 651 1. 2: 13 C E ) , because in the Egyptian vernacular the two explosives constituted only o n e phoneme. This latter fact is well illustrated by the Coptic monastic title which had b e c o m e the standard, but 62

63

64

65

66

6

2

Gignac, o.c, 8 1 .

6

3

S c h w y z e r , o . c , I 2 1 0 , a n d G i g n a c , o.c,

I 8 3 . T h e spelling a n d p r o n u n ­

ciation o f the m o n t h ' s n a m e Eav8iic6s' d o n o t b e l o n g h e r e directly, b e c a u s e it is a M a c e d o n i a n w o r d , a n d as s u c h t h e r e g u l a r p h o n e t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n

of

G r e e k HavGLKd?, j u s t like S a X d y x a = 0 d X a a a a . I n a parallel way M a c e d o n i a n P c o r r e s p o n d e d with G r e e k HavSiKd? throughout

became the

standard

Hellenistic

as is s h o w n by BtXiirrros' a n d Bepevticn. as p a r t o f

the

official

w o r l d , it m u s t h a v e

Macedonian

exercized

a

Because calendar

considerable

i n f l u e n c e o n t h e s p r e a d o f t h e p r o n u n c i a t i o n [ n d ] f o r -VT- a n d -v8-. It is even conceivable

that that the w h o l e p h o n e t i c

c h a n g e was t r i g g e r e d o f f b y this

name. 6

4

6

5

Gignac, o.c, 1 7 2 . Schwyzer,

o.c, I 317. O n

the

sentence

level

such

assimilations

k n o w n f r o m d i a l e c t s o f M o d e r n G r e e k , see G . B l a n k e n , Les grecs de (Corse):

recherches sur

leur langue

et sur

leur histoire.

vol. I. Partie

are

Cargese

linguistique

( L e y d e n : 1 9 5 1 ) 4 9 - 5 0 : T6V ira-repa is there p r o n o u n c e d [to b a t e r a ] , in s t a n d a r d M o d e r n G r e e k as [torn b a t e r a ] . 6

6

Gignac, o.c, 8 3 .

272

G. MUSSIES

stemmed from the Hebrew loan-word d(3(3a. Especially if it was the result o f the assimilation of a preceding ev- or cruv-, or rather ep>, ov\i-, such a [-b(b)-] was still interpreted phonemically as a variant or allophone representing [-mb-], which could therefore be re­ stored at will. By analogy this sometimes also happened in cases where an [-m-] had never been present, and that is the origin o f the variants Sap^Gaios', ZapiTraGatos', Z a v r r a T ' (BGU1680), etc. That this was not merely a matter o f orthography is shown by Latin sambatha (P.Ryl. 4,613), Gothic sambato, French samedi, Old High German sambaztac, Modern German Samstag. The frequency in Egypt o f these names cannot be wholly explained from the postulated presence o f syncretistic groups o f sabbath-observers, o f which nothing further is known, for the only mention o f a [a]uv68wCTa(i(3aTLKfjon an inscription found at Naukratis (SB 12), together with a person entitled ovvayoiydg (= "convener" or "synagogue-official"?), may be o f purely Jewish provenance. A n d the spread o f 7th day abstention from work as recorded by Josephus Against Apion 2 §282 may often have been a secular matter only, which was certainly not always fully observed, cf. ibid. 2 §234. The popularity among Egyptians, there­ fore, o f Za(i(3a0aLOS", ZappaGatos" etc. can hardly be understood without assuming that, in addition to its Hebrew meaning, the name also meant something in Egyptian, albeit, o f course, by popular etymology. If one starts from the unabridged form o f the name, the sequence - G / T O L O - can simply be read as the Coptic word T&IO "honour", and 2av-Tra-Taio would then have the meaning "Brother o f the Man o f Honour". As in the Coptic language [p] and [ b ] were one phoneme, it made n o difference at all whether this was pronounced [sampa-] or [samba-], as is clearly shown by the similar name ZapiPcrntcov "Brother of Papion" (O.Mich. 6 8 1 ) . 67

6

7

W e h a v e a s s u m e d h e r e t h e superficial e q u a t i o n o f G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n a a p / o a y = Coptic ( A c h m i m i c a n d Fayumic) C&N "brother" (in Bohairic a n d S a h i d i c this w o u l d b e CON ) . S i n c e t h e w o r d f o r "sister" is C U) N £ ( A c h m i m i c , S a h i d i c ) o r CCDNl ( B o h a i r i c , F a y u m i c ) , s o m e w o m e n ' s n a m e s w i t h proclitic Taav- o r Taov(i.e. the f e m . article T - plus C ^ N / CON) w o u l d b e h a r d to a c c o u n t f o r , u n l e s s they w e r e p h o n e t i c variants o f t h e c u r r e n t T a e v - n a m e s m e a n i n g "the daughter o f . T h e s e c o r r e s p o n d with C o p t i c f e m . a r t i c l e T - p l u s U) € N [ J e n ] "child of". C o n f u s i o n was p o s s i b l e in G r e e k t r a n s c r i p t i o n s o n l y , f o r t h e s i g m a was t h e o n l y s y m b o l available t o r e n d e r b o t h t h e E g y p t i a n [s] a n d [1], written in C o p t i c as C a n d U) r e s p e c t i v e l y . H e n c e w e t h i n k that T a a v a y d r r n (P.Apoll. 8 0 ) a n d TaovGwOO (O.Tait 18) were rather "The daughter of Love" and "The daughter o f T h o t h " than their

J E W I S H PERSONAL NAMES IN

273

SOME N O N - L I T E R A R Y SOURCES

Translation names in the Aphrodisias-inscription are 6e68oTos* {a 11), 9e68o)pos (a 23), and naprryopios- (6 32), representing Yehonathan etc. and Menachem or some other name with n-ch-m. There are also three names connected with "life": B L W T L K O S " ( 6 8 ) , Z G & O T ( 1 1 0 9 ) (6 28), and Z W T L K O S - (6 33), but as the Hebrew equivalents Chayim and Chay are IXth century or later, these Greek names, which were favoured by Jews, are to be associated with Zoyq, as the name o f Eve, the "mother o f all living", is translated in the L X X o f Gen 3:20. >

Pagan gods as Hermes, Zeus and Sarapis are still present among the Jews in the theophorics Eppx^as*) (a 24), AioyevTiS" (618 twice) and EepaTrtcav ( 6 2 ) , but these may have been open to Jewish re-interpretation as we have seen above. Phonetically resembling substitutes are here in all likelihood 'I dawv (6 14) for Yeshua' and ToO^os" (6 11) for Ruben. As regards the former, Josephus reports explicitly that Jesus, the brother o f Onias, who received the highpriesthood out o f the hands o f Antiochus IV, changed his name into Jason {Ant. 12 §239). That the name Rufus (cf. Mark 15:21) was sometimes used to replace Ruben appears from the Midrash Rabbah on Song of Songs (84,24), where such a practice is scoffed at and the sons o f Jacob are set as an example to show that in olden times the Jews did not change their names: "As Reuben and Shimeon they went to Egypt, and they returned as Reuben and Shimeon. They did not call Reuben 'Rufus', nor Shimeon 'Julianus'". A third and most interesting substitute name may be naOXos", the father of ['Iou]8as* ( 6 1 9 ) , that is if he was a born Jew. The fact that the latter is listed as such (i.e. not as a proselyte or theosebes) does not, o f course, rule out that that the father may have been a proselyte. But if he was born out o f Jewish parents, his name, like the apostle's, may well have been a substitute for EaOXo?. According to the editors this latter name was avoided because the Greek adjective aaOXos" had the unfavourable meaning o f "walking wantonly". The case would also show that the name o f the famous or notorious Christian was not or not yet shunned by Jews. 68

sisters. 6

we

8

R T 1 0 3 . - F o r an extensive r e c e n t discussion o f the n a m e s o f t h e refer

Heckel 1.3).

to

M . Hengel,

( e d d . ) , Paulus

und

"Der v o r c h r i s t l i c h e P a u l u s , " in: das Antike Judentum,

(Tubingen:

aposde

M. Hengel 1991)

-

193-208

U. (§

274

G. MUSSIES

There are also, as might be expected, some onomastic puzzles. What to make o f I ovv^akog ( £ 4 3 ) , the name o f a theosebes ? At first sight it looks like a Phenician name composed with -Ba'al, like 'I GwPaXos' (Josephus, Ant. 8 §324) or Hannibal, but perhaps the order of the letters is incorrect, and should rather be Iou|3(e)va.X (i)os", the Latin Juvenalis. Unusual are further 'AvTiTreos" (a 24;b 37) and EuTapKLO? (6 23). The former is certainly to be read as ' A V T ( , 710.109, but this is not derived, as the editors think, from 'AvTiTras", for that is already a hypocoristic itself. It is rather to be seen as a parallel hypocoristic formation in its own right from the full name 'AvTiTTcn-pos', like NtKdios- from N I K O X O O S " , etc. With regard to EirrdpKL09 the editors say that its initial letter is unclear on the stone but cannot be an alpha. Even so there is no real problem here since au and ev vary more often in papyri and inscriptions. A g o o d parallel is offered by a (Jewish) inscription from Apamea (Syria) o f 391 CE, in which the name o f the month 'AuSuvatos" is spelled as Ev&vveov {CIJ80S). One can only guess at Iaxf>, the father o f Mavcr or\g (65) T h e editors suppose this to be a variant of 'I a)(3 and point to an epigraphical instance o f Ia.KO)(f> for a similar orthography, Since it stands at the end o f a line o n e could also consider whether it might not be an abbreviation, perhaps o f ia)ar)(p, less likely, with o for a), o f the Greek name 'IocfxSv. 69

70

What remains is a whole list o f names which express community-virtues, several o f these having the form o f negative compounds. They stress, for instance, such virtues or activities as peacefulness ('Aiidxios" a 18; npaotXios- blO twice; ' A X 6 X 1 0 9 6 2 2 ) ,

consolation (IIa.pr|y6pios- 6 32), grace (Xaptvos- 6 1 2 ) , elegance (noXiTiavds" a 2 1 ) , seriousness (Eepfjpo? b 1 3 ) , cheerfulness (rXapiavos" a 12), g o o d nature (EikoXos* a 16), affection ('A|idvTi,os' 6 12), sweetness (NeKrdpis" a 25), and, of course, sabbath-observance (ZaPPdSios" a 25; EuaappdGios" 6 15 etc.) and feasting in general (EopTdcaos" 67,31,33 and 'OpTdaios 627, 49). Others reflect qualities more generally admired in Antiquity: nobility (Euyevios 6 9, 24) and vigor ( r o p y d v L o s " 6 31, 46), luck ( E U T U X I . O S ' 6 25, 2 7 ) , success (EuoSos" 614, 14), and achievement KaXXtKapiros 6 7). The name 'O^uxoXios (6 11 etc.) will hardly have meant "easily angered", but rather something like "lively; vivacious", which is then to be 1

1

1

1

6

9

7

0

R T 97-98. RT102.

J E W I S H

P E R S O N A L

N A M E S

IN

S O M E

N O N - L I T E R A R Y

275

S O U R C E S

added to the semantic description o f this word in LSJ. This latter group o f names which express more general qualities is indistin­ guishable from the contemporary Pagan onomastic practice. This emphasizes yet again that in Antiquity a water-tight identification o f Jews against Christians by names only is a risky matter and hardly possible, except in very few cases. The name o f ToOSas" may be such a rare case, but most o f the others need additional evidence. Sociologically it is curious that only four o f these city-Jews have double names: ZapdGios* Neicrdpi(o)s* (a 25), 'IaKwp 6 Kai 'ATreXX'i(wv) (6 20), 'IouSac 6 Kai Z(6CTL((IOS") (b 28), and AlXiavos- 6 Kai Sa(iour|X (b 30). There is the possibility, though, that some o f those who are now listed under Greek names have suppressed their Hebrew ones. 71

Since, apart from patronymics, a family-relationship between the members is explicitly defined in only two cases, o n e can merely make some suppositions about further family-ties. The two obvious instances are o f the same kind: 'I af)X 1TpoaTdTr|s• cruv i/ico icoaouq d p x ( o v T i ) ( a 9 - 1 0 ) , and OedSoTog TTaXaTtv(ou) ovv v i & 'IXapiavto (a 11-12), a father immediately followed by a son. With some degree o f certainty one may suppose, therefore, that such lines as 6 10 npaoiXios". 'Iovdas ITpaoiXiou likewise mention a father and son (the same in b 14 and 40), and perhaps in reverse order b 29-30 AlXiavds' AlXia(voO) AlXLavos- 6 Kai Zap.our]X a son followed by his father. In 6 44 Tuxt-Kos" T U X L ( K O U ) . rXnydpLos" Tuxt(KoO) one may see either a father and his son or two brothers, but, apart from the uncertainty inherent in the abbreviations, we think that it is already speculation to posit that 6 43 KaXXl p-opc^o? KaX(Xip.6pcf>oi>) and 6 50 KXauSiavds" KaX(Xip.6pcJ>ou?) were also rela­ tives, and the same holds g o o d o f 6 11 'O^uxdXios* y e p w v , 6 17 'O^uxdXios* vewTCpos", and the other two Jews who are sons o f an

7

1

8e6SoTOS' riaXaTLv(os'?) ( a 1 1 ) m a y as well have b e e n GedSo-ros' TlaXa-

riv(ov).

- Cases like b5 Z i ^ v w 'IaKcofJ. M a v a a f j ? 'Ito(crrj)<J> are b e s t

as n a m e Antiquity (ed.),

plus patronymic see

(so also b 1 2 - 1 3 a n d 2 3 ) . -

G. H . R. Horsley,

The Anchor

Bible Dictionary,

art.

For d o u b l e

" N a m e s , D o u b l e " in D . N .

Loyalitatskonflikte

im

names

antiken Judentum,"

K i p p e n b e r g ( e d d . ) , Loyalitatskonflikte

in:

Offenbarungsbucher Chr.

in der Religionsgeschichte

Elsas

-

H.

G.

(Wurzburg: 1990)

2 5 8 - 2 5 9 . - F o r the a d o p t i v e n a m e s of R o m a n soldiers see A . D e i s s m a n n , 1 4 8 n. 1 8 .

in

Freedman

( N e w Y o r k etc.: 1 9 9 2 ) I V 1 0 1 1 b - 1 0 l 7 b . Cf.

also t h e r e m a r k s m a d e by H . G . K i p p e n b e r g , " G e h e i m e und

considered

o.c,

276

G. MUSSIES

(6 31) or '0£ux (0X109) (6 32). The relative scarcity o f these names is n o argument, for locally they may have been much more frequent than our data betray. Compare the TaTiavos" '0£u(xoXtou?) (6 46), a theosebes, who as such cannot have been the brother o f the Jews with the same patronymic. Repetition o f names in families is certain only there, where, according to the patronymics, persons bear the same name as their father, like Hdv0o? Edv8ou (640; so also 629, 41, 43, 44, 53). >

'0^U(X6XLOS )

I N D E X O F PASSAGES

I

Aphrodisias Face a 9-10 Face a 9

INSCRIPTIONS, O S T R A C A AND PAPYRI

inscription 275

261

Face b 3 2

2 7 0 , 273f, 2 7 6

Face b 3 3

273f

Face b 3 7

274

Face b 4 0

275f

a l l

273

Face b 41

276

Face a 12

274

Face b 4 3

274-6

Face a 13

260

Face b 4 4

276

Face a 1 4

261,270

Face b 4 6

274,276

Face a 16

274

Face b 4 8

259,270

Face a 17

260

Face b 4 9

274

Face a 1 8

270, 2 7 4

Face b 5 0

275

Face a 21

274

Face b 5 3

276

Face a 2 2

260

Face a 11-12 Face

275

Face a 2 3

273

Face a 2 4

269,

273f

270,

274f

Face a 2 5 Face b 2

273

Face b 5

274

Face b 7

274

Face b 8

273

Face b 9

274

Face b 1 0

Aphr.

(Appendix Reynolds &

Tannenbaum) no. 7b no. 9

270 270

Archaeologica Classica 74) 622-630

274f

Face b 11-12

Babylonian

25-26 ( 1 9 7 3 -

217,221

Cyrus Cylinder

253

Face b 1 1

53, 273f

BASOR

Faceb12

274

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 1

255

Faceb13

261,274

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 3

255 255

Face b 1 4

273-5

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 4

Face b 1 5

270,274

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 7a

Face b 1 6

260,270

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 9

255 255

Faceb17

53, 270

2 3 5 (1979) 31-65 no. 11

255

Faceb18

273

235 (1979) 31-65 no. 14

149

Face b 1 9

244, 273

Face b 2 0

275

BCH

Face b 2 2

274

9 (1885) 124-131

Face b 2 3

274

46 (1922) 337f no. 25

64

Face b 2 4

270, 274

46 (1922) 343f no. 35

63

8 6 ( 1 9 6 2 ) 57-63

Face b 2 5

274

Face b 2 7

274

Face b 2 8

273, 275

Face b 29-30

Belleten

195

216f

11 ( 1 9 4 7 ) l l f

275

Face b 2 9

276

Bernand,

Face b 3 0

275

115

Face b 31

274, 276

II67

196 191

Fayoum

57

44f

278

I N D E X OF PASSAGES

II 1 1 2 f

43

191f

II121

190f

B e r n a n d , Inscr. metr. 3 7

12

BGU 975.8 1680

as 53

II73

149

II127

245

76

51

86

51

88

220

95

54

119

272

II49

84

69

106

271

129,136,147,169

246

48

54,84 51

147

54

148

51

189

54

201

51

II129

159

222

261

II134

85

234

245

II141

54

291

52

II149

53

301

54

II162

85

315

53

II167

132

317

52,245

II170

53

343

51

11180

53

346

53

11181

53

347

53

II183

51,129,139,147,169

11193

353

54

137

354

52

137

11194

355

54

mi

159

368

54

III 2

159

370

51f

375

53

379

52

402

220

CdE 65 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 2 2 f CIG 1124

191

11,28

405

54

408

54 245

II 3 4 0 8

195f

416

II3540

196

425

54 260

115866c

198

462

III3822i

75

464

239

467

246

III 3 8 6 1 1113861b III 3 8 9 1 III 5 3 6 1

CIJ 9

54

74 93-8,121f 85-7,109f 21 If

476

129,139,142,

502

52

505

52

508

249

509

84

510

52

18

246

511

54

21

245

523

260

22

53

524

239

23

53

531

239

25

245

533

54 52

32*

137

535

35a

53

535-574

239

I N D E X OF PASSAGES

561 54 568 247 569 175 575 179 576 181 578 53 581 179 584 178 587 178 590 179 594 179 595 176,179 596 178 597 179 599 175 600 54,179,181 606 179 607 179 610 179 611 12,175,178,180f 612 175 613 54,175,179 614 179f 619a 181 619b 179,181 619c 181 619d 53,179 621 250,265 629 51 650 85 661 51 701 129,143,169 718 52 731c 51,53 731d 50 731f 57f 733b 54 733g 50 738 57-9 741 268 742 59 746 53 749 59 750b 52 754 50,52 757 101 760 89-91,115-7 761 53,76,86,93,107 762 93-8,121f 763 74

279

765 74 766 57f 767 75 768 87-9,95,102f, 111-4 769 87-9,103,111 770 89-92,102,104f, 119 773 53,84 774 85,102,108 775 54f,102 776 54-6,102 777 54-6,59 778 54-6 779 53-6 780 53-6 784 52 785 53 793 52 796 53 803 54,274 804 50 900 251 910 253 927 253 930 53 935 255 985 247 987 253 991 245 1035 246 1041 253 1063 247 1085 53 1160 253 1197 253 1328 265 1366 242 1383 249 1385 260 1404 53,250 1437 13 1438 13 1446 16 1450 57,59 1451 25,129,143 1484 35,132 1488 35,132 1489 11,129,143 1490 11,26,29,39,129,133,143 1491 53 1502 53

280

INDEX OF PASSAGES

1507 30 1508 35,39,129,144 1509 11,30,37,129,144 1510 11,22,34,39,129,144 1511 28f, 39,129,134,145 1512 129,145 1513 22, 31f, 34,129,145 1514 53 1522 29,129,145 1530 36,129,131-2,146, 248 1530a 23-5, 34-6, 39,58f, 129,132, 134,146 1533 13 1534 13 1536 13 1538 248 1539 12,26,146 App. 3 67 50 CJL 1X1363-1397 174-178 X761 90 XI3758 11,129,143 Colafemmina, Studi storici (1974) no. 5 173f, 176f, 181 CPJ 13 254 19 246 20 246 22.14 246 28.17 249 30 247 31.70 249 35.18 249 67.4 252 68.4 252 120 254 150 207 153 15 195 265 421 244,247f 432.57 220 452 254 453 247 480 247 485 270 1530a see CIJ 1530a

Deschamps & Cousin, Inscr. Zeus Panamaros I 189 123 189 145 189 DJD II24D(4), 20 253 II29r.ll 249 II29v.l 249 II 73 and 78 153,161 1191,11,2 250 II120, C, 9 260 Dominus Flevit 4 254 6 254 7 253 13 260 21 261 31 260 Drew-Bear, Nouv. Inscr. de Phrygie 5 80 40 103 45 60 Hellenica 11-12 (1960) 436439 53f Hesperian (1952) 340-380 no. 5 64f ICI V I 175 V10-35 174-8 I.Cos 323 50 I.Eph2299C

61

IG 112.1112 65 IR1236 65 112.1687 65 112.1 1006 48 IRIIOII 48 IR1 1029 48 II.5 1335b 195f V I 660 48

I N D E X OF PASSAGES XII.1867

195f

96

165

XII.7 392

184

98

169

XIV 688

175

7GC326

51

7GL5IV1636

51

105

167

114

168

141

168

Epigrammata graeca

Kaibel, 566

11,38

IGR {= IGRR) III 3 4 0

78

IOSPE

III 4 7 8

77f

II446

270

IV638

74

II447

270

IV658

89-92,102,104f,

IV678

75

IGUR

II448

270

II451

270

CJZC

Luderitz,

11.2 8 3 7 HI 1231

119f

99 129,142

70

57,59,211

71

5 7 , 5 9 , 21 If

I.Iasos

MAMA

394

61

1232

49

629

61

1267

98f,

1437

92

I.Priene

III 6 8

251

11

66,69

IV27

75

37f

69

IV 28

75

IV84

78

125f

I.Smyrna

IV355

60

195

61

IV358

60

239

62

VI231

84

246

61

VI 277

74

VI287

74

JIGRE 18

57,59

VI 316

87-9,95,101-3,111-4

VI323

74

23

168

VI 325

98f,

30

165f

VI 335

83, 89-91,102f,

123-5

33

168

VI 335a

34

167

VI 336

36

166,168

VII199

38

164

VII582

63

39

166,209

VII585

63

40

167

VIII110

44

167

VIII 326a

63

45

167

VIII 4 9 2 b

269

89-91,115-7 90 92

59

164

67

167

Masada

70

167

1411

78

169

1420.7

84

167

93

169

93

270 260

O.Mich. 6 8 1 2 7 2

117f

282

I N D E X OF PASSAGES

O.Tait

1.2 3 6 1

85-7,109f

18

1.2 3 7 3

63

272

651

I.2 399bis

271

85,102,108

1.2 4 5 5 - 7

72f,98

OGIS (= OGI)

I.2 4 6 5 f

1143

202

1.2 5 2 6

1145

202

1.2 5 6 3

87-9,103,111

1146

201

1.2 5 6 4

89-92,102,104f,

1148

201

1.2 5 6 5

74

1332

184

1.2 5 6 6

74

1.2 5 6 7

93-8,121

II592

193,202

II658

198

II729

200

II737

199,221

87-9,95,102f,

111-4

98f, 1 2 3 - 5

119f

RB 1 3 ( 1 9 0 4 ) 547-556 61 (1954) 2 2 9

P.Apoll. 8 0 2 7 2

193

154

8 7 (1980) 118-26

153

90 (1983) 482-533

28,37

REnteux. 2 3 . 1 2 5 1

92 (1985) 265-73 no. 1

P.Osl. 1 5 3 . 1 0

Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 3 9

271

(1963) 136f

61

P.Oxy. 745.4

2421

SB ( = S a m m e l b u c h )

210

1199.17

271

12

272

623

271

200

5819

RRyl. 4 . 6 1 3 2 7 2 P.Teb. 1 3 2 1 9 7 Peek, 4

GV

44

1378

103

1870

94

265

6664

196f

6941

257

7270

196

7448

207

7875

198

8757

198f

SEG

PGM

1452

98f,

1705

271

XIII161-163

245

11601

61

Xni

245

11602

61

11603

62

II614

63

472-475

Proc. N i n t h W o r l d Congress Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem

1 9 8 6 ) , Div. A , 1 2 5 n o . 1

PuUoUn-n 2 and 4

of

(1988/89)

150

103-17nos.

16

Cities and Bishoprics

Ramsay,

125f

II848

198f

II871

196f

VI171

93-8,121f

VI172

93-9,122f

VI 230

60

VI 739

60

VI 802

98

1.120

63

VIII 4 6 9

129,147

1.180

103

VIII573

196

1.2 2 3 1

76

IX1

185

154

INDEX OF PASSAGES 1X248

102

XI93

695

97

X V 807

184

1107

190

89-91,115-7

X V 81 l b

60

TAM

XVI 910

247

11.2 6 1 2

101

XVI931

211

11.3 9 4 9

62

79

IV.1 2 6 9

XVII 694

93

XVIII 726

185f

rV.l 3 1 9

73

XVIII 772

218

IV.1 3 7 5

84f,

107f

X X 442

251

IV.1 3 7 6

73,84f,

X X 499

192

IV.1 3 7 7

73

XXVI1178

54

XXVI1687

54

XXVIII1079

77

XXVIII1156

60

X X I X 90

V.l 213

106f

76, 82f

Herodion IV

Testa,

(Jerusalem

1972) 77f no. 53

XXTX1179

76

XXXI1407

53

XXXII809

57,59

T o d , Or. Hist. Inscr. 1 9 2 1 8 7 UPZ1A

257

XXXn 8 1 0 5 7 - 5 9 XXXni791 5 4

Waelkens,

Tursteine

X X X V 995

53f

411

75

XXXV1084

60

421

74

XXXIX1114

61

425

93-8,122f

XXXIX1279

82

430

74

s

3

Syll (= 5 / G ) 323

435

93-8,121f

492

75,103

66

II

Old Testament

BIBLE

33:2

247

34:6f

79-82

Genesis 3:20

273

Leviticus

10:6

246

24:11

35:8

263

264

36:12

263

Numbers

36:22

263

34:27

36:40

263

38:6

264

Deuteronomy

263

Exodus 4 : 1 0 v.l.

257

19:6

27,31

25:2f

87

27:15ff

83,91

262

28

6:22

263

29:19

91

10:2

82

29:26

91

6:19

15 24:4

246 247

153

65

30:7 32

91f,94

91 246

284

I N D E X OF PASSAGES

33:3

58

Zechariah 5:1-4

Judges 4:5

263

4:6

263

37:21

262

266

12:11

39:4

262

Proverbs 5:18f

8:2

79,82

28:15

262

266

262

25:44

263

Ruth 1:2

2

51

17:6

35

14:3

266

10:6f

Samuel

2:6

22 27,31

264

17:1

1

258

Psalms

4:17-5:24 4:17

87f,94

8 : 2 v.l.

263

Samuel

3:2

263

3:3

263

3:4

263

3:7

263

12:25 13:1-2

Esther 8:12c ( L X X ) Ezra

264 263

1:24

44

2:45

267

2:55

264

14:27

263

2:56

267

17:25

263

2:57

264

6:3-5

44

1

6:6-12

Kings

1:3 2:28

11:40 12:2

44

256

10:15

270

15

10:23

265

10:30-3

15

12:24c-f ( L X X )

2

44

7:12-26

263

15

10:42

265 265

E z r a L X X (2 Esdras)

Kings

2:24

266

10:2

8:26

262

10:15

271

12:2

267

10:26

262

10:43

262

14:25 15:2

263

262

263

21:9

264

Nehemiah

22:1

264

6:10

262

22:3

264

7:48

267

7:58 8:8

Isaiah 5:14

10:11

40

14:23

93f

22:13

37

1

Jeremiah 15

263

Chronicles

1:50 41:17-44

267 270

262

2:29

263

3:19

264

58

INDEX OF PASSAGES 4:12

263

6:2

257,261

4:17

265

6:5

257

8:9

267

8:26-27

262

26:25 29:8 2

264 266

Chronicles

9:36

267,269

10:5

249

11:24

24

15:14

249

15:32

251

15:34

251 251

13:2

262

15:40

25:1

263

16:1

26:22 29:1

259

17:13f

270 262

New Testament

249

17:28

246

18:24

247

21:16

249

21:37f

14

25:13

242

Matthew 2:13-23 6:20

Romans

15

139

10:17

16

1 3 : 5 5 v.l. 20:15

269

251

16:1

268

253

1 Corinthians

24

2 7 : 5 6 v.l. Mark 15:21

273

15:32f

37

15:32

137

16:22

14

2

Luke 1:61

242

16:If

87

3 : 2 7 v.l.

Corinthians

11:29

254

30

252

12:19

137

Galatians

23:50

24

2:14

251

1:1

1

John 11:19

Thessalonians 249

Hebrews

Acts 1:23

210

249

12:2

III

Jewish

50

ANCIENT WRITINGS

14:11-19

38

14:12-16

37

Ben Sira

14:12

2:7-9

34,39

16:1

6:19f

136

17:27

39 22 39

7:19

22

22:11

27,29,39

7:34

27,29

26:16

22

12:7

22

37:11

22

286

I N D E X

37:19

42

38:16-23 38:17

26-9,31,33,39

27,29,31,41

38:21

36f

38:22

P A S S A G E S

14.235

22

38:2

O F

101

15.320

26

16.220

252

17.177

48

17.339

32f,37f,41

38:24-39:11

214

14.261

26

18.16

255 36,41

18.34

254

34

18.82

261

39:24

34

18.103

254

40:12

24

18.130

255

39:4

42

39:13

40:17

18.131

255

35,38

24,41

18.132

255

39

20.17

41:3 41:4 44

45:23

261

20.179

25

254

Apion

22

2.234

272

1 Enoch

2.282

272

41-4

Jewish War

246

72-82

246

1.552

242

2.155

39f

1 Esdras

2.331

222

9:14

2.405

222

2.521

260

271

9:38-46 9:48

204

271

7.409-21

15

7.426-36

163

Josephus

Ant. 2.9

Judith 251

10:12

53

2.111

251

12:11

53

2.346

19

14:18

53

4.78

251

5.207f

Letter of Aristeas

266

5.336

270

30

17

6.171

255

38

17

6.172

255

172

206

308

204

7.42

49

7.379

266

7.387f 8.324

163

310f

17

310

204

274

9.104

54

Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum

9.276

270

40:2

12.108

245

208

12.239

273

1 Maccabees

12.385

249

8

13.62-73 14.110

163 259

14.114-8 (Strabo) 14.131 14.215f

166 214

45

8:23-32 12 214f

44

45

12:6-18 12:20-3 12:43

44 44 257

I N D E X OF PASSAGES 2

Maccabees

1-15

47

3:1-6:11

68

6:18-7:42

48

17:5

67

17:7

49,67

17:8-10

44-69

17:8

48-50 4 8 , 5 1 , 5 3 f , 5 6 , 63f, 6 7 - 9

7:31

52f

17:9

8:17

65

17:10

69

11:13

52f

17:11-8

15:37

52

17:15

59

17:19

58

3

Maccabees

4:2

30

17:20-22 17:21

58

67

18:5 4

58,67

65,67

Maccabees

1:1-2

Philo

45

Flacc.

1:10

45

1:11

46f,67,69

3:20-4:26 3:20

47,68

65

39

14

74

208

Heres

4:2

68

45

4:9

67

Vit.

39 Mos.

4:11

53

2.27f

4:19

65

2.40

4:23

18 17

65

5:2

53

Sibylline

5:4

48,54

1-2

5:7

52

Oracles

68

5:16

65

Testament

5:35

48

18:38

7:1 I f

of

Solomon

158

48

8:2

53,67

Tobit

8:3

67

10:9

8:7

65

11:10

8:15

67

264 264

11:12

264

9:1

47

11:14

264

9:6

53f,67, 69

11:19

264

9:13

96

9:18

53

Wisdom

9:26

96

1:14

39f

of 37

9:28

96

2:1-9

9:29

47

3

10,34

9:30

67

4

10

7

10

ll:24f

67

12:17

50

14:20

23

16:1

67,69

17:13

Solomon

39

Rabbinic Literature

16:14

67

m . 'Aboil:!

12

16:16

47

m . Pe'a8:7

256

17:2

67

m.

Rosh ha-Shana

17:3

67

m.

Tamid%:\

17:4

138

t. 'Abod.

Zar.

3:5

266

95 5(6):1

247

288

I N D E X OF PASSAGES

y. Yoma 4 1 d 2 5 3 b.'Abod. Zar. 4 2 b 2 4 7 b.

Ber.

b.

B. Bat.

61b

Prudentius

Perist.

96

8b

1.44

256

96

5.337

96 96

b. Ge*.57b

52

10.73

b . Git. 6 0 a

156

10.557

b. A % 6a

251

b . Mo'edQat. 2 5 a 1 2 b . Sank 107b 1 5 b . Yebam. 6 2 a 2 6 0 M i d r . Can*. Rab.

84.24

M i d r . Lam.

1:16

Rab.

97

Pseudo-Clement, 4.13 249, 273 52

Severus PL 20.731

29

Clement of Alexandria, 1.9

19

Strom.

Pagan

18

I.15f

179

Ad Graecos

Tatian,

Christian

Horn.

19

18

1.21

18

Andocides

1.25

18

1.96-98

1.29

18

65

Anthologia Palatina Codex Theodosianus X I I 1.158

172

X V I 8. 2 9

181

7.249

44

Apollodorus,

Bibl.

3,14,2

268

Praep. Evang.

Aratus,

Phaen.

8.7.7

1-9

Eusebius 71

246

9.17.9

246

9.26.1

247

9.27.3

246

Rhet. 1 4 1 5 b 4 8

9.27.6

247

Pol.

13.12

Aristotle 1278b8-14

188

246

Pal. Mart.

Arrianus,

11.8

1.17.2

187

1.18.2

187

248

Gregory of Tours, 1.34

Anab.

Hist. Franc.

261

Cicero

Ep. Att. Justin

Martyr

I Apol.

174.3

183

176.2

183

5.4

18

Tusc. disp.

7.3

18

1.101

Phileas, Letter of 5

96f

(Rufinus)

44

Demosthenes, 60.1

49

Or.

I N D E X

Dio

Cassius

55.2.2

289

P A S S A G E S

Isocrates,

48

57.20.3

O F

148

Pan.

64

48 Leonidas

Diogenes

Laertius

10:124-126 10:129

37

10:132

37

Epigr.

Alexandrinus

no. 3 0 (Page,

[1981])

37

FGE

20

Libanius

Declam. Dionysius of

Halicarnassus

20.14

64

Ant. Rom.

Progymn.

7.8.3

7.4.1

64

64

De Dem. 23.10 44.3

Alex.

Lucian,

48

60

48

Epictetus 2.19.29

50

48

Lucretius 3.417-829

35

Euripides Lycurgus

Ale. 463f

Contra Leocr. 6 6

133

83-101

Or. 193

FGrH 231

66

Gorgias (Diels-Kranz 2.28447

65

Lysias, 2.1

286)

65

124-7

269

Or.

49

2.60

49

Pausanias 7.27.7

64

Heliodorus 4.8.8

49

Plato

Leg. Herodotus 7.228

864d

44

64

Phaedo 63e

138

Hesiod

78b

138

Scut.

87e

138

95c

138

185

246

Theog. 905

268

Plutarch

Arat. Homer

53.3f

OcL 9 . 6 2

136

66

OcL 9 . 1 0 5

136

Praec. ger. rei publ. 6 6 Vitae dec. orat.

Od 9 . 5 6 5

136

9

Hypereides, 6.1,3

49

Or.

48

Polybius 2.47.3

64

21.17.12

206

290

I N D E X

Seneca, 14.3

Ep.

P A S S A G E S

Tacitus, 16.6

96

Sophocles, 1125

O F

Track.

Ann.

30

Thucydides 2.34-46

269

2.43.2

47 49

Strabo 16.4.23f

252

Vitruvius, 5.2

Suetonius, 42

203

Vita Caesaris

213

Arch.