GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA- V Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
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GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA- V Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
U N E S C O General History of Africa Volume I
Methodology and African Prehistory (Editor J. Ki-Zerbo)
Volume II
Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Editor G . Mokhtar)
Volume III
Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Editor M . El Fasi) (Assistant Editor I. Hrbek)
Volume IV
Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Editor D . T . Niane)
Volume V
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Editor B . A . Ogot)
Volume V I
Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s (Editor J. F . A . Ajayi)
Volume VII
Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935 (Editor A . A . Boahen)
Volume VIII
Africa since 1935 (Editor A . A . Mazrui) (Assistant Editor C . Wondji)
U N E S C O International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa
GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA-V Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century EDITOR B.A.OGOT
HEINEMANNCALIFORNIAUNESCO
First published in 1992 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 7 Place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks a division of Heinemann Educational Books Ltd Halley Court, Jordan Hill, Oxford O X 2 8EJ P M B 5205, Ibadan, P O Box 54314, Nairobi P O Box 10103, Village Post Office, Gaborone OXFORD EDINBURGH MADRID PARIS ATHENS BOLOGNA MELBOURNE SYDNEY AUCKLAND SINGAPORE TOKYO PORTSMOUTH N H (USA) HARARE First published 1992 in the United States of America by the University of California Press 2120 Berkeley W a y , Berkeley California 94720, United States of America Reprinted in 2000 by U N E S C O Publishing 1 rue Miollis, 75732 PARJS Cedex 15, France © U N E S C O 1992 Maps drawn by John Gilkes Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks ISBN o 435 948113 UNESCO
I S B N 92-3 -1 o 1711 - X
University of California Press I S B N 0-520 039165 The ideas and opinions expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of U N E S C O . The designation employed and the presentation of material throughout the publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of U N E S C O concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries.
Filmset in u p t M o n o p h o t o Ehrhardt by Butler & Tanner Ltd, F r o m e and L o n d o n
Contents Note on chronology Key for Maps List of Figures List of Plates
ix
xi xiii xvii
Acknowledgements for plates
xxi
Preface xxiii A M A D O U - M A H T A R M ' B O W , Director-General of U N E S C O (19741987) Description of the project xxix B . A . O G O T , President of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa (1978-1983) 1
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa 1
M . MALOWIST 2
African political, economic and social structures during this period 23
P. DIAGNE 3
Population movements and emergence of new socio-political forms in Africa 46 J. V A N S I N A
4
Africa in world history: the export slave trade from Africa and the emergence of the Atlantic economic order 74 J.E. INIKORI
5
The African diaspora in the Old and N e w Worlds J.E.HARRIS
6
The Ottoman conquest of Egypt R. VESELY
7
The Sudan, 1500-1800 170 Y. F. HASAN and B. A. O G O T
8
Morocco 200 M . EL FASI
9
Algeria, Tunisia and Libya: the Ottomans and their heirs
113
137
233
M . H . CHERIF v
Contents
io
Senegambia from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century: evolution of the Wolof, Sereer and 'Tukuloor' 262
B. BARRY 11
The end of the Songhay empire M . ABITBOL
300
12
From the Niger to the Volta 327 M . IZARD and J. K I - Z E R B O
13
The states and cultures of the Upper Guiñean coast
368
C. WONDJI 14
The states and cultures of the Lower Guiñean coast A.A.BOAHEN
15
Fon and Yoruba: the Niger delta and the Cameroon E.J. A L A G O A
16
The Hausa states
399 434
453
D. LAYA 17
Känem-Borno: its relations with the Mediterranean Sea, Bagirmi and other states in the Chad basin 492
B . M . BARKINDO 18
From the Cameroon grasslands to the Upper Nile
515
E. M'BOKOLO 19
The Kongo kingdom and its neighbours 546 J. V A N S I N A , based on a contribution by T . O B E N G A
20
The political system of the Luba and Lunda: its emergence and expansion 588 Ndaywel è N Z I E M
21
The northern Zambezia-Lake Malawi region 608 K . M . PHIRI, O.J. M . K A L I N G A and H . H . K . BHILA
22
Southern Zambezia H . H . K . BHILA
23
Southern Africa
640 683
D. DENOON 24
The Horn of Africa
703
E. HABERLAND 25
East Africa: the coast A . I. S A L I M
750
26
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800 776 J. B . W E B S T E R , B . A . O G O T and J. P. C H R E T I E N
Contents 27
T h e interior of East Africa: the peoples of Kenya and Tanzania, 1500-1800 828
W . R . OCHIENG1 28
Madagascar and the islands of the Indian Ocean
849
R.K.KENT 29
T h e historical development of African societies, 1500-1800: conclusion 895
B. A. O G O T M e m b e r s of the International Scientific Committee for the drafting of a General History of Africa 906 Biographies of Authors Bibliography Glossary Index
908
912 963
988
vii
Note on chronology It has been agreed to adopt the following method for writing dates. With regard to prehistory, dates m a y be written in two different ways. O n e w a y is by reference to the present era, that is, dates B P (before present), the reference year being + 1950; all dates are negative in relation to +1950. T h e other way is by reference to the beginning of the Christian era. Dates are represented in relation to the Christian era by a simple + or — sign before the date. W h e n referring to centuries, the terms B C and A D are replaced by 'before the Christian era' and 'of the Christian era'. S o m e examples are as follows: (i) 2300 B P = - 3 5 0 (ii) 2900 BC= —2900 AD l800= +180O (iii) 5th century B C = 5th century before the Christian era 3rd century A D = 3rd century of the Christian era
ix
Key for Maps ASANTE TAKRUR SAHARA Agadir Niger • G
Ethnic groups States Regions Towns Rivers, lakes Site of town Site of city
Additional information and keys are given on individual maps.
xi
List of Figures i.i 2.1 2.2 2.3 4.1 4.2 4.3 5.1 5.2 6.1 6.2 7.1 7.2 7.3 8.1 8.2
8.3 8.4 9.1 10.1 1 I.I 11.2 12.1 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 14.1
Africa: the main points of European trade contact during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 4 Political entities of the Sahel between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries 2$ African trade routes in the sixteenth century 33 Political areas from the Sahara to the equator in the seventeenth century 44 Atlantic commerce in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries 77 Sources of the Atlantic slave trade from Africa in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 105 T h e West African middle belt iog T h e Americas and Africa rig Africa, Europe and Asia 130 Lower Egypt (al-Delta) 146 Middle and Upper Egypt (al-Sai'd) 147 Trade routes of the Sudan 182 Kingdoms and sultanates of the Sudan 186 Peoples of the Sudan 1Q4 Morocco in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 202 T h e stages of D o n Sebastian's progress towards the site of the 'Battle of the Three Kings' at W â d ï al-Makhäzin, 30 July to 4 August 1578 208 T h e empire of A h m a d al-Mansür, 'the Golden' (1578-1603) 213 T h e principalities of northern Morocco in the early seventeenth century 217 Algeria, Tunisia and Libya in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 227 Senegambia in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 264 Trans-Saharan routes in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 302 T h e Timbuktu region 30$ T h e Niger-Volta region in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 328 Major population groups of West Africa 370 Migratory movements of the peoples of West Africa,fifteenthto eighteenth centuries 376 T h e main states of West Africa, pre-sixteenth century 387 T h e main states of West Africa in the seventeenth century J O J T h e Akan, G a and E w e peoples 401 xiii
List of Figures
14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 15.1 16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4 16.5 17.1 17.2 17.3 18.1 18.2 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 19.6 20.1 20.2 20.3 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 23.1 24.1
Principal trade routes of the Bandama-Volta-Mono basins 411 Re-drawing of a 1629 m a p of the Gold Coast 414 States of the Lower Guinea coast, 1700 416 States of the Lower Guinea coast, 1750 421 T h e Niger Delta area and Cameroon in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 43s T h e Central Sudan and North Africa in 1600 45g Hausaland, pre-1800 464 Hausa states in the eighteenth century 468 Trade routes between Hausaland and the Volta basin 478 Diagram showing the main trade and caravan links in the Sahara and west and central Sudan, c. 1800 480 Borno, K ä n e m and their immediate neighbours in the eighteenth century 500 Plan of K u k a w a , the nineteenth-century capital of Borno, built in a double form of the traditional Kanuri design 505 Borno's links with North Africa and the Nile valley in the eighteenth century 514 Population migrations in the Uele-Ubangi regions 522 Peoples and spheres of influence along the Congo-Zaire axis $42 Topography and natural resources of K o n g o 548 Kongo and its neighbours in the sixteenth century 551 Kingdoms and trade of the K o n g o region in the seventeenth century, with inset m a p of Ndongo 560 Shipping routes to Central Africa in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ¡68 T h e slave trade in Central Africa in the eighteenth century $jg West Central Africa in the eighteenth century 585 T h e states in Shaba before 1700 S9° T h e Luba kingdom in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries S94 T h e Lunda empire in the eighteenth century 604 Peoples of the Northern Zambezi region in the eighteenth century 6og Pre-dynastic groups in Northern Zimbabwe 611 T h e Maravi expansion, c. 1650 616 Ivory trade routes in East-Central Africa in the eighteenth century 636 Central and south-eastern Africa during the period of the Mutapa and Torwa states 641 T h e prazos of the lower Zambezi valley 654 T h e Rozvi empire 657 T h e main feiras in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 678 Southern Africa in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries 68s T h e Ethiopian empire and its dependencies, c. 1550 708
Lis/ of Figures
24.2 24.3 24.4 25.1 25.2 26.1 26.2 27.1 28.1
South-eastern Ethiopia, c. 1500 711 O r o m o migrations in the sixteenth century 720 Christianity in north-eastern Africa, c. 1700 748 T h e western Indian Ocean basin 7$2 T h e East African coast 75g T h e Nyarubanga and the fragmentation of the L u o , c. 15701720 784 T h e southern Great Lakes region at the end of the seventeenth century 816 Ethnic groups of Kenya and Tanzania 830 Ethnic groups of Madagascar 852
xv
List of Plates Cover page A photomontage of an African loincloth dating from 1656, a calabash used for divination connected with royal authority (Angola) and an ivory horn (Congo) 1.1 Negro slaves washing for diamonds in Brazil 1$ 1.2 Sale of slaves in the Rotunda, N e w Orleans 17 1.3 T h e political cartoon, ' M e n and Brothers!!' 21 2.1 Leather sandal, m a d e in the K a n o area 35 2.2 Leather bag from the Timbuktu region 35 4.1 Plan and cross-section of a European slaving ship 82 4.2 Spanish coin with heads of Ferdinand and Isabella 86 4.3 Negro slaves in Brazil, c. 1870 g$ 4.4 Negro slaves in the West Indies, c. 1833 g8 4.5 Slaves being loaded onto a European slaving ship 102 5.1 General T h o m a s Alexandre D u m a s , 1762-1806 117 5.2 Phyllis Wheatley, w h o became a distinguished poet 124 5.3 Benjamin Banneker, w h o became a well-respected mathematician 12$ 5.4 Toussaint L'Ouverture of Haiti 127 5.5 Malik A m b a r , an African king in India 13s 6.1 Sultan Selim I, conqueror of Egypt 13g 6.2 T h e Janissaries, in a sixteenth-century Turkish miniature 141 6.3 Burial chamber of Ibrahim, Agha of the Janissaries c. 1062/1652 144 6.4 T h e mosque of M a h m u d Pasha, 975/1568 15g 6.5 T h e man of the mosque 7>F A h m a d al-Burdainï, 1025/16161038/1629 15g 6.6 T h e main room in Djamaluddïn a l - D a h a W s house, 1047/1637 161 6.7 T h e screen in Djamaluddïn al-Dahab^s house, 1047/1637 161 6.8 'Ali Bey, vice-regent of Egypt 163 6.9 T h e mosque o f M u h a m m a d Bey A b u ' 1 - D a h a b , 1188/1774 165 7.1 T h e port of Sawäkin, in a nineteenth-century engraving 176 8.1 A sugar-loaf mould from the Chichawa sugar mill 211 8.2 Sultan Mawläy Ismail 221 8.3 A letter from the correspondence between Sultan M a w l ä y Ismail and Shaykh al-Islim SIdl M u h a m m a d al-Fâsï 227 8.4 Walad~Däwüd Ait H a m ü or Mansür Kasaba 22g 9.1 Earthenware vase from the Kallaline district 243 9.2 A Tunisian-made, eleven-stringed lute 244 9.3 View of the city and port of Algiers 248 xvii
List of Plates
9.4 9.5 9.6 9.7 9.8 9.9 9.10 9.11 10.1 [0.2 :o.3 ¡0.4 0.5 :o.6 ;I.I :i.2 : 1.3 : 1.4 1.5 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 3.1 3.2 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 7.1 7.2 7.3 8.1 8.2 8.3 xviii
View of the city and port of Tripoli 248 Algerian embroidered scarf 250 W e d d i n g chest from Kabylia, Algeria 252 Ceramic panel from the Kallaline district 254 T h e city of Constantine 256 Silver conical headdress from Algeria 257 Part of a street in G h a d â m e s , Libya 259 Living r o o m in a house in G h a d â m e s , Libya 25g Saint-Louis, at the m o u t h oTthe River Senegal 270 T r o p h y of weapons and objects from Senegal 272 A W o l o f chief in his residence 280 Warriors from Waalo 282 Fulbe w o m a n of the Futa Jallon 2go T h e old m o s q u e at Labe, Futa Jallon 2gi General view of Timbuktu 30g A Songhay village 311 Tyi-wara antelope headdress 317 Travellers approaching T i m b u k t u 320 A m o s q u e in T i m b u k t u 32$ Soninke statuette of a kneeling hermaphrodite 331 Mossi statuette commemorating a female ancestor 346 General view of K o n g 357 Market traders under a banyan tree 360 Carved ivory salt-cellar from Sherbro Island 384 Carved ivory hunting-horn from Sherbro Island 385 Fort St George at El M i n a 407 W e s t African weaving 42g A k a n brass weights for weighing gold-dust 431 N a n a O t u o Siriboe II 432 Bronze commemorative head from Benin 437 Brass commemorative head of an oba from Benin 441 Yoruba female statuette 443 Bronze m a s k from Benin 444 Bronze plaque of a warrior from Benin 446 Bronze plaque of a chief from Benin 44g Hausa loin-cloth 477 Hausa robe w o r n by m e n 477 Façade of a Birni house in Zinder 48s Miniature H a u s a K u r ' a n 488 Bornoan weaver making cotton strips 501 A wall of the Mai's s u m m e r palace at G a m b a r u 506 Reception of the D e n h a m - C l a p p e r t o n mission in Borno H e a d in volcanic tuff, Uele ¡21 K u b a royal statuette 526 Fang m a s k jrjo
510
List of Plates
18.4 18.5 18.6 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 19.6 19.7 19.8 19.9 19.10 19.11 19.12 19.13 20.1 20.2 20.3 20.4 20.5 20.6 20.7 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 22.5 22.6 23.1 23.2 23.3 23.4 24.1 24.2 24.3 24.4
Ngunie-style mask from Gabon 533 K u b a statuette in wrought iron, c. 1515 537 K u b a anvil 538 Y o m b e pottery 549 San Salvador, the capital of K o n g 552 Nzimbu vessel 554 K o n g o noblemen of the Kingdom of Loango 556 Court of the King of Loango, 1668 56/ T h e port of Luanda in the seventeenth century ¡62 T h e city of San Paulo of Luanda in the 1640s 564 Tiled panel from the Church of O u r Lady of Nazareth, Luanda, 1665 565 Detail from above, showing the head of King Antonio I 565 Tiled panel from the Church of O u r Lady of Nazareth, Luanda, showing the battle of Mbwila 567 Ruins of the former bishop's palace, M b a n z a K o n g o , 1548 575 N d o n g o mask from Loango s77 L e m b a medicine-chest m a d e of bark 583 H e m b a , Zaire: monoxyloid caryatid seat sgi K u b a , central Zaire: cephalomorphic ritual cup 5Q6 L u b a , southern Zaire: the knob of a ceremonial cane S97 L u b a , Zaire: ceremonial weapon §g8 L u b a , Zaire: the knob of a cane, in the form of a scarified w o m a n with a pearl necklace 600 L u b a , Zaire: the knob of a cane, in the form of a scarified w o m a n with her hands on her shoulders 600 C h o k w e , Angola and Zaire: a wooden ritual bed 60s M a s k used by the N y a u Secret Society 614 T h e royal stool of Chief Kanyenda of Nkhota-Kota 623 T h e remains of a T u m b u k a iron-smelting kiln 63s A T u m b u k a - m a d e iron hoe 63s Ruins in the Matendere area 643 Mutoko-type ruins 643 A n eighteenth-century engraving of Mutapa 645 Musimbira-type ruins 646 Father Conçalo da Silveira 6$o Decorative walling at Danangombe 658 Gonaqua huntsman 659 Khoi Khoi farmers threshing grain 6g2 Khoi Khoi family herding cattle 6g6 A N a m a q u a family 6gg T h e castle at Gondar, built by the Emperor Fasiladas J25 Coptic painting of the Virgin and Child, Gondar 734 Coptic painting of St George and the dragon, Gondar 73s Wall painting in the church of Dabra Bizan, Gondar 736 xix
List of Plates
24.5 24.6 24.7 25.1 25.2 25.3 25.4 26.1 26.2 26.3 26.4 27.1 27.2 28.1 28.2
xx
Coptic fresco of hell and the devil, in the church of Dabra Birhan, Gondar 7J7 Former church bell from Tigré, used as a sacral ox-bell 743 T h e walls of Wolayta, southern Ethiopia 744 Carved door, Zanzibar 755 Fort Jesus, M o m b a s a , built in 1593-4 763 Roundel from a mosque at V u m b a K u u 771 T h e Great Siwa of Mwinyi M k u u , Zanzibar 773 T h e sacred wood of Bunywankoko in N k o m a 8og Objects from the tomb of Cyirima Rujugira 813 T h e sanctuary of Banga in M u g a m b a 824 Ancient royal drums in the sanctuary of Banga in Mugamba 824 Forging hoes 836 K a m b a statuette of a femalefigure,made of wood 842 Etienne de Flacourt, governor of Fort Dauphin, Madagascar, 1648-58 86s Bara ethnic group of Ambusitra, south-eastern Madagascar: m e m orial statue called alualu 881
Acknowledgements for plates Addo, M . , 16. i Aeschiman, M . , Geneva, © and photo, 20.4 Bahimmi, Dr Al-Saghayar A., Tripoli, 9.11 Barth, H . Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa. Harper and Brothers, N e w York, 1857, © Royal C o m m o n w e a l t h Society Library, London, 2.1, 2.2, 11.1, 11.2, 11.4
Berjonneau, G . , A R T 135, Boulogne-Billancourt, © and photos, 12.1, 20.1, 20.2, 20.3, 20.7, 28.2 © Bertoni, M . , Florence, front cover photo of ivory horn © Bibliothèque nationale, Paris, 9.3, 9.4, 9.8 Binger, L . G . , Du Niger au golfe de Guinée par le pays de Kong et le Mossi, 1887188g, Hachette, Paris, 1892. © Royal C o m m o n w e a l t h Society Library, L o n d o n , p. 295,12.3, p. 47,12.4 British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi, 25.3, 25.4 British M u s e u m , London, reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees, 18.2 © Collection M u s é e de l ' H o m m e , Paris, photo D . Ponsard, 9.2, photo D . Destable, 18.3, photo M . Delaplanche, 18.4 © Chrétien, J. P . , 26.1, 26.3, 26.4 Cultural Atlas, p. 57, © Spectrum Picture Library, 25.2 Dapper Foundation, Paris, 19.2 Dapper, O . , Description de F Afrique, Wolfgang, Waesberge, B o o m and van Someren, Amsterdam, 1686, © and photos Dapper Foundation, Paris, 14.1, 19.4, 19.5, © and photo National M u s e u m of Angola, Luanda, 19.6 D e n h a m , D . , Narratives of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa, John Murray, London, 1826, © Royal Geographical Society, London, 17.3 Dubois, H . , Brussels, 12.2, 15.3, 15.4,15.5, 20.5, 20.6, 27.2 von Duisburg, A . , Im Lande des Chegbu von Bornu, D . Reimer Verlag, Berlin, 1942, facing p. 81,17.i El Fasi, His Excellency M . , 8.3 Etnografisch M u s e u m , Antwerp, 18.5 French National M u s e u m s (Réunion des musées nationaux), Paris, 9.5 © Frobenius Institute, Frankfurt, 24.6, 24.7 Garrard, T . , Akan Weights and the Gold Trade, L o n g m a n , L o n d o n , 1980, p. 280, photos courtesy of T . Garrard, 14.3 © Holford, M . , 4.2 © T h e Hulton-Deutsch Collection, London, 4.1, 4.5, 6.1, 23.3 The Illustrated London Nervs, 1888, © T h e M a r y Evans Picture Library, 7.1 Institut des musées nationaux d u Zaïre, 18.6, 19.1 Institut fondamental d'Afrique noire ( I . F . A . N . Cheikh Anta Diop), Dakar, photos G . Labitte, 10.5,10.6 Institute of Egyptology, Charles University, Prague, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.9 Janzen, J., Lemba, 1650-iQjo, N e w York, 1982, courtesy of the Section of Ethnography, Royal M u s e u m of Central Africa, 1980-Tervuren, Belgium, 19.13
xxi
Acknowledgements for Plates
L a m b , V . , West African Weaving, Duckworth, London, 1975, facing pp. 121 and 175, photos A . L a m b , 14.2 Livingstone, D . , Last Journals, John Murray, London, 1874, © Royal C o m monwealth Society Library, vol. I, p. 30, 25.1, vol. I, p. 146, 27.1 © Luigi Pigorini M u s e u m , R o m e , photos (left) Pellegrini, (right) Rossini, 13.1, photo Rossini, 13.2 Madagascar au début du XXe siècle, Société d'éditions scientifiques et littéraires, Paris, 1902, p. 319, © Royal Commonwealth Society Library, London, 28.1 © T h e Mansell Collection, London, 6.8, 23.2, 23.4 © T h e M a r y Evans Picture Library, 4.3 Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Morocco, 8.1, 8.4 T h e Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, Washington, D . C . , 5-1, 5-2, 5-3, 5-4 M u h a m m a d V Mausoleum, Rabat, courtesy of the Curator, 8.2 Musée universitaire de Kinshasa, Zaire, 19.3 M u s e u m of Malawi, Blantyre, 21.2 M u s e u m Rietberg, Zurich, © and photo Wettstein and Kauf (Von der Heydt Collection), 18.1 King Nana Otuo Siriboe II, 14.4 © Nantet, B . , Paris, 26.2 © National M u s e u m of African and Oceanic Arts, Paris, photos R . Chuzeville, 9.1, 9.6, 9.7, 9.9 National M u s e u m of African Art, Eliot Elisofon Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D . C . , photo B . Fleischer, 15.1, photos J. Ploskonka, 15.2,15.6 © National M u s e u m of Angola, Luanda, 19.7,19.11, photos D . W a d e , 19.8,19.9, 19.10
Palmer, H . R . , Sudanese Memoirs, Frank Cass, London, 1967 edn., courtesy of the Royal Geographical Society, London, 17.2 Phiri, K . M . , 21.1, 21.3, 21.4 Queen Victoria M u s e u m , Harare, 22.1, 22.2, 22.3, 22.4, 22.5, 22.6 Rijkmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden, 19.12 T h e Ross-Coomaraswamy Collection, courtesy of the M u s e u m of Fine Arts, Boston, M A , 5.5 © P. Marzari, Schio (Italy), 9.10 The Saturday Magazine, 1833, © T h e M a r y Evans Picture Library, 4.4 Topkapi M u s e u m , Istanbul, H1524 p. 271A, © Sonia Halliday Photographs, 6.2 Le tour du monde, Hachette, Paris, 1861, vol. Ill, © Hachette, Paris p. 21, 10.1. p. 17, 10.2, p. 27, 10.3, vol. Ill, 10.4 (picture in the public domain) Travels from the Cape of Good Hope into the Interior Parts of Africa, trans, by M . Vaillant, William Lane, London, 1790, vol. II, p. 3, © Royal Commonwealth Society Library, London, 23.1 © Ulmer M u s e u m , U l m , front cover photos of loincloth and calabash Vesely, D r R . , 6.6, 6.7 © Werner Forman Archive, London, 11.3, n . 5 , 24.1, 24.4, 24.5, Wallace Collection, 16.2, private collection, 16.4, Addis Ababa M u s e u m , 24.2, 24.3 © T h e Wilberforce M u s e u m , Hull, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3
xxn
Preface
AMADOU-MAHTAR M'BOW Director-General of UNESCO (iç^4-iç8y)
For a long time, all kinds of myths and prejudices concealed the true history of Africa from the world at large. African societies were looked upon as societies that could have no history. In spite of important work done by such pioneers as L e o Frobenius, Maurice Delafosse and Arturo Labriola, as early as thefirstdecades of this century, a great m a n y nonAfrican experts could not rid themselves of certain preconceptions and argued that the lack of written sources and documents m a d e it impossible to engage in any scientific study of such societies. Although the Iliad and Odyssey were rightly regarded as essential sources for the history of ancient Greece, African oral tradition, the collective m e m o r y of peoples which holds the thread of m a n y events marking their lives, was rejected as worthless. In writing the history of a large part of Africa, the only sources used were from outside the continent, and the final product gave a picture not so m u c h of the paths actually taken by the African peoples as of those that the authors thought they must have taken. Since the European Middle Ages were often used as a yardstick, modes of production, social relations and political institutions were visualized only by reference to the European past. In fact, there was a refusal to see Africans as the creators of original cultures which flowered and survived over the centuries in patterns of their o w n making and which historians are unable to grasp unless they forgo their prejudices and rethink their approach. Furthermore, the continent of Africa was hardly ever looked upon as a historical entity. O n the contrary, emphasis was laid on everything likely to lend credence to the idea that a split had existed, from time immemorial, between a 'white Africa' and a 'black Africa', each unaware of the other's existence. T h e Sahara was often presented as an impenetrable space preventing any intermingling of ethnic groups and peoples or any exchange of goods, beliefs, customs and ideas between the societies that had grown up on either side of the desert. Hermetic frontiers were drawn between the civilizations of Ancient Egypt and Nubia and those of the peoples south of the Sahara. xxiii
Preface It is true that the history of Africa north of the Sahara has been more closely linked with that of the Mediterranean basin than has the history of sub-Saharan Africa, but it is n o w widely recognized that the various civilizations of the African continent, for all their differing languages and cultures, represent, to a greater or lesser degree, the historical offshoots of a set of peoples and societies united by bonds centuries old. Another phenomenon which did great disservice to the objective study of the African past was the appearance, with the slave trade and colonization, of racial stereotypes which bred contempt and lack of understanding and became so deep-rooted that they distorted even the basic concepts of historiography. F r o m the time w h e n the notions of'white' and 'black' were used as generic labels by the colonialists, w h o were regarded as superior, the colonized Africans had to struggle against both economic and psychological enslavement. Africans were identifiable by the colour of their skin, they had become a kind of merchandise, they were earmarked for hard labour and eventually, in the minds of those dominating them, they came to symbolize an imaginary and allegedly inferior Negro race. This pattern of spurious identification relegated the history of the African peoples in m a n y minds to the rank of ethno-history, in which appreciation of the historical and cultural facts was bound to be warped. T h e situation has changed significantly since the end of the Second World W a r and in particular since the African countries became independent and began to take an active part in the life of the international community and in the mutual exchanges that are its raison d'être. A n increasing n u m b e r of historians has endeavoured to tackle the study of Africa with a more rigorous, objective and open-minded outlook by using with all due precautions - actual African sources. In exercising their right to take the historical initiative, Africans themselves have felt a deep-seated need to re-establish the historical authenticity of their societies on solid foundations. In this context, the importance of the eight-volume General History of Africa, which U N E S C O is publishing, speaks for itself. T h e experts from m a n y countries working on this project began by laying d o w n the theoretical and methodological basis for the History. T h e y have been at pains to call in question the over-simplifications arising from a linear and restrictive conception of world history and to re-establish the true facts wherever necessary and possible. T h e y have endeavoured to highlight the historical data that give a clearer picture of the evolution of the different peoples of Africa in their specific socio-cultural setting. T o tackle this huge task, m a d e all the more complex and difficult by the vast range of sources and the fact that documents were widely scattered, U N E S C O has had to proceed by stages. T h efirststage, from 1965 to 1969, was devoted to gathering documentation and planning the work. Operational assignments were conducted in the field and included c a m paigns to collect oral traditions, the creation of regional documentation xxiv
Preface centres for oral traditions, the collection of unpublished manuscripts in Arabic and Ajami (African languages written in Arabic script), the c o m pilation of archival inventories and the preparation of a Guide to the Sources of the History of Africa, culled from the archives and libraries of the countries of Europe and later published in eleven volumes. In addition, meetings were organized to enable experts from Africa and other continents to discuss questions of methodology and lay d o w n the broad lines for the project after careful examination of the available sources. T h e second stage, which lasted from 1969 to 1971, was devoted to shaping the History and linking its different parts. T h e purpose of the international meetings of experts held in Paris in 1969 and Addis Ababa in 1970 was to study and define the problems involved in drafting and publishing the History; presentation in eight volumes, the principal edition in English, French and Arabic, translation into African languages such as Kiswahili, Hausa, Fulfulde, Yoruba or Lingala, prospective versions in G e r m a n , Russian, Portuguese, Spanish and Chinese, as well as abridged editions designed for a wide African and international public.1 T h e third stage has involved actual drafting and publication. This began with the appointment of the 3 9 - m e m b e r International Scientific Committee, two-thirds African and one-third non-African, which assumes intellectual responsibility for the History. T h e method used is interdisciplinary and is based on a multi-faceted approach and a wide variety of sources. T h e first a m o n g these is archaeology, which holds m a n y of the keys to the history of African cultures and civilizations. Thanks to archaeology, it is n o w acknowledged that Africa was very probably the cradle of mankind and the scene - in the neolithic period - of one of thefirsttechnological revolutions in history. Archaeology has also shown that Egypt was the setting for one of the most brilliant ancient civilizations of the world. But another very important source is oral tradition, which, after being long despised, has n o w emerged as an invaluable instrument for discovering the history of Africa, making it possible to follow the movements of its different peoples in both space and time, to understand the African vision of the world from the inside and to grasp the original features of the values on which the cultures and institutions of the continent are based. W e are indebted to the International Scientific Committee in charge of this General History of Africa, and to its Rapporteur and the editors and authors of the various volumes and chapters, for having shed a new light on the African past in its authentic and all-encompassing form and for having avoided any dogmatism in the study of essential issues. A m o n g these issues w e might cite; the slave trade, that 'endlessly bleeding w o u n d ' , i. Volumes I and II have been published in Arabic, Spanish, Korean, Portuguese, Chinese and Italian; Volume I has been published in Kiswahili and Hausa; Volume II in Hausa; Volume IV and Volume VII in Arabic, Spanish and Portuguese. XXV
Preface
which was responsible for one of the cruellest mass deportations in the history of mankind, which sapped the African continent of its life-blood while contributing significantly to the economic and commercial expansion of Europe; colonization, with all the effects it had on population, economics, psychology and culture; relations between Africa south of the Sahara and the Arab world; and,finally,the process of decolonization and nationbuilding which mobilized the intelligence and passion of people still alive and sometimes still active today. All these issues have been broached with a concern for honesty and rigour which is not the least of the History's merits. B y taking stock of our knowledge of Africa, putting forward a variety of viewpoints o n African cultures and offering a new reading of history, the History has the signal advantage of showing u p the light and shade and of openly portraying the differences of opinion that m a y exist between scholars. B y demonstrating the inadequacy of the methodological approaches which have long been used in research on Africa, this History calls for a new and careful study of the twofold problem areas of historiography and cultural identity, which are united by links of reciprocity. Like any historical work of value, the History paves the way for a great deal of further research on a variety of topics. It is for this reason that the International Scientific Committee, in close collaboration with U N E S C O , decided to embark on additional studies in an attempt to go deeper into a number of issues which will permit a clearer understanding of certain aspects of the African past. T h efindingsbeing published in the series ' U N E S C O Studies and Documents - General History of Africa'2 will prove a useful supplement to the History, as will the works planned on aspects of national or subregional history. T h e General History sheds light both on the historical unity of Africa and also its relations with the other continents, particularly the Americas and the Caribbean. For a long time, the creative manifestations of the descendants of Africans in the Americas were lumped together by s o m e historians as a heterogeneous collection of Africanisms. Needless to say, this is not the attitude of the authors of the History, in which the resistance of the slaves shipped to America, the constant and massive participation of the descendants of Africans in the struggles for the initial independence of America and in national liberation movements, are rightly perceived for what they were: vigorous assertions of identity, which helped forge the 2. T h e following eleven volumes have already been published in this series: The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script; The African slave trade from thefifteenthto the nineteenth century; Historical relations across the Indian Ocean; The historiography of Southern Africa; The decolonization of Africa: Southern Africa and the Horn of Africa; African ethnonyms and toponyms; Historical and socio-cultural relations between black Africa and the Arab morid from içjj to the present; The methodology of contemporary African History; The Educational Process and Historiography in Africa; Africa and the Second World War; Libya Antiqua. XXVI
Preface
universal concept of mankind. Although the phenomenon m a y vary in different places, it is n o w quite clear that ways of feeling, thinking, dreaming and acting in certain nations of the western hemisphere have been marked by their African heritage. T h e cultural inheritance of Africa is visible everywhere, from the southern United States to northern Brazil, across the Caribbean and on the Pacific seaboard. In certain places it even underpins the cultural identity of some of the most important elements of the population. T h e History also clearly brings out Africa's relations with southern Asia across the Indian Ocean and the African contributions to other civilizations through mutual exchanges. I a m convinced that the efforts of the peoples of Africa to conquer or strengthen their independence, secure their development and assert their cultural characteristics, must be rooted in historical awareness renewed, keenly felt and taken u p by each succeeding generation. M y o w n background, the experience I gained as a teacher and as chairm a n , from the early days of independence, of thefirstcommission set up to reform history and geography curricula in some of the countries of West and Central Africa, taught m e h o w necessary it was for the education of young people and for the information of the public at large to have a history book produced by scholars with inside knowledge of the problems and hopes of Africa and with the ability to apprehend the continent in its entirety. For all these reasons, U N E S C O ' s goal will be to ensure that this General History of Africa is widely disseminated in a large number of languages and is used as a basis for producing children's books, school textbooks and radio and television programmes. Y o u n g people, whether schoolchildren or students, and adults in Africa and elsewhere will thus be able to form a truer picture of the African continent's past and the factors that explain it, as well as a fairer understanding of its cultural heritage and its contribution to the general progress of mankind. T h e History should thus contribute to improved international co-operation and stronger solidarity among peoples in their aspirations to justice, progress and peace. This is, at least, m y most cherished hope. It remains for m e to express m y deep gratitude to the members of the International Scientific Committee, the Rapporteur, the different volume editors, the authors and all those w h o have collaborated in this tremendous undertaking. T h e work they have accomplished and the contribution they have m a d e plainly go to show h o w people from different backgrounds but all imbued with the same spirit of goodwill and enthusiasm in the service of universal truth can, within the international framework provided by U N E S C O , bring to fruition a project of considerable scientific and cultural import. M y thanks also go to the organizations and governments whose generosity has m a d e it possible for U N E S C O to publish this History in different languages and thus ensure that it will have the worldwide impact it deserves and thereby serve the international community as a whole. xxvii
Description of the Project
B. A . O G O T * President, International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa
(1Ç78-1Q83)
T h e General Conference of U N E S C O at its 16th Session instructed the Director-General to undertake the drafting of a General History of Africa. T h e enormous task of implementing the project was entrusted to an International Scientific Committee which was established by the Executive Board in 1970. This Committee, under the Statutes adopted by the Executive Board of U N E S C O in 1971, is composed of thirty-nine m e m b e r s (twothirds of w h o m are African a n d one-third non-African) serving in their personal capacity and appointed by the Director-General of U N E S C O for the duration of the Committee's mandate. T h efirsttask of the Committee was to define the principal characteristics of the work. These were defined at thefirstsession of the Committee as follows: (a) Although aiming at the highest possible scientific level, the history does not seek to be exhaustive and is a work of synthesis avoiding dogmatism. In m a n y respects, it is a statement of problems showing the present state of knowledge and the main trends in research, and it does not hesitate to show divergencies of views where these exist. In this way, it prepares the ground for future work. (b) Africa is considered in this work as a totality. T h e aim is to show the historical relationships between the various parts of the continent, too frequently subdivided in works published to date. Africa's historical connections with the other continents receive due attention, these connections being analysed in terms of mutual exchanges and multilateral influences, bringing out, in its appropriate light, Africa's contribution to the history of mankind. (c) The General History of Africa is, in particular, a history of ideas and civilizations, societies and institutions. It is based on a wide variety of sources, including oral tradition and art forms. (d) T h e History is viewed essentially from the inside. Although a scholarly work, it is also, in large measure, a faithful reflection of the w a y in * During the Sixth Plenary Session of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa (Brazzaville, 1983), an election of the new Bureau was held and Professor Ogot was replaced by Professor Albert A d u Boahen. xxix
Description of the Project
which African authors view their o w n civilization. While prepared in an international framework and drawing to the full on the present stock of scientific knowledge, it should also be a vitally important element in the recognition of the African heritage and should bring out the factors making for unity in the continent. This effort to view things from within is the novel feature of the project and should, in addition to its scientific quality, give it great topical significance. B y showing the true face of Africa, the History could, in an era absorbed in economic and technical struggles, offer a particular conception of h u m a n values.
T h e Committee has decided to present the work covering over three million years of African history in eight volumes, each containing about eight hundred pages of text with illustrations, photographs, m a p s and line drawings. A chief editor, assisted if necessary by one or two assistant editors, is responsible for the preparation of each volume. T h e editors are elected by the Committee either from a m o n g its members or from outside by a two-thirds majority. T h e y are responsible for preparing the volumes in accordance with the decisions and plans adopted by the Committee. O n scientific matters, they are accountable to the Committee or, between two sessions of the Committee, to its Bureau for the contents of the volumes, the final version of the texts, the illustrations and, in general, for all scientific and technical aspects of the History. T h e Bureau ultimately approves thefinalmanuscript. W h e n it considers the manuscript ready for publication, it transmits it to the Director-General of U N E S C O . T h u s the Committee, or the Bureau between committee sessions, remains fully in charge of the project. Each volume consists of some thirty chapters. Each chapter is the work of a principal author assisted, if necessary, by one or two collaborators. T h e authors are selected by the Committee on the basis of their curricula vitae. Preference is given to African authors, provided they have requisite qualifications. Special effort is also m a d e to ensure, as far as possible, that all regions of the continent, as well as other regions having historical or cultural ties with Africa, are equitably represented a m o n g the authors. W h e n the editor of a volume has approved texts of chapters, they are then sent to all m e m b e r s of the Committee for criticism. In addition, the text of the volume editor is submitted for examination to a Reading Committee, set u p within the International Scientific Committee on the basis of the m e m b e r s ' fields of competence. T h e Reading Committee analyses the chapters from the standpoint of both substance and form. T h e Bureau then givesfinalapproval to the manuscripts. Such a seemingly long and involved procedure has proved necessary, since it provides the best possible guarantee of the scientific objectivity of the General History of Africa. There have, in fact, been instances w h e n the XXX
Description of the Project
Bureau has rejected manuscripts or insisted on major revisions or even reassigned the drafting of a chapter to another author. Occasionally, specialists in a particular period of history or in a particular question are consulted to put thefinishingtouches to a volume. T h e work will be publishedfirstin a hard-cover edition in English, French and Arabic, and later in paperback editions in the same languages. A n abridged version in English and French will serve as a basis for translation into African languages. T h e Committee has chosen Kiswahili and Hausa as the first African languages into which the work will be translated. Also, every effort will be m a d e to ensure publication of the General History of Africa in other languages of wide international currency such as Chinese, Portuguese, Russian, G e r m a n , Italian, Spanish, Japanese, etc. It is thus evident that this is a gigantic task which constitutes an immense challenge to African historians and to the scholarly community at large, as well as to U N E S C O under whose auspices the work is being done. For the writing of a continental history of Africa, covering the last three million years, using the highest canons of scholarship and involving, as it must do, scholars drawn from diverse countries, cultures, ideologies and historical traditions, is surely a complex undertaking. It constitutes a continental, international and interdisciplinary project of great proportions. In conclusion, I would like to underline the significance of this work for Africa and for the world. At a time w h e n the peoples of Africa are striving towards unity and greater co-operation in shaping their individual destinies, a proper understanding of Africa's past, with an awareness of c o m m o n ties a m o n g Africans and between Africa and other continents, should not only be a major contribution towards mutual understanding among the people of the earth, but also a source of knowledge of a cultural heritage that belongs to all mankind.
xxxi
T h e struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa M . MALOWIST Introduction In 1500 the geo-political m a p of the world revealed the existence of a number of major, relatively autonomous regions which were to some degree interlinked either through trade or through conflict. First, there was the Far East represented by Japan and China which, together with the Pacific and Indian Ocean regions covering the Molucca Islands, Borneo, Sumatra and India itself, were the world's source of spices. Next, was the Middle East which covered a vast area including the Arabian peninsula, the Safawid empire and the Ottoman empire which was soon to include North Africa. T h e n there was Europe with its Slavs, Scandinavians, Germans, AngloSaxons and Latins, all of w h o m still remained confined within its borders. Finally, there was Africa with its Mediterranean seaboard in the north and its Red Sea and Indian Ocean coastlines which were becoming increasingly involved in the international trade with the Far East and the Orient. T h e period from 1500 to 1800 was to witness the establishment of a n e w Atlantic-oriented geo-economic system, with its triangular trading pattern linking Europe, Africa and the Americas. With the opening u p of Atlantic trade, Europe - particularly Western Europe — gained ascendancy over the Americas and African societies. Henceforth, Europe was to play a leading role in the accumulation of capital generated by trade and plunder on a worldwide scale. T h e emigration of Europeans to trading settlements in Africa and the territories of North and South America gave rise to the establishment of supporting overseas economies. These were to play a decisive long-term role through their contribution to Western Europe's rise to power over the rest of the world. T h e period from 1450 to 1630 is recognized in the historical sciences as a phase of considerable economic, political and cultural expansion in most European countries, particularly in western and south-western Europe. A s time went on, Europe became more markedly divided into the economically advanced north-west, the less developed countries of the Iberian peninsula, and the vast areas of central and eastern Europe which, although not without development, were becoming more and more dependent on western markets.
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
This was also a period of overseas expansion into the vast territories bordering the Atlantic and even into the Pacific. F r o m the beginning of the sixteenth century, the African coast was one such area, although the situation in North Africa differed from that in the sub-Saharan region. Competition in the basin of the Mediterranean was strong between Spain, Portugal, France and Muslim North Africa. Also, the Ottoman empire was gaining more and more influence. In 1517, the Ottomans conquered Egypt and subsequently subjugated a large part of the Arab peninsula, gradually establishing their rule over Tripoli, Tunis and Algiers, where Ottoman Regencies developed under Turkish protectorates. These constituted a great danger to European navigation and to the southern coasts of Italy and Spain. In Morocco, however, the Portuguese managed to dominate a large part of the coast as far as Agadir (Santa Cruz du C a p d'Aguer) and Säfi, while the Castilians established bases in Tlemcen and Oran. 1 These conquests were of great importance as they gave the Portuguese control of the termini of some long-established and important gold- and slave-trade routes from Western Sudan through the Sahara and the Maghrib to the Mediterranean. T h e termini of other important routes, running both latitudinally and longitudinally, were under the control of the Turks and of the more or less autonomous representatives of the Ottoman Porte in Africa - Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. Portugal's control of the trade termini came after almost a century of expansion in West Africa and ensured that part of the gold and slave cargoes — previously sent in their entirety to the Muslim world - were intercepted by the Europeans. 2 T h e decrease in the supply of gold to the Maghrib resulting from the European expansion in Africa is a matter which should be investigated further. It seems likely that the results of such investigations would m a k e the conquest of the curve of the River Niger by the Moroccans in 1591 more comprehensible; this conquest enabled the latter to control certain gold- and slave-trade routes running from West Africa to the Maghrib and Egypt. T h e famous campaign of Djúdar Pasha is a typical example of the great conquests so characteristic of the sixteenth century. It is worth adding that Djüdar Pasha himself was a renegade of Iberian background, that his a r m y w a s dominated by similar types. These renegades brought with them the tradition of the Spanish and Portuguese conquests.3 T h e opinion of the age - that the coasts of West and East Africa would long remain under the economic and political domination of Portugal was to be confirmed. Portugal also exerted a certain cultural influence on its black trading partners. Throughout thefifteenthand the early sixteenth centuries the Portuguese established numerous trading posts on the W e s t African coast and made the coastal population and its rulers permanently interested in trade with the Europeans. After 1481-2 the most important 1. See ch. 9 below. 2. V . de Magalhäes Godinho, 1969, pp. 184, 217. 3. See ch. 2 below. 2
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
place on the Gold Coast was the fortress of El M i n a . Other trading posts also grew up in that region, such as A x i m , S h a m m a and Accra. W h e n setting up trading posts the Portuguese sought the permission of the local African rulers and, through various payments, tried to win their goodwill. In East Africa, methods were different with the Portuguese crushing the defences of Sofala, M o m b a s a and other coastal towns, leaving garrisons there and levying taxes for the King of Portugal. At the same time, the Portuguese tried to take over the gold, ivory and metals trade between the coast, its hinterland and India. T h e profitability of the different factories and Portuguese trading posts in Africa varied. In the early sixteenth century, trade in El Mina, at the mouth of the River G a m b i a in Sierra Leone and in Sofala, brought large profits mainly from the purchase of cheap gold and also from the trade in slaves supplied from the hinterland. Arguin - the oldest Portuguese factory - continued to lose importance, however. 4 Trade with Africa brought Portugal great profit. According to J. Lucio D e Azevedo's calculations, the C r o w n gains, which had amounted to some 60 million Portuguese reals in the 1480s, reached 200 million reals during the rule of King Manuel (1491-1521) and at least 279.5 million reals by 1534. 5 This increase was undoubtedly achieved through profits from trade not only with India but also to a large extent with Africa. Moreover, the considerable inflow of African gold made it possible for John II and his successor, Manuel, to stabilize their silver coinage, to mint the cruzados a high-value gold coin - and, more importantly, to expand the fleet and the state and colonial administration.6 This fact was of great significance, not only politically but also socially, as it opened opportunities for the aristocracy and gentry to obtain numerous prestigious and profitable offices. Former opposition from the aristocracy to the centralistic policies of the monarchs was thus eliminated and the state became a more cohesive entity. Trade with Africa, and subsequently with India, accelerated the development of the Portuguese trader class which had been relatively weak even in thefifteenthcentury. T h u s , Portugal might have been thought - in the early sixteenth century - to have entered upon a path of lasting economic and political expansion. However, its backward and sluggish socio-economic structure eventually prevented this from happening. Overseas expansion necessitated largefinancialoutlay and the purchase of gold and slaves depended on supplying Africa with large quantities of iron, brass and copper goods, cheap textiles and some silver, foodstuffs and salt. These goods were not produced in Portugal but had to be bought from foreign visitors or in Bruges and, later, from the major European trade centres at that time. T h e expansion of the fleet depended on the import of timber and other forest products, mainly from the Baltic countries which also 4. V. de Magalhäes Godinho, 1969, pp. 185-8. 5. V. de Magalhäes Godinho, 1978, Vol. II, pp. 51-72. 6. M . Malowist, 1969, p. 219.
3
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Agadir
Cape Town *f Cape of
Good Hope
FIG. i . i Africa: the main points ofEuropean trade contact during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
supplied some grain - deficient in Portugal since the fourteenth century.7 This matter has still not been fully investigated but obviously m u c h of the profit from foreign trade would have been allotted to the purchase of the foreign goods needed for economic exchange in Africa. Portugal was unable to develop its o w n production because of its weak demographic potential (in 1550 it had only 1.4 million inhabitants)8 and the severe competition from foreign, particularly industrial goods, long popular on the Portuguese market. Europe's economic b o o m triggered a gradual rise in prices from the 1470s. During the second half of the sixteenth century this rise became enormous, affecting mainly agricultural products and industrial goods. T h e relationship between the rise in prices and the increase in Portugal's profits from overseas trade has not yet been investigated — although it seems that it was not to Portugal's benefit. Monopoly of trade with Africa or India helped but little. Besides, it had been instigated on quite different economic premises. T h e high expenditure associated with overseas expansion was profitable only w h e n the Portuguese could impose on their black trading partners terms of trade profitable to themselves — that is, buying cheap and selling dear. This, however, m a d e it necessary to limit or even exclude from the trading ports immigrants from Europe, particularly from countries other than Portugal. T o this end, a strong fleet had to be maintained to deter European rivals heading for Africa. This was a costly enterprise which proved almost beyond Portugal's means to attain.9 B y the 1470s, Portugal a m o n g others was already engaged in armed conflict with Castile. T h e outcome, thanks to the temporary supremacy of the Portuguesefleetand to diplomatic manoeuvres, was the elimination of Castile from West Africa by the treaties of Alcaçovas and Tordesillas in 1481 and 1493, and the granting to Portugal by Pope Alexander V I of exclusive rights for economic and political expansion in the south-eastern Atlantic. T h e discovery and conquest of America - and European politics in general - turned Castile's attention away from African affairs. Relations between Portugal and its other rivals on the West African coast and subsequently in East Africa developed differently, however, particularly as those rivals were countries more economically advanced than Portugal. T h e Portuguese rulers, John II and Manuel, were compelled to seek support for their colonial activities among the bigfinanciersof Italy and south G e r m a n y . T h e Italians, particularly those from Florence, w h o had settled in Lisbon and Antwerp or had commercial agents there, put large sums in cash or goods at the disposal of the Portuguese rulers. These loans were subsequently repayed by cash or goods imported from overseas. F r o m the 1480s and possibly earlier, some of those bankers, such as Bartolomeo Mar-Chioni, Sernigi and others, became actively engaged in trade with 7. A . D a Silva Costa Lobo, 1904, p. 83. 8. V . de Magalhäes Godinho, 1978, Vol. II, p. 25. 9. ibid., pp. 185-203.
5
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Africa and rewarded the Portuguese kings adequately. T h e Portuguese king's accounts from Bruges and subsequently Antwerp reveal that there were strong financial links between the C r o w n and major firms such as those of Frescobaldi, Affaitati and Fuggers. 10 In thefirststage of expansion, the Portuguese rulers managed to monopolize the importation of gold from Africa and, to a large extent, the slave trade - or at least its indirect profits. This was done by a system of costly trading licences granted mainly to Portuguese traders and to foreigners more rarely. During difficult periods, the Portuguese C r o w n often gave traders its rights in Africa, with the exception of El M i n a . T h e geographical limits of the area in which trading was allowed were specified on the licences. In the mid-i520S the Portuguese encountered theirfirstdifficulties in the purchase of gold, even in the region of El Mina. 1 1 It is probable that the Portuguese were by then already unable to supply the coast of Africa with enough goods to keep gold supplies steady. There is no doubt that vast resources of gold still existed in the hinterland of El M i n a and Accra but the situation favoured Portugal's European rivals, namely the French, English and Dutch w h o had more capital at their disposal. Moreover, they traded in goods mostly produced in their o w n countries, not imported. Finally, neither France, England nor Holland was yet burdened by an overdeveloped administration controlling its overseas trade and colonies. T h e Portuguese apparatus was both costly and slow to adapt to the changes so characteristic of overseas trade. Traders arriving in Africa from France, England or Holland were able to supply more goods than the Portuguese and sell them m o r e cheaply. Sources dating from the 1570s prove that although the Portuguese understood this situation they were unable to alter it.
T h e slave trade Portugal was initially attracted to Black Africa by its gold, previously exported to the Islamic countries. T h e Portuguese, however, soon discovered a second African product attractive to Europeans, namely slaves. T h o u g h slavery in Africa differed from that k n o w n to Europeans, the tradition of exporting slaves to the Arab countries was an old one in large parts of the continent, particularly Sudan. This tradition seems to have facilitated somewhat the organization - during the 1400s and 1500s - of regular purchases of slaves by the Portuguese from a large part of West Africa, particularly Senegambia, a long-standing economic partner of the Maghrib. T h e Portuguese, w h o penetrated farther and farther inland in the south-eastern part of West Africa, successfully applied the trade methods used in Senegambia. Realizing success depended on the cooperation of local chiefs and traders, they worked to interest them in the slave trade. T h e Portuguese also realized that such trade would lead to 10. C . Verlinden, 1957, pp. 624-5; V . Rau, 1966. n . M . Malowist, 1969, pp. 492, 500.
6
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
increasedfightingbetween peoples and states, because prisoners of war soon became the main subject of the trade. T h e Portuguese soon abandoned their moral objections to the slave trade, believing, as did m a n y in Europe, that it enabled blacks to reach salvation whereas had they remained in their o w n countries, they would as non-Christians have been damned to eternal perdition. Soon another argument for the slave trade was propounded - that blacks were descended from H a m , w h o had been cursed, and for that reason were condemned to permanent slavery.12 Such ideological motivations should not be underestimated. It should be added here that black slaves appeared in Europe at a time w h e n trade in white slaves from the Black Sea zone was almost dead. F r o m this time on slaves were identified as Negroes, other representatives of the black race being unknown. Throughout the 1400s and early 1500s, the main market for 'the black merchandise' was Europe, particularly Portugal and the Spanish countries and, to a certain extent, islands in the Atlantic such as Madeira, the Canaries, the Cape Verde Islands and subsequently St T h o m a s Island — although the number of slaves transported to these islands was limited by the small size of the islands themselves. T h e main incentive for the slave trade in Madeira, the Cape Verde Islands and, in particular, St T h o m a s Island was the introduction of the cultivation of sugar cane and cotton. Slavery could not develop to any great extent on the European continent because there was no economic reason for it. T h e Africans w h o were brought into Portugal and the Spanish countries were mainly employed as domestic servants or semi-skilled artisans in the towns. There is no evidence that Africans played an important role in agriculture, the foundation of Europe's economy. V . de Magalhàes Godinho estimated the number of slaves brought from Arguin between 1451 and 1505 as between 25 000 and 40000. 1 3 T h e export of slaves from other parts of Africa was minimal then, except to Muslim countries. According to Curtin's estimates, the number of slaves taken from Africa by the Europeans between 1451 and 1600 amounted to about 274 900. O f these Europe and the Atlantic islands took about 149000, Spanish America about 75000 and Brazil about 50000. 14 These figures are characteristic of the early period of the Atlantic slave trade - prior to the great development of the plantation system in the N e w World. T h e y corroborate the thesis that it was the discovery of America and its economic development by the whites that gave impetus to the trade. T h e enormous shortage of labour in Spanish colonies where local populations were already too few to carry out the heavy production tasks demanded by the Spaniards is currently seen as the main reason.15 12. This was the opinion of m a n y Portuguese writers. E . de Zurara, 1949, chs 7, 14, 25 and 38; J. D e Barros and I. D e Asia, 1937, p. 80. 13. V . de Magalhàes Godinho, 1962, p. 193. 14. P . D . Curtin, 1973, p. 259, Table 7.1. 15. See ch. 4 below.
7
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Certainly, in early modern times large numbers of blacks were concentrated in those areas of the American lowlands with a tropical climate. However, any attempts at large-scale black recruitment into the mining industry in the high Andes were unsuccessful, though great masses of Indian labourers managed to survive there. At the peak of Potosi's development in the late 1500s the n u m b e r of Africans there was only about 5000 out of a total population of about 150 000. 16 Again, an attempt to recruit them to mining failed. T h efirstAfricans in America were brought there from Europe by the Conquistadores. They were slaves mainly from Senegambia and either had been brought to Europe previously, or had been born there. They were called ladinos in America because they k n e w Spanish or Portuguese, and were at least partly influenced by the civilization of the Iberian countries. T h e y were highly thought of, contrary to the bozales, w h o had been brought directly from Africa and had been influenced by quite a different culture.17 T h e demand for black labour was already great in the Antilles in the early 1500s and grew rapidly with the territorial expansion following the Spanish conquests. Because of the high mortality rate of the Indians, and the largely unsuccessful defence of their interests by the Castilian clergy and the C r o w n , the demand for labour increased steadily and supplies of black slaves - from Europe and, above all, Africa - became a major concern for the n e w lords of America. T h e Portuguese in Africa also had major problems. Throughout the fifteenth century they had been increasingly interested in buying slaves and, during the 1500s and later, those territories which could supply large numbers of slaves became more and more attractive to them. This was the basis for Portuguese expansion in Congo (which had no gold and silver) from the early sixteenth century, and their subsequent conquest of Angola, preceded by the rapid development of the slave trade in the island of Luanda. T h e need for large numbers of slaves also affected the settlers in St T h o m a s Island w h o wanted them for their o w n plantations and to sell to the Spanish American colonies and also, from the late sixteenth century, to Portuguese Brazil. T h e size of Brazil's black population was only several thousand by the late 1500s but the following century saw an increase in this number to 400 000/450 000, an increase associated with the development of the sugar-cane plantations.18 T h e conquest of America and the demand for black labour also created great problems for the Castilian Crown. While it was necessary to ensure supplies of slaves for the colonists it was also clear that this was a source of great profit to the Royal Treasury through the costly licencing system. (Licences were granted by the Castilian C r o w n and importers undertook to bring in a certain n u m b e r of slaves for the colonists within a certain 16. J. Wolff, 1964, pp. 158-69,172-4. 17. R . Mellafe, 1975, pp. 14, 15, 19, 21. 18. F . Mauro, i960, pp. 179-80.
8
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
time, usually five years.) T h e price of the licence rose steadily as the demand for slaves grew. R . Mellafe correctly maintains that the C r o w n willingly granted import licences for huge numbers of slaves because the larger the n u m b e r the higher the fee.19 T h efirstto obtain licences - often monopolistic — included aristocrats close to the throne, such as Charles V's Chancellor, Gouvenet, in 1518, and also great capitalists, such as the Weiser family, Heinrich Ehinger and Jerome Seiler in 1528, 20 probably in connection with their settlement and mining plans in Venezuela. There were Africans in Venezuela from an early date brought there by financiers as well as Conquistadores and others w h o bought them as slaves from the Portuguese in Africa or Europe. It was, however, unavoidable that potential slave traders would try to eliminate the costly offices of the Portuguese and to intercept both the purchase and sales of 'the black merchandise'. In Africa those w h o wanted to break into the trade had to overcome obstacles set by the Portuguese, while in America they had to resort to contraband trade as the Castilian C r o w n permitted only those to w h o m it had granted licences to import slaves. This was not an insurmountable difficulty, however, as the Spanish colonists in America were permanently short of labour and were therefore willing to buy workers from smugglers. Slaves were brought in through illegal harbours - a procedure favoured by the Spanish colonial officers w h o derived an additional source of income from bribes. Foreigners found the system particularly attractive as they were often paid in gold or silver, the private export of which from Spanish America was officially allowed only as far as Seville and Cadiz, the centres of the strong Castilian colonial administration. Private people were in principle prohibited from exporting gold and silver from Spain. T h u s , all seemed to favour increased exports of blacks from Africa to America, except that the trade only really b o o m e d w h e n the great sugarcane plantations began to be established. It transpired quite quickly that in both Spanish America and, subsequently, in Brazil that the Indian population could not stand the steady hard work on the plantations, whereas Africans m a d e excellent plantation labourers. In mining their role seems to have been only small, with the possible exception of mines on the island of San D o m i n g o , in Venezuela and in certain other tropical territories in Mexico. Hence from the early 1500s, but more particularly from 1550, Africa played an extremely important though undesirable role as a supplier of labour and of s o m e gold to the developing world economy. It is worth mentioning, however, that the Portuguese position was becoming m o r e precarious. In Morocco, they suffered severe blows from the Sa'adl sharlfs' holy war against the infidels. In 1541 the Portuguese lost Agadir ancTsoon after were compelled throughfinancialdifficulties to give up almost all their Moroccan ports. T h e year 1560 witnessed the first 19. R . Mellafe, 1975, p. 39. 20. G . Scelle, 1906, Vol. I, pp. 122-36.
9
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
bankruptcy of the Portuguese Crown. T h e maintenance of a colonial empire while bringing enormous profits to part of the aristocracy, the gentry and some traders, had ruined the Crown and its Treasury and had laid an increasing burden on m a n y of the population.
Arrival of new European powers F r o m the 1520s, the French - and from the 1550s the English, too became dangerous rivals of the Portuguese in Africa. F r o m the late sixteenth century, however, the Dutch became even more dangerous. Initially, only individual French traders, such as the well-known Jean Ango of Dieppe, or individual trading companies, were active. In the trade with Africa neither the French King nor the English Crown were directly involved. In I 53 I > x 537 ana" 1539 Francis I even tried unsuccessfully to stop his subjects from making expeditions to Africa as he was wary of straining relations with Portugal at a time when France was in sharp conflict with the Spanish Habsburgs. Traders from Rouen, L a Rochelle and Dieppe had sent ships to Africa even earlier. In 1525 the King of the Congo captured a small French ship and delivered it with its crew to the Portuguese.21 French expansion was at its strongest in the region of Cape Verde and Senegal where the French often looted Portuguese ships returning with a cargo of African gold or goods from India. M a n y other French ports, such as L e Havre and Honfleur, participated in this French expansion during the sixteenth century. Nantes gradually came to dominate this trade. In the last quarter of the sixteenth century the position of the French in Senegambia became very strong, particularly in such centres as Gorée, Portudal, Joal and Rufisque (Rio Fresco) in Wolof country. T h e French brought with them textiles from N o r m a n d y and Brittany, spirits and metal goods, and possibly firearms. T h e latter seem to have made the situation favourable for the French, because the Portuguese Crown for a long time and very stubbornly prohibited imports of firearms to Africa, whereas the local rulers were very eager to get weapons. T h e French bought mostly gold and ivory, and also malaguetta pepper, hides and palm oil. Slaves were not yet important to them. They were dangerous rivals to the Portuguese on the Pepper and Gold Coasts in the mid-sixteenth century,22 apparently importing m a n y more goods than the Portuguese. This was particularly painful for the Portuguese in the region of El Mina where in 1556, for example, the French and English brought in so m a n y goods and sold them at such low prices that the Portuguese agent in El M i n a was unable to buy any gold.23 This was exceptional, however, and the position of the Portuguese soon improved again. During the religious wars in Europe, French expansion m a y have weakened somewhat but this has not yet been 21. A . Brasio, 1952, Vol. I, pp. 138, 153. 22. C . A . Julien, 1948, p. 177; G . Martin, 1948, p. 4. 23. G . Martin, 1948; J. W . Blake, 1942.
10
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
corroborated. S o m e firearms were apparently sold to local rulers on the Cameroon coast but the position of the French was strongest in Senegal where they often co-operated with the tangomäos, emigrants from the Cape Verde Islands and predominantly mulatto. T h e y pushed the Portuguese out of the estuaries of the Rivers Senegal and G a m b i a , only to be pushed out in turn by the English at the end of the sixteenth century.24 English expansion in Africa in the sixteenth century was similar to that of the French. Initially they had lively economic contacts with Morocco, following the expulsion of the Portuguese after 1541 from most of their Atlantic ports which were then left open to the ships of other European countries. In the 1550s and the early 1560s, English trading companies sent several expeditions, reports of which have survived. They visited the West African shores as far as the Gulf of Benin, buying mostly gold, hides and small numbers of slaves. Portuguese reports reveal that by the late 1500s the English were in contact with the population of the Gold Coast, though they do not seem to have been greatly interested in the slave trade.25 Even as late as 1623, Richard Jobson refused to buy black slaves in the region of the Lower Gambia, though the Portuguese were quite active there and co-operating with African traders.26 Little is yet known about English expansion in other regions of West Africa. However, by 1600 their position was very strong on the fringes of Senegambia, whence they had ousted both the Portuguese and the French. In 1588 the first English company for trading with Guinea was established mainly by merchants from L o n d o n and Exeter already active in trading expeditions to the mouth of the River Gambia. 2 7 There is no evidence, however, that this company developed to any great size. Possibly the English found that looting Castilian ships on Atlantic waters was, at the end of the sixteenth century, more profitable than trading with Africa. It was at exactly this time that the Dutch m a d e their appearance on the shores of Africa. T h e y were then in a state of war with Spain and repudiated the Pope's subdivision of the Atlantic. They treated Portugal, which was then ruled by Philip II, as an enemy state. T h e huge capital amassed by traders and their strongfleetm a d e it possible for the Dutch to develop their expansion in India and Africa on a scale not yet achieved by the English or the French. A Dutch scholar, H . Terpestra, believed that the expeditions to the African countries had initially been organized by companies launched predominantly by medium-scale traders, interested in a quick return of capital. Expeditions to the East Indies were, however, organized by major capitalists, often rich emigrants from Antwerp, w h o could invest their capital for longer periods.28 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.
L . Silveira, 1946, pp. 16,17, 35-7, 44-6. T . S. Willan, 1959, pp. 94-7, 139; J. W . Blake, 1942, pp. 129, 133, 138, 150-5. R . Jobson, 1623, p. 112. Cf. note 25 above. H . Terpestra, 1960, pp. 341, 342.
II
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
F r o m 1593 to 1607, about 200 ships sailed to Africa from Holland, and in 1610 and 1611 about twenty ships a year were apparently expedited. In 1594 and 1595 the Dutch c a m e to Gorée. A few years later they reached the Cape of Benin where they bought cotton textiles and cowry shells which they took to the Gold Coast where they exchanged them for gold and silver. In 1611 the Dutch built the port of Nassau in Moree on the Gold Coast, theirfirstfortified trading post on the West African coast. T h e y also developed trade with the Accra region.29 T h e Portuguese were no rivals for the Dutch w h o could supply large quantities of goods at low prices because of their wealth and their efficient trade networks. In this respect they had the edge over the English and the French. Dutch imports into West Africa consisted of iron, brass, copper and tin ware, cheap textiles of diverse origin, spirits, weapons, various adornments, goods of everyday use and even spectacles which enjoyed varying popularity. A s a result of these imports (the large-scale character of which was such a surprise to Pieter de Marees in 1601-2) 30 supplies of gold from the interior to the Gold Coast increased again, predominantly to the benefit of the Dutch. T h e Dutch also imported to Africa sugar from St T h o m a s Island: they dominated this trade for some time, transporting the semi-finished product to the refineries of Amsterdam. 3 1 Dutch expansion in West Africa developed more or less spontaneously. In 1617 the Dutch were so strong in Senegambia that they were a dominant force in the island of Gorée and had largely eliminated not only the Portuguese but also the English and the French from trade in Joal, Portudal and Rufisque. T h e y held their strong position for overfiftyyears. At the same time their ships visited Loango, the Congo and Angola. Initially, like the English and the French, they were little interested in the slave trade. T h e turn of the sixteenth century, however, heralded a n e w phase of European expansion in Africa in which the slave trade grew in significance to become of the utmost importance to the Dutch as well. This phase began with the purchase of slaves in El Mina, Accra, Arda, Benin and the Nile delta and also Calabar, G a b o n and Cameroon. T h e slaves were sold in return for sugar to the plantations on St T h o m a s Island (then occupied by the Dutch) or were transported to Brazil. F r o m the area around the mouth of the River Senegal, the Dutch sent the Wolof, w h o - according to O . Dapper - were thought to possess great physical strength and be well-suited to work on the plantations.32 T h e conquest of Angola in 1641 was closely associated with the labour needs of the Dutch in Brazil, thus following the Portuguese model. 3 3 T h o u g h the Dutch lost north-eastern Brazil and were also ousted from Angola in 1648, the close association of 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.
12
K . Ratelband, 1953, pp. X X I - X X V , L X X V , L X X X I I I ; P. de Marees, 1912. P. de Marees, 1912, pp. 45, 46, 51-4. K . Ratelband, 1953, pp. X C V , C X V , 114, 118, etc. ibid., pp. 8, 10, 27-35, 40-61; O . Dapper and A . F . C . Ryder, 1965. M . Malowist, 1969, p. 569.
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
the two territories, based on slave-trading, continued until the nineteenth century. Throughout this period, East Africa was of little interest to the Europeans. T h e Portuguese, w h o dominated Sofala and w h o politically subordinated other coastal towns, did not penetrate into the interior. T h e y reached no farther than Tete and Sena on the River Zambezi, where they bought small quantities of gold on the local market.34 Supplies of gold and possibly other goods from the hinterland to the coast had already diminished by the mid-sixteenth century, and there is nothing to indicate that they increased subsequently. T h e reduction in the supplies of gold to Sofala had a bad effect on the position of such towns as Kilwa, M o m b a s a and Malindi, which - prior to the arrival of the Portuguese - had been active in supplying gold and other goods to traders from India and Arabia. This decline m a y have been caused by the dislocation of Muslim trade on the East African coast, but it also seems likely that some political disturbances took place along the trade routes linking the ports with the hinterland.35 This matter calls for further investigation. Attempts by the coastal inhabitants to secure the intervention of the Turks from the Arab Peninsula against the Portuguese miscarried. T h e expansion from the seventeenth century of the Imämate of O m a n to the East African coasts and islands brought about some changes in the late 1600s, confining Portuguese power to M o z a m b i q u e alone.36 However, it was not till the late eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries that these changes became very marked. It should be added here that in the southern tip of Africa thefirstsigns of European expansion appeared during the seventeenth century in the form of colonies of Dutch (and German) peasants, called the Boers, w h o were settlers sponsored by the Dutch East India C o m p a n y . However, this phenomenon was insignificant during the seventeenth century and even long after. Nonetheless, the pressure of the Boers on the San which turned them into slaves, drove them off their lands and almost exterminated them, was a dangerous o m e n for the African population.37
Africa as a reservoir of labour P. D . Curtin estimates that between 1451 and about 1600, 274 900 blacks were brought to America. Over the next few years this number increased to 1 341 100 to reach 6 million in the eighteenth century. O f these, according to estimates by F . Maura accepted by P . D . Curtin, some 400 000 to 450 000 slaves were imported to Brazil between 1575 and 1675. In the eighteenth 34. J. Lucio D e Azevedo, 1947, pp. 189-201; V . de Magalhäes Godinho, 1969, pp. 2 5 3 7535. V . de Magalhäes Godinho, 1962, pp. 272-3. 36. ibid., p. 273. R . Oliver and G . Mathew, 1963, Vol. I, pp. 141, 142. 37. See ch. 23 below.
13
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century century, the figure reached almost 2 million.38 Throughout the 1700s, the importation of black labour to the English and French Antilles increased enormously and supplies to C u b a also grew. T h e above figures symbolize a radical, though gradual, change in European attitudes towards Africa which ceased to be a rich source of gold and became,firstand foremost, a reservoir of labour without which m a n y European estates in America could neither exist nor develop. This change — which was noticeable from the mid-seventeenth century - had, by the end of that century, become quite marked. T h e rapidly developing sugar-cane plantations were the main factor behind the enormous increase in demand for black labour. This process had started in Madeira, the Canaries and the Cape Verde Islands particularly St T h o m a s Island - as early as thefifteenthcentury. It spread to Brazil in the second half of the sixteenth century, where it developed on a large scale in the north-eastern region. T h e Dutch occupation far from interrupting the process even stimulated it. T h e situation changed only when the Dutch were expelled from Brazil and transferred techniques used in the Brazilian sugar refineries to the islands in the Caribbean, which gradually became dominated mainly by the French and the English. Because of keen competition from the islands, the sugar-cane plantations were pushed into second place in the economic life of Brazil. With gold and diamond mining in Central Brazil (and from the 1800s, coffee production in South Brazil), the high d e m a n d almost trebled seventeenth-century slave imports.39 Supplies of slaves to English and French estates in the Caribbean also increased enormously. In the English colonies, slave imports rose from 263 700 in the seventeenth century to 1 401 300 in the eighteenth. T h e situation was similar in the islands occupied by France, with San D o m i n g o importing the greatest n u m b e r - almost 790 000 slaves, mostly direct from Africa, in the eighteenth century.40 T h e cultivation of sugar cane was also started in C u b a , with similar consequences regarding labour requirements. Dutch Surinam and the English and French estates in Central America and the northern tip of South America also absorbed great numbers of black slaves. In North America, the tobacco plantations in Virginia and the rice plantations in Maryland laid the foundations for the further extension of the slave trade. A marked increase took place there in the eighteenth century w h e n almost 400000 slaves were brought into the English colonies.41 Subsequent development of the cotton plantations in the nineteenth century changed the southern territories of the United States into a vast area based on a slave economy. In the northern part of the colonies, dominated by m e d i u m - and small-scale grain cultivation, there was little need to increase the import of slave labour. 38. 39. 40. 41.
14
P. D . Curtin, 1973, p. 25g; F . Mauro, i960, pp. 179, 180. P. D . Curtin, ibid. ¡bid. Ibid.
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
I s
*
PLATE i.i
Negro slaves washingfor diamonds in Brazil
15
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth, Century
D e m a n d for black labour in the American colonies presented Western Europe with an unprecendented task. Moreover, it came at a time w h e n radical political and economic changes were taking place in Europe. During the second half of the seventeenth century the decline of Spain and Portugal became increasingly evident. Holland, then at the peak of its power, started to be slowly ousted by England and France whose economies were developing rapidly. F r o m the late 1600s England and France had had more and more influence regarding the character and pace of white expansion in Africa, while the Spaniards and even the Dutch came to play marginal roles. With the Portuguese, their progress in the conquest of Angola allowed them to retain an advantageous position in this important zone of the slave trade. In the seventeenth century, Holland, England and subsequently France, as well as certain other countries, set up companies for trading with Africa and for transporting slaves to America. T h u s resources began to be concentrated to this end. T h e companies obtained from their governments monopoly rights for trading with Africa and were therefore able to control prices. In return, they were obliged to build new forts and to maintain the old ones protecting the European trading posts on the coasts. T h e European position in Africa was therefore buttressed by the English, Dutch and French companies. T h e number of European forts increased greatly during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, particularly on the Gold Coast and nearby. Meanwhile, whites in Africa were at loggerheads a m o n g themselves. Their rivalries did not merely echo the rivalry of the Great Powers in Europe. T h e traders and trading companies were striving to obtain the most convenient trading posts on the African coast. T h e y did so in time of war, and there were frequent changes in possession a m o n g the diverse rival European groups, each of which was supported by its o w n government. T h e governments which backed the companies were interested specifically in the development of the American plantations based upon black labour and in increasing their profits from the slave trade. It was, therefore, unthinkable for the Great Powers, and also certain weaker European countries, to leave Africa to its o w n devices. Even Sweden, D e n m a r k and Prussia tried to involve themselves in African affairs without, however, m u c h success and eventually withdrawing. T h e activities of the companies, however, were not as fruitful as expected. O f the English companies, thefirsttwo were not particularly active. T h e Royal African C o m p a n y , founded in 1672 and in which the King of England himself had a share, met with constant difficulties despite controlling a large part of African external trade on the western coasts in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. Its policy met with strong disapproval from both the American planters in the English colonies and m a n y merchants in England. 42 T h e planters protected the high slave prices imposed by the 42. D . P . Mannix, 1963, pp. 29-30.
16
The struggle for international trade and its implications for Africa
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77
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e main thrust of this chapter is to demonstrate that the slave trade from Africa was a key factor in the development of the nineteenth-century Atlantic economic order. T o develop this theme, efforts have been m a d e to show the role of the African slave trade and N e w World slavery in the capitalist transformation of Western Europe (with special reference to Britain) and North America, and the role of the same factors in the emergence of dependency structures in Latin America, the Caribbean and Africa by the mid-nineteenth century. D u e to the limitation of space and the wide area covered by the chapter, it has not been possible to give descriptive details at the level of sub-regions. T h e analysis is focused mainly on the broad issues.
Methodology In all studies of society, a key factor that makes communication between scholars difficult and gives occasion to heated disagreement is the differing conceptual frameworks providing differing lenses through which different scholars view the same social facts. This explains m u c h of the controversy surrounding discussions on underdevelopment and dependence, as is partly reflected in the views cited above. Central to the disagreement in the said discussion is the problem of whether or not social change should be differentiated for purposes of analysis. T h e practice by scholars, as far as this is concerned, seems to depend considerably on the conceptual framework at their disposal. O n e practice is centred on an undifferentiated view of all social change as leading to economic and social development. O n the other hand, especially a m o n g scholars within the dependency and underdevelopment tradition, social change is differentiated: a distinction between two directions of social change, one leading to economic development and the other to underdevelopment and dependence. Both are change, however, and can therefore, be studied historically. Looking at the historical processes leading to the present state of affairs in the economies of the world, the undifferentiated view of social change proves incapable of offering a satisfactory explanation. Social change has been taking place in all societies over the centuries. If all social change leads ultimately to economic development, then surely most economies in the world should by n o w be developed. Yet, by any proper definition of the term 'economic development', only a few economies in the world today are developed. T h e vast majority still need very drastic measures if they are ever to become developed: measures such as those undertaken by Stalinist Russia and China. It thus follows that the social change which led these economies over the centuries to their present situation is s o m e thing other than a process of development. T h e latter historical process is what some analysts characterize as a process of underdevelopment and dependence whose features are distinguishable analytically from those of the development process.
78
Africa in world history
T h e approach of the underdevelopment and dependency tradition needs some further elaboration. Social change entails economic, social and political structuring. S o m e mixture of economic, social and political structures produces economic development, but others create a stumbling block for the attainment of economic development. Processes of social change that produce the structures for development should be seen as the development process, while social change giving rise to structures that ultimately create barriers to development which can only be eliminated through drastic political action, should be characterized as an underdevelopment and dependency process. Analytically, therefore, three types of economics are distinguishable: undeveloped, developed and underdeveloped economies. For the purposes of understanding the analysis in this chapter, these three terms need to be defined. A developed economy should be taken to m e a n an economy with strong internal structural and sectoral linkages, supported by advanced technology and social and political structures that m a k e it possible for self-sustained economic growth to be maintained.6 A n underdeveloped and dependent economy should be understood to mean an economy that is structurally and sectorally disarticulated by certain internal structures arising from the character of previous international relationships which make it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for advanced technology and strong structural and sectoral linkages to develop within the economy, giving rise to a situation where the economy's expansion or contraction depends entirely on the external sector.7 Finally, undeveloped economies are those that possess neither the structures of development nor those of underdevelopment and, hence, are still free to m o v e easily in either of the two directions, depending on the kind of opportunities that are presented.8 6. B y structural linkage w e mean linkages between mining, capital-goods industry and consumer-goods industry. A n d by sectoral linkage w e m e a n links between the sectors: mining and industry, agriculture, transport and commerce. For an economy to be described as developed, the sub-sectors within industry must be fully developed and linked, and all the sectors of the economy must be strongly integrated. Only in this way can self-sustained growth be maintained and dependency eliminated. 7. A situation of total dependence on the external sector must be distinguished from that of interdependence between the economies within the world trading system. As D o s Santos puts it: ' A relationship of interdependence between two or more economies or between such economies and the world trading system becomes a dependent relationship w h e n some countries can expand through self-impulsion while others, being in a dependent position, can only expand as a reflection of the expansion of the dominant countries . . . ' T . D o s Santos, 1973, p. 76. 8. This type of economy must not be confused with underdeveloped economies. R . Warren (1980, p. 169) is certainly wrong in his statement that 'There is no reason to abandon the view that underdevelopment is non-development, measured in terms of poverty relative to the advanced capitalist countries.' Even if a literary meaning is sought, the term underdevelopment makes better sense if it means a process of capitalist transformation that is blocked and therefore incomplete. This situation cannot be the same as that of natural backwardness, which non-development or underdevelopment implies.
79
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h u s , to understand the global effects of the process through which the international economy was created, w e need to examine the kinds of economic, social and political structures to which that process gave rise in the different economies it embraced. T h e n , it will be possible to determine which of the structures conform with development or underdevelopment and dependence. Particularly useful for this purpose is an important hypothesis provided by the underdevelopment and dependency tradition: that during the mercantilist epoch, 9 the capitalist transformation of what became the core countries of the evolving world economy produced at the same time a consolidation and further extension of pre-capitalist social formations in what became the peripheral territories.10 If this is true, then the development of the core countries led to both underdevelopment and dependency structures in the periphery. This chapter is organized around this hypothesis for the purposes of testing it against the historical evidence.
The volume of the slave trade from Africa T o m a k e a fair assessment of the role of the slave trade from Africa in world history, it is important to establish an estimate that is reasonably close to the real volume of the trade over the centuries. In this regard, considerable progress has been m a d e with respect to the more important branch of the trade, the trans-Atlantic slave trade. This progress centres on the estimates published in 1969 by Philip Curtin." Since then, other specialists have published the results of their detailed researchers centred on different portions of the estimates. A comparison of these recent estimates with those of Curtin for the relevant components is shown in Table 4.I.12
A s can be seen from the table, the results of these researches since 1976 show unanimously that Curtin's figures are m u c h too low. M u c h of the Atlantic slave trade still awaits detailed research. T h e kind of detailed work done by David Eltis for Brazilian slave imports, 1821-43, is yet to be extended to Brazilian imports in the eighteenth, seventeenth and sixteenth centuries. T h e volume of British slave exports in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and m a n y other subject areas, still await detailed research. W h e n these researches are complete, it will be possible to have global figures based entirely on the detailed work of specialists. H o w e v e r , 9. T h e period 1500-1800 is usually referred to as the period of mercantilism whose central feature was the struggle among West-European countries to dominate the expanding world trade of the period to their exclusive advantage. 10. In Marxist terms, pre-capitalist social formations are constituted by the primitive communist, the ancient, the slave and the feudal modes of production. There are some other variants of the pre-capitalist modes of production. For a useful discussion of issues relating to pre-capitalist social formations, see J. G . Taylor, 1979. 11. P . D . Curtin, 1969. 12. J. E . Inikori, 1976; P . D . Curtin, R . Anstey and J. E . Inikori, 1976.
80
Africa in world history TABLE
4.1
Estimates of the volume of the Atlantic slave trade made since 1976
Author
Component estimated
J. E . Inikori
British slave exports from Africa
C . A . Palmer
Spanish slave imports
1701-1808
1521795
Estimated number of slaves
Curtin's
estimate for the same component
Percentage difference
3 699 572
2 480 oooa
49.2
73000
5i300b
42-3
268 664
132600e
102.6
1 500 000
925 iood
62.1
1485 000
ii04950f
344
829 100
637 000e
634700
539 384 s
17.7
1140 257
939 iooh
21.4
E.Vila Vilar Spanish slave imports 1595-1640
L . B . R o u t J r . Spanish slave imports 1500-1810
D . Eltis 1977 TransAtlantic slave exports from Africa 1821-43
D . Eltis 1979 Brazilian slave imports 1821-43
D . Eltis 1981 TransAtlantic slave exports 1844-67 R . Stein French slave exports 1713-92/3
30
"J.E. Inikori, 1976; P . D . Curtin, 1969, Table 41, p. 142. b J . E . Inikori, 1976; P . D . Curtin, 1969, Table 5, p.25. C P . D . Curtin, 1969, Table 5, p. 25. d P. D . Curtin, 1969, Table 77, p. 268. e P . D . Curtin, 1969, Table 67, (p. 234) and Table 80 (p. 280). f P. D . Curtin, 1969, Table 67 (p. 234) and Table 80 (p. 280). «P. D . Curtin, 1969, Table 67 (p. 234) and Table 80 (p. 280). h P . D . Curtin, 1969, Table 49, p. 170. Sources J. E . Inikori, 1976; C . A . Palmer, 1976, pp. 2-28; E . Vila Vilar, 1977b, pp. 206-9; L . B . Rout Jr, 1976; D . Eltis, 1977, 1979, 1981; R . Stein, 1978; P . D . Curtin, 1969.
81
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
the estimates resulting from the post-1976 research do show a clear pattern
that can form the basis of a reasonable statistical inference relating to the whole trade. One major point about these estimates is that they cover all the important centuries of the trade. They suggest, in particular, that the most substantial upward revisions of Curtin's estimates are to be expected for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,13 the period for which more detailed research is needed.
PLATE 4.1
Plan and cross-section of a European slaving ship
Both the pattern and the magnitude of the revisions shown by the post1976 research suggest that a 40 per cent upward revision of Curtin's global figures would bring the estimate reasonably close to the real volume of the Atlantic trade. Applying this to Curtin's total figure of approximately 1 1 million worldwide, gives a figure of about 15.4 million.14 13. See the estimates given in Table 4.1.
14. Paul Lovejoy has given a rather amazing interpretation of the results of this recent research. Rather than studying the pattern of the revisions coming from the research and making a statistical inference, Lovejoy makes a questionable selection from them, mixes his selected figures with unrevised figures from Curtin (which form a large proportion of the total) and arrives at what he calls a 'new estimate'. This 'new estimate', Lovejoy claims, confirms the accuracy of Curtin's original estimate. See P. E. Lovejoy, 1982. Apart from the errors of judgement involved in Lovejoy's selection of figures, the most curious thing in his 'estimate' is the use of Curtin's own original figures to confirm the accuracy of Curtin's estimates. This is a misleading exercise, especially because the results of the
researches since 1976 show clearly that Curtin's figures for the period before 1700 are the
ones that require the largest upward revision. Yet these are the ones mostly used by Lovejoy. In my view, the method used by Lovejoy is unhelpful. If we must use global figures in our various works before the needed research is concluded, the best we can do is to make statistical inferences based on the results of recent research.
82
Africa in world history
For the trade across the Sahara, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, the existing estimates are less firmly founded, due to the weaker database. However, there are two estimates of this branch of the trade which c o m m a n d a reasonable amount of confidence. These are the estimates by R a y m o n d M a u n y 1 5 and Ralph Austen. 16 M a u n y computed 10 million for the period 1400-1900. Austen's figures, on the other hand, amount to roughly 6 856 000 for the period 1500-1890. T h e latterfigureis m a d e up of 3 956 000 for the trans-Saharan trade and 2 900 000 for the trade across the R e d Sea and the Indian Ocean. In general Austen's estimates seem more securely based and are, therefore, to be preferred to Mauny's. T h u s , taking both branches of the trade together, about 22 million people were exported from black Africa to the rest of the world between 1500 and 1890.
T h e capitalist transformation of Western Europe and North America in the era of slave trade and slavery W h e n Christopher Columbus arrived in the Caribbean in 1492, the West European economies were by definition undeveloped. Subsistence agriculture and self-employed handicraft manufacturing were still the dominant economic activities, in terms of the proportion of the working population employed. Manufacturing was still part and parcel of agriculture - a parttime occupation for a people whose main employment was agriculture in which the bulk of the output was consumed directly by the direct producer himself. Social and political structures were such that extra-economic coercion still dominated the distribution of the social product. However, some important structural changes occurred in Western Europe during the three centuries or so preceding the arrival of Columbus in the N e w World. T h e growth of population and its regional redistribution during the Middle Ages stimulated considerable development of interregional and international trade within Western Europe and thus provoked important institutional changes in a number of countries.17 Production for market exchange within and between the countries of Western Europe expanded while subsistence production began to weaken. There were important developments in the organization of land and labour intended to improve the efficient utilization of these factors, particularly the development of property rights in land. These were accompanied by some changes in social structure. All these developments which occurred between the 15. R . Mauny, 1971. 16. R . A. Austen, 1979. 17. For a stimulating discussion of these changes, see D . C . North and R. P. Thomas, 1970 and 1973; D . C . North, 1981; R. S. Lopez, 1976; D . B. Grigg, 1980. See also the debate provoked by R. Brenner, 1976; J. P. Cooper, 1978; M . M . Postan and J. Hatcher, 1978; P. Croot and D . Parker, 1978; H . Wunder, 1978; E. le R . Ladurie, 1978; G . Bois, 1978; R . Brenner, 1982.
83
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
late Middle Ages and 1492 were important in providing the conditions which m a d e West European economies responsive to the opportunities offered by the emergence of the Atlantic system following the arrival of Columbus in the Americas. While all the economies of Western Europe underwent changes in the late Middle Ages there were important differences from one country to another. In particular, the combined effects of the wool trade and population expansion in England m a d e developments there most remarkable.18 In summary, in order to properly understand what happened between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, two points need to be stressed about developments in Western Europe during the centuries preceding the emergence of the Atlantic system. First, the commercialization of economic activities increased throughout Western Europe thereby enhancing the operation of market forces. This explains the ease with which the impact of the Atlantic system was communicated directly and indirectly to all the economies of the region. Second, significant differences in the level of institutional change in the different countries of Western Europe, coupled with further differences in access to opportunities emanating from the Atlantic system in the centuries that followed, explain the differing rates of capitalist transformation in the countries of Western Europe between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. In analysing the impact of the evolving Atlantic system on the economies of Western Europe, two periods are distinguishable: 1500-1650 and 16501820.
Between 1500 and 1650 the economies and societies of the Atlantic region were not yet structured in a way that enabled market forces to fully maintain the operation in the area of a single economic system that could allocate functions and distribute rewards to the m e m b e r units. In consequence, Western Europe used its military superiority to c o m m a n d resources from other economies and societies in the region. For this reason, the preColumbus transformation process in Western Europe continued in m u c h the same pattern, with m u c h of the international exchange of commodities occurring within Europe, as the resources from the rest of the Atlantic area were brought to Western Europe in exchange for little or nothing. T h e most important resources that came to Western Europe from the rest of the Atlantic area during this period were silver and gold. These came mainly from Spanish America (the Spanish colonies in the N e w World), the gold trade from West Africa having declined as the economics of the slave trade and slavery took hold. F r o m Spain, the silver and gold from the N e w World were distributed throughout Western Europe. Table 4.2 shows the quantities imported into Spain between 1503 and 1650. As the imported bullion went into circulation as a medium of exchange, the process of commercialization of economic activities accelerated all over 18. J. E . Inikori, 1984.
84
Africa in morid history TABLE
4.2
Period 1503-10 1511-20 1521-30 1531-40 1541-50 1551-60 1561-70 1571-80 1581-90 1591-1600 1601-10 1611-20 1621-30 1631-40 1641-50
Quantities of silver and gold imported into Spain from the Americas, 1503-1650 Silver (oz)
Gold (oz) 175 133 322859
5256 3040373 6 263 639 10692 168 33258031 39456766 74 181 368 95507751 78082734 77328761
172453 510268 880323 1 503 361 406 740 332 595 426881 686107 414959 312383
75 673 829 49 268 753 37264124
137 214 43 739 54639 Source C . M . Cipolla, 1976, p. 210, based on E.J. Hamilton, 1934, p. 42. Note T h e extent of smuggling was such that officialfigurescan only provide an indication of the overall magnitude of the imports.
Western Europe. T h e interaction of the rapidly increasing quantity of money in circulation with population expansion produced what is known in European history as the price revolution of the sixteenth century. T h e conditions created by this phenomenon were particularly important for the early development of capitalist agriculture in Western Europe, particularly in England.19 T h e import of American bullion also gave afillipto the growth of international trade within Europe. B y law only Spanish nationals and Spanish-owned ships were allowed to take goods to and from Spanish America. T h e trade was restricted to only two ports in the whole of Europe, Cadiz and Seville. In addition, the Spanish American colonies were forbidden to produce their o w n manufactured goods. Yet, the mineral wealth of the colonies encouraged the dominant classes in Spain to depend on other European countries for all sorts of imports to meet the needs of Spaniards in Spain and in Spanish America. Even the trade of Cadiz and Seville with Spanish America was dominated by alien European merchants through various underground arrangements.20 In this way, Spain became the centre of a large-scale international trade within Western Europe in the sixteenth century. This trade, which was 19. E . J . Hamilton, 1929; J. D . Gould, 1964. 20. A . Christelow, 1948; J. O . McLachlan, 1940.
85
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 4.2
Spanish coin bearing the heads of Ferdinand and Isabella, 1 474-1 504. Such coins
had a wide circulation
dominated by Holland, France and England, provided the channel through which American bullion poured into the major economies of Western Europe and fuelled their transformation process. The silver and gold from Spanish America left Spain within months of arrival, so much so that it
was said: 'Spain kept the cow and the rest of Europe drank the milk'.21 This continued through the seventeenth and into the eighteenth century. From 1650 to 1820, the structuring of the economies and societies of the Atlantic area reached its climax and the process of capitalist trans¬ formation in Western Europe came to depend on the Atlantic system. The role of the latter system in the economic development of Western Europe during the period can only be fully appreciated when viewed against the background of the general crisis of the seventeenth century in Western Europe. The economic expansion of sixteenth-century Western Europe, associ¬ ated with the growing imports of American bullion and population expan¬ sion, came to a halt as the effects of both factors weakened. The import of American bullion reached its peak in the 1590s and declined thereafter. Population growth also decelerated as European societies tailored their demographic behaviour to the level of economic opportunities. The situ¬ ation was worsened by the policy of economic nationalism, bordering on 21. A. Christelow, 1948.
86
Africa in morid history
economic warfare, that was adopted by a n u m b e r of West European countries particularly France, during the seventeenth century. T h e high tariff walls erected by France, England and others to protect h o m e industries aggravated the economic situation in Western Europe, resulting in a general crisis. International trade within Western Europe collapsed.22 T h e ongoing process of capitalist transformation was halted in some countries, while a reverse process occurred in others. T h e worst hit of all was Italy which was transformed 'from the most urbanised and industrialized country of Europe into a typical backward peasant area.'23 T h e nature and origin of the seventeenth-century crisis show clearly that for the capitalist transformation process in the region to be completed, Western Europe needed m u c h greater economic opportunities than Europe alone could offer. A s Professor H o b s b a w m points out, ' T h e 17th century crisis cannot be explained by the inadequacies of the equipment for Industrial Revolution, in any narrowly technical and organizational sense.'24 It cannot be explained by the shortage of capital either. '16th century Italians', says H o b s b a w m , 'probably controlled the greatest agglomerations of capital, but misinvested themflagrantly.T h e y immobilized them in buildings and squandered them in foreign lending . . . ' But the Italians were behaving rationally. If they spent vast amounts of capital non-productively, it m a y have been simply because there was no m o r e room to invest it progressively on any scale within the limits of this 'capitalist sector.' (The 17th century Dutch palliated a similar glut of capital by multiplying household goods and works of art... ) 25 T h u s , what explains the crisis is inadequate economic opportunities in Western Europe. It follows from this, that for as long as Western Europe depended virtually on internal economic opportunities, the region had little or no chance for a full capitalist transformation. T h e changes that occurred in the structuring of the economies and societies of the non-European areas of the Atlantic between 1650 and 1820, offered immense opportunities and challenges which completely altered the economic situation in Western Europe generally, but very m u c h more so for those countries that had greater access to those opportunities. In the N e w World, a major element in the economic and social structuring of the period was the growth of plantation agriculture. T h e production of precious metals continued to be important, particularly as Brazil entered large-scale gold production in the eighteenth century. But the key element in the structuring of the economies and societies of the N e w World during the
22. 23. 24. 25.
R . Davis, 1969, chs 2 and 3. E . J. H o b s b a w m , 1954, p. 36. ibid., p. 42. ibid., pp. 42-3.
87
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century period was large-scale plantation agriculture. In mainland North America, the products were mainly tobacco and cotton, but in Latin America and the Caribbean, sugar was king. T h e scale of operation of the n e w economy necessitated a complete repopulation of the N e w World. A great volume of trade was organized around the shipping of goods to Africa and the Americas, the shipping of slaves from Africa to the Americas, and the shipping of produce and precious metals from the Americas to Western Europe. A s an example, sugar legally imported from the Americas into Western Europe reached at least 151658 tons per a n n u m in the 1740s and 193005 tons in the 1760s.26 Since the colony-owning West European countries restricted the movement of goods in and out of their American colonies, their control of the distribution of American commodities in Europe became a major factor in the growth of intra-European trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.27 T h e main beneficiaries of these developments were England, France and Holland. A s an illustration, the official value of England's foreign trade (imports plus exports) rose from an annual average of £8.5 million in 1663-9 t 0 £2%-4 million in 1772-4 and £55.7 million in 1797-8. 28 This growth was directly or indirectly due almost entirely to the expansion of the Atlantic system. France and Holland had similar experiences. For England, re-exports centred on N e w - W o r l d produce m a d e up 37.1 per cent of all exports in 1772-4, while the c o m parable figure for France is 33.2 per cent in 1787. 29 It is not for nothing that a French economic historian declared: T h e eighteenth century can be truly called the Atlantic stage of European economic development. Foreign trade, and especially trade with the Americas, was the most dynamic sector of the whole economy (for instance, French colonial trade increased tenfold between 1716 and 1787), and furthermore the demand from overseas was stimulating the growth of a wide range of industries as well as increased specialization and division of labour. O w i n g to the superiority of sea transport over land transport, the eighteenth century European economy was organized around a number of big seaports, the most prosperous being those with the largest share in the growing colonial trade, such as Bordeaux or Nantes; each of these had, not only its o w n industries, but also its industrial hinterland in the river base of which it was the outlet.30 26. R. Sheridan, 1970, Table 1, p. 22. 27. R . Davis, 1969, chs 2 and 3; R . Davis, 1967. 28. For 1663-9 and 1772-4, see R . Davis, 1969, pp. 92, 119, 120. For 1797-8, see P. Deane and W . A . Cole, 1967, Table 13, p. 44. The 1797-8figureis for Great Britain, while the others are for England and Wales. All thefiguresinclude all imports, domestic exports and re-exports. T h e eighteenth-centuryfiguresare at 1697-1700 constant prices. 29. P. Kriedte, 1983, Tables 39 and 40, pp. 124,128. 30. F. Crouzet, 1964.
88
Africa in world history
T h e growing economic opportunities associated with the expanding Atlantic system offered increased employment stimulating population growth all over Western Europe after the seventeenth-century decline.31 This contributed considerably to the growth of domestic markets in England, France and Holland which combined with growing exports to provide the demand pressures that provoked the inventions and technological innovations of the eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century industrial revolutions in Western Europe. In this w a y , the phenomenal expansion of commodity production, trade, finance and shipping which occurred in the Atlantic area between 1650 and 1820 provided the needed opportunities for the economies of Western Europe to overcome the crisis of the seventeenth century, break the shackles of traditional economic and social structures, and complete the process of capitalist transformation. T h efirstcountry to complete the process was England. T h e forces which this development unleashed, and the lessons that it offered, helped the rapid completion of the process in the other West European countries that had shared positively (directly or indirectly) in the opportunities emanating from the expanding Atlantic system. T h e part of the N e w World that in 1783 became the United States of America, while operating under important political constraints as colonial territories between the seventeenth century and 1776, also shared positively in some important ways in the expanding Atlantic system during this early period. T h e economies of these territories were probably a m o n g the most undeveloped in the Atlantic area at the time Columbus arrived in the Americas. Population densities were a m o n g the lowest in the N e w World at the time, and there was nothing to compare with the ancient civilizations of South America in terms of economic and social organization. For m a n y decades after their settlement by the European colonists, these territories were overwhelmingly dominated by subsistence activities. T h e growth of opportunities for market production which occurred in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was directly related to the expansion of the Atlantic system from the mid-seventeenth century to the nineteenth.32 Tables 4.3 and 4.4 show the magnitude of the involvement of these territories in the Atlantic system in the years immediately preceding the declaration of independence and the formation of the United States of America. O n average, the total annual value of the Atlantic trade of British North America during these years was £8.4 million (imports plus commodity and invisible exports). With a total population of 2.2 million in 1770, 33 the 31. It has n o w beenfirmlyestablished that the growth of population in England in the eighteenth century was due to earlier and more universal marriage. This in turn was due to growing employment opportunities. See J. E . Inikori, 1984 for more details. T h e analysis is based on evidence produced by E . A . Wrigley, 1983 and D . N . Levine, 1977. 32. See J. F . Shepherd and G . M . Walton, 1972. 33. J. Potter, 1965, Table la, p. 638.
89
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century TABLE
4.3
Region
Total earnings (£)from commodity and invisible exports by British North America, 1768-1772 1768
Great Britain and 1658 000 Ireland All the West Indies 979000 Southern Europe and the W i n e Islands 520000 Africa 16000
TOTAL
3173000
1769
1770
1771
1772
1 852000 1131000
1818 000 1 272 000
2113 000 1 287 000
2135000 1498 000
805 000 30000
741000 25000
721 000 18000
762 000 34000
3818000
3 856 000
4139000
4429000
British North American imports (£), 1768-1772 Region 1768 1769 1770 1771 1772 Great Britain and Ireland 2 908 000 2 151 000 3 112 000 5 382 000 4135000 676 000 939 000 All the West Indies 524 000 767 000 792 000 Southern Europe 80000 69000 88000 and the Wine Islands 81000 85000 85000 104000 265 000 Africa 56000 189000 TOTAL 3569000 3192000 4 069 000 6231 000 5 427 000 Source J. F. Shepherd and G . M . Walton, 1972. Note The invisible exports were made up largely of earnings from shipping.
TABLE
4.4
Atlantic trade of these territories w a s £ 3 . 8 per head of population. This magnitude of involvement in the Atlantic system stimulated the growth of the domestic market and production for market exchange, as it encouraged specialization, raised per capita income and influenced the rate of migration into the area. A s the British North American colonies m o v e d gradually from subsistence activities to market production under the impact of the Atlantic system, three economic regimes comprising the southern, middle and northern (mainly N e w England) colonies became distinguishable. T h e combination of natural resources and the availability of cheap African slave labour encouraged the southern colonies to expand plantation agriculture, first rice and tobacco, then cotton. T h e middle colonies, however, took to foodstuffs production o n family-sized farms utilizing family labour. In the northern colonies, relatively poor natural resources for agriculture combined with the availability of deep natural harbours and forest resources for shipbuilding encouraged early specialization in trade and shipping.34 In this way, the south produced virtually all the plantation commodities 34. See D . C. North, 1961. 90
Africa in world history
that were exported to Europe, while the north produced the bulk of the invisible exports - shipping, merchants' services, insurance, etc. T h e middle colonies, meanwhile, produced footstuffs for export as well as some invisible exports. Production in the south was dependent on African slave labour, while the market for the output was mainly in Europe. For the middle and northern colonies, the restructuring of the Caribbean economies that accompanied the growth of slave plantations produced a division of labour between the Caribbean (British and non-British) and North America which provided a large market in the Caribbean for the foodstuffs of the middle colonies and for the shipping and other services of the northern colonies. T h u s , the economies of the three North American sub-regions were tied up with the slavery system of the Americas, either in the production process or in the market.35 British North America's large-scale involvement in the Atlantic system during the colonial period, produced differing economic and social structures in the southern, middle and northern colonies. In the middle and north, production was based on free white labour, property widely spread, and incomes more evenly distributed. In the south, the predominance of plantation agriculture dependent on African slave labour produced a population with a large proportion of slaves, a large concentration of property and an extremely uneven distribution of income. O f the 697 000 slaves in the United States in 1790, 642000 were in the south, being 36 per cent of the total population of the southern states.36 While the structures in the middle and northern territories encouraged the growth of the h o m e 35. T h e economies of the southern colonies were tied to the slavery system at the level of production, while those of the middle and northern colonies were tied to N e w World slavery at the market level, since it was the structure of the slave plantations of the Caribbean that created the markets for foodstuffs and commercial services on which the middle and northern colonies largely depended at this time. T h e following figures of export earnings from the major commodities and services (annual averages for 1768-72) give an indication of the structure of North America's export trade during the colonial period: £s sterling Tobacco 766 000 Shipping earnings 610000 Bread and flour 410000 Rice 312000 Fish 287 000 Indigo 117 000 These six items together m a d e up 64.4 per cent of total export earnings for British North America during these years. Tobacco and rice were slave plantation products that came from the southern colonies. Bread andflourcame from the family-sized farms of the middle colonies, while fish and shipping came largely from the northern colonies. (The figures here are from J. F . Shepherd and G . M . Walton, 1972, p. 258.) T h e imports were mainly manufactured goods, and came largely from England, while England retained only a small proportion of the colonies' exports. T h e tobacco went almost exclusively to England and Scotland, but over half of the quantity was yearly re-exported to continental Europe. 36. J. Potter, 1965, Table 2, p. 641.
91
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
market for mass consumer goods, the structures in the south restricted the growth of that kind of domestic market and encouraged the import of luxury goods from abroad. In this way, while the foundation for selfsustained economic growth was laid in the middle and northern colonies during the colonial period, dependency structures were built up in the south. After the achievement of independence, the economy of the southern states continued to depend on African slave labour. T h e phenomenal expansion of cotton production in the southern states between 1790 and i860, depended entirely on black slave labour.37 In consequence, the economic and social structures of the colonial period were maintained in the south, even in the new territories into which cotton plantations expanded in the nineteenth century. In 1850, of the total population of 8983000 in the old and n e w south, 3 117 000 were slaves, being 34.7 per cent.38 Property and income distribution remained skewed; the dependency structures were further strengthened. However, with the attainment of independence, the politically independent U S government adopted economic measures which gradually turned the south from dependence on Western Europe to dependence on the northern states. T h e ship-owners and merchants of the north-eastern states, aided by government protection, took over the shipping of southern cotton to Europe and the import of European manufactures for southern plantation owners and their slaves.39 At the same time, the expansion of cotton production in the south provided a growing food market which stimulated the growth of commercial food production in the west and the flow of immigrants into the western territories. This regional specialization, centred on southern slave plantations, provided a large domestic market 37. Cotton production in the southern states increased from 4000 bales of 500 lb each in 1790, to 3 841 416 bales in i860. In the 1850s, about 76.5 per cent of the total output was exported. H . U . Faulkner, 1924, pp. 201-2. 38. J. Potter, 1965, Table 11, p. 680. 39. A n Act of 4 July 1789 allowed a discount of 10 per cent in the duties charged on imports into the United States carried by American-built and American-owned ships. Another Act of 20 July 1789 imposed a duty of 6 cents per ton on American-built and American-owned ships, and 30 cents per ton on foreign-built and foreign-owned ships, entering U S ports. Both Acts encouraged the growth of ship-building and ship-owning in the north-eastern states of the U S A . T h e tonnage registered in foreign trade grew from 123893 in 1789 to 981000 in 1810. During the same period, U S imports carried by American-owned ships increased from 17.5 per cent to 93 per cent of the total, and U S exports carried by American-owned ships from 30 per cent to 90 per cent. B y 1862, U S shipping tonnage registered in foreign trade was 2 496 894, and about 75 per cent of U S exports by this time came from the south, cotton taking about 60 per cent and tobacco, rice and refined sugar taking the remaining 15 per cent. (For all thesefigures,see H . U . Faulkner, 1924, pp. 201, 202, 218, 219, 228 and 233.) T h e incomes generated directly and indirectly by southern exports, and the earnings m a d e by north-eastern shipowners and merchants in foreign trade, formed the foundation of U S industrialization from 1790 to i860. See D . C . North, 1961.
92
Africa in world history
which encouraged the growth of import-substitution industrialization in the north-east, nurtured by government import controls. In this way, the industrialization of the United States of America u p to i860 was based primarily on the southern slave plantations: the United States took advantage of its political independence at the right m o m e n t to manipulate the forces operating in the Atlantic area to the benefit of its economy, aided by the favourable structures that developed in the middle and northern colonies during the colonial period.40 T h e dependency structures of the southern states thus acted as essential conditions for the capitalist transformation of the northern and western states.
T h e evolution of under-development structures in Latin America and the Caribbean B y our definition, the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean were undeveloped w h e n Columbus arrived in the area. Three main factors were responsible for the general level of undevelopment: population, geography and isolation from the rest of the world. T h e probable size of the population of all the Americas by 1492 has been a subject of m u c h debate. There have been estimates as low as 8.5 million and as high as 112 million.41 T h e m o r e recent research of the Berkeley School, however, indicates that a range of 50 million to 100 million is m o r e plausible.42 Relative to the large geographical extent of the Americas, even the highest figure is small. Moreover, people were concentrated in about three areas - middle America, comprising the ancient kingdoms of the Aztecs and the Mayas; the Inca empire of ancient Peru; and the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, n o w m a d e u p of Haiti and the Dominican Republic.43 T h e rest of the N e w World was characterized by extremely low population densities. It has been said that population densities of less than 10 persons per sq. k m applied to over 90 per cent of the geographical area of pre-conquest Latin America. 44 T h e low population densities in large areas of pre-Columbus America had adverse effects on the development of trade and the division of labour. 40. For further details relating to Western Europe and North America, see J. E . Inikori, 1979 and 1981. 41. B . Keen and M . Wasserman, 1980, pp. 30-1. 42. For the estimates of the Berkeley School see W . Borah and S. F . Cook, 1963; also S. F . Cook and W . Borah, 1971-4. For a recent synthesis see W . M . Denevan, 1976. 43. Based on a variety of Indian and Spanish records, and using sophisticated statistical methods, W . Borah and S. F . Cook have put the population of pre-conquest Central Mexico at between 18.8 million and 26.3 million. W . Borah and S . F . Cook, 1967, p. 205. Cook and Borah have also estimated the population of Hispaniola at between 7 million and 8 million by 1492. (B. Keen and M . Wasserman, 1980, p. 30.) Cook and Borah's estimates have been subject to considerable recent criticism as being on the high side. 44. A . Morris, 1981, p. 52.
93
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Areas with high population densities, however, were separated from one another and from the sparsely populated areas by thick forest, mountains and deep valleys. These m a d e communication difficult and restricted the development of intra-American trade. In this situation, sea-borne commerce would have been important in pushing the frontier of trade from the sea coast to the interior, as happened in North America in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. However, the isolation of the Americas from the rest of the world up to 1492 did not m a k e this possible. Because of this isolation, the rich natural resources of the Americas had little commercial value and therefore m a d e little or no contribution to the development of population and trade. Consequently, while the ancient civilizations of Central and South America had reached a high level of cultural development by 1492, their economies were basically undeveloped. T h e y needed external commodity trade with the rest of the world to give economic value to their resources, encourage the growth and spread of their populations, stimulate the development of intra-American trade, and set in motion the process of capitalist transformation. Contrary to these requirements, the trading opportunities that followed the arrival of the Europeans in 1492, came under conditions which led to the evolution of structures of underdevelopment rather than development. First, the West European countries forcefully took control of the natural resources of Latin America and the Caribbean. T h e Indians were humiliated and demoralized. W h e n the labour demands and the unfamiliar diseases brought by the Europeans were added, the Indian population collapsed everywhere in Latin America and the Caribbean. T h e d e m o graphic catastrophe of Central Mexico in the sixteenth century vividly demonstrates the point. T h e estimated population of 18.8 to 26.3 million in the area before the European conquest, fell to 6.3 million by 1548 and to 1.9 million in 1580. B y 1605, it was d o w n to approximately 1.1 million.45 T h e virtual elimination of the entire Indian population led to two important results. T h efirstis that the phenomenal expansion of commodity production for sea-borne trade with Europe and North America - which occurred between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries - was m a d e possible only by a massive import of African slave labour. T h e second is that the agricultural land in Latin America and the Caribbean was taken over by European colonists and put into large estates that came to be known as ladende or lazenda. It will be shown subsequently that both developments provided trading opportunities that stimulated the capitalist transformation of Western Europe and North America, while at the same time producing underdevelopment and dependence in Latin America and the Caribbean. T h e magnitude of contraband slave imports into Spanish America in 45. W . Borah and S. F . Cook, 1967, p. 204.
94
Africa in world history
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries makes it almost impossible to show the quantitative contribution of African slave labour to the production of precious metals in Spanish America during those centuries.46 However, a census taken in Spanish America by the clergy in 1796 was reported to
plate 4.3
Negro slaves working on a coffee plantation in Brazil, c. 1870
46. The evidence produced by E. Vila Vilar indicates the magnitude of the contraband imports: 'D. Fernando de Sarria, the deputy governor of Cartagena, was able to verify that between 1516 and 1619 duty had been paid on only 4816 blacks, whereas in reality 6000 had entered in little more than a year - from May 1619 until December 1620. He contended that the boats that arrived with 15, 25, 37 and 45 'pieces' actually had on board 200, 300,
and 400. The visitador Medina Rosales testified that it was common for merchants, when paying duty, to declare far fewer 'pieces' than they were actually transporting; he had proven that one vessel that declared 68 was carrying 440; another declaring 45 had 200 on board; and another that declared 65 introduced 260; and he contended that in one year, from 10 June 1620 to 18 July 1621, 6443 slave 'pieces' had entered the port of Cartagena. Juan de Orozco, treasurer of Santa Marta, wrote to the King in 1631 that every ship that arrived with blacks carried 400 'pieces', although duties were only paid on 100; and
D. Martin de Saavedra, president of the audiencia of San Domingo, testified in 1637 that
slaving vessels going to Cartagena with 150 registered, in reality carried 300.' E. Vila Vilar, 1977a, pp. 272-3; see also C. A. Palmer, 1976; L. B. Rout Jr., 1976, pp. 61-6.
95
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century have shown that people of African origin numbered 679 842 in Mexico and 539 628 in Peru.47 While one cannot ascertain the accuracy of the census, thesefiguresindicate that African slave labour was crucial to the economies of colonial Mexico and Peru. In Brazil, export production of sugar in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries depended entirely on African slave labour. While the Brazilian gold b o o m of the eighteenth century brought m a n y European traders and mining capitalists to the country, actual production still virtually depended on African slave labour. This is borne out by the ethnic composition of the Brazilian population in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In 1798, of the total population of 3250000, people of African origin numbered 1988 000, of w h o m 1 582 000 were slaves. In 1872, approximately 5.8 million out of the total population of 9.9 million were people of African origin, of w h o m 1.5 million were slaves.48 T h u s , people of African origin m a d e u p 61.2 per cent of the total Brazilian population in 1798, and 58 per cent in 1872. T h e slave populations were concentrated in those regions producing gold and agricultural products for export to Europe and North America. For example, of the 1 566416 slaves in Brazil in 1873, I 2 3 3 2 1 0 (79-2 P e r cent) were in six export-producing provinces: Bahia, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Minas Gérais and Rio Grande do Sul.49 T h e largest concentration - 351 254 - was in Minas Gérais, the gold-producing province. In the Caribbean Islands, the domination of export production by people of African origin is reflected by the transformation of the ethnic composition of their populations after 1650. Before the mid-seventeenth century, the production of subsistence crops had dominated the islands' economies and export production was marginal. F r o m the second half of the seventeenth century, the large-scale import of African slave labour and the expansion of plantation agriculture m a d e it possible for export production to grow rapidly, while the production of subsistence crops was drastically reduced. T h u s , the combined populations of Barbados, Jamaica and the Leeward Islands in 1660 was m a d e up of 33000 whites and 22500 African slaves, but in 1713 the whites numbered 32 000 and African slaves, 130 ooo. 50 This means that the slave population increased from 40.5 per cent of the total in 1660 to 80.2 per cent in 1713. Similarly, in the French West Indies, the combined population of Martinique and Saint-Domingue in 1678-81 was m a d e up of 6786 whites and 7397 African slaves,51 but by 1780 of the total population of 514849 in all the French West Indies, only 63682 were
47. J. E . Inikori, 1976, p. 204. 48. T . W . Merrick and D . H . Graham, 1979, Table III, 2, p. 29. The Indian population was 252000 in 1798 and 386955 in 1872. T h e European population in both years was 1 010 000 and 3 787 289, respectively. 49. R . B . Toplin, 1972, App., pp. 288-9. 50. Computed from R . S. D u n n , 1972, p. 312. 51. R . Sheridan, 1970, pp. 35 and 49.
96
Africa in world history whites, 437738 were African slaves and 13 429 were free blacks.52 So, the population of African origin in the French West Indies grew from about 52 per cent of the total in the late seventeenth century to about 88 per cent in 1780. It was this massive transplantation of African labour into Latin America, the Caribbean Islands and the southern territories of North America that produced the phenomenal expansion of commodity production and trade in the Atlantic area between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. This, in turn, provided the stimulating opportunities and challenges under pressure of which the process of capitalist transformation was completed in the major West European countries and North America. This same historical process, however, produced structures of underdevelopment and dependence in Latin America and the Caribbean. Because the total population was m a d e u p largely of slaves, the vast majority of the people in Latin America and the Caribbean earned incomes far too low to make them regular members of the market. In consequence, the growth of the domestic market for mass consumer goods was highly restricted. Lacking a growing mass domestic market to encourage the flow of resources into the development of industrial production for h o m e consumption, the profits from mining and plantation agriculture went for the purchase of manufactures imported from Europe, or were repatriated to finance investment and consumption in Europe. T h e situation was aggravated by colonial laws which restricted the establishment of industries in Latin America and the Caribbean during the colonial period. In this way, Latin America and the Caribbean taken together, provided a stimulating market for manufacturers in Western Europe, particularly British manufacturers w h o supplied the British colonies as well as Spanish and Portuguese America, directly or via Spain and Portugal.53 For example, the officiai value of British exports to the British West Indies between 1714 and 1773 amounted in total to £43.4 million (virtually all manufactured goods). During the same period, the official value of commodities exported to Britain by these British West Indian colonies amounted to ¿101.3 million.54 This shows the importance of the N e w World markets to British manufacturers as well as the magnitude of resource repatriation from the slave plantation colonies.55 52. E . Williams, 1970, p. 153. 53. A . Christelow, 1948; J. O . McLachlan, 1940; H . E . S. Fisher, 1963. 54. E . Williams, 1970, p. 151. 55. A c o m m o n feature of the slave plantation economies of the N e w World was the tendency for the level of production to exceed the level of consumption within the territory of production. This was also true of British North America. Between 1714 and 1773, the southern slave plantation colonies of Carolina, Virginia and Maryland exported to Britain commodities worth officially ¿46.6 million, while N e w England, N e w York and Pennsylvania (non-slave colonies) exported goods totalling only £7.2 million. However, the three slave plantation colonies imported from Britain during the same period goods worth only £26.8 million, while the three non-slave colonies imported goods worth £37.9 million.
97
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Africa in morid history
T h e non-development of any important industrial sector gave rise to disarticulated economies in Latin America and the Caribbean, with the mining and agricultural sectors linked strongly to economies in Western Europe and also, later, to the economy of the United States. Associated with this development was the emergence of vested economic interests tied strongly to imports and exports. T h e mining magnates and the agrarian oligarchies in Latin America and the Caribbean saw their interests only in imports and exports. T h e merchant class that grew out of the conditions that prevailed from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries also became enmeshed in imports and exports. T h e highly skewed distribution of property and incomes associated with the plantation and slave economies ensured that there were no other groups that could rival these three (the mine-owners, the agrarian oligarchy and the merchants) in economic and political power. Hence, even after the major countries of Latin America had become politically independent in the nineteenth century, state policies continued to favour the production of primary commodities for export and the import of manufactured goods. This was further encouraged by the outcome of the industrial revolutions in Western Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century. These industrial revolutions, nurtured by the Atlantic system, led to the explosion of demand for foodstuffs and raw materials of all types. At the same time, the tremendous reductions in manufacturing costs brought about by the industrial revolutions so cheapened manufactured goods traded in the Atlantic area that the opportunity cost of setting up the domestic production of manufactured goods for h o m e consumption was raised considerably for the newly independent Latin American countries. T h u s , by the mid-nineteenth century, the economies and societies of Latin America and the Caribbean had become so structured that underdevelopment and dependence had become entrenched.
T h e laying of the foundations of dependency structures in Africa Christopher Wrigley wrote: . . . there is one unexpected conclusion that does seem to be rather forcibly suggested by recent archaeological work, namely, that the intensive peopling of sub-Saharan Africa did not start with the first signs of agriculture, or of iron-working, but only about a thousand (E. Williams, 1970, p. 151.) T h u s , commodity production occurred largely in the slave plantation territories, while consumption was concentrated mainly in the non-slave territories of the Atlantic. T h e non-slave territories of British North America derived their purchasing power largely from their sale of foodstuffs, shipping and merchants' services to the Caribbean slave plantations and also to the slave plantations of the southern colonies of British North America.
99
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
years ago or rather less, at the beginning of what in Bantu Africa is called the Later Iron Age. If this is really so, radically n e w perspectives are opened u p . There is n o w room for demographic expansion to have been proceeding rapidly at the time of the first European contacts .. ,56 T h e available indirect evidence lends m u c h support to this conclusion. Local sources in Africa speak unanimously of general population migrations during thefirsthalf of the present millennium. While these sources often refer to political causes, these population movements certainly had s o m e thing to do with increasing ratios of population to resources in the older places of settlement, forcing some groups to m o v e into unsettled or sparsely settled territories.57 Also, the fourteenth andfifteenthcenturies are often referred to as a period in Africa history during which important changes occurred in the organization and technology of production, both in agriculture and manufacturing, and after the sixteenth century there followed a long period of stability and stagnation.58 Again, rapidly growing population during the preceding centuries must have been an important factor in these changes. T h e evidence thus shows that African societies were going through major processes of transformation w h e n the Europeans arrived in the late fifteenth century. Recent archaeological findings indicate that a high level of social and economic transformation had already been attained in a n u m b e r of 56. C . Wrigley, 1981, p. 18. According to Thurstan Shaw's calculation, the population of Africa in c. -10000 was 2 million, and 5 million in c. -3000 (T. S h a w , 1981, p. 589). Further, Posnansky says that the total population of sub-Saharan Africa before + 1000 was 'well under 10 million'. ( M . Posnansky, 1981, p. 727). For the year + 1 5 0 0 , S h a w has concluded that archaeological evidence supports thefigureof 20 million as the population of West Africa ( T . S h a w , 1977, p. 108). Taking thesefigurestogether, the indication is that the population of West Africa grew rapidly between 1000 and 1500. This is so because, if w e assume that about one-third of the total population of sub-Saharan Africa in 1000 was located in West Africa, then the West African population increased from about 3 million in f.iooo to about 20 million in c.1500. 57. Jan Vansina says that most of the population migrations in the African rain-forest before 1600 involved movements from high to low densities (J. Vansina, 1981, p. 758). Again, Dike's account of migrations into the Niger delta in thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries also shows movement from high to low densities - from Benin to the Delta (K. O . Dike, 1956, pp. 22-5). See also ch. 3 above. 58. For Senegambia, Curtin says that the period from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century was one of comparative stability in agricultural technology, after the developments of the two previous centuries (P. D . Curtin, 1975, pp. 13-15). See also M . Malowist, 1966, and the debate which ensued between A . G . Hopkins, 1966 and Malowist. Neville Chittick also talks of the fourteenth andfifteenthcenturies as the period of greatest prosperity on the East African coast (H. N . Chittick, 1977, p. 209). T h e process seems to have started somewhat later in the interior of East Africa. A s U n o m a h and Webster say: ' T h e years from 1500 to 1800 were marked by considerable population movements throughout this region [the East African interior]. Sparsely populated areas were settled, larger societies were created and n e w states were founded.' (A. C . U n o m a h and J. B . Webster, 1976, p. 272).
100
Africa in world history
places by that time. 59 However, the relatively short period of time the processes had covered by the latefifteenthcentury meant that economic and social structures in Africa still conformed basically to our definition of undevelopment. T h e total population relative to the available agricultural land was still very small. T h e relatively small population was scattered over the huge continent, with groups separated from one another by long distances and difficult terrain.60 T h e emergence of massive desert between black Africa and the Mediterranean and the Middle East (the centres of international commerce for m a n y centuries) reduced black Africa's trade with the rest of the world to commodities with very high value but relatively low transport costs - gold and slaves. Both conditions limited the development of the division of labour, the growth of internal trade, the evolution of market institutions, and the transformation of the pre-capitalist m o d e s of production still overwhelmingly dominant. T h u s , the ongoing population expansion needed to proceed for s o m e centuries to raise the ratio of population to agricultural land sufficiently for social differentiation, economic and political organization to be further elaborated. M o r e extensive external trade based on bulky commodities - agricultural, industrial, mineral, etc. - was also needed to interact with internal factors to speed up the process of structural transformation. T h e establishment of a seaborne commerce between Africa and Western Europe from the second half of thefifteenthcentury seemed atfirstto offer the kind of opportunities that black Africa needed for rapid economic and social transformation. T h e gold trade expanded. Trade in agricultural commodities, such as pepper, was initiated. S o m e stimulus was even given to African cloth producers as the Portuguese and the Dutch participated in the distribution of African cloths to different parts of the African coast.61 These early developments, however, were short-lived. W h e n the vast 59. See for example T . Shaw, 1970. Northrup says, 'Taken as a whole, the material remains of I g b o - U k w u are evidence of a craft industry highly developed in skill and artistry. While both earlier and richer than other evidence, the Igbc—Ukwu finds do not diverge from the general trends of cultural development in southern Nigeria. Yet these craft industries were but the summit of an economy about whose base I g b o - U k w u gives very little information. Despite this lack of direct evidence, it is clear that such specialists and their customers could only have existed in a society producing an agricultural surplus capable of supporting them.' ( D . Northrup, 1978, p. 20). 60. In East Africa, the relatively prosperous coastal towns were not brought into regular trading contact with the East African interior until well into the eighteenth century. A s Roland OKver says: ' T h e reasons for this strange disjunction between coast and interior are certainly in large measure geographical. Behind the narrow coastal plain, the land rises towards the great central plateau, in shelf after shelf of dry thorn scrub, hard to inhabit and difficult to cross. . . . During Iron A g e times at least, then, the focal area of h u m a n development into dense populations and larger societies has lain in the centre of the subcontinent, 1300 kilometres or more from the sea.' R . Oliver, 1977b, pp. 621-2. See also A . C . U n o m a h and J. B . Webster, 1976, p. 272. 61. For these early developments see J. W . Blake, 1977, and A . F . C . Ryder, 1969.
IOI
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 4.5
Slaves being loaded onto a European slaving ship
resources of the Americas became accessible to Western Europe after 1492, and with the virtual elimination of the Indian population as a consequence of the conquest and the diseases introduced by the European conquerors, the role of Africa in the evolving Atlantic economic system was altered. The population which Africa needed to build up in order to provide the internal conditions necessary for a complete structural transformation of the continent's economies and societies was transferred massively to the Americas where it was employed to develop large-scale commodity pro¬ duction and trade. The conditions created over a period of about three centuries by this massive transfer of population discouraged the develop¬ ment of commodity production in Africa, both for internal trade and for export, and laid the foundation for dependency structures in the continent. The first crippling impact of this forced migration was the elimination of the ongoing population growth and the outright depopulation of large areas of the continent. Earlier in the chapter, it was estimated that about 22 million people were exported from black Africa to the rest of the world between 1500 and 1890, 15.4 million across the Atlantic and 6.9 million across the Sahara, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean.62 These figures of actual exports have to be properly interpreted to relate them to demographic processes in black Africa during the period. The main issue to examine is the extent to which these exports reduced the reproductive capacity of the populations of black Africa. This requires an analysis of the age and sex composition of the exported population, 62. See above, pp. 80-83.
102
Africa in world history
because it is the n u m b e r of females of child-bearing age that will determine the magnitude of the reduction in reproduction capacity. In the trade across the Sahara and the R e d Sea, young and attractive females predominated because d e m a n d was largely for concubines. It is generally believed that the sex ratio in this branch of the trade was two females to one male. This view is not based on any hard data. However, it has been confirmed by census evidence relating to the population of black slaves in Egypt in the nineteenth century which shows that the ratio of female to male slaves was about three to one. 63 For exports across the Atlantic, recent research n o w provides hard data with which to show sex ratios for the 404705 Africans imported into different N e w World territories during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.64 This represents about 3 per cent of the estimated total exports to the Americas. While the size and the spread of the sample over time and space are quite good, there is rather an over-representation of the Congo-Angola region, being over 50 per cent of the total. East Africa, however, is not represented at all in the sample, although it is reasonable to assume that the East African ratio must fall somewhere within the range for Western Africa. Overall, the sample shows that females m a d e up 32.9 per cent of the 404705 slaves in the sample. A n important element revealed by an examination of the data for the Atlantic trade is the consistent variation of the sex ratios according to regions of origin. A sample of 43 096 slaves analysed by the writer,65 shows this clearly (see Table 4.5). T h e regional variation shown by this sample is further confirmed by a sample of 55 855 slaves landed in the West Indies in the years 1781-98 (see Table 4-6). 66 F r o m these two sets of data it is clear that the Nigerian area, from the Bight of Benin to the Bight of Biafra, exported the largest proportion of females, ranging from two-fifths to one-half of total exports. However, the other major exporting area, the Congo-Angola region, regularly exported a larger proportion of males than the general average. It is thus likely that the over-representation of the Congo-Angola region in the sample has had a depressing effect on the proportion of families calculated earlier from the 404705 slaves. This regional variation of the sex composition of the population exported is very important in assessing the demographic impact of the exports at the micro-regional level. 63. G . Baer, 1967. 64. Thesefiguresc o m e from: J. E . Inikori, 1982, p. 24 (129 570 slaves); H . S. Klein, 1978, Table 3, p. 30 (55855 slaves); H . S . Klein, 1975, Table 9, p. 84 (181 909 slaves, mostly from Angola); J. Mettas, 1978, cited by P. Manning, 1981, (12697 slaves); D . Northrup, 1978, A p p . D , pp. 335-9 (24502 slaves); K . D . Patterson, 1975, p. 80 (172 slaves). 65. J. E . Inikori, 1982, Table 2, p. 23. T h e sample covers the years, 1764-88, and relates to slaves imported into Jamaica. 66. H . S. Klein, 1978, Table 3, p. 30.
103
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century TABLE
4.5
Sex ratios of slaves from different regions of Africa, 1764-88
African region
Percentage male
Gambia Windward Coast Gold Coast Whydah Benin Bonny Calabar Gabon Angola
Percentage female
72.1
27.9
65.7 66.8
34-3 33-2 42.2 50.04
57-8 49.96 56.5 58.8 68.8 68.2
43-5 41.2 31.2 31-8
Source J. E . Inikori, 1982, Table 2, p. 23.
TABLE
4.6
Sex ratios ofslaves landed in the West Indies, ij8i-g8, by region of origin
African region Senegambia Sierra Leone Windward Coast Gold Coast Bight of Benin Bight of Biafra Congo-Angola Unknown
Slaves landed 190 5 544 3420 2721
315 18218 12 168 13279
Percentage male
Percentage female
67-5 64.9 70.6 64.4
32.5 35-1 29.4
54-5 56.9 69.9
45-5 43-1 30.1
65-3
34-7
35-6
Source H . S. Klein, 1978, Table 3, p. 30.
For the whole of black Africa, the evidence analysed above shows that the number of females annually exported was of a magnitude that must have drastically reduced the region's reproduction capacity. Considering the additional population losses caused by the exports to the Americas losses due to mortality between the time of capture and the time of final export, and deaths arising from the wars and famines associated with the gathering of captives for export — along with the 6.9 million exported to the other parts of the world (mostly females), the evidence indicates strongly that the population of black Africa declined absolutely from at least 1650 to 1850. This overall decline was not evenly shared among all the sub-regions. W h e n the regional variations in the sex ratios shown earlier are related to the regional distribution of the total exports, a fair assessment of the 104
N
Africa in world history
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The creation of the provinces of Egypt and Habesh was the culmination of Ottoman influence in North-east Africa. From 1517 to the 1580s
Ottoman power in Egypt was at its zenith. No symptoms of Istanbul's decline had yet appeared: on the contrary its power was even further consolidated. In 1575, for example, areas south of the southern town of Girgä were united into one administrative unit and in 1583 the Province of Upper Egypt was created, the Hawwära chiefs being replaced as admin¬ istrators by an official from Cairo. Traditionally, Upper Egypt had occupied a distinctive place within the political organization of the Nile valley states. It was different from the rest of Egypt in its politics, its social systems, its peoples, its religions and its geography. Being so distinguished it had often been the refuge of movements directed against authority.11 Its political importance had been enhanced by its economic importance which was based, among other things, on its control of the trade routes and the traffic on the Nile. The 11. The Upper Egypt sub-province was also very large and, during the 1600s, even increased in size. Arab kahilas were ejected from the Bahnasa area in 1640, from the region
of Asyüt and Aftïh in 1694, and from the vicinity of Aswan, Manfalüt and Minya in 1698.
146
The Ottoman conquest of Egypt
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Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century T h e n e w king was deposed almost as soon as the Moroccan troops had departed but the Songhay of Dendi did not follow up this attempt at reasserting themselves. Broken u p into a number of small and insignificant political units they ceased to be a major political factor in the region. T h e y did, however, retain their freedom until the beginning of the nineteenth century, despite strong pressure from Fulbe and Tuareg nomads from Liptako and Air. T h e B a m b a r a kingdoms of Segu and Kaarta After the break-down of Songhay's westward advance and the defeat of the Mansa of Mali at Jenne in 1599, the Bambara peasants of Niger were dangerously exposed to Fulbe and A r m a incursions. T h e Bambara, w h o practised their o w n religion, were divided into several kafu whose Marka and Muslim chiefs maintained reasonably amicable relations with Jenne and Timbuktu. T h e y appealed for protection to the traditional hunter confraternities or to clans specializing in warfare, such as the Samake, w h o rapidly assimilated Moroccanfightingmethods. 37 In the middle of the seventeenth century, in a movement m u c h like a peasant revolt, the Bambara rebelled against their Marka chiefs. It is probably from this background that the Kulibali clan emerged, which was to found the kingdoms of Segu and Kaarta.38 In Segu, Biton Kulibali (£.1710-^.1755) imposed his authority with the help of his ton-dyon, mostly captives or former captives taken in war. But no sooner had he established his position than, in or around 1739, his kingdom was attacked by the Joola of K o n g led by Famagha Wattara. T h e Joola remained in Segu until 1745 w h e n they received news of the death of the Faama of K o n g , Sekou Wattara.39 Biton Kulibali, n o w enfeebled, spent the rest of his life consolidating his kingdom and getting rid of competition from his Masa-si cousins w h o were installed to the north-west of Segu in the region of Murdia. In 1753-4 he carried the war into their o w n territory, destroyed their capital Sunsanna and captured their chief, Fulakoro, w h o was put to death in Segu. After this the Masa-si, led by Sebamana (1754-^.1758), moved away and imposed their rule on Kaarta.40 After Biton Kulibali's death, the Kingdom of Segu went through a long period of anarchy until about 1766 w h e n a n e w dynasty rose to power, founded by Ngolo Diarra. After restoring the kingdom to unity, Ngolo Diarra engaged in large-scale military operations in Macina and Fuladugu, and even against the Mossi and Yatenga countries. His excellent relations with the Azawad Kunta and their chief, Shaykh al-Mukhtär (1729-1811), 37. 38. 39. 40.
312
al-Sa'di, 1964, p. 276. ibid., pp. 406-30. See also C . Monteil, 1924; L . Tauxier, 1942. O . Houdas, 1966, pp. 112-13. See P. Marty, 1927, pp. 367-9.
The end of the Songhay empire
seem to have m a d e Ngolo Diarra treat Timbuktu with circumspection. H e was succeeded by his son, M o n z ó n (
51
$ ^
S
393
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
itself up as a serious competitor to the Kaabu M a n d e , and fought them until they collapsed in the nineteenth century. But before that time a division of spheres of influence covering all the coastal and interior countries between the Gambia and Sierra Leone slowly grew up between these two hegemonies.45 The coastal hegemony of the Karou in Sierra Leone and Liberia T h e history of the Karou has been written by O . Dapper. First there was the Quoja kingdom, around Cape M o u n t , which was conquered by the Karou and Folgia from the interior. T h e Quoja kingdom had the peoples of Sierra Leone (the Bullom, Quilliga and Carrodoboe) under its protection and had appointed provincial governors w h o reigned over them like viceroys. It also had control over the peoples of the Rio Sestos, the eastern Galla and Cape Mesurado. W h e n the Karou conquered Quoja they divided it into two main sectors: the Quojabercoma (country of the Quoja) and the Veybercoma (country of the Vai). T h e Karou leaders, w h o directly controlled the territory from Cape Verga in the north to Cape Mesurado in the south, were war-chiefs whose war-hardened soldiers, armed with poisoned arrows, often held sway over the other peoples of the region. Absolute monarchs, defenders and protectors of the kingdom, they succeeded one another from father to son. T h e y put d o w n revolts in the conquered provinces, repelled the onslaughts of neighbouring peoples, such as the D o g o , Gebbe and M a n o u , and continually defended the integrity of the empire. Nevertheless, they remained allied to the Folgia and M a n o u of the interior with w h o m they had relations of vassalage. In Sierra Leone and Liberia, on the upper reaches of the M o a , M a n o and Saint-Paul rivers, there was a host of peoples, probably of M a n d e origin, w h o came under the suzerainty of the M a n o u . T h e Folgia, Karou, H o n d o , Galla and Quoja had the same structures and customs, obeyed the same secret societies and were linked by a rising chain of vassalage from the coast inland to the Mandi-Mani (the Lord of the M a n o u ) , the greatest suzerain in the whole region. Despite their military power the Karou were dependent on the Folgia, w h o were in turn dependent on the M a n o u . T h e coastal peoples were descended from the peoples of the interior but were dependent on their goodwill for trading exchanges.46 T h e function of Karou hegemony was to order this trade between the coast and the interior. Their main economic base was trade with the Europeans from which they m a d e big profits as middlemen. They also retailed European goods to their vassals and those of their vassals to the Europeans. Political and military supremacy was therefore to maintain such a system, and the Karou sphere of influence seems to have been above all a commercial sphere indispensable to the operation of the mercantilist 45- J. Suret-Canale, 1976 edn, pp. 486-504; W . Rodney, 1970b, pp. 223-39. 46. O . Dapper, 1686 edn, pp. 252^74.
394
The states and cultures of the Upper Guiñean coast
slave-trading system in this region in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. European trade and the comprador peoples of the coast T h e development of trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries brought about the formation a m o n g the coastal peoples of merchant groups acting as intermediaries between the European ships and the African societies of the interior. Such were the Mestizos (half-castes) and Creoles (people born in a locality but with origins elsewhere) of the rivers in Casamance, Guinea and Sierra Leone. From the Portuguese Lançados to the Mestizos and Creoles of the rivers in Guinea and Sierra Leone Whether Afro-Portuguese, descended from the Portuguese settlers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, or Anglo-Africans descended from the British merchants of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the mulatto groups m a d e up a very special people. Their influence on the historical development of the coast between the Gambia and Sierra Leone was decisive. Lançados and Afro-Portuguese Portuguese influence in West Africa was due to deliberate immigration but particularly to the m a n y expatriates w h o populated the Southern Rivers and the Atlantic islands (especially Cape Verde) from thefifteenthcentury onwards. T h e y included merchant adventurers and agents of the trading companies and were called the lançados. W . Rodney defines the latter as people w h o were thrown (lançar, to throw) a m o n g the blacks to do business. Most of them were Portuguese, with a sprinkling of Greeks, Spaniards and even Indians. They recruited African grumetes (auxiliaries) and plied the valleys of the Senegal, the Gambia, the Casamance and the little rivers of Guinea. M a n y settled in the Cacheu and G e b a sectors (partly Guinea-Bissau now), and some in Sierra Leone at Port Loko. B y the late 1500s and early 1600s they had penetrated Soso country and encountered the M a n d e traders from the interior. T h e lançados soon laid the foundations of an Afro-Portuguese c o m munity: settled in villages and living close to blacks, they took African wives or mistresses. Portuguese soon became a local lingua franca second to M a n d e . T h e Portuguese presence was thus secured during the following centuries despite the decline of the mother country. T h e lançados and their descendants controlled local trade in Upper Guinea in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the racial c o m position of the group changed conspicuously. In the seventeenth century the flow of migrants decreased until the number of pure Portuguese fell below that of the mulattos, and the lançados came to include more and more halfbreed children, thefilhosda terra (children of the land), w h o dominated the Beafada and Port Loko areas in the mid-i6oos. T h e Mestizos became
395
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
blacker and blacker until they could hardly be distinguished from Africans. By the end of the eighteenth century the Afro-Portuguese community thus comprised few whites and m a n y blacks; but it was run by the Mestizos, w h o had imparted to it its main socio-cultural features. T h e laucados had produced a socio-cultural group new to the coasts of Africa. Speaking Portuguese, dressing in European style and living in oblong houses with whitewashed walls and sleeping verandahs, they nevertheless adopted even such African customs as tattooing and making ethnic markings. They practised a distorted Catholicism in which the wearing of the cross went hand-in-hand with a strong belief in charms, and the celebration of the Christian saints did not inhibit ancestor veneration. T h e laucados werefirstbound to the peoples of the coast by bonds of friendship - Bibiana Vaz of Cacheu, for example, co-operated closely with the Papel and Bainuk and owned property at Farim a m o n g the M a n d e . Later some were integrated into the social, political and cultural life of the African peoples by kinship ties - José Lopez de M o u r a , for example, grandson of a M a n e king of Sierra Leone, often took part in the political life of this sector where he became the greatest kingmaker of the second half of the eighteenth century. Others were quite simply Europeanized Africans, such as Francisco Correia, a M a n d e from Geba w h o spoke fluent Portuguese, was highly educated and dressed elegantly in the European style.47 This Afro-Portuguese group drew its strength from its function as a comprador class. Its members did no productive work but purveyed goods to the European ships and carried on a seasonal trade related to the agricultural activities of the indigenous Africans. They thus m a d e big profits and so came under attack from the European trading companies which tried to by-pass them. While most were dependent on the European ships some became rich enough to do without them. These included the great mulatto families of the time: the Vaz of the Rio Cacheu and Rio Nunez; the T o m b a M é n d e z and Antonio Vaz in the Gambia; Sittel Fernando of the Rio Pongo and Rio Nunez; and José Lopez de M o u r a in Sierra Leone. T h e Bibiana Vaz family became prominent in the Cacheu sector in the seventeenth century. Bibiana lived in Cacheu in Papel country but had a house a m o n g the Bainuk and another at Farim among the M a n d e . She had a two-masted ferry-boat and her brother, Ambrosio, at Cacheu, and her nephew, Francisco, ran a substantial business on the Rio Nuñez. Senhora Bibiana Vaz's counterpart in Sierra Leone was Senhor José Lopez de M o u r a , the richest m a n in this area in thefirsthalf of the eighteenth century. There were m a n y disagreements between the wealthy mulatto traders and the trading companies, particularly between supporters of free and unrestricted trade and supporters of regulation and monopolies. T h e middlemen had to resist the trading companies' attempts to by-pass them. 47. For full details about the Afro-Portuguese see W . Rodney, 1970b, pp. 200-22.
396
The states and cultures of the Upper Guiñean coast
F r o m 1684 to 1685, for example, Bibiana Vaz quarrelled with Captain José Gonçalves Doliveira of the Cacheu C o m p a n y for refusing non-Portuguese ships permission to trade in the area even if they had paid their anchorage dues. T h e Afro-Portuguese merchants, led by Bibiana Vaz, petitioned against the measure and w o n over the local Papel w h ofinallycompelled Doliveira to permit trade with the English. T h e determination of the middlemen groups to control the economic and political destinies of the coast by advocating free trade as against the monopoly of the big European companies, expressed itself in Sierra Leone in the form of José Lopez de Moura's struggle with the Royal African C o m p a n y . T h e British company aimed in particular at breaking the alliance between the African rulers and the mulattos and put an end to the latter's role as middlemen. Led by Lopez de M o u r a , the mulattos reacted against this threat to their existence and, at the height of the struggle, destroyed the company's factory which was never able to resume its activities in Sierra Leone. From the English merchant adventurers to the Anglo-Africans of Sierra Leone Another mulatto group was the Anglo-Africans of Sierra Leone w h o came into being in the eighteenth century. B y 1800 they formed a group of nearly 12000 people a m o n g w h o m the Tuckers, Rogers, Corkers and Clevelands were the leading families. T h e Tuckers, Rogers and Caulkers (later Corkers) came from England in the seventeenth century and were initially involved in the trade of the English companies. T h e y took African wives and thus penetrated indigenous society within which they were associated with the ruling class. T h e Rogers and the Corkers, for example, married into the royal family of Sherbro Island. A s with the Afro-Portuguese, a culturally hybrid social group came into being here in which a m a n such as James Cleveland, whose mother was a Kisi w o m a n , could occupy a prominent position in the secret society of the Poro. A s servants of the trading company the ancestors of the Anglo-Africans initially did menial factory jobs such as store-keepers, carpenters and locksmiths. But they soon became important commercial middlemen and enriched themselves considerably. In about 1690 the Tuckers dominated Sherbro Island; and in the mid-eighteenth century Henry Tucker was its leading representative. In the second half of the eighteenth century, James Cleveland came to prominence in Sierra Leone. 48 T h u s in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Afro-Portuguese and Anglo-Africans constituted a social group with specific economic functions, and provided a cultural milieu in which Europeans and Africans, whites and blacks, came together. Conscious of this role, they managed to make their mark with whites and blacks alike. But conscious of their interests they exploited the Africans from w h o m they extracted m a x i m u m 48. ibid.
397
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
profits; and although they rebelled against the rigid monopoly of the trading companies, they were none the less agents in the service of European mercantile capitalism. Trade and peoples from the Grain Coast to the Tooth Coast F r o m Cape Mesurado to Cape Lahou, the development of European trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries did not give rise to any dynamic merchant groups a m o n g the K r u peoples. Although poorly linked to the Sudanic hinterland, this coastal sector nevertheless boasted m a n y villages built at the mouths of the rivers, and abounded in a great variety of produce. T h e English and Dutch ships took on supplies of malaguetta pepper at the River Sestos, Cape Palmas and Cavally and slaves at Bassa, Drewin and Saint Andrew: ivory they bought everywhere. This sector's lack of economic dynamism, despite its wealth of ivory, was no doubt due to the malaguetta crisis and the mentality of the people w h o were poor and more concerned with receiving presents than organizing trading relations with the Europeans. T h e one exception was the Saint A n d r e w river area which offered the ships its gold and slaves and its 'elephants' teeth' weighing over ioo kilograms. Its 'amiable and dignified' chiefs were draped in loincloths as on the Quaqua Coast.
Conclusion Despite the difficulties inherent in drawing up a historical synthesis of this region, it can be seen that between 1500 and 1800 these peoples and countries experienced a unified development. F r o m relative isolation they were gradually integrated into the circuits of the world market built u p by the Europeans' Atlantic voyages since the great explorations. This integration was accompanied by population movements from the interior to the coast and by sharp social and political changes wherever the people tried to take advantage of the opportunities European trade offered them.
398
1
1
T h e states and cultures of the Lower Guiñean coast
J
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plate 16. î
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Hausa loin-cloth called Goranka da nono, literally 'there is milk in your gourd'
plate 16.2 Hausa robe worn by men, and showing a strong Islamic influence. Made ofcotton dyed blue with indigo and embroidered with silk
markets were situated on a trade route and were thereby in privileged
positions: Kebbi, for example, took care of Kwanni as Katsina did of Tessawa. In Zamfara itself, the northern and north-eastern markets of Baje, Fahai, Birnin, Zamfara and so on, supplied cotton, indigo, tobacco, onions and cattle, while their southern counterparts - Kiawa, Jata, Tsohu477
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I
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
i
478
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The Ilausa states
war, Barrago and others - received abundant supplies of cereals. U p p e r Kebbi sent yarn, fabrics and slaves to Lower Kebbi, which supplied nets, harpoons, hides and abara (large dugout canoes).86 T h e growth in domestic trade, a consequence of Hausaland's development and also a contributory factor, has received little attention. However, because trade prospered revenues increased - in the form of various taxes and the gaisuwa which the traders often had to provide. External trade remained in the hands of the Hausa, although some Azbinawa, Arabs, Kanuri and Wangara also took part. External trade immediately suggests the caravans. Regardless of whether these were the azalai travelling from K a w ä r to G a o , the ayari linking Azbin and Hausaland, or the fatake plying the K a n o - G w a n j a route, their first concern was to ensure that their assignment could be successfully carried out.87 A s already mentioned, each sovereign took security precautions to protect the caravans in his o w n territory as they paid taxes to the states through which they travelled. Before presenting the overall situation, several regional variants88 should be mentioned. In Zamfara, the Karfi assembled everything the sarakunan rafi (grazing-tax collectors) had levied. Here, salt and natron from N g u r u , gathered on the shores of Lake Chad, were marketed at an earlier date than salt from Bilma or Dallol Fogha. Similarly, the dan Bahar breed of horse, from Bahr al-Ghazäl and highly prized throughout Hausaland, was used in the cavalry and for cross-breeding with local stock. Kebbi sent salt to N u p e , Ilorin and Gwanja, from which it received tunics and kola nuts. There were several international markets within the region and on its periphery. In the north, Agades and Bilma continued to serve as links with northern Africa; in the centre, Katsina and K a n o were staging-points in north-south and east-west relations; and in the south, Zaria, Birnin Gwari and Birnin Yawuri enabled the networks to be extended towards Yoruba, N u p e , Borgu, Gwanja (and Timbuktu for Yawuri). A considerable volume of merchandise circulated in Hausaland. T h e Sahara and Azbin sent Arab and European goods to these markets, including mirrors and paper, but particularly horses (the dan Azbin breed, also called bagazam, from Azbin), camels, dates, henna, salt (palma after the city of Bilma), swords and other articles. Part of the salt and sword consignments were in transit and bound ultimately for the south. In return, Hausaland supplied them with slaves, clothes, fabrics, millet, hides, iron, gold dust and kola nuts from Gwanja. Borno had horses (dan Bahar or Bahargazal), natron and salt to offer, and in exchange received metal articles, gold dust and kola nuts, again from Gwanja. Hausaland exported salt, swords, condiments, hides, clothes and fabrics, 86. G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 137-42; M . Alkali, 1969, pp. 4 1 - 2 . 87. For details see H . J. Fisher, 1977, pp. 267-9; G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 149-51. 88. G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 253-4; M . Alkali, 1969, p. 42.
479
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
:CYRENAICA;
Tripoli MogadoM
Qhät
Bilma
Arawan
\a
le
^Timbuktu}
BORNO'
NILE VALLEY,
WADAI
Jenne r
Kankan
C
VOLTA
HAUSALAND.
(BAGIRMIJ
fDARFURJ
by
'bansannei ^Aango
Yawuri Kong ^DjougouJ
Salaga
REGION
Route a:
became important after the 18th-century founding of Mabruk which linked fTjwat with the Niger Bend.
Route b:
the 'kola route', linking Hausaland and the Volta region. This route grew up after the emergence of Salaga as a kola-trading centre in the 18th century.
Route c:
linked Kankan, founded at the end of the 17th century largely for the kola trade, with Jenne in the Niger Bend.
Route d:
the ancient route from Cyrenaica to Kufra, extended to Wadai by the end of the 18th century, thus linking with the Sudan Road.
Route e:
the Sudan Road, an east-west route linking the Nile valley with the savanna kingdoms of Därfür, Wadai and Bagirmi, and on through Borno and Air to Morocco.
Route f:
from Cairo through DGnkula in Nubia, to Därfür.
FIG. 16.5 Diagram showing the main trade and caravan links in the Sahara and west and central Sudan, c.1215 Source: adapted from M . Hiskett, The Development ofIslam in West Africa, 1984, p. 321, London, Longman. Adapted by kind permission of Longman Group U K Ltd
The Hausa states
slaves and horses to Gwanja, Borgu, N u p e and Yoruba and received in return various European goods, local iron, antimony, slaves and eunuchs, rifles from N u p e (for K a n o ) , and kola nuts from Gwanja for general consumption.
Social relations Despite the large number of immigrants into Hausaland, an individual's ethnic origin had little social significance, while religious affiliation itself was so unreliable that M u h a m m a d Alwälfs defeat was attributed to the profanation of the Dirki?9 It is for this reason that w e shall distinguish between three basic groups. Producers of material goods Farmers formed the largest category. T h e more intensive exploitation of the land and the improvements in farming practices - overshadowed by the importance of agrarian rites, but highlighted in the Feast of T h o u sands - were to bring about far-reaching changes. Until that time, the main source of labour had been the extended family. It is clear that some population groups had been reduced to a state of bondage: the M a z u m a w a , for example, lost their independence as soon as Gobir reached the Birnin Lalle area. Furthermore, the dispersal of the M a g u z a w a on the orders of Bugaya and the fact that they were s u m m o n e d by Kukuna 9 0 seem to imply that they had a different status, since Zanku, their patriarch, was not an elector, whereas Sarkin M a z u m had to be consulted, at least for the sake of appearances. T h e M a g u z a w a of Fankui were subordinate as a group and thus tributaries, but their relations with the state differed from those existing between the sovereign Sarkin K a n o and his vassal Sarkin Gaya. T h e last source of labour was slave labour. Alongside the farmers was a wide variety of craftsmen. Intense specialization had produced the high standards already described. Moreover, m a n y slaves engaged in craft activities at their master's behest and for his benefit - at least to begin with. A large n u m b e r of herdsmen came to adopt a sedentary life-style and to employ slaves both for cereals production and to guard their herds. This process increased the pace of their integration into the political community. Whether the producers were free m e n , tributaries or slaves, they were all members of the political community and their relations with the state were codified. Distinctions based on wealth and on proximity to the machinery of the state were gradually introduced. 89. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 127. 90. ibid., pp. 107, 121.
481
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Traders In thefifteenthcentury, Gwanja was linked to Borno through K a n o . In the early 1500s the Azbinawa brought salt to Gobir, while the traders in Gwanja m a d e trips to Katsina where Kanuri and Arabs were beginning to settle. Subsequently, the Kambarin Barebari, w h o originated from Borno, were to m a k e a n a m e for themselves in long-distance trade, but the documentation currently available does not suggest that there was specialization by ethnic groups. Despite this, traders were divided into several categories, ranging from wholesalers engaging in fatauci (trade over m e d i u m and long distances), to retailers w h o organized the kasuwanci (retail trade).91 A group of attajirai (rich traders) was formed which probably included merchants dealing in slaves, horses, kola nuts and clothing. In Zamfara, 92 aristocrats and traders used their slaves to enhance the value of the gandaye. There is little information on the production of cereals or industrial crops, such as cotton. However, traders and scholars always seem to have been closely linked. T h e main unifying factor among the traders lay in their c o m m o n interests; even specialization along ethnic lines could become established only if it brought in increased profits. T h e traders offered the aristocracy luxury goods, and did not hesitate to emigrate w h e n they felt they were being taxed excessively: some Arabs left K a n o and settled in Katsina because Kumbari was increasing the tax burden. 93 Between 1500 and 1800, the different Wangara and Hausa subgroups succeeded in uniting the trade networks throughout Western Africa and, according to Ki-Zerbo, 9 4 constituted the middle class in the main towns. T h e traders continued to consolidate their position as a class, while improving their techniques and spreading the Islamic faith to their advantage. The aristocracy T h e ruling class included the masu sarauta (all those with any political authority). It was subdivided into several levels. T h e Sarki was at the head of the nobility which was composed of the princely families, families governing the semi-autonomous cities and vassal provinces, and representatives of the various nationalities, particularly the Azbinawa, the S h u w a Arabs and the Fulbe. T h e nobility performed various duties within th~e machinery of the state, and tended to become a h o m o geneous group whose cohesion was strengthened by marriage ties: 'Abdullah Burja (1438-52) was thefirstsovereign of K a n o to marry one daughter of 91. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 1 0 9 - m ; M . A d a m u (forthcoming); and U N E S C O , General History of Africa, Vol. IV, p. 294. 92. G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 147-8. 93. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p . 124. 94. J. Ki-Zerbo, 1978, p. 175.
482
The Ilausa states
Sarkin Dutse, one of Sarkin Shira, one of Sarkin K a n o and one of the Galadima.95 All the dignitaries appointed by the Sarki to run the state formed the second level. T h e y were of c o m m o n e r or serf origin, but their position gave them access to wealth and esteem through the gifts they received, but particularly through pillaging. In some instances, they held key military offices.96 W a m b a i Giwa decided to enlarge the city of K a n o to please Nazaki (c.1618-25) and 'went to the site each day with a thousand dishes of food andfiftyoxen up until the time the building work was finished', but he was stripped of his office by the subsequent Sarki. This section of the ruling class ultimately controlled the state. For example, it urged M u h a m m a d Nazaki to counter Katsina's authority, and it opposed the attack against Katsina planned by Zaudai. Kebbi's decline began when the dignitaries holding the military offices had grown so rich that they lost interest in the affairs of the state. T h e aristocracy, primarily the princes and the royal slaves, confiscated the property of the talakawa (ruled), particularly when the sovereign showed signs of weakness. T h e question of social relations appears to have been dominated by two factors. T h e sale of Africans by certain sovereigns and the participation of Kawâr and Zawïla in the slave trade had already been stressed by al-Ya'kûbï as early as 891. Moreover, it was said of the Mai of K ä n e m , Arku (f.102367) that: 'Reflecting one day on the large number of slaves he possessed, he installed 300 of them in Dirkou, 300 in the Saguedine mosque and a further 300 in Zaylan'. These appear to be the first indicators97 of both the export of slaves from the region and their use within it. In Kano, 9 8 Tsamia (c. 1307-43) refused 200 slaves brought to him by the followers of traditional religion, but the Kwararafa were compelled to send some to Yaji (f.134985) and to his son Kanajeji (r.1390-1410). A s 'Abdullah Burja (1438-52) was about to make a return Galadima D a w u d a asked him to rest and began to wage war in his stead: 'every two months he sent Sarkin K a n o a thousand slaves. Each day Sarkin K a n o sent him horses, clothing and horse trappings'. B y the end of the campaign, he had accumulated 21 000 slaves, distributed among twenty-one villages and all named Indabo. Contrary to the recent view of one specialist99 w h o regarded this development as a population movement, it was in fact a genuine slaving expedition, well organized and profitable. Proof of this can be seen from the emergence of the category of the Indabawa (Rumfa was to seize their daughters), w h o were distinct from the Maguzawa: it should be added that the term indabo 95. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. n o . 96. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 117 (Kano); D . M . Hamani, 1975, p. 85 (Kebbi); G . N a D a m a , 1977, p. 351 (embezzlement). 97. J. M . Cuoq, 1975, p. 49; D . Lange, 1977, p. 67. 98. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 103-12. 99. M . Hiskett, 1984, pp. 101-2.
483
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
is reminiscent of the Soninke debe, the Fulfulde debeere and the Songhay dabey (a village of slaves). T h e Indabo engaged in production activities and crafts, and particularly in agriculture. In Katsina, the city of Tsagero was a royal property where large numbers of slaves were kept, and where even princes were sent.100 T h e towns in the Gozaki area, in the south, stepped up their relations with K a n o and Zazzau (Zaria): the cotton-growing on the estates in that area eventually came to depend on slaves imported from Zazzau, and part of the crop was exported to K a n o . Whether the slave was a commodity, a servant, a high-ranking public official or a producer in a subordinate position, he had a role to play in the development of the economy and the state. However, the export of slaves has to be examined regarding the sources of supply in Europe and in the Orient, even before the Atlantic trade began to claim its share. T h e contribution of slavery to the prosperity of the region will become clearer w h e n it has been singled out from all other forms of subordination. F r o m this point of view, the transition from the status of bawa (captive) to that of bacucane (house-born slave) is found in other areas of the savannah, the terms woloso (Mande), forso (Songhay), dimaajo (Fulfulde) being the equivalents of bacucane. Research should be focused on the growth of slavery during this period, in which the development of mercantile relationships simplified the social stratification. W e already have enough evidence to show that the lot of the slaves was not preferable to that of the talaka.101 T h e masu sarauta (aristocrats) can be regarded as opposing the talakawa, w h o were free producers but had no political power. A s the aristocracy, the cultivated members of society, and the traders grew rich, the distinction shifted to an economic level, with the masu arziki or attajirai being the wealthy, and the talakawa the poor. T h e bawan Sarki (royal slave) ceased to be a talaka, from both the political and economic standpoints. T h e situation was thereby clarified, because the ethnic and religious differences had been relegated to the background, and this left those in power and the second-class citizens confronting one another. Culture a n d religion Political and economic developments gave rise to m a n y cultural changes. O n a material level, for instance, the architecture was improved and, even today, the cities still compete with each other in their building styles. In music, some instruments became widespread (such as the kakaki and the ioo. Y . B . U s m a n , 1981, pp. 43, 49; P. E . Lovejoy, 1983, p. 113. 101. See F . Cooper, 1979. See also the bibliography in P. E . Lovejoy, 1983. Particular attention is given to the Songhay empire by L . E . Kubbel, 1974; his ideas are of great interest for the savannah as a whole. T h e presence of the term talaka in m a n y of the African languages (Tamajaq, Kanuri, Hausa, Fulfulde, Songhay, Gulmancema, Moore, etc.) should be noted. It more or less corresponds to hadólo in Takrür. However, in Takrür and in Kebbi, two expressions emphasize the position of agriculture in the savannah's economy; samba remooru and Bakabban kumbu are farmers w h o have turned back to the land.
484
The Hausa states
plate 16.3
The decorated façade of a Birni house in Zinder
Key to the 'speaking' decoration, as explained by the Zinder master craftsman, Dandtbi, and recorded by his nephew, Cheffou Malam: 1
The vestibule: Zaure
2 Corner horns: Zanko, the cock's crest, is the name of a type ofplait made from women's hair. 3 The peak of the pediment: Tsoro, the wrestler's plait (to which his talisman is attached) which frightens the enemy. 4 The main strapwork decoration on the pediment: Dagui is the term used to describe the embroidery on Hausa men's robes, the lion's print, the sign indicating hopes ofgreatness. 5 The Agades Cross, this jewel of Hausa blacksmiths in the service of Tuareg masters, was to be interpreted as a fertility symbol by Jean Gabus. 6 The sign under every window, Kura, the hyena, equals a hook for pulling up a water-scoop.
7 The sword blade, Ashasha, on each side of the entrance, is located on the pillars called Dogari, the Prince's guards.
8 Kubi: symbols from playing cards, a personal contribution by Dandibi. 9 Embroidery design known as Sarka, which is one of the principal themes of traditional decoration (as used in the Sultan's palace at Daura, the cradle of the Hausa people). It is also known as Durgusum taguwa, or Strapwork of threads.
485
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
algaita) and orchestras were brought into the royal ceremonial. W e are indebted to the literate members of society for having mentioned some of the kirari (praise-songs) dedicated to the sovereigns and other important persons in K a n o . T h e main feature of Hausaland in this respect was its richness and cultural unity - the outcome of a homogenizing process that m a d e the Guber of Africa's greatest vehicular languages under the n a m e Hausa.m Islamization at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was confined to traders and the political élite, w h o used it to support the consolidation of power at the centre. However, the end of the period was to be marked by an intensification of the open struggle between the political aristocracy and the scholars.103 T h e Kano Chronicle and the Wangarawa Chronicle show the development of their relations from the inside. K a n o witnessed a massive and regular influx of scholars.104 Under Kisoki's reign (1509-65), several scholars arrived. T h e first, Shaihu B a Tunashe, brought with him the Ashafa book; the following year he received a student from Zazzau, w h o became his leading disciple. H e asked the sovereign to build a mosque for the Friday sermons for the R u m a w a , and this was granted. T h e second scholar, D a n G w a r a n d u m e , took up residence at the place where A b u Bakr K a d o , Kisoki's successor, was to read the Ashafa book. T h e third, Shaihu Abdussalami, introduced three books. A B u Bakr, w h o m a d e the princes learn the Kur'an, was to be thefirstto read one of them. There was also a group of three brothers from Borno: one, Shaihu Kursiki turned d o w n the post of kadi which his brother M a g u m e accepted, while Kabi, the third remained a simple scholar. Three others, Watasanu, Buduru and K u d u arrived later. Under the reign of A b u Bakr Kado (c. 1565-73), a second group immigrated to Kano, including T a m a , M a l a m Sharif, Getso and Wuri; they came from Bagirmi (or Lagumi according to other sources) and hadfirstspent some time in Katsina before settling in Godiya where T a m a , their leader, married. M u h a m m a d Zakl (¿.1582-1618) married one of T a m a ' s daughters, and instituted the Cokana and the Dirki talismans before attacking Katsina. It was on account of the scholars that the Katsinawa did not sack K a n o . However, K a n o attacked in its turn one morning when the feast of Ramadan was being celebrated, and was victorious. In the end, the scholars negotiated peace between K a n o and Katsina in the period between 1648 and 1651. K a n o thus occupied a privileged position at this time and attracted m a n y scholars, at least a third of w h o m came from Borno. T h e y brought books with them and were often m u c h travelled. O n e of them, Kursiki, remained remote from the centre of power but another, T a m a , became the sovereign's father-in-law.
102. Leo Africanus, 1956, Vol. I, p. 16. 103. H . J. Fisher, 1975, pp. 92-7; R . A . Adeleye, 1976, pp. 596-601; S. A . Balogun, 1980; M . Hiskett, 1984, pp. 68-109. 104. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 112-16, 120-2.
486
The Hausa states
In Birnin Katsina,105 a distinction could be made between several groups descending from Wâlï A b u 'Abdullah! b. Masan!, M a l a m Buhârï (who had declined an invitation to settle in the capital) and from M a l a m ' U t h m a n (who had come from Borno) and so on. M a n y cultivated people from differing backgrounds, ethnic groups and places of origin lived in other cities. This intelligentsia, which was scattered over a territory whose population and leaders considered themselves Islamized, did not occupy any important offices in government. T h e y were conscious that they were a separate group and kept their distance from the ruling class. Zamfara 106 differed in that Islam did not take root there until a late stage probably because most of its towns were far from the major cities and the caravan routes of Central Sudan. Nevertheless, Kanuri scholars m a y have participated in converting the sovereign to Islam. Unlike in the other states, the Imam of Anka had a realfief;the Imam's residence was a sanctuary and a place of refuge for all those w h o incurred the wrath of the rulers. Three other offices were reserved for the scholars: the Limanin Ciki was responsible for the education of the royal family, while the Dan Kodo and Dan Dubai were advisers on religious affairs, the custodians of Zamfara's history and responsible for praying for the army's victory. T h efirstMuslim sovereign reigned in about 1670, and Babba (f.1715) had 100 educated m e m b e r s of the community pray for Zamfara's success against Kebbi. For their income the scholars relied on the generosity of the aristocracy w h o contributed to their physical welfare and most probably m a d e them gifts of money. However, it is difficult to fault the objectivity of the educated members of the community even when their o w n situation is involved. For example, Shaykh ' A b d al-Rahmän Zagaiti107 prayed for his descendants to be founts of wisdom so that they could become advisers to the king; R u m f a gave two properties to each of the Shaykh's two sons; while the Wambai, w h o resided in Karaye, presented Habïbullâhi, the third son, with afiefas a reward for his blessing. It could be concluded from this that, in K a n o at least, the scholars were in a position to enjoy the benefits of large estates. Their critical attitude was also reflected in the Kano Chronicle.108 M u h a m m a d Sharif (c. 1703-31) introduced seven measures that were regarded as zalunci (injustice) and included the constant increase in the rate of taxation, the tax on the marriage of young girls and so on. His successor Kumbari (c. 1731-43) was to make the scholars pay a tax; the Arabs accordingly left and went to Katsina, where peace and prosperity reigned, and the talakawa deserted the city. 105. Y . B . U s m a n , 1981, pp. 71-6. 106. G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 185^7, 320-6. 107. M . A . al-Hajj, 1968, pp. n , 14. Only Professor Hunwick has attempted to trace the Wangara (Diakhite?) whose name the chronicler wished to transcribe; cf. J. O . Hunwick, 1976, p. 278. 108. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 123-5. T h e Hausa version contains significant corrections.
487
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 16.4
Decorated pages ofa miniature Hausa Qoran, late seventeenth- to early eighteenth-
century. Height: c. 7.5 cm
The regular travelling of the scholars and the introduction of books are the reasons already put forward to explain the area's intellectual awakening. However, there can be no doubt that this must be ascribed to the existence
of centres of learning and, in particular, to the use of the ajami script in Kano and Katsina in the sixteenth century. A madrasa had grown up in
Katsina after al-Balbali109 had passed through it, and it is likely that the use of ajami had not been introduced by the beginning of the sixteenth century even though, according to some sources, it had been developed during Rumfa's reign. The scholars wrote in Arabic, Fulfulde and Hausa. Between 1500 and 1800, the fact of being part of the same political community, the same movement towards urbanization and economic development, the same population movements and spread of education and literature, all made for increasingly simple social relations. The examples of Kano, Katsina and Zamfara show that the scholars' place of origin is easier to identify than their ethnic origin: in Kano and Zamfara the majority came from the east (Borno), whereas scholars from the west (Malle in the
broadest sense) predominated in Katsina. They prayed for victory in war,
they were consulted on legal matters, they rejected appeals, and their advice was prized, so that they came to have a decisive influence on social life, particularly through the wd'azi (sermons). Several names deserve mention. In Zamfara110 among the most celebrated, mention has been made of 109. M. Hiskett, 1984, pp. 80-3. no. G. Na-Dama, 1977, pp. 252, 325.
488
The Ilausa states Ramadan b. A h m a d u (from Fezzân), Hashimu Bazanfane (a master of Shehu 'Uthmän), M a m a n Tukur dan Binta and al-Mustafa Gwani, a Kanuri w R o confronted "Uthman - while he was touring Zamfara - on the issue of the simultaneous presence of m e n and w o m e n during the sermons. T w o outstanding names are associated with Katsina.111 One, A b u 'Abdullah! b. Masânïb. M u h a m m a d al-Barnâwïal-Kashinawï(ci595-1667), was born in Katsina of Borno parents. T h e other was M u h a m m a d al-Sabbägh al-Kashinawï - better known as D a n Marina - w h o was extremely active in about 1650 and was considered by local traditions to be M u h a m m a d alKashinawï. These two were at the root of an authentic intellectual renaissance which was to be given expression in the p o e m composed by D a n Marina in praise of Mai 'Alï, who defeated the Kwararafa in about 1680. T h e name of M u h a m m a d al-Kashinawï, who died about 1741 and m a n y of whose works have survived, should also be mentioned, as well as that of M u h a m m a d b. 'Abd al-Mahman al-Barnâwï, w h o died about 1755 and whose works served as sources for ' U t h m a n . However, there can be no doubt that it was M a l a m Djibrïl dan ' U m a r u w h o stood out most strikingly from the group.112 This scholar, with his encyclopaedic knowledge, was born in Adar and died there, after having been on several pilgrimages. His main subject of preoccupation lay in the Islamic reforms in Sudan. After his failure among the Tuareg in Adar, he approached the Hausa princes, whose hostility he aroused. ' U t h m â n ('Üsmän) and 'Abdullâhï dan Fodio were his disciples. Despite his criticism of some of Djibrïl's attitudes ' U t h m a n regarded himself as his disciple and successor. T R e second half of the eighteenth century was to be marked by a wealth of intellectual activity and heated debate among scholars, by way of a simple form of opposition to the established order represented by the masu sarauta.
Conclusion Just before the djihäd, there was a marked decline in the turbulent character of the relations between the states. Kebbi and Zamfara had been defeated, but the others were faced with difficult problems. In Kano, peace and stability were punctuated by two serious disagreements between the Sarki and the dignitaries: the latter prohibited Babba Zaki (c. 1768-76) from residing in Takai, and M u h a m m a d u Alwâlï (¿•.1781-1807) refused to give them the forty head of cattle intended for the Dirki, and had them slaughtered with an axe instead. In Gobir, B a w a (c. 1777-89) for the first time introduced a tax on a certain variety of maize, and several stockraisers in that state had to pay the jangali on several occasions during the same year. T w o dynastic crises shook Katsina in 1767 and 1796. T h e risk in. I. Dankoussou, 1970, pp. 38-52; Y . B. Usman, 1981, pp. 71-2 and 1983, pp. 199200; M . Hiskett, 1984, pp. 81-2; A. M . Kani, forthcoming. 112. D . M . Hamani, 1975, pp. 136-41; A. M . Kani, forthcoming.
489
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
of instability was noted almost throughout the region, due to resistance on the part of the dignitaries, the increased weight of tyranny, and the latent opposition of the talakawa. T h e political authorities had attained a threshold of oppression which no longer spared the scholars, but they were the only ones w h o ventured to combat the established orders openly.113 T h e historiography of Central Sudan is gradually emerging from the stage when it was devoted almost exclusively to an apologia of the djihad, and is n o w beginning to look at the changes that took place in the course of the preceding periods. Economically the apparent opposition to progress that seemed to characterize the years between 1600 and 1790 has been overstressed. It is true that neither the wheel nor the windmill was used, and even the rifle was scorned. However, as far back as about 1582-6 the 'Takrür people' of G a o were havingfiercediscussions with the 'Sudanese', w h o claimed that K a n o was more important and greater than G a o . 1 1 4 Despite a host of natural calamities,115 the area developed in a remarkable manner that has been too readily ascribed to trade although trade did indeed increase thanks to state intervention in various forms. However, the progress achieved in respect of production and processing should not be underestimated. It earned the region sufficient renown as to soon attract m a n y European expeditions although the reasons they gave for going there m a y have been of a scientific nature, such as to investigate the courses of the Nile and Niger rivers. Politically, despite the armed conflicts, none of the states in the area disappeared during the period under consideration. Elsewhere, Ghana, Mali and Songhay disintegrated, perhaps because they were empires, yet K ä n e m - B o r n o whose longevity was remarkable was also an empire. In between the two, Hausaland and its economic successes relegated the great stability of the state as an institution to a position of secondary importance. Its bureaucratic and oppressive nature was highlighted by the measures introduced by Sharif in K a n o . O n e of them was called kwaro. Several authors do not k n o w what this word means. If it has been correctly spelt and read, it is an obsolete term signifying 'to exchange a coin for cowries'. Since cowries were introduced into Hausaland under Sharif in Kano's reign, he must have ordered them to be brought into circulation. O n e author misinterpreted kwaro — possibly because of a printing error - as meaning harvest tax, which was payable in D a m a g a r a m , for instance. However kwaro is interpreted, the meticulous detail with which the state was managed is evident. T h e foresight of M u h a m m a d u Alwali (f.17811807), w h o stock-piled food in his palace in anticipation of disturbances 113. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 126-7; R . M . East, 1979, pp. 42-3; G . N a - D a m a , 1977, pp. 396-402; M . A . al-Hajj, 1979; Y . B . U s m a n , 1981, pp. 84-99. 114. For the opposition to change, see H . J. Fisher, 1975, pp. 66-7; for the discussion regarding Kano and Gao, see M . Ka'ti, 1981, p. 262. 115. Between 1539 and 1564,1639 and 1688,1697 and 1715,1729 and 1750, for instance; see S. Maley, 1981, pp. 57-81; P. E . Lovejoy, 1983, pp. 69-70.
490
The Hausa states
and famine, vouch for that fact - although, ultimately, even he was unable to prevent the famine.116 T h e machinery of the state, however, was very obviously efficient and few alterations were m a d e to it by the regimes that followed.
116. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 125; R . M . East, 1979, pp. 37-8.
491
17
K ä n e m - B o r n o : its relations with the Mediterranean Sea, Bagirmi and other states in the Chad basin B. M . B A R K I N D O *
In the thirteenth century the Muslim state of K ä n e m was one of the most extensive in the Bilâd al-Sûdan. T h e Sëfuwa mais (kings) controlled the vast area from the eastern shores of Lake Chad in the south to the Fezzän oasis in the north. Their expansion, however, had not been accompanied by appropriate political and economic development. T h e emergence of various groups as semi-autonomous units distinct from the main Sëfuwa ruling dynasty had prevented the development of a centralized political system. In addition, K ä n e m , mostly desert and semi-desert, lacked the p~rimary resources needed to support such a large system. There followed a serious crisis whichfinallyled to the collapse of the K ä n e m state in the latter part of the fourteenth century. M a i ' U m a r b. Idrîs (1382-87), leading the M a g u m i group (of which the royal Sëfuwa was a lineage) and its supporters, migrated to Borno to the west of Lake Chad where the necessary resources existed and where the Sëfuwa had already planted their vassals. T h e Sëfuwa had been preceded by a large number of individual K ä n e m immigrants w h o had already settled there, particularly in the south and west.1 T h e Sëfuwa's main objective on arrival in Borno appears to have been the building of a strong regional economy to support a well-organized Sëfuwa-dominated political structure. However, during theirfirstcentury there, they faced m a n y problems which at times posed threats to their very survival. There was constant civil strife, regular dynastic crises, periodical attacks from the Búlala and the problems of overmighty title-holders.2
M a i 'All Gaji and the foundation of the Borno califate c. 1465-97 Civil conflict terminated with the accession of cAlï ibn D u n ä m a , commonly known as 'AIT Gaji, w h o was able to consolidate power in his o w n branch of the ruling dynasty. W h e n in about 1471 the Búlala m a d e one of their * I a m grateful to D r Philip Shea and John Lavers, w h o read the draft of this chapter, for their useful comments and suggestions. 1. For discussions see B . M . Barkindo, 1971. 2. ibid.
Kànem-Borno predatory incursions into Borno, 'Alï Gaji met and defeated them although he did not pursue them further. In about 1472, 'AIT Gaji built the fortress of Birnin Gazargamu in the fork of the Rivers Yobe and Gana. 3 This eventually developed into the capital of the Sëfuwa and remained so throughout their rule in Borno. Several other fortified settlements were probably founded at about the same time.4 'All Gaji is remembered as a reviver of Islam as he attempted to eliminate, at least in the ruling group, the syncretism which had become rife amongst the Sëfuwa. H e also tried to found a proper Islamic government. Following the traditions of his predecessors and in response to the Islamic fervour of the period, 'All surrounded himself with 'ulamïï (Muslim scholars) whose advice he sought on any major decision. T w o of these were A h m a d b. ' A b d al-Kuwwata his Kadi al-Kabir (chief judge), and Masbarma ' U m a r b. TJthmän, his Wazir and chief Imam.5 M a n y of the overmighty title-holders had their powers reduced, especially the kaigama and yerima (governor of the northern provinces) w h o , during the period of crisis, m a d e and u n m a d e kings at will.6 It m a y have been during lAlï Gaji's reign that the division of the royal harem with its four titled wives and a number of titled concubines was created.7 T h e office of the chiroma (heir-apparent) m a y also have had its origins in this period. During his pilgrimage in about 1484, 'All Gaji was said to have been invested as the Khalifa of Takrür by the Abbasid claimant 'Abd al-'Azïs b. Ya'küb. 8 From~tïïis time onwards Borno rulers regarded themselves as Khalifas, a claim that came to be accepted by m a n y scholars and rulers in
tHë Biläd al-Südän.9
Problems and opportunities in expanding the Borno califate: 1497-1564 'All Gaji's policies were continued by his son and successor Idrïs b. 'Alï surnamed Katakarmabe (c. 1497-1519) w h o consolidated his gains and tried to expand the state. But for the nextfiftyyears or more Katakarmabe and his successors faced m a n y challenges which diverted their attention from their expansionist goals. T h e Sëfuwa'sfirstproblem was the resumption of the Búlala attacks after 'Alï Gaji's death. T h e Búlala appear to have been determined to 3. Brief Diwân. 4. 5. 6. 7.
'Alfs praise song was 'He of the tall towns and long spears'. H . R . Palmer, 1936, pp. 21-2 and 23-8. H . Barth, 1965, Vol. II, p. 589. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 158.
8. Brief Dirvin, pp. 5-9. 9. J. E . Lavers, 1971, p. 32.
493
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
frustrate economic and political development in Borno 10 and Katakarmabe had to face a Búlala attack as soon as he became Mai. Not only did he defeat them but he victoriously re-entered Ndjïmï, the former Sëfuwa capital which, however, was never re-occupied.~After concluding a treaty with the Búlala, Idrïs returned to Borno. It was, however, a short-lived peace and intermittent conflict continued well into the reign of Idrïs Alawoma (1564-96). Another problem for the Sëfuwa kings was the emergence of m a n y states both in the Chad basin and elsewhere in the Sudan. This forced the Sëfuwa to change or modify their programmes in order to deal with individual states. B y the early 1500s numerous petty kingdoms had emerged in the Chad basin along the southern border of Borno. These included Bagirmi, Mandara, the Kotoko states, Northern Bolewa of Daniski, the Yamta and the Margi. 11 Such a potentially dangerous development attracted the king's attention. S o m e states were attacked and forced to recognize some form of Sëfuwa hegemony. But more often the Sëfuwa tried to enter into some form of peaceful relations with the nascent states. Those mentioned above had records of early co-operation with the Sëfuwa and the king's intention must have been to use the emerging states in the building of a regional economic system. Most were encouraged to develop their o w n economies and to establish regular trade with Borno. Through this association the emerging states absorbed m u c h of the Borno culture, which m a y have contributed to their rapid development.12 In the same period m a n y states also emerged in Hausaland. Katsina and K a n o soon developed as the termini of the trans-Saharan route as well as the entrepôts of the west-east route by which the Akan gold and kola were taken to Borno. 13 In the Sahara, there was a slight shift of the transSaharan route when Agades developed and supplanted Takedda as the main entrepôt. Borno must have reacted to these developments. T h e new trade route between Hausaland and Borno was soon rendered unsafe to travellers by the raids of the Ngizim and the Bedde as well as the Búlala. M u c h energy must have been spent in trying to safeguard the route, although it was only during the rule of Idrls A l a w o m a that the problem was alleviated. T h e trade-route problem and the question of the control of the new settlements which soon developed along the route m a y have contributed to the conflicts between M a i Idrïs Katakarmabe and the two kings of K a n o , 'Abdullâhï (¿•.1499-1509) and M u h a m m a d Kisoki (ci509-65).14 10. 11. 12. 13. p. 16. 14.
494
B. M . Barkindo, 1971. For details see B . M . Barkindo, 1980, pp. 204-41. ibid. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 109; P. E . Lovejoy, 1978, pp. 185-6; Y . B . U s m a n , 1981, H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 113.
Kanem—Borno
Borno must have also had to adjust to the shift of the trans-Saharan route. Borno had long-standing relations with Takedda but must have n o w wanted to control Agades, particularly in the face of increasing Songhay power. In 1501 and 1515 Songhay's Askiya M u h a m m a d (ci 493-1528) sent military expeditions against Agades with the intention of bringing the area under Songhay's influence.15 T h e result is not clear but in about 1532 Borno is said to have sent its o w n military expedition which succeeded in subjugating the town. 16 However, the emergence of Kebbi under M u h a m m a d u Kanta (c. 1516-54) frustrated the efforts of both Songhay and Borno. T h e problems of Agades continued to bedevil the Sëfuwa kings almost throughout their rule. T h e period from about 1480 to 1520 was a time of active Islamization in the Biläd al-Südan. In the east, the Fund} sultanate, which was founded in about 1504, soon adopted Islam. In Hausaland m a n y scholars from Mali, North Africa, Egypt and the Saharan oases visited the area during this period, all contributing to the proper Islamization of the area. In the far west, Songhay rose to prominence under Askiya M u h a m m a d whose rule coincided with Islamic fervour in the area. It is of interest to note that Askiya M u h a m m a d during his pilgrimage to Mecca (c. 1496-8) asked to be - and was - invested as Khalifa of Takrür 17 as M a i 'AIT Gaji had been ten years earlier. Islamic fervour in this period presented an opportunity to the kings of Borno. T h e facts that the Sëfuwa mais had been Muslims since the eleventh century; that 'Ali Gaji had been invested Khalifa some ten years before the Askiya, w h o alone seems to have openly contested the title; and that Borno rulers traditionally surrounded themselves with reputable scholars tended to give the mais an edge on the other rulers. T h e chronicle which Masbarma ' U m a r b. ' U t h m â n wrote for Idrïs Katakarmabe and the later chronicle written by I m ä m A h m a d b. Fartüwa for Idrïs Alawoma appear to have been attempts to justify the caliphal claims of the mais. T h e decline and collapse of Songhay later in the century,finallyestablished the primacy of the Borno claim. Borno was also becoming a great centre of learning visited by scholars from the Biläd al-Südän and other parts of the Muslim world.18 That the claim of the Borno kings was accepted by m a n y scholars contributed greatly towards laying the foundation of the cultural influence of Borno in m a n y states. In Hausaland, these developments must have been largely responsible for the introduction of the payment of regular gifts (gaisuwa or tsare in Hausa) to the Borno Khalifa by the Muslim rulers in Hausaland.19 15. J. O . Hunwick, 1971, p. 221. 16. ibid. 17. J. O . Hunwick, 1962. It must have been an attempt by the Askiya to strengthen his position at home and to offer challenge to Borno, the only other great power in the region. 18. J. E . Lavers, 1971. 19. H . R . Palmer, 1967, pp. 9-10 and 83; A . Hassan and A . S. Naibi, 1952.
495
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
F r o m the reign of Idrls Katakarmabe, some records exist of diplomatic and commercial relations between the Sëfuwa and the authorities controlling the North African littoral. In about 1512 Katakarmabe sent a diplomatic and trade mission to the Spaniards - w h o had recently occupied Tripoli - to renew commercial ties. Trade relations with whoever controlled the area continued under succeeding kings.20 W h e n the Ottomans were established in the Maghrib, D u n a m a b. M u h a m m a d in about 1555 sent an embassy which established with Tighürt Pasha a treaty of 'friendship and commerce' which was continually renewed By succeeding rulers.21 Strong ties must have also been established with Egypt which lay on the Borno pilgrim route. There is evidence of trade relations,22 although information is still fragmentary. Katakarmabe's sons and grandsons inherited the Búlala incursion problem and that of the emerging states. There was also the Kebbi-Borno war (f.1561) over control of Agades, which Borno appears to have lost.
Establishment of a strong regional economy and a centralized political system and the emergence of the Kanuri, c. 1564-77 Most scholars agree that Borno reached its apogee during the rule of Idrïs b. cAlï, posthumously surnamed Alawoma (1564-96). T h efirsttwelve years of his reign were described in a panegyric by his Imäm, A h m a d ibn Furtüwa. 23 At h o m e he was seen as a military and administrative innovator and an Islamizer, and in foreign affairs as a skilled diplomat w h o was comparable to the major Muslim leaders of his day. His main objective as king appears to have been the realization of the objectives of his ancestors, namely the building of a strong economic and political system. Attempts were m a d e for thefirsttime to bring the whole metropolitan province firmly under the control of the mais. T h e cavalry, which was the mainstay of the army, was reorganized. There was also a corps of Turkish g u n m e n which had been developing under his predecessors. Larger boats were said to have been built for easier crossing of rivers. It was with such a force that Alawoma launched his conquests. Most of the hostile groups which refused to be persuaded or coerced into submission were continually attacked until they surrendered. These included the Ngafata, the Talata, the Dugurti, the M a y a , the Ngizim and 20. D . Girard, L'histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoli, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris, M S S . français (ancien fonds) 12219, 12220. 21. ibid. 22. See J. E . Lavers, 1982. 23. A . ibn Furfüwa, 1862.
496
Känem—Borno
the Bedde. S o m e , such as the M u k h u l u m w h o submitted after a defeat, were allowed to retain their homes upon a promise of tribute in corn.24 Others, such as the Ngafata, the Talata and the Dugurti, w h o were considered unmalleable were ejected from the metropolitan province.25 In place of the ejected, other groups - mostly from K ä n e m - were brought in and settled. O n e of Alawoma's most significant contributions to Borno history was the large-scale demographic changes which he effected in the metropolitan province. This, and extensive intermarriage with female slaves caught during the conflicts or exchanged with satellite states such as Mandara and Bagirmi, contributed to the development and spread of the Kanuri group within the metropolitan province. In southern Borno dissident groups such as the Gamergu were contained by a series of ribats (frontier fortresses) and formal agreements were entered into with satellite-state rulers for joint military expeditions against the dissidents.26 T h e final solution to the problems of K ä n e m After the pacification and integration of most of the metropolitan province, Idrïs Alawoma turned his attention to K ä n e m tofinallysolve the menace it posed for Borno. H e had three lines of action: to destroy completely the military strength and power base of the Búlala; to try to destroy the economic base of the K ä n e m state; and to transfer as m a n y groups as possible to Borno. Alawoma undertook several expeditions to K ä n e m in which the Búlala were defeated and continually harassed.27 Other groups, such as the K a n aniya w h o supported the Búlala, were also ruthlessly attacked until they were weakened. 28 During one of the expeditions, three of the most productive valleys of K ä n e m were ravaged, some of the most important towns situated there, such as Ikima, Aghafi and Ago, were destroyed and the population removed and settled in Borno. 29 T h e K ä n e m groups taken to and settled in Borno included the T u b u , the K o y a m , the Kulu and the S h u w a Arabs. T h e Kulu and the Shuwa Arabs, w h o were both cattle-owners, were settled along the southern shores of Lake Chad and to the west of the metropolitan province.30 T h e T u b u and the K o y a m were encouraged to engage in commerce both within Borno and with neighbouring Hausaland and Fombina. 3 1 S o m e of the K o y a m , 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 1980,
A . ibn Furtüwa, 1862, p. 238. ibid., p. 219; the Dugurti migrated to K ä n e m . B . M . Barkindo, 1980, ch. 5. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 14 suggests the expeditions took place in £.1571-5. ibid., pp. 64-6. ibid., p. 49. For the Kulu, ibid., p. 49; for the Shuwa, J. C . Zeltner, 1979, p. 22. H . Barth, 1965, Vol. II, p. 31; G . Nachtigal, 1881, Vol. II, p. 148; B . M . Barkindo, pp. 164 and 286-90.
497
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
w h o were camel-drivers, were employed in the camelry which had been established as a transportation unit of the army. 3 2 M a n y groups were also settled north of the lake in an area through which the Búlala used to pass to attack Borno. Others, in particular the T u b u , were settled on the desert margin, both for strategic reasons and to participate in the production and marketing of the Bilma and M u n i y o salt. Other groups must also have been utilized for economic or military reasons but as yet no evidence has been found. B y the 1580s, Alawoma had achieved most of his objectives and the K ä n e m state, by c o m m o n agreement, was partitioned between Borno and the Búlala, the latter accepting some form of loose control by Borno. 33 Internal reforms Alawoma seems to have made a pilgrimage to Mecca in about 1571. 34 O n his return he tried to introduce a number of reforms to bring the country into line with other Islamic states. In government he tried to separate the functions of the judiciary from the administration - but was not, it seems, successful.35 H e does, however, seem to have succeeded in establishing a court of appeal where ' T h e learned m e n and I m a m s held disputations before the Amïr 'Alï concerning doubtful points of law and dogma.' 3 6 M a i Alawoma was said to have replaced the old mosques m a d e of reeds with those built of mud-bricks. N u m e r o u s North African and other scholars were attracted to his court which thereby gained a cosmopolitan character. T h e rise of a strong regional e c o n o m y T h e conquests of and demographic changes under Idrïs Alawoma, as well as his other reforms, led to the emergence of a strong regional economy based on the metropolitan province, an area of some 20000 sq. k m . Three important commercial centres seem to have arisen in the eastern and western extremities of the area as well as around Birnin Gazargamu which lay between the two. 37 In the eastern part there was large-scalefishingalong the banks of Lake Chad by the B u d u m a and K á n e m b u , 3 8 while the good grazing lands 32. H . R . Palmer, 1967, p. 55. 33. J. E . Lavers, 1980, p. 199. 34. H . Barth, 1965, p. 596, suggests that Idns performed the pilgrimage in the ninth year of his rule, i.e. in 1571. This alsofitsin with the date suggested for the start of the K ä n e m wars by H . R . Palmer (see footnote 27 on p. 497). These dates support the chronologies of D . Lange, 1977, which are being used in this study. 35. J. E . Lavers, 1971, p. 37. 36. H . R . Palmer, 1936, pp. 33-6. Elsami some 170 years later called this burguram; see S. W . Koelle, 1968, p. 276. 37. M . N . Alkali, 1983, pp. 64-9. 38. P. M . Redmond (at press).
498
Kanem-Borno attracted a large number of K ä n e m b u , S h u w a and Fulbe cattle nomads. 3 9 Kilbu (natron) and manda (salt) were~also produced by the sedentary K ä n e m b u and B u d u m a . 4 0 Important urban centres grew up rapidly in this area due to population increase and economic development. These included M u n g u n o , K a u w a , Burwa and Ngurno. In the west of the metropolitan province large natron deposits were also found. These were worked by the M a n g a and the T u b u . 4 1 In the south was a large concentration of farming peoples including the Ngizim and the Bedde. This area, following the activities of Alawoma and his immediate successors, received more varied immigrants than the east. M a n y of the urban centres which developed there were therefore more cosmopolitan than their eastern counterparts. They included Nguru Ngilewa, Mashina Kabshari and Maja Kawuri. Birnin Gazargamu and its environs formed the third economic centre. It had direct and easy access to both areas through the east-west trade route which passed through the city. T h e Rivers Yobe and Gana also served as waterways, particularly for the transport offish,and along their banks cattle were transported from east to west. Birnin Gazargamu was also the terminus for the Borno-Kawär-Tripoli trade route as well as for the main route connecting the area with Hausaland. It therefore served as the nerve-centre of the economy of the state, with a large market and a nucleus of foreign merchants.42 In the fertile irrigated Yobe valley there was a heavy concentration of the emerging Kanuri group settled in m a n y urban centres in addition to Birnin Gazargamu. After the rule of Idrîs Alawoma, the Kanuri started to spread both southwards to the banks of the River G a n a and beyond, and northwards towards Garu K i m e and beyond. Attempts were also m a d e towards tighter control over the satellite states. For example, a regular supply of iron and slaves was obtained from Mandara, and skins, ivory and slaves from the Kotoko and Bagirmi. T h e development of basic industries led to the establishment of supporting ones such as pottery, weaving, leather work, dyeing and transportation.43 Natron and salt were traded to the Atlantic coast, Hausaland, the Volta region and northwards to Azbin and Adrar. Driedfishwas traded within the metropolitan province, with Mandara and Hausaland and with the Saharan oases. Slaves, eunuchs, animal skins, ivory, perfumes, leather goods and gold were sent across the Sahara to North Africa and Egypt. In exchange horses, horse-trappings, armoury, copper, bronze and other 39. 40. 41. 42. 43.
M . N . Alkali, 1978, p. 158. P. E . Lovejoy (at press). ibid. M . S. ibn Ishâku, 1929, pp. 544-7. M . N . Alkali, 1978, p. 152.
499
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
500
Kànem-Borno
plate 17. i
A Bornoan weaver making cotton strips (gabagaj/rom which clothes were made
European and North African products were received for distribution within Borno and other parts of the Biïàd al-Sudan. From the reign of Alawoma various peoples around the Chad basin were apparently encouraged by the Sëfuwa to engage in commercial activities. We have already mentioned the Tubu and the Koyam. The Kotoko and
Mandara appear to have come to Kano;44 Komboli traders from Bagirmi settled in the Zamfara valley;45 while the Tubu under the Kadella settled
in Zaria.46 Significantly, they were all referred to as Bornoans47 and must have helped to spread the emerging Bornoan culture in Hausaland and other areas. It was through its regional economy, its control of trade and its primacy in Islam that Borno came to dominate the affairs of the Biïàd al-Sïtdan during this period. The mais interfered little with the trade itself, limiting their role to the provision of security by making the routes safe from marauders, such as the Ngizim and the Tuareg, and by entering into agreements with Saharan and North African governments to ensure the flow of trade both on state 44. Anonymous, 1967, pp. 1 12-14. 45. P. E. Lovejoy, 1973b Komboli is the Kanurized Bagirmi term umboli meaning 'trader'.
46. A. Smith, 1970, pp. 88-9. On the Kadella title and its spread in Borno and
neighbouring areas see B. M. Barkindo, 1980, p. 179. 47. Anon., 1967, pp. 112-14.
501
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century and individual levels.48 It was in the organization of the market that the Sëfuwa government was more involved - to encourage traders and to obtain revenue. In the capital and the other major centres, the Wasili (North African traders) were recognized as guests of the government. A rvasiliram (special quarter) was assigned to them and a Zanna Arjinama (titled official) looked after their affairs.49 In the markets, the Mala Kasuube supervised sales and attempted to ensure justice and fair play during major commercial transactions. Each profession or craft had its o w n head nominated by its members and recognized by the government. These helped the Mala Kasuube in the administration of the market and in the collection of revenue.
T h e diplomatic relations of Idns A l a w o m a with the sultans of T u r k e y and M o r o c c o Alawoma's diplomatic relations with the Ottomans and the Sa'âdï thanks to the discovery of some documents, have received the attention of several scholars.50 However, due to the one-sidedness of the documents - they deal mainly with replies to letters sent by Alawoma - understanding of these relations is still not complete. However, the evidence shows as incorrect the general assumption that Alawoma's main objective was to obtain arms. Ottoman-Borno relations started with the arrival of the former in the Maghrib. F r o m about 1549 - when the Ottomans took control ofFezzän to about 1570, these relations appear to have been cordial. However, in about 1571 the annual tribute of Fezzán to the Ottomans was suddenly raised to 3000 from the normal 1140 mithkak of gold." This high-handed Ottoman action unfortunately coincided with a period of famine, and these two events forced m a n y people to migrate to Hausaland and Borno. Ottoman officials in Fezzän forced those w h o remained, m a n y of them old people, to pay the additional sum between them. Several marauding expeditions were sent against m a n y fortresses in the Sahara oases ostensibly to catch those avoiding taxation. Even the pilgrims from Hausaland and Borno were stopped and forced to pay taxes and the properties of those w h o died during the pilgrimage were confiscated.52 It must have been in 1571 that Alawoma went to Mecca, thereby obtainingfirst-handinformation of the situation. Certainly, this was when he travelled to Kawär to receive the submission and complaints of the 48. J. E . Lavers, 1980, p. 206. 49. M . N . Alkali, 1983, p. 72. 50. For example, see B . G . Martin, 1972 and M . A . al-Hajj, 1983. 51. C . Orhanlu, 1969. I am grateful to John Lavers for the English translation of this document. 52. ibid.
502
Kanem—Borna
people of Jado w h o were probably a m o n g the Ottoman victims.53 Borno's interest in the Fezzän, 54 and the interests of the mais in the security of the route both for pilgrimage and for commerce, must have forced Alawoma, in about 1574 to dispatch a six-man embassy to Istanbul with three specific demands: a guarantee of security of life and property to all Borno travellers in Ottoman territory; proper management or failing that the ceding to Borno of all the recently acquired fortresses south of Fezzän, including Guran; and co-operation between the two powers in dealing with the troublesome Tuareg and any other power disturbing peace in the area. There appears to have been no mention or solicitation of arms. 55 Sultan M u r â d Ill's reply, dated 5 M a y 1577, agreed with all the requests except the ceding of the Guran fortress - which, however, he promised would henceforth be properly managed. 5 6 Letters were sent to the governors-general of Tripolitania and Egypt and to the district officer of Fezzän telling them of Alawoma's requests and ordering them to comply. 57 F r o m then on, cordial and beneficial commercial and diplomatic relations continued between the two powers. Moreover, the claim that the sole purpose of the embassy sent by A l a w o m a to Sultan al-Mansür of Morocco in about 1583 was to solicit arms m a y not be true either. T h e Moroccan victory at Kasr al-Kabïr in 1578 was generally hailed as an ideological victory for Islam over Christendom. 58 There were congratulatory delegations from Borno and all the leading Muslim powers: Algiers, the Ottomans and Songhay. 59 In addition, Alawoma must have also feared a proposed Ottoman-Sa'âdï joint expedition which might have had the Saharan oases or even the Sudan as its target.60 It appears that Alawoma, a skilful diplomat, aimed at frustrating that proposed venture by suggesting instead a joint Borno-Moroccan expedition to the Saharan oases, once again in some state of insecurity. T h e outcome of this embassy, according to Moroccan sources, was that Alawoma accepted al-Mansur's claim to be Khalifof the age as the price for his demands. 6 1 Contrary to the views of some authors, the negotiations must have greatly satisfied both parties. Morocco would have gained ideologically to have one of the leading powers in the Sudan recognize al-Mansür's Caliphate, 53. A . ibn Furtüwa, 1862, p. 203. 54. O n Borno's interest in Fezzän see B . G . Martin, 1969; J. E . Lavers (at press). 55. See reproduction of the draft letter of Muräd's reply to Idrïs in C . Orhanlu, 1969 and M . A . al-Hajj, 1983. 56. C . Orhanlu, 1969. 57. ibid. 58. D . Yahya, 1981, p. 105. 59. ibid. 60. ibid., p. 112. In 1581 the Ottomans suggested a joint Ottoman-Moroccan enterprise 'to improve their positions'. 61. ibid., pp. 150-1. Yahyâ cautions the acceptance that Idrïs paid the bay'a to alMansür.
503
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
thus strengthening his demands on Songhay. 62 For Alawoma, the price was worth paying if it forestalled joint Moroccan-Ottoman action - whether real or assumed - against Borno or any area where its interests lay. A s yet little is known about the remainingfifteenyears of Idrïs Alawoma's reign. H e was probably occupied with consolidating his reforms and innovations in Borno. Towards the end of his reign a major problem must have been the fast development of the Mandara and Bagirmi states. Mandara not only abandoned its earlier agreements with A l a w o m a regarding joint expeditions against the Gamergu but also started to encourage buffer zones between it and Borno. Alawoma was forced to lead several expeditions against Mandara, most of them unsuccessful.63 In Bagirmi, 'Abdullah b. Lubetko (X.
|>X )ï> ,/ \\
FIG. 19.6
v.
..-Oh-:í.-"::íí
125
250
200
4«J
West Central Africa in the eighteenth century (after J. Vansina)
585
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
bought died between the market of purchase and the port of embarkation and another 40 per cent at Luanda while awaiting embarkation. These figures are exaggerated; their author was the servant of a Pombalian company in competition with this system in the 1770s. But they are credible figures. Losses at sea varied according to the state of health of the slaves shipped and the degree of overcrowding on board. T h e y worked out at 10 and 15 per cent of the total number embarked. 79 T h e parcel, called hanzo in Angola, was supplied on credit to the caravaneer, binding him to his sleeping partner, w h o calculated his supply of slaves accordingly. T h e parcel consisted mainly of fabrics from G o a or Europe, brandy from Brazil, local salt, beads and sometimes a few weapons. T h e caravaneers' expenses (especially for porters, w h o were recruited inland by state officials, and for food) were high and their risks heavy (waiting in the African market, in particular, and the risk of slaves escaping or dying). They soon fell into debt and became completely dependent on their creditor. But from about 1760 onwards the caravaneers began selling their slaves to any trader in Luanda or Benguela, and tried to redress their situation with the goods obtained. T h e sleeping partner was left with a write-off.80 After 1730 metropolitan Portuguese firms c a m e back to Luanda to supply European goods, and the Brazilians withdrew to Benguela. Under the pressure of competition, goods arrived in large quantities, stimulating the slave trade. T h e ships also brought numbers of poor immigrants, c o m m o n convicts and adventurers seeking to grow rich on the slave trade, especially as caravaneers. A n unrelenting struggle began between the quimbares and the n e w arrivals. T h e latter, as traders, had the full support of the high authorities of Luanda, but the quimbares enjoyed the backing of the provincial authorities and, in general, of the African chiefs in the inland markets. T h e y fought the n e w traders by smuggling slaves out for trade with the French, English and Dutch, and the n e w caravaneers by charging them exorbitant sums for their porters, provisions, ferryboats and other items until the caravaneers threw in their lot with them, usually after leaving their sleeping partners in the lurch. T h e Brazilians and quimbares not only succeeded in maintaining their position in Benguela but also increased exports of slaves to the point where, by about 1690, the volume equalled that of Benguela. But the Portuguese firms, by virtue of their capital and the administrative backing they enjoyed, succeeded in shifting the 'slave risk'. T h e y bought, not slaves, but ivory or bills to be collected in Brazil.81 At the turn of the century the governors supported the Brazilians. Later, and especially after the Marques de Pombal's reforms in Portugal, they tended to favour the big Lisbon firms. T h e Jesuits, the allies of the Brazilians, were expelled in 1660, and with Francisco Innocencio de Sousa 79. P . E . Lovejoy, 1983, p. 47 (losses of 10 to 15 per cent). 80. E . D a Silva Correa, 1937; J. C . Miller, 1979, pp. 90-1. 81. J. C . Miller, 1983, pp. 146-51.
586
The Kongo kingdom and its neighbours
Coutinho (1664-72) 82 a vigorous effort was m a d e to re-establish the mother country's control in Angola. D e Sousa tried to regain control of the administrative posts in the interior, to lay d o w n regulations for the slave trade in the inland markets and to diversify the country's economy. Neither he nor his successors achieved this. T h e Afro-Portuguese emigrated once again, moving mainly to the Benguela plateau where massive military campaigns from 1772 onwards succeeded merely in hastening the emergence of two large kingdoms, Mbailundu and Bihe, of which the latter in particular became a haven for the quimbares. A n e w bridgehead for trade with the interior developed here, and before 1794 the caravans reached the Upper Zambezi in Lozi country. T h e slaves were taken to Benguela, avoiding Luanda. Luanda continued to attract the slave trade through the Kingdom of Kasanje. T h e Imbangala travelled by caravan to the northeast, reaching central Kasai and the Luba w h o lived there before 1755. But their main axis was the route from Cassange to M u s s u m b a , the capital of the Lunda empire. T h e L u n d a empire took shape during the eighteenth century. Constant military campaigns yielded large numbers of slaves, while tributes in slaves flowed into the capital from the subject regions. After 1750 the empire succeeded in founding the K i n g d o m of K a z e m b e on the Luapula river and in establishing communications with Tete and Z u m b o in Mozambique. Before then, westward expansion had reached the River K w a n g o , where a captain founded the Yaka kingdom between 1740 and 1760, causing thousands of people tofleefrom H u n g u to K o n g o between 1761 and 1765.83 This great Yaka state occupied a large part of the K w a n g o valley downstream of Kasanje and extended its conquests eastward in the direction of the Kwilu. Large numbers of captives were brought back from there to be sold to the Z o m b o , Soso and Vili, but also to the Imbangala and to caravans passing through Nkoje. During the late eighteenth century and more so during the nineteenth, these conquests and raids caused large population movements from the K w a n g o river towards the Kwilu as peoplefledfrom the Yaka. In Angola the slave trade had such an ascendancy that, despite the efforts of de Sousa Coutinho and others, the country failed to develop a diversified economy for lack of capital not tied to the slave trade. T h e colony remained economically dependent on Brazil; around 1800, 88 per cent of its revenues still came from the slave trade with Brazil and a little less than 5 per cent from the ivory sent to Portugal. 82. R . Delgado, 1948-55. 83. Making 1032000 slaves, according to thefiguresgiven by D . Birmingham, 1966; P. D . Curtin, 1969; H . S. Klein, 1972; P . E . Lovejoy, 1983. See also J. C . Miller, 1975b and 1979. In this case 2 million is certainly an underestimate. T h e realfiguremight be nearer 3 million. A s to demography, see J. K . Thornton, 1980; 1977a, 1977b and 1981b; he concedes, 1981b, p. 713, that there was a loss of population, but his model underestimates the number of w o m e n (according to him, one-quarter and not one-third) and children (according to him, none were put aboard ship). Thesefiguresare crucial to the population picture.
587
0
T h e political system of the Luba and Lunda: its emergence and expansion N D A Y W E L è NZIEM
T h e history of the L u b a is the story of the development of a political system whichfirstemerged in Shaba, in the present-day Republic of Zaire, and subsequently spread into a large part of the southern grasslands, over an area stretching almost from the River K w a n g o to the River Zambezi. 1 Although a whole series of societies evolved along individual lines in this area, they were all closely intertwined, springing as they did from the same basic impulses. This pattern clearly demonstrates the capacity for unification which already existed a m o n g African peoples in the precolonial period. T h e connection and the différences between the L u b a and L u n d a states are implicit in their two names which reflect not so m u c h ethnic distinction as two political and cultural systems within which a whole range of separate ethnic referents sprang up. T h e history of the Luba covers matters affecting the present-day L u b a of both Shaba (the L u b a Shankadi) and Kasai (the Luba Lubilanji) as well as matters relating to the Songye, Kanyok, Kete, Sala M p a s u , Bindji and Lulua. T h e history of the L u n d a deals both with the R u n d groups (the L u n d a in the narrow sense) and the Lozi, N d e m b o , L w e n a , Imbangala and other groups (the L u n d a in the broad sense).2 T h e linguistic classification given to the Luba and L u n d a languages are indicative of this intertwined relationship. While Guthrie classifies them all in his Zone L , the L u n d a languages are put into Group 50 and the L u b a languages into G r o u p 30. This bears eloquent testimony to both the 1. This political system affected the three Central African countries of Zaire, Angola and Zambia. 2. There is an extensive literature on these people. This includes the old ethnographical works: H . A . Dias de Carvalho, 1890; C . Van Overbergh, 1908; R . Colle, 1913; E . Verhulpen, 1936; L. Van den Byvang, 1937; P. Denolf, 1954; E . D'Orjo de Marchovelette, 1950-1; L . Duysters, 1958; W . F. Burton, 1956. Recent works are mostly unpublished doctoral theses. Whether the history of the region is looked at from Bemba materials (A. D . Roberts, 1973), Luba materials (T. Q. Reefe, 1977; J. C . Yoder, 1977) or Lunda materials (J. C . Miller, 1972b; J. L . Vellut, 1972; W . F. Pruitt, 1974; R . E . Schechter, 1976; J. J. Hoover, 1979), one comes back to the problematic of those who deal with these cultures as a whole (S. A . Lucas, 1968; L . D e Heusch, 1972; B. Crine-Mavar, 1973; S. K . Ndua, 1978); R . J. Papstein, 1978.
The political system of the Luba and Lunda
similarities and differences between the two languages.3 There is general agreement that the archaeological finds of the U p e m b a Depression at Sanga and elsewhere are to be attributed to the ancestors of the Luba. 4 E m b l e m s of rule, later c o m m o n among the L u b a , appear by the thirteenth century at the latest, along with evidence at Katota and Sanga of the formation of two chiefdoms. Yet Katota and Sanga were not the direct forerunners of the L u b a kingdom. Oral chronology cannot be pushed back reliably m u c h beyond 1700 in this case. All w e know is that the main L u b a kingdom came into being as one among m a n y and began to expand before the R u n d state, fountainhead of the L u n d a empire, was developed. T h e formation of the R u n d state cannot be dated by oral tradition5 but at least the state is mentioned in the traditions by 1680. H o w long before that date it took shape, w e do not know.
The emergence of the Luba and Lunda states Shaba and the adjoining parts of Zambia and Angola are covered by woodlands, its soils are poor and the dry season is very long. T h e best lands lie mostly in the river valleys and their quality decreases from north to south and east to west, being worst in eastern Angola. T h e further north the less the risk of drought. But the southern, half-barren country contains mineral treasure - copper, iron and salt - all in its south-eastern quadrant. It is not surprising, therefore, that the population lived in pockets of fertile land, whether near major mineral sites or not, with vast expanses of almost uninhabited areas in between, used mainly for hunting. This population distribution was reflected in the location of the early territorial organizations: which comprised small chiefdoms each governing one settlement. T h u s the Sanga charter of settlements becomes the later chiefdom of Kikondja while Katota upstream, at the other end of the Lualaba lake system, formed another chiefdom. In both these areas people were fishermen and farmers. There were m a n y other chiefdoms, all located in major river valleys, where the inhabitants were mostly farmers: namely the Kalundwe, Kanyok, Kanincin, Nsanga, M p i m i n , the early R u n d and various H e m b a chiefdoms. N o n e of these population clusters lived in isolation. T h e y were linked by trade and, presumably, intermarriage. F r o m the north came raffia and palm oil, from the Lualaba riverfish,from the south copper and salt, from the central southern area mbafu oil. There is no evidence for extended east3. M . Guthrie, 1948, p. 54. T h e linguists at Tervuren consider that the two groups of speakers settled in neighbouring areas at a fairly late date (A. Coupez, E . Evrard and J. Vansina, 1976). 4. See U N E S C O , General History of Africa, Vol. IV, ch. 22; J. Vansina, 1984a, pp. 564-70. 5. Such attempts all rested on the supposed emigration of Kinguri from the Rund capital to Angola. W e now know that this is a later elaboration of tradition dating at the earliest from i.1700; cf. J. K . Thornton, 1981a.
589
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
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The states in Shaba before ¡700 (after J. Vansina)
west trade at an early date and apart from copper the usual movement of products was on a north-south axis from the limits of the equatorial forest in the far north, southwards to central Zambia. The trade was important enough for currencies to develop from at least 1000. In the Upemba Depression around 1300 the copper cross became the currency. By 1500 such crosses were standardized as to weight and by 1600 they had become quite small, so that they could be used for minor as well as major purchases. But the decline in size may also have been an index of devaluation. After 1700 crosses disappeared and, by the nineteenth century, imported beads
were becoming the new currency.6 In this context developed the political ideology that later would be central to the main Luba kingdom. This consisted of two interlocked
bulopwe (principles), that of the sacred character of kingship and that of rule through a closed association. In the kingdom's northernmost area, in Songye country, and in some eastern areas, rule by association became dominant, but in the kingdom's heartland balance between the two came into being, although the sacred character of kingship clearly predominated. According to some traditions the forerunner of the Luba kingdom was 6. P. de Maret, 1981, pp. 139-43.
590
The political system of the Luba and Lunda
plate 20.1
Hemba, Zaire: monoxyloid caryatid seat, the bottom of which is worn away. Note
the prominent scarifications and the quality of the bracelets. Height: 35 cm
591
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century the small Kalundwe kingdom founded between the L u e m b e and Lubilash rivers by a coalition of three clans.7 Its capital was at Cifinda. O n e of its kings, Kongolo (Rainbow), moved to found a capital on the plains at Mwibele, not far from Lake Boya, in what would be the heartland of the future Luba state. Other accounts, however, have Kongolo coming from elsewhere. T h e epic narrative of foundations, for example, tells in vivid detail h o w Kongolo was defeated and slain by Kalala Ilunga - Ilunga the hunter, a foreigner from the east - w h o m o v e d his capital to M u n z a , closer to a district rich in iron ore and not far from salt pans. A s Mwine Munza (master of M u n z a ) , Kalala represents a founding-father figure that depicts what an ideal L u b a king should be. Kongolo m a y well not be an authentic figure but at least the traditions can be accepted as to the situations of the former capitals. Unlike almost all the other chiefdoms, the L u b a kingdom did not have its centre in a river valley but in the heart of the great plains north of the U p e m b a Depression. It dominated, perhaps from the onset, the Kalundwe to the west, Kikondja to the south and controlled the major north-south trading routes. Nonetheless, until the eve of the eighteenth century it would remain a fairly small kingdom. Meanwhile, further west other political units were being formed. T h e foremost a m o n g them, Nkalany, developed in the Mbuji Mayi valley from the fusion of several small areas headed by tubung (masters of the land). Their Kete neighbours to the north had a similar organization but, to the north-west, their closest relatives in speech and material culture, the Sala M p a s u , organized themselves very differently, by age organizations and by allowing powerful m e n to monopolize authority. Political succession to existing positions, and hence aristocracy, was rejected by them. Nothing really predestined the R u n d lands to become an empire. T h e areas further north with better soil were more densely settled. Their agriculture was m u c h more advanced and they were better placed on the north-south trading routes. Yet at one point the northern tubung were united under one of the R u n d lands, although they only formed a chiefdom centred along a stretch of river. T h e northern tubung traditions begin with an explanation as to w h y a chief N k o n d left his office to his daughter, Rweej or Rueji, w h o married Cibinda Ilunga (Ilunga the Hunter) from the L u b a court and then abandoned office in his favour. T h e episode of the hunter is an obvious cliché also found elsewhere in the region.8 According to the story, Cibinda Ilunga organized his court on the L u b a model. But even in this, tradition m a y only be partially correct as scholars have found as m a n y R u n d influences on the L u b a as the other way round. 9 Another element of the tales must still be mentioned. According to 7. For a critical examination of traditions, see T . Q ; Reefe, 1977 and 1981; for notations of historical traditions, see H . Womersley, 1984. 8. H . A . Dias de Carvalho, 1890; P. Pogge, 1880. T h e Curse by Nkond of his sons recalls the episode of Noah under the tree and is probably of late invention. 9. T . Q . Reefe, 1981, pp. 75-8. 592
The political system of the Luba and Lunda
Carvalho, after the conquest stage, power went to Rweej'sfirstson, Yav, w h o became the Mwant Yav (Lord Yav). It was his name which was to become a political title designating the aristocracy of the n e w court. O n his death, power is thought to have been assumed by his brother Naweej, w h o was to become the real organizer of the empire. However, the versions that have been collected more recently claim that Rweej was sterile. In order not to jeopardize the succession, she gave her husband a second wife, K a m o n g a , w h o wasfirstin succession. This situation accounts for the institutionalized existence of two female dignitaries at the court of the M w a n t Yav: the Swan Murund or Swana Mulunda, the symbolic mother of the society, w h o symbolized the perpetuation of the role played by Rweej w h o , although sterile, founded the empire; and the Rukonkesh or Lukonkeshia, the queen-mother, w h o occupied the role played by K a m o n g a and all other w o m e n in the same situation. M o r e commonly, reference is made to the existence of the right-hand mother (Swan Alurund), w h o has to be differentiated from the left-hand mother (Rukonkesh). It was the latter w h o gave birth to the successor. This testimony explains the different institutions that evolved after the appearance of the L u b a hunter:first,the two female aristocracies, one symbolizing social fertility and the other biological fertility; and second, the royal title based on the chiefly title Mwant, to which the n a m e of the first king was added.
T h e Luba: internal organization and development to 1800 A s with M w i n e M u n z a , a state appeared on the plains as a result of influences from the east across the Lualaba river. It incorporated the Kikondja kingdom in the U p e m b a Depression south of the plains and the Kalundwe kingdom to the west. It further expanded, then or somewhat later, to the south-east to control the lower reaches of the Lovua river. T h e foundation andfirstconsolidation of the kingdom led to some disturbances in the region and a number of emigrants left the lower Lovua to found the Shila state on the western shore of Lake M w e r u and along the lower Luapula. 10 It is likely that this account deals only with the group that ruled the Shila before about 1750 and not with most of the inhabitants. These rulers m a y not even have come from the L u b a kingdom but m a y have been given this area as a prestigious place of origin, although they really stemmed from Kiambi on the lower Lovua. T h e Kanyok to the north-west were also subjected to the kingdom by Luba immigrants w h o organized (or founded) a kingdom there, although in the early 1800s, they threw off their allegiance to the L u b a . " T h e most important emigration is reported towards the north. Following the troubles w h e n the kingdom was founded, later wars of succession and 10. M . Musambachime, 1976, pp. 15-32. 11. J. C . Yoder, 1977; 1980, pp. 88 and 90.
593
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
\
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boundary between Central Malawi and Western Mozambique.3 It is not possible, on the other hand, to be definite about the origins and early composition of the Lolo-Makua-Lomwe and Yao of northern Mozambique. None of them has clear traditions of how they occupied their present homelands. This is probably because they occupied their country many centuries ago and have therefore long since lost memory of their exact origins. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Lolo already occupied the south-western part of northern Mozambique, while the Makua and other Lomwe-speaking groups inhabited the coast opposite Mozambique Island and its hinterland as far as the highlands in the central part of the country. The Yao had their homeland to the north-west of the Makua, between the Ruvuma river in the north and the Lujenda in the south.4
In the northern zone, the earliest modern Bantu-speaking inhabitants 3. The following are among the main sources on the interaction between the modern Bantu-speakers and the earlier inhabitants of this region: H. L. Vail; H. W. Langworthy,
1969b; K. M. Phiri, 1975b; and A. J. William-Myers, 1978b. 4. Field research on the oral history of northern Mozambique was not possible before 1975 because of the national liberation struggle there. The situation has probably changed now as the Centro de Estudos Africanos in Maputo is currently committed to rectifying Oil
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
for w h o m there are records settled in the area between the Songwe and South Rukururivers.They included the Sikwese, Chilima, Mwenekisindile and M w e n e f u m b o clans of the Chitipa and Karonga plains, and the M z e m b e and Chiluba clans of the mountainous Phoka area south-west of Karonga. Their traditions of origin claim that they came from the northeastern side of Lake Malawi and m a y have been related to the abilema w h o are believed to have lived in Unyakyusa before the L w e m b e lineage settled there.5 Not long afterwards, however, fresh and in most cases more powerful groups also began to infiltrate the area. These included the Simbowe w h o occupied the Karonga plain and the Mbale w h o invaded the Phoka area. They too came from the north, with the Mbale claiming to have migrated into the Lake Malawi region from the area south of Lake Victoria. T h e Mbale migration into the Phoka highlands probably occurred in the fourteenth century. T h e new immigrants were noted iron-smelters and they easily established good relations with the autochthons, the M z e m b e and Chiluba, on w h o m they came to depend for agricultural produce and some of the coal deposits which they needed for their furnaces. T h e M z e m b e and Chiluba, on the other hand, began to depend on the Mbale for iron agricultural tools and weapons. 6 T h u s it would appear that there was a general migration of people southwards using the corridor between Lakes Tanganyika and Malawi as a main passage. S o m e of these people probably moved further south into central Malawi or the Chewa-speaking zone. Between the Phoka and C h e w a areas in the north and south respectively, there lived various Tumbuka-speaking clans. T h e Nkamanga plain, Henga and Kasitu valleys were inhabited mainly by the Luhanga, Kachali, Nyirongo, Mtika and Nyanjagha clans. S o m e of these groups seem to have spread as far east as the lakeshore and as far west as the Luangwa valley in modern Lundazi district of eastern Zambia. 7 T h e Nsenga, the presentday inhabitants of the latter region, seem to have evolved into a 'tribe' as a result of interaction between T u m b u k a groups moving in from the east and Luba/Lunda-related immigrants from the west. They speak a language that is akin to T u m b u k a and share the same clan-names with the inhabitants of Tumbukaland. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the situation. T h e historical traditions of the Yao in Malawi, on the other hand, have been collected systematically of late, see K . Lapukeni, P. Rashid, N . K u m w e m b e and J. B . Webster, 1978; K . M . Phiri, M . Vaughan and D . Makuluni, 1978; and R . B . Misomali, G . Mkondiwa and H . K . Bhila, 1978; Y . B . Abdallah, 1919a; L . D . Soka, 1953; and E . A . Alpers, 1975a. T h e Yao, according to their traditions, originated around 'Yao Hill' in the area between the Rovuma and Luambala rivers. According to Alpers, the Makua spread to other parts of north Mozambique from the Namuli Hills in the central part of northern Mozambique. 5. See M . Wilson (1958). For a summary of the migration traditions of modern Bantuspeakers onto the Chitipa and Karonga plains, see O . J. M . Kalinga, 1985. 6. H . K . Msiska, 1978a and 1978b. 7. H . L . Vail, 1972b.
612
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
they tended to act as a bridge between the T u m b u k a in the east and the Bisa in the west. T h u s prior to about 1500, the political structure of the entire region from the Songwe river in the north to the Zambezi in the south, with the exception of a few pockets, was characterized by the prevalence of stateless or small-scale polities. T h e different ethnic groups were each comprised of local chieftaincies with a two-tier hierarchy of authority. This form of political organization revolved around a local chieftain as the uppermost authority. T h e chief presided over a group of closely related lineage-based villages of which his o w n was the most senior genealogically. T o the community of villages surrounding him, he rendered religious, judicial and military services, and was in turn entitled to the allegiance of all his followers. T h o u g h politically and sometimes physically divided into ethnic and clan spheres of influence, the Lake Malawi region enjoyed a certain degree of social and religious cohesion. Religious affiliation in particular provided a basis of cohesion within and across the different socio-linguistic groups. Indeed over the greater part of this region, religious action was expressed at a local as well as territorial level. At a local level, religion played the function of ensuring the moral and material well-being of the population, while at a territorial level it also fostered cultural and ecological cooperation.8 Religious practice for most people in this part of Africa involved ancestor veneration, spirit possession, rain-making, and control of witchcraft. A m o n g the Chewa-speaking peoples, for example, the N y a u Secret Society (Plate 21.1) was an important vehicle for expressing and dramatizing ethnic creation myths, the moral code, and so on. A m o n g other things, a N y a u performance dramatized the interdependence of the natural and spirit worlds, and the C h e w a creation m y t h according to which m a n , animals and spirits once lived together in harmony. T h e chief manifestation of a territorial religious experience, on the other hand, was the rain cults. A n u m b e r of these spanned large areas were dedicated to a territorially acknowledged god or spirit, and controlled by an élite of priests and functionaries. T h e Chikha-ng'ombe and Chisumphe cults of the T u m b u k a and C h e w a respectively belonged to this category. It has been shown that at least within the matrilineal belt extending from the T u m b u k a - C h e w a marginal zone in the north to the Zambezi valley in the south, there was a considerable degree of interaction and overlap between the various territorial religious cults. T h e deity was represented in the same way throughout. A m o n g the T u m b u k a and C h e w a , for example, he took the physical form of a snake, was thought to be a male force, and had several spirit wives devoted to his service. T h e functionaries dedicated to the services of this deity were possessed and set apart for their 8. This view is strongly supported by T . O . Ranger, 1973, and J. M . Schoffeleers, 1979a, pp. 6-23.
613
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 2 1. 1
Mask used by the Nyau Secret Society, the most revered institution among the
ChokwejMaravi peoples.
614
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
special role in society. Noting these structural similarities between the different rain cults north of the Zambezi, Schoffeleers has postulated that the different cults in Malawi, M o z a m b i q u e and Z i m b a b w e m a y have belonged to the same cult-complex.9 B e that as it m a y , religion provided an important means of communication and interaction between peoples w h o were otherwise divided politically. A m o n g the C h e w a and related peoples of the southern zone, the loose political structure which prevailed before 1500 was greatly transformed by the emergence of the M a r a vi state system at the beginning of the sixteenth century and its expansion later in the same century and in the seventeenth.10 T h e Maravi thus dominate the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century political history of the lower northern Zambezia region just as the builders of the Mutapa state dominate that of Southern Zambezia in thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries. It is n o w generally agreed that the Maravi arrived in the Lake Malawi region as immigrants w h o originated in the L u b a area of south-eastern Zaire, and that they entered central Malawi from the west after migrating through the great plateau of north-eastern Zambia. O n reaching the southern end of Lake Malawi, they rapidly established themselves as rulers over the earlier proto-Chewa inhabitants, consolidated their rule, and then embarked on a campaign of territorial expansion which took them beyond central and southern Malawi into adjacent parts of Zambia and M o z a m bique (Fig. 21.3). B y the early seventeenth century, therefore, their confederation of states encompassed the greater part of eastern Zambia, central and southern Malawi and northern M o z a m b i q u e . In this way, the Maravi state system came to have a political, military and economic impact over a vast area. However, the process which led to this political configuration is not yet clearly understood by historians. N o one is yet clear h o w the Maravi state was created or the factors which were conducive to state growth in the region. O n e view holds that the Maravi arrived in the country as a group of invaders w h o were fully equipped with the symbols of chiefly power with the help of which they established themselves as a ruling class over what must have been a stateless indigenous population.11 This theory emphasizes the external origins of Maravi kingship and political institutions and 9. M . J. Schoffeleers, 1979a, pp. 22-3. See also H . L . Vail, 1979, and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1979b. O n the religious aspects of Nyau, see M . J. Schoffeleers, 1976, and N . E . Lindgren and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1978. 10. T h e only evidence to date the arrival of the Maravi in the Lake Malawi area is archaeological. C - 1 4 dates from Maravi occupation sites that have been excavated range from 1420-80, thus suggesting that the Maravi arrived in thefifteenthcentury. See K . R . Robinson, 1972, pp. 61-3, and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1973, pp. 48-53. D r Newitt, however, is of the opinion that the Maravi did not occupy the northern banks of the Lower Zambezi until the early sixteenth century: see M . D . D . Newitt, 1982, pp. 47-8. 11. This theory wasfirstadvanced by R . A . Hamilton. After a close reading of Chewa
615
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
fig. 21.3
The Maravi expansion, c.1650 (after K. M. Phiri)
therefore possibly underplays the intricate interweaving of indigenous and immigrant ideologies in the formation of the state. Andrew Roberts, for example, has argued that although invasion and conquest may have been crucial steps in the creation of states in some parts of tropical Africa, historians should also think in terms of how newcomers acquired authority by virtue of importing useful techniques and ideas.12 He has a vision of what would have happened in a socially and economically differentiated society where a group possessing ideas and techniques - which could be used to exploit the natural environment or to resolve long-standing conflicts or feuds, for example was also likely to dominate the others. Other hypotheses have also been popular with different writers. One of these would have us take into account the role of demographic factors. Agnew, for instance, speaks of geographical momentum - soil fertility, oral traditions, he concluded that a major political change occurred in the fourteenth or fifteenth century. A group of incoming chiefly invaders known by the clan name Phiri
then superimposed themselves over a long established and loosely organized indigenous population. See R. A. Hamilton, 1955a, p. 21. Since then, this view has been echoed by several writers, including M. G. Marwick, 1963, pp. 377-8; and M. J. Schoffeleers, 1972a, pp. 96-9.
12. A. D. Roberts, 1976, p. 84. 616
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
adequate rainfall and reliable food supply - which from early times has been conducive to the greater concentration of population on the western side of Lake Malawi than in the neighbouring areas to the east and west. A growing population engaged in surplus production, albeit modest, would have served as a suitable basis for the accumulation of dynastic power. 13 Another hypothesis takes into account the trade factor, maintaining that the formation of a state at the southern end of Lake Malawi in the fifteenth or sixteenth century arose from the need for an authority to control the development of the trade in ivory between the southern shores of the lake and the east coast of Africa via the Shire-Zambezi water system. T h e argument, in other words, is that it was by exercising control over the growth of this trade that the early Kalongas (as Maravi paramounts were called) were able to accumulate power. 1 4 Lastly, there is the conflict hypothesis which maintains that the Maravi state evolved out of the dialectics of interaction between the incoming Maravi-Phiri group and the indigenous proto-Chewa inhabitants. O n this, C h e w a oral traditions specifically point to h o w - after an initial period of conflict — an acceptable relationship was worked out, according to which the Maravi-Phiri invaders would act as rulers of the country while the indigenous proto-Chewa-Banda acted as 'owners of the soil'.15 A s to what might have prompted the indigenes to accept the leadership of the immigrants, a possible answer is to be found in the strength of the Maravi kinship organization. In later periods, it was this which served as a unifying link between the various Maravi sub-divisions as they dispersed. Oral tradition, the main source of information on the early history of the area, on the other hand, is rather reticent on exactly h o w the Maravi state was founded. It simply maintains that under the leadership of Kalonga Chidzonzi, w h o headed the most senior Phiri royal lineage, the Maravi established theirfirstkingdom around M a n k h a m b a and Manthimba on the south-western side of Lake Malawi. Here, the Kalonga set u p his headquarters at Manthimba or Maravi and designated the village of M a n khamba (which probably predated the Maravi advent) as the religious centre of the kingdom. It is furthermore maintained that the Kalonga surrounded himself with a bureaucracy of administrators. They included the commander of the army, khombe, the public executioner, mkomba, and a land divider, mgawi. F r o m Portuguese written sources of the seventeenth century, on the other hand, w e learn that Manthimba developed into an important commercial and political centre. According to one observer in 1624, it was a densely populated place, within three kilometres of the lake 13. S. Agnew, 1972, pp. 32-3. 14. E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 46-9. 15. M . J. Schoffeleers, 1973, pp. 47-60; K . M . Phiri, 1975a, pp. 47-51; and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1979a, pp. 147-61.
617
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
with whose inhabitants Portuguese traders from Tete on the Zambezi conducted a prosperous trade.16 Oral tradition, however, provides the only indication of the institutional mechanisms through which the Kalonga's state was held together. O n e of these was the mlira cult. Once every year, about the month of September, heads of the different Phiri royal lineages were invited to Manthimba for the ritual veneration of Mlira, the spirit of the great Kalonga Chinkhole w h o led their ancestors into the country at the time of the migration from the north. T h e ritual culminated in the burning of the Marimba bush which stretched for a considerable distance along the lake, from M a n k h a m b a in the south to the Chilua river in the north. This ritual, w e believe, was a surface manifestation of a royal cult which had a significant integrative function within the Maravi state. Equally important to the integration of the kingdom was the manner in which appointive offices of state were allocated. T h e Kalonga is said to have appointed some heads of protoC h e w a clans to important leadership positions in his state. T h e Banda, an important proto-Chewa clan, were caretakers (amatsano) of the Kalonga's shrine at M a n k h a m b a while the M w a l e under K h o m b e led the Kalonga's warriors in battle. Traditions to this effect clearly underscore the extent to which non-Phiri or non-Maravi clan leaders were involved in the making of decisions pertaining to land tenure, the distribution of wealth, and the making of war. 17 T h e extent to which the Kalonga was able personally to direct the affairs of his kingdom m a y have begun to decline towards the last quarter of the sixteenth century when the state began to expand. This expansion was affected through heads of the junior Phiri lineages. Such heads were sent out from the M a n t h i m b a - M a n k h a m b a area into adjacent territories. Mpinganjila was sent eastwards into the land adjoining the eastern bank of the Upper Shire. Nyangu went south and occupied the country on the western bank of the Upper Shire; Changamire occupied the present Kirk Range area to the west of Manthimba; C h a u m a went to settle to the northwest of M a n k h a m b a ; while Chinsamba went to occupy the country north of the M a n t h i m b a - M a n k h a m b a area. Taken together, the territories controlled by the Kalonga and these subordinate chiefs formed the heartland of the Maravi state system as it evolved in the seventeenth century. Another dimension of the Maravi expansion involved the migration of the Kalonga's senior kinsmen into distant lands to the south and southwest of the heartland. This m a y have been a calculated m o v e on the part of the early Kalongas as they sought to distance those w h o would have contested for the throne at Manthimba. Kaphwiti and L u n d u migrated into and colonized the Lower Shire valley. O f the two, Kaphwiti was senior 16. Luiz Marianno, a Portuguese resident of Sena in 1924. His observations on the state of the 'Maravi empire' are summarized inj. Batalha-Reis, 1889. 17. I. Linden, 1979, pp. 188-93; K . M . Phiri, 1975a, pp. 52-5, and S. J. Nthara, 1948, pp. 17-24.
618
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
and controlled the whole valley before he lost m u c h of his authority to L u n d u . T h e paramountcy of Kaphwiti, however, did not last for long. It had suffered an enigmatic blow by 1572 w h e n it was reported that L u n d u ruled the greater part of the valley from the M a m v e r a or Murchison rapids in the north to the confluence of the Zambezi with the Shire in the south. T h e desire to control the Sena ivory trade with the Portuguese probably accounted for the Lundu's expansion of his sphere of influence, just as it might have led to the decline of the Kaphwitis w h o later found themselves cut off from this trade.18 It was the L u n d u w h o , after his ascendancy in the Lower Shire valley, spearheaded Maravi expansion eastwards into Lolo and M a k u a country. T h e process of Maravi expansion in this part of Northern Zambezia started in the mid-sixteenth century. According to Nurse's historical linguistic analysis, the Maravi or Chewa in this part of northern Mozambique must have begun to interact with the Lolo and M a k u a not later than c. 1560." Maravi invasion and conquest of L o l o - M a k u a countryfirstowed m u c h to the fanaticism of the Lundu's warriors, w h o m some historians of Eastern Africa have identified with the notorious Zimba marauders of the late sixteenth century.20 If they are correct, then the L u n d u must have employed a mercenary army drawn from the truculent inhabitants of the area west of the Lower Shire valley.21 According to dos Santos, the Zimba originated in that area before they moved toward Sena where they routed the Portuguese and their African allies in 1592. Thereafter, they swept through northern Mozambique and sacked the towns of Kilwa and M o m b a s a . It was not until they reached Malindi on the northern coast of Kenya that they were defeated by an alliance between the Swahili inhabitants of the town and the Segeju, a hinterland ethnic group with which the Sultan of Malindi was on friendly terms.22 Secondly, the success of the Lundu's warriors in the east was due to the statelessness of the Lolo and M a k u a societies. It has been said of the Lolo in particular that 'they had never been and seem never to have wanted to be notable or important'. Their political system was segmentary. T h e functions of government were performed by village headmen assisted by councils of elders. Together, these took decisions on all the military, judicial and religious affairs of their communities. Like the Lolo, the M a k u a also had a segmentary political system, but a m o n g them lineages belonging to 18. For a summary of the relative positions held by the Kaphwiti and L u n d u in the pre-colonial politics of the Lower Shire valley, see H . H . K . Bhila, 1977. T h e expansion of the Lundu's kingdom is inj. dos Santos, 1901. See also E . A . Alpers, 1968, pp. 20-2, and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1968, pp. 143-59. 19. G . T . Nurse, 1977, p. 126. 20. N . J. Hafkin, 1973, pp. 10-14. 21. Schoffeleers, however, has proposed that the Zimba originated on the southern bank of the Zambezi where they were displaced by the wars of Portuguese colonial expansion between Sena and Tete: see M . J. Schoffeleers, 1980, pp. 15-19. 22. J. dos Santos, 1901, pp. 290-304.
619
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century the same clan sometimes combined under the leadership of the one w h o headed the most powerful lineage. Under this kind of impetus and as a result of pressure from the Portuguese, strong chieftaincies emerged among the coastal M a k u a in the late sixteenth century.23 T h e Lundu's warriors conquered both the Lolo and M a k u a and had them incorporated into a tributary state which the Portuguese residents of the Lower Zambezi termed 'Bororo'. In this conquest state, about which more is known than any aspect of M a k u a - L o l o history up to 1800, the Maravi established several chieftainships to govern their subjects some of w h o m did become auxilliary vassals. Politically, it was expedient then for m a n y M a k u a to claim a Maravi origin. Culturally, however, there was considerable synthesis of Maravi and M a k u a customs and traditions, particularly in the Quelimane area.24 As a result, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, the L u n d u controlled a vast territory north of the Zambezi, from the Lower Shire in the west almost to the Indian Ocean in the east. Not only was he recognized as 'the second most powerful person in the empire of Maravi (the first being Kalonga)', but his warriors periodically descended on the M a k u a part of the coast to raid Portuguese settlements.25 T h e L u n d u held his vast kingdom together with the help of loyal military generals and vassals drawn from junior lineages within his clan. Furthermore, his state had an economic underpinning in that the different peoples w h o m it encompassed depended on the salt, iron and machila cotton cloths that were produced by the Lundu's Manganja subjects in the Lower Shire valley. Manganja religion was another unifying factor in the state. Centred on the M b o n a cult whose central shrine was at Khulubvi in the Lower Shire valley, the theology of Manganja religion encompassed m a n y elements of c o m m o n e r protest against the misuse of royal power and pregogative. Consequently, the official cult of the L u n d u paramountcy found m a n y adherents over a large territory stretching from the seat of the L u n d u s in the Lower Shire valley to the Zambezi delta on the east coast.26 T h e immense prestige enjoyed by the L u n d u in the eastern part of the Maravi confederation did not go unchallenged. T h e Kalonga w h o himself controlled a vast territory on the western and eastern sides of Lake Malawi as well as along the Upper Shire became extremely anxious about the Lundu's growing power. In the 1620s and 1630s, therefore, Maravi expansion eastward was stalled by the vicious internal rivalry which developed 23. T h e best description of the Lolo and Makua political system in the sixteenth century is that given by J. dos Santos, 1901, p. 308. Examples of emergent and powerful Makua chiefs of the time are Maviamuno and Mauruka whose relations with the Portuguese are treated at considerable length by E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 14-85. 24. N . J . Hafkin, 1973, pp. 15-22. 25. M . Barreto, 1899, p. 475, and E . Axelson, i960, pp. 132-3. 26. E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 25-6; E . C . Mándala, 1977, pp. 39-41; and M . J. Schoffeleers, 1972b, p. 76. 620
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region between the Kalonga and L u n d u . 2 7 Thereafter, the scene of dramatic events as far as Maravi expansion was concerned shifted from the east to the south-west. In this latter direction, U n d i then established his o w n kingdom which he later expanded as the L u n d u had done in the L o w e r Shire and further east. According to one version of the traditions relating to the establishment of Undi's kingdom, the founder was sent out by the Kalonga to occupy the sandy plains near Nsengaland. Another version, however, suggests that Undi's departure for the south-west was occasioned by a major conflict within the ruling Phiri clan at Manthimba. 2 8 T h e second version seems more reliable because most traditions have it that Undi left Manthimba with m a n y followers after quarrelling with the Kalonga over such issues as political succession and the distribution of tribute. In the west, Undi and his followers successfully colonized the Kapoche river area, a tributary of the Zambezi. Thereafter, they extended the boundaries of their nascent kingdom from the banks of the Kapoche river westward toward the confluence of the Zambezi with the Luangwa. In that direction, Undi's warriors came into conflict with the Tawara along the Zambezi and the Nsenga along the eastern bank of the lower Luangwa. But the extent to which the Maravi then came to dominate the Nsenga has been the subject of some debate. Historians approaching the subject from the Malawian side maintain that thefirstnotable event in the history of the Nsenga was this invasion of their country by Undi and his warriors in the mid-seventeenth century. This invasion, it is claimed, was directed by Chimwala, the Undi's classificatory nephew, and initially aimed at the subjugation of Mundikula w h o then headed the largest and most important Nsenga clan, that of the M w a n z a . According to William-Myers, one of the few researchers w h o have approached the debate from the Zambian side, however, about threequarters of the Nsenga on the eastern side of the L u a n g w a were at one time or another in a tributary relationship with Undi. T h e conclusion to draw from this is that during its expansive phases, Undi's state encompassed a number of Nsenga chieftaincies, but that this did not apply to all the Nsenga as such. T h e south-western Nsenga near Feira in Zambia, for example, have no traditions of having been a part of Undi's 'empire'.29 Despite the debate, there is still the question of h o w U n d i m a y have established a certain degree of political control over the Nsenga. T h e traditional argument is that Undi and his subordinates used force and the creation of perpetual kinship relationships according to which the conquered Nsenga chiefs were recognized as 'sons' or 'nephews' of the 27. R . A . Hamilton, 1954; E . A . Alpers, 1975b, p. 517. 28. H . W . Langworthy, 1969a, pp. 148-63; and K . M . Phiri, 1977, p. 9. 29. A m o n g the sources which reflect a Maravi bias are: E . H . Lane-Poole, 1934, pp. 39-41, and H . W . Langworthy, 1969a, pp. 215-16. A more recent work is that by A . J. William-Myers, 1978a. 621
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Maravi chiefs. O f late, however, a stronger argument has been presented. This is that trade and famine m a y have played a crucial role in the expansion of Undi's influence over neighbouring peoples. Undi, it has been shown, enjoyed immense influence with Portuguese traders at Tete, and this fact enabled him to exercise indirect control over participants from neighbouring polities. Secondly, Nsenga chiefdoms along the Luangwa valley suffered from endemic famine and their inhabitants often sought relief in Undi's territory which was more fertile than their o w n . T h e combined control and regulation of trade and famine relief placed Undi in an extremely strong position vis-à-vis the neighbouring peoples and polities.30 There is every indication, on the other hand, that Undi and his kinsmen allowed the Nsenga chieftains w h o came under their influence to continue to administer the affairs of their clans and areas, as long as they sent tribute in ivory and slaves to Undi's headquarters on the Kapoche river. Nevertheless, from the time of the conquest, the Nsenga adopted the Maravi system of chieftainship which they also adapted to suit their o w n customs. This explains w h y the Mundikula (or Kalindawalo), Chimfombo and Chifuka chiefly lines maintain that Undi installed them as chiefs in the olden days. T h e Maravi and their Chewa surrogates also expanded northwards into T u m b u k a country. A m o n g the princely leaders w h o migrated in that direction were Chulu, Kaluluma, Kanyenda and Kabunduli. Their presence there resulted in the creation of mixed socio-linguistic groups of w h o m the Tonga of northern Khota Khota and Nkhata-Bay districts are the most obvious. Chulu and Kaluluma, for example, moved into the southern T u m b u k a area known as Chimaliro and the surrounding plains. Here, they encountered a T u m b u k a people w h o were self-sufficient economically but loosely organized politically. There was little political or military cooperation among the different T u m b u k a clans: Zimba, Kanyinji, Nyirongo, Mtonga, and so on. T h e manner in which Chulu or Kaluluma established himself as ruler over a predominantly Tumbuka-speaking population, however, is subject to conflicting interpretations in C h e w a and T u m b u k a oral traditions. In the case of Kaluluma, C h e w a oral traditions have it that the T u m b u k a initially welcomed him and his entourage. Later, however, they decided to rebel but were crushed in thefightingwhich ensued. T h e T u m b u k a version, on the other hand, is more elaborate. It maintains that Kaluluma was given permission by the T u m b u k a headmen to settle in the area as a commoner. Not long afterwards, however, he began to tour the countryside to compel everyone to recognize him as chief, and to force the T u m b u k a headmen to help him carry the grinding stone (mphelo) on which his favourite snuff was ground. In protest, therefore, the T u m b u k a tried to expel him, but he defeated them instead.31 30. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 480-1; and J. D . Clark, 1965, pp. 276-80. 31. H . L . Vail, 1971; T . C . Young, 1932, p. 186; and S. S. Murray, 1922, p 224.
622
The Northern Zambezia
Lake Malawi region
These traditions suggest that lacking the institution of territorial chief¬ tainship, the Tumbuka tried to resist early Maravi attempts to impose it on them. It is also possible that the conflict had an economic origin since as immigrants who still lacked a solid economic foundation of their own, the Maravi/Chewa immigrants may have become a burden on the surplus production of their Tumbuka hosts.
plate 21.2
The royal stool, made of iron, of Chief Kanyenda of Khota Khota central
Malawi, probably seventeenth-century
Kanyenda and Kabunduli migrated into what later became Tongaland. Both originally came from the heartland of the Maravi empire near the Linthipe river in the south. Their migration northward brought them to Khota Khota mid-way along the western side of the lake where Kabunduli split from Kanyenda. Kabunduli then migrated further north into Tonga-
land via Chimaliro in the west. In Tongaland, Kabunduli soon earned a reputation for re-organizing the once scattered Tonga groups whom he apparently defeated and brought under his own control. As his reputation
increased, he was followed by a number of Chewa commoner families from the Chewa heartland, such as the Kapunda Banda who claim to have come
from Chauwa's area in what is now eastern Lilongwe.32 This intermingling of the Maravi with the original inhabitants of Ton32. F. Kwaule and E. J; Chakwera, 1978; J. Van Velsen, 1959; C. Z. Mphande, 1969;
F. R. Mkandawire, 1978.
623
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century galand accounts for the peculiarities of Tonga society as w e k n o w it today. Chitonga, the language of the area, is a bridge between the T u m b u k a and C h e w a languages. T h e T o n g a are also the only group in northern Malawi to have remained matrilineal in descent and inheritance customs to this day. This shows that Tonga society has acted as a bridge historically between the matrilineal C h e w a complex in the south and the patrilineal T u m b u k a - P h o k a complex in the north. For the Chewa-Maravi peoples, the seventeenth century was a 'golden age' when as a result of their territorial expansion they emerged as the most renowned power-brokers north of the Zambezi. Even the Portuguese, ensconced as they were in their settlements along the Zambezi, were forced to co-operate with them. This was because the M a r a vi did not confine their interest to the area north of the Zambezi. F r o m the 1590s through to the 1630s, they actively interfered in what was the Portuguese sphere-ofinfluence south of the Zambezi. T h e y were interested in the lucrative gold and silver mines of the M u n h u m u t a p a ' s domains, and in exercising a certain amount of control over traffic along the Zambezi. 33 For two generations at the beginning of the seventeenth century, therefore, the Portuguese, from Angoche on the east coast to Tete up the Zambezi, sought to contain the Maravi, by collaborating with them. They recruited large numbers of Maravi warriors to help them in their campaigns against the Karanga or Shona south of the Zambezi as well as against local enemies in the immediate vicinity of their Zambezi settlements. For example, in 1608 the Portuguese at Tete received 4000 warriors from the Kalonga Muzula for their campaign against rebellious subjects of their ally, M u n h u m u t a p a Gatsi Rusere. Six years later in 1614 the Portuguese at Sena sought the assistance of the L u n d u in mounting an armed expedition to Chicoa north-west of Tete, to search for silver. T h e Kalonga was again called upon to assist the Portuguese in 1623. This time he dispatched thousands of warriors across the Zambezi to help the Portuguese suppress some Karanga chiefs w h o took to arms following the death of Gatsi Rusere. T h e campaign was a success for these Maravi warriors, for they are reported to have retreated to their side of the Zambezi laden with loot in the form of gold and cattle. Again in 1635, the L u n d u aided the Portuguese in crushing an uprising of Swahili chieftains in the Angoche (Quelimane) district north of the Zambezi delta.34 There is also evidence, on the other hand, to indicate that the Portuguese co-operated with the Maravi out of necessity rather than choice. U p to the end of the seventeenth century, the Portuguese residents of Sena and Tete dreaded the Maravi w h o m they regarded as 'very bad neighbours', unlike the Lolo and M a k u a w h o gave them no trouble.35 33. D . W . Beach, 1980a, pp. 125-8; and M . D . D . Newitt, 1982, pp. 158-60. 34. A . Gomes, 1959, p. 183; G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 395; and E . A . Aipers, 1975a. PP- 54-635. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 480; and M . D . D . Newitt, 1973, p. 80.
624
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
T h e Maravi expansion had several effects. For example, the creation of the L u n d u state east of the Lower Shire valley m a d e it possible for the M b o n a cult a m o n g the Manganja to spread its influence more widely than would otherwise have been possible. T h e economic and cultural effects were perhaps as significant. Within territory encompassed by the Maravi confederation in the seventeenth century, trade in ivory flourished. A s a result, Northern Zambezia had considerable interaction with the world's mercantile capitalist economy. T h e 'Maravi empire' m a y also have fostered cultural uniformity between the different matrilineal peoples of the Northern Zambezia region, as can be attested by the fact that they share the same clan-names and have a c o m m o n descent-system.36 While the Maravi were expanding over the southern zone in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the north was being penetrated by the Ngulube immigrants from the north-east. Like the Maravi advent in the south, the coming of the Ngulube is a major event in the history of the northern zone.37 Their coming also enables more precise dating, since regnal lists for the major chieftaincies can be reconstructed back to the time of their founding. T h e only problem is that although the regnal lists seem fairly reliable, the number of reigns per dynastic generation is not always easy to determine, since informants are not always clear on the way the system of succession operated. T h e regnal list of the Kyungus w h o ruled Ungonde, for example, containsfifteennames prior to about 1940. O n e suggestion is that this represents a m i n i m u m of nine dynastic generations. T h e list of the Mwaulambyas, the rulers of Ulambya, contains sixteen names prior to 1940, representing a m a x i m u m of twelve dynastic generations.38 It is also worth noting that the founding rulers of Ungonde, Ulambya and Unyiha were near contemporaries, with those of Ulambya having preceded the others by perhaps a few generations. In the vanguard of the Ngulube migration, the M w a u l a m b y a crossed the Songwe river south of the Misuku hills into what came to be called Ulambya. There he found the Sikwese and Chilima clans. T h e M w a u lambya assumed political control through more peaceful means than the K y u n g u w h o was shortly to invade the Karonga plain. This was partly because the former's migration party was probably smaller than the latter's. Consequently, the M w a u l a m b y a was more accommodating than the K y u n g u whose close advisers were chosen exclusively from those w h o had accompanied him for all, or part of, the migration. T h e major officials of the M w a u l a m b y a on the other hand were drawn from the families found in the region, the latter sharing prestige and political power with the new 36. E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 56-8. Alpers also holds the view that as time passed, participation in this trade was unremunerative for most peoples of East-Central Africa. T h e similarity between social institutions has been noted by J. B . Webster, 1977, pp. 4-5. 37. O . J. M . Kalinga, 1985, pp. 41-63. 38. O . J. M . Kalinga, 1975, and 1978, pp. 57-61.
625
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century rulers.39 Similarly, the M s u k w a assumed political power over the Simwayi and Silumbu clans without the use of excessive force. Both Ulambya and Misuku were founded on compromise. T h e modern language situation reflects something about the numerical strength of the various immigrant parties w h o founded chieftaincies as well as the means by which they assumed power and later governed the people. Cilambya and the language of K a m e m e are dialects of the indigenous Nyiha while Kyangonde and Kinyakyusa are dialects of the Ngulube peoples' language. In other words, the M w a u l a m b y a and K a m e m e and their followers were assimilated linguistically while in Ungonde and U n y a k yusa the indigenous people were assimilated by the immigrants. M o d e r n Cisukwa is a dialect of Ndali (a linguistic group north of the Songwe) understood by the Nyiha-speakers and relatively easier to learn by the N g o n d e than Nyiha proper. Cisukwa thus forms a bridge between the Nyiha and Ngonde languages. T h e K y u n g u , K a m e m e and party migrated to the Karonga plain via Unyiha, Uiwa, U n a m w a n g a and then Ulambya and Misuku in the west. Although Ngonde court traditions claim that their ancestors established political authority in U n a m w a n g a and Uiwa, those of the latter area dispute this and point to Ubisa and ultimately the L u b a country as the original h o m e of their present line of rulers. At any rate, within a short time of their arrival in Karonga, K a m e m e returned and settled in the area immediately west of Ulambya. Here he established political authority over a people w h o were mainly of Nyiha stock although in later years m a n y M a m b w e and N a m w a n g a migrated into the K a m e m e chiefdom. H o w the K a m e m e established his state is not clear. It was clearly a smaller polity than that of his brother, the K y u n g u , w h o founded his kingdom on an already established state ruled by the Simbowe. Simbowe is a clan name and evidence suggests that it was a title used by a long list of rulers. T h e S i m b o w e clan came from Unyiha in modern Tanzania and had established itself at M b a n d e hill in the west-central section of the Karonga lakeshore. T h e basis of Simbowe's power is not clear but it would appear that he was a trader, and part of a trading network which might have extended to the east coast. Archaeological excavations carried out by Robinson at M b a n d e and the surrounding area have yielded artifacts which include glass beads, porcelain and conus shells. Indeed, Robinson himself concluded that thefifteenth-to sixteenth-century artifacts probably belonged to the pre-Portuguese period on the east coast, that is, during the height of Arab power and commercial influence.40 Simbowe's relations with the indigenous people do not appear to have been easy; after his arrival, the K y u n g u formed an alliance with the Mwenekisindile w h o were the custodians of an important religious shrine associated with a snake cult. Indeed, it seems that the Mwenekisindile 39. O . J. M . Kalinga, 1978, pp. 55-66 and 1977. 40. T h e section that follows is based on O . J. M . Kalinga, 1979a.
626
The Northern Zambezia - Lake Malawi region
assisted the K y u n g u in planning and executing the attack upon Simbowe. T h e K y u n g u assumed power at M b a n d e by force and gradually was able to establish a n e w order. Once settled, the Kyungus maintained their supremacy over their new subjects by establishing a ritual centre devoted to the cult of their royal ancestors. T h e K y u n g u did not attend the ritual centre, but gave his blessings to M u l w a , a senior official w h o had accompanied him to the area and w h o became the centre's head. In addition, adults in the kingdom attended an annual ceremony in which allfireswere extinguished and new ones lit from the central fire at the royal court, a ceremony during which the people renewed allegiance to the Kyungu. 4 1 O n a more frequent basis the people were expected to pay tribute to the K y u n g u and work in the royal gardens. T h e K y u n g u and his officials further established themselves in the area by marrying into the original local families. Before the arrival of the K y u n g u clan the people seem to have worshipped the high god through intermediary spirits such as the divine snake. T h e Kyungus employed the ancestors as mediums for the worship of their o w n high god, Ngulube, thus introducing and promoting royal ancestor worship. A s the people slowly accepted the growth of ancestral worship they also accepted the divinity of the K y u n g u . H e became priest-king and communicator with the royal ancestors. T o the Ngonde, the K y u n g u became the living representative of god. His health determined their welfare and prosperity and to safeguard this he was restricted to his residence. Should the K y u n g u show even minor signs of illness he was immediately smothered by his councillors, the makambala. A s ancestral veneration gained popularity in the area, the snake cult — and with it the Kisindile clan - became m u c h less influential. These developments occurred during the reigns of thefirstfour Kyungus, roughly between 1600 and 1720. Soon after the death of the third K y u n g u , Mwakalosi, his son and successor renounced the throne because he feared that should he fall ill, the makambala would kill him. H e also refused to have all but one of his children killed. T h e two practices were designed to avoid competition for the throne. T h e makambala were also protecting their o w n position by ensuring that a ruler was of their o w n choice. T h e crisis caused by the refusal of Mwakalosi to acceed to the throne was averted when the makambala installed his brother M a g e m o as Kyungu. T h e K a m e m e , M w a u l a m b y a and M s u k w a chiefdoms also promoted royal ancestral veneration. However, they became more Nyiha in their philosophy as in their language, and smothering the monarch, restricting his movements and killing royal children never featured in their history. However, all these chiefdoms represent the introduction into the area of a 41. M o r e details are to be found in R . J. Mwaipape, 'History and social customs of the Ngonde of Northern Malawi' (unpublished manuscript completed in 1982 and in author's possession).
627
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
new form of political organization which brought together religion and politics under more elevated and prestigious leaders and where relations among the citizenry were based more upon political than upon kinship ties.42 A n even greater crisis occurred in the Ngonde kingdom upon the death of K y u n g u M a g e m o whose only successor, M w a n g o n d e , was too young to succeed him. His sister's son, Kasyombe, became K y u n g u . Kasyombe's father, a Ndali, was the ruler of a small area on the north-western corner of the Karonga plain. With Kasyombe's accession to power in about 1750, therefore, this new region was incorporated into an enlarged Ngonde kingdom. Another important change resulting from the accession of Kasyombe was that the makambala began to lose some of their powers to the K y u n g u . Kasyombe had been brought up at Ngana in the northern part of the kingdom. H e insisted on personally touring the kingdom and ended the practice of killing the male children of the Kyungus. T h e number of princes proliferated leading in turn to a further increase in the powers of the monarch, especially after some of his successors such as M w a n g o n d e (f.1785-1839) assigned portions of land to some princes thereby ensuring that the Kyungus' influence was felt throughout the domain. 43 There can be no doubt, however, that by 1800, the Ngonde kingdom was confident enough to begin asserting itself in the international politics of the wider region south of the Songwe. T h u s between the mid-thirteenth and mid-eighteenth centuries the area south of the Songwe river had developed through a number of stages. F r o m an early network of religious shrines associated with a snake cult, to a system of dominant clans and,finally,in the northern and southern sections to the foundation of a number of states; in the north Ulambya, K a m e m e , Misuku, Ungonde and M w a p h o k a M w a m b a l e , and in the south Kanyenda and Kabunduli, Kaluluma and Chulu. In the north Kyangonde had been introduced as a n e w language by the Ngonde and Nyakyusa founders while in the south Chitonga was evolving out of a fusion of the T u m b u k a and Chewa peoples and languages. T h e central part of the region was dominated by the T u m b u k a . Their original clans, the Luhanga and various branches of the Mkandawire were joined by the Munthali from the Ndali hills north of the Songwe river. Further west in the Luangwa region the T u m b u k a clans included the Zolokere, Mwavintiza, G o m a and others. These T u m b u k a groups had no centralized government and their early history is an extremely difficult one to chart. Their genealogies are shallow and so is their conception of h o w they were organized prior to the eighteenth century. However, in the eighteenth century the most significant 42. O . J. M . Kalinga, forthcoming. 43. O . J. M . Kalinga, ' A History of the Ngonde Kingdom,' pp. 180-250; and R . J. Mwaipape, 1982, pp. 34-41.
628
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
events of the region occurred in T u m b u k a country. These will be discussed later. T h e kinds of religious change which occurred in the Karonga lakeshore following the establishment of the N g o n d e state were also discernible in the Maravi zone of influence. T h e Maravi state system encompassed a network of pre-Maravi or proto-Chewa rain-shrines centred on Msinja in what is western Lilongwe today. Each of the Maravi state-builders tried to exercise control over the shrines that fell within his jurisdiction. H e was anxious to play a role in the appointment of officials and to offer assistance and protection, and he usually m a d e annual pilgrimages to the shrines. Both the Kalonga and U n d i tried to gain control of the Msinja shrine in this way, while in the L o w e r Shire valley the L u n d u managed to establish a considerable degree of control over the M b o n a shrine at Nsanje. With this level of dynastic participation in the affairs of the rain-cults, their theology gradually became syncretic. It began to accommodate the veneration of the royal ancestral spirits, while purely C h e w a creation myths like those which obtained in N y a u were suppressed.44 However, the most notable religious change of the period occurred where the dynasts failed to gain control over the pre-existing rain-cults. T h e y then tended to establish their o w n cults which tried to rival the pre-existing ones. These were royal cults and one of their functions was to deify the royal family. For this reason, it has been suggested that their link with commoners was rather tenuous. T h e king or his nominee presided over the rain-making ceremonies and other rituals. Towards the middle of the eighteenth century, while the Ngonde in the north were preoccupied with the balance of power a m o n g internal factions and between religious institutions, the Maravi state system began to decline. T h e most articulate expression of this decline took the form of secessions from or revolts against the Kalonga, L u n d u and U n d i paramountcies. There were revolts against the Kalonga by a number of chiefs in the Lilongwe area of present-day central Malawi. During the same period, Undi was also confronted with the revolts led by Biwi and his other subordinates, while out in the east the Lolo and M a k u a also revolted against the Lundu's overlordship.45 However, the factors accounting for the decline of what had been a powerful confederation of Maravi states in the seventeenth century are not clear. In the case of Undi, the Portuguese w h o invaded his kingdom during the gold rush of the 1740s and 1750s did play a minor role in undermining his authority. It has also been argued that both Undi and the Kalonga were weakened by the growing reluctance of M a k e w a n a , w h o controlled the central C h e w a religious shrine at Msinja in Lilongwe, to use her ritual power in their interest. This is because — unlike the svikiro mediums w h o faithfully served the interest of the M u t a p a state south of the Zambezi 44. M . J. Schoffeleers, 1979b, pp. 152-60; I. Linden, 1979, pp. 188-93. 45. K . M . Phiri, 1975a, pp. 78-9; A . F . Isaacman, 1972b, pp. 14-15.
629
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
M a k e w a n a and her subordinate rain-callers did not always exercise their authority in a manner that would have bolstered the institution of Maravi kingship.46 T h e early Makewanas, it should be noted, had been key links in the religious unity of the Kalonga and Undi kingdoms. They were entrusted with the performance of the religious rituals upon which the Kalonga and Undi depended for the well-being of their followers. T h e Makewanas of the eighteenth century, on the other hand, developed secular ambitions as well. T h e y carved out their o w n sphere of influence between the kingdoms of Kalonga and Undi, and on one occasion even sent warriors to raid into the domains of the Kalonga. Since M a k e w a n a and her acolytes belonged to the proto-Chewa clans of the Banda and M b e w e , their resistance to the Kalonga and U n d i was probably indicative of an attempt by the proto-Chewa to reassert their autonomy. In any case, the defection of M a k e w a n a meant that both the Kalonga and Undi were deprived of the mystical sanctions which they had hitherto exercised over their followers through the agency of Makewana. Finally, a factor which proved crucial to the decline of the Lundu's influence east of the Shire river was the emergence of M a k u a - L o l o ethnic consciousness or nationalism in the eighteenth century. According to Hafkin, the M a k u a became extremely power-conscious then, m u c h to the surprise of contemporary observers w h o had previously under-rated their military capacity.47 Their nationalism was primarily directed against the Portuguese. T h e coastal M a k u a in particular objected to the 'divide and rule' policies of the Portuguese as well as to the capricious trade policies of individual Portuguese. However, it was not until they began to acquire firearms from the French and Brazilian slave-dealers that the M a k u a began to challenge the Portuguese with impunity. Led by powerful chiefs like Mauruka and M u r i m u n o , they waged a bitter war of attrition against the Portuguese and their African allies from 1749 to the end of the century. T h e challenge which the coastal M a k u a posed for Portuguese imperialism on the Mozambique coast must have inspired the M a k u a and Lolo further inland from the coast into similar campaigns against foreign domination. In the inland areas, however, it was the Maravi rather than the Portuguese w h o became the object of M a k u a - L o l o hostility. Maravi supremacy then began to be shaken from Quelimane in the east to M o u n t Murambala on the Shire in the west.48 T h e people of Northern Zambezia in the period under consideration were also greatly affected by their growing economic contacts with the outside world.49 Such contacts are usually traced back to the period of Arab-Swahili commercial dominance on the east coast and along the 46. A . F . Isaacman, 1972b, p. 15.' 47. N . J. Haflin, 1973, pp. 23-6. 48. A . Rita-Ferreira, 1966, p. 34; E . C . Mándala, 1977, pp. 43-4; and E . A . Alpers, 1975a, PP- 104-13. 49. This subject is ably reviewed by E . A . Alpers, 1975a, Introduction.
630
The Northern Zambezia - Lake Malawi region
Zambezi before 1500. Their frequency, however, was rather limited until the advent of the Portuguese and particularly after their settlement along the Zambezi in the mid-sixteenth century. Thereafter, Portuguese traders regularly sailed up the Shire river from Sena to purchase iron-ware, machila cloth, salt and ivory from the Manganja, with imported cloth, beads and brass-ware. With some of these Manganja products - including iron-ware and machila cloths - the Portuguese conducted further business in the lands of the M u n h u m u t a p a south of the Zambezi river.50 Further u p the Zambezi, the Portuguese w h o settled at Tete established trading connections with Undi's kingdom and the heartland of the Mara vi state system as far as the Upper Shire and the southern littoral of Lake Malawi. With the founding oiafeira at Z u m b o in 1716, the Portuguese gained access to the ivory market in several societies as far west as southern and central Zambia. 5 1 But it was the rise and spread of the Zambezia prazos which played a decisive role in the expansion of Portuguese commercial influence north of the Zambezia. Prazos came into existence w h e n a number of Portuguese or Goanese colonists assumed the status of political chiefs over land that initially belonged to the indigenous African peoples. T h e process began around Sena at the close of the sixteenth century and gradually spread to other parts of the Lower Zambezi valley in the seventeenth.52 According to Axelson, the grant oí prazos to prominent Portuguese settlers was seen by the C r o w n in Lisbon as a way of encouraging private initiative in the colonization of the Zambezi valley. In addition, it was hoped that with the prospect of acquiring land, immigrants would be attracted to the Zambezia where their presence was required in order to increase the Portuguese population. In the eighteenth century, prazos dominated the whole Lower Zambezia region from the Luabo or Zambezi delta in the east to Chicoa midway between the towns of Tete and Z u m b o in the west. They were acquired in different ways. O n e way was by conquest, usually after the white conqueror had exploited the divisions which existed among the original African occupants: the other was by demanding land as compensation for some special service that had been rendered to a local ruler. T h e big prazos were more than private estates. T h e y amounted to areas of jurisdiction in which the estate-owners commonly known as prazeros 'had absolute power of justice, waged war, imposed tribute, and were often guilty of great barbarities'. O f the m a n y issues about these prazos which are of interest to the historian, two stand out. O n e is that of the complex 50. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 480-1; E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 25-7; E . C . Mándala, 1977, p. 41. 51. N . Sutherland-Harris, 1970; M . D . D . Newitt, 1973, pp. 75-9; and T . I. Mathews, 1981, pp. 23-31. 52. For a full discussion of the process, see A . F . Isaacman, 1972b; M . D . D . Newitt, 1973; and E . Axelson, i960.
631
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century relationships which they maintained with neighbouring African polities. T h e other is that of the economic impact which they had on the rest of the Northern Zambezia region. T h e prazeros were notorious for their harsh treatment of the African peoples w h o surrounded them as voluntary retainers or conquered subjects. In addition, most of them entered into diplomatic and military relations with the surrounding African polities with the explicit aim of exploiting their h u m a n resources. For example, the Chikunda, w h o served the prazeros as retainers, were recruited from different African societies both north and south of the Zambezi. In this way, the prazeros had access to labour from a m o n g the M a k u a , Manganja, Sena, Kalanga, Tonga, Tawara, Nsenga, T u m b u k a and others.53 Through their interest in the gold and ivory trades, the prazeros played an important role in the development of commerce north of the Zambezia. Using some of their Chikunda retainers (vashambadzi) as middle-men, they established a network of trade links with different African peoples in the region: Manganja, Chewa, Nsenga, Lenje and Southern Lunda. F r o m these inland peoples, their trade caravans obtained copper, ivory, wax and slaves in exchange for imported cloth, beads, brass-ware, alcoholic beverages and salt. F r o m about 1740, the prazeros were also involved in the mining and exchange of gold north of the Zambezia, particularly in Undi's kingdom. Here bares or mines were opened at Michonga, M a a n o (the Undi's capital), Java and Muchinga. T h e Portuguese or Goanese miners from Tete insisted upon absolute ownership of the diggings and all essential means of production. In return for this privilege, they m a d e token offers of gifts and royalties to the Undi and his subordinates. Under this system of production, approximately 100 kilograms (3500 ounces) of gold were extracted annually before the supply began to dwindle in the 1780s.54 Unfortunately for the prazeros and the Portuguese community on the Zambezi generally, this gold rush led to their loss of the ivory trade. T h e diggings attracted an interest that was out of proportion to their actual worth. Meanwhile, the ivory trade increasingly fell into the hands of other competitors for the northern ivory market. These were the Yao, a people w h o have been singularly associated with the development of long-distance trade throughout East-Central Africa. T h e Yao emerged as a dominant trading nation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; and there are two related interpretations of h o w they rose to this position and status. Abdul Sheriff maintains that the Yao orientation to coast-bound trade was the result of a chain-reaction. T h e Yao, in other words, m a y have simply responded to commercial influences whichfirstaffected their Ngindo and M a k u a - L o m w e neighbours w h o were nearer to the coast than themselves. O f late, Webster has proposed that what m a d e the Yao response to trade with the coast so spectacular, 53. A . F . Isaacman, 1972a. 54. A . F. Isaacman, 1972b, pp. 70-1; and M . D . D . Newitt, 1973, pp. 79-84.
632
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
was their occupation of hilly and marginal agricultural country in which it was not possible for them to make a success of farming or hunting. Their Nyanja or C h e w a neighbours to the west and L o m w e to the east were better agriculturalists and hunters, respectively.55 According to Yao oral tradition as recorded by Yohanna B . 'Abdallah, it was the Chisi ironsmiths w h o pioneered trade to the coast. T h e Chisi are said to have depended on their iron-working skills and local trade in iron-ware for their livelihood. It is thus possible that once Yaoland was adequately supplied with iron goods, the Chisi took their merchandise further afield until they established contact with the coast. O n c e this had been achieved, the further development of Yao commercial enterprise was facilitated by the creation of a stable market for ivory at Kilwa between 1635 and 1698. This was a period when having conquered the East African coast as far north as Malindi, the Portuguese entered a phase of peaceful commercial interaction with the various coastal cities. Kilwa therefore attracted m u c h trade from the interior. W h e n the Kilwa market for ivory fell after 1698 as a result of Omani-Portuguese conflicts the Yao found an alternative market at Mossuril opposite M o z a m b i q u e Island. Trade, it would seem, had by that point become indispensable to the Yao way-oflife. T h e Yao would carry their ivory to either Mozambique or Kilwa, as dictated by circumstances.56 In the interior to the west of their o w n homeland, the Yao had a rich source of ivory in Maravi country. Furthermore, from about 1750, they began to receive more ivory from the Bisa of north-eastern Zambia for onward transmission to Kilwa. T h e Bisa w h o dealt with the Yao in this way began their commercial career as entrepreneurs in the service of K a z e m b e , the Lunda king, whose capital on the Luapula was a regular terminus of a route used by traders from both the east and the west coasts. B y 1775 at the latest, the Bisa had acquired a reputation for being one of the most commercially minded nations in the region.57 For the Bisa, trade probably offered compensation for their political impotence at h o m e . Agriculturally, they occupied a country that was marginally productive, between the Luapula river and the Muchinga range. Politically, they were trapped between the expansionist forces of the Lunda and B e m b a kingdoms. T h u s trade and travel were important avenues to opportunities further afield. In the course of pursuing them, the Bisa opened m a n y n e w routes between the Luapula region in north-eastern Zambia and the east coast. Between 1790 and 1830, they also tried to develop commerce between the L u n d a kingdom and the Portuguese on the Zambezi. In both cases, they played a middle-man's role. T h e y procured ivory, copper and slaves from different places in the interior of Central Africa and bore them to the coast or Zambezia settlements to be exchanged 55. A . M . H . Sheriff, 1971, pp. 208-17; a n ^ J- B- Webster, 1977, pp. 3-6. 56. E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 58-62, 70-81; J. B . Webster, 1977, pp. 7-10. 57. F . M . T h o m a s , 1958, p. 26; R . F . Burton, 1873, p. 95; J. Vansina, 1966a, pp. 171-2.
633
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
for goods such as cloth, beads, guns and gun-powder. O n e consequence of their trade with the east coast was that their o w n settlements began to drift eastward into the L u a n g w a valley and beyond. T h e initial impetus of this migration was famine and the desire to tap the ivory trade between the Luangwa valley and Lake Malawi. In this way, several Bisa villages were established in the Luangwa valley by the 1760s and by the end of the eighteenth century there were Bisa villages in the western part of central Malawi. This eastward drift of Bisa communities was intensified in the 1820s and 1830s when the B e m b a intermittently raided their settlements in the Muchinga area.58 T h u s for at least four decades before the close of the eighteenth century, the Bisa had close dealings with the peoples to their east. Their presence a m o n g the Chewa in particular was a factor in the growth of the power of several chieftainships including M w a s e Kasungu and M k a n d a . T h e Bisa immigrants were enterprising and often more loyal to the ruling families than the local subjects. For the Portuguese, the failure of the gold-diggings and the loss of the ivory trade to the Y a o and Bisa were factors in their active participation in the slave trade. In turn this led to a remarkable change in the nature of long-distance trade north of the Zambezi in the late eighteenth century. Ivory began to be superseded by slaves as the main trade commodity that could be exported from the region. This change, though by no means complete, was pronounced enough to warrant the identification of the eighteenth century with the ivory trade and the nineteenth with the slave trade. Portuguese participation in the slave trade was remarkable enough in the 1780s when slaves from Northern Zambezia were exported to the French island colonies of Réunion and Bourbon in the Indian Ocean. 59 A s the slave trade became more lucrative than the trade in ivory, the Portuguese already in it were joined by the Yao and Bisa. According to 'Abdallah, the Yao turned to slave-trading because of the coastal demand for slaves rather than ivory. Indeed, the Kilwa market to which the Y a o took their wares from the interior began to be dominated by the slave trade from the 1770s onwards. 60 T h e market-conscious Y a o probably then began to displace ivory with slaves in their caravans from the interior. T h e entire northern zone was also drawn into the long-distance trading network. Until the early eighteenth century, no part of the region had been involved in the long-distance trade although a vigorous local trade had existed all round the shores of Lake Malawi and from T u m b u k a country into Nsengaland and the northern C h e w a area. During the first four decades of the eighteenth century the T u m b u k a region was linked to a trading network which stretched from Katanga in the north-west to Kilwa in the 58. A . C . P . Gamitto, i960, pp. 55-6, 161-92; and A . D . Roberts, 1973, pp. 104-67. 59. R . F . Burton, 1873, PP- 81-7; E . A . Alpers, 1975a, pp. 201-19; A . F . Isaacman, 1972b, pp. 85-94. 60. Y . B . 'Abdallah, 1973, pp. 29-37; G . S . P . Freeman-Grenville, 1965, pp. 43-8.
634
The Northern Zambezia
Lake Malawi region
east. The people responsible for this change were heads of families known as balowoka
those who crossed the lake - who arrived in the area over a
period of three to four decades. The most famous of these new men was Kakalala Musawila Gondwe,
plate 2i .3 The remains ofa Tumbuka iron-smelting kiln (ng'anjo). Thefame ofthe Tumbuka as iron-smelters was rivalled only by that of the Phangwa on the east side of Lake Malawi
plate 21.4
A Tumbuka-made iron hoe. This particular example was made in the Vipya,
Mzimba district, northern Malawi, in the ¡940s
635
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
probably a Yao-influenced Nyamwezi who for sometime had been involved in the trade to the east coast. Searching for ivory, Gondwe crossed the lake at Chilumba and settled in the Nkamanga plain near the Luangwa valley which at that time was heavily populated with elephants. He established contact with the head of the Luhanga clan, Chilundanya Luhanga, who was pleased with the goods - beads, mphande shells and cloth - which the newcomer had brought. Later Gondwe married into the Luhanga and their other influential families thereby firmly establishing himself in Tumbuka society. To fully tap the resources of the region, he gave turbans - the type which he himself wore - to various local leaders as a symbol of authority derived from himself.61
Ta yanys-TO ^ NYIHA
TcKmnç/à
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^mBMGAm°Nm, h . PHtNOH/A
fig. 21.4
Ivory trade routes in East-Central Africa in the eighteenth century (after E. A.
Alpers, UCLA)
Other immigrant families from east of the lake established themselves in the areas adjacent to Nkamanga. In the district that is today known as Hewe, Katumbi Mulindafwa Chabinga had begun to organize a smaller
yet more viable state than that of Gondwe. He too came from Nyamwezi territory and also crossed the lake at Chilumba, but unlike Gondwe, he went into the mountainous area which adjoins the Misuku hills and the 61. This section has benefited from H. L. Vail, 1972b, 1974; and H. K. Msiska, 1978a.
636
The Northern Zambezia — Lake Malawi region
Nyika plateau and settled at Chigoma in Nthalire.62 Again like G o n d w e he distributed turbans to local leaders as a symbol of his recognition of their authority. F r o m Chigoma, Katumbi extended his trading contact westwards to M a l a m b o in the ivory-rich Luangwa valley. Later, his descendants moved some miles south-westwards to modern H e w e - the centre of the state w h e n the Europeans arrived. Another trader, Katong'ongo M h e n g a whose original h o m e was in the U b e n a - U h e h e region crossed the lake shortly after G o n d w e and Katumbi had settled. Katong'ongo was not a trader in the same sense as Katumbi and G o n d w e . H e was looking for land where he and his family could settle, and this he found in the Henga valley. Katong'ongo had many skills; he was a hunter, an artisan w h o made ornamental bracelets and, most important of all, he knew how to produce salt. T h e latter skill proved very useful in that he soon came to control the high-quality salt-pans at K a m e m b e . Katong'ongo also married into local families such as the Munthali, M z u m a r a and Mkandawire some of which were well established in the Henga valley. H e gradually became influential and came to be known as M w a h e n g a , owner of the Henga area. H e traded with M w a p h o k a Mbale's people and with Gondwe's Nkamanga. 6 3 Although the three immigrant families, Musawila G o n d w e , Katumbi Mulindafwa Chabinga and Katong'ongo M h e n g a , began to dominate the trade of most of the area south of the Songwe and east to the Luangwa valley, it was difficult for them to carry on for long without clashing with each other. G o n d w e felt particularly threatened because Katumbi controlled access to the region that was rich in ivory; furthermore, it was important for him to have free use of - if not control of - the Chilumba ferry in order to transport his ivory to the east coast. Thus he became involved in the succession crisis following the death of Katumbi. H e succeeded in promoting a weak candidate for the chieftaincy. H e then worked out an arrangement with M w a h e n g a whereby the latter agreed not to impede his trade and was given cloth and other valuable goods in return. G o n d w e made similar arrangements with the rulers east of the Henga valley. These included Mwafulirwa, M w a m l o w e , Mwankunikila and Kachulu. Thus by 1800 G o n d w e was able to claim a trade monopoly of the area between the Luangwa and the western shores of Lake Malawi. In the Nkamanga plain he had achieved political authority and was thus able to extend his trading empire in which the Chikulamayembe was assisted by the fact that families - mainly the Msiska and Nyirenda probably also from Unyamwezi and also traders - took over political control of the area ruled by the M w a p h o k a , ending a long period of Mbale supremacy in the 62. T h e Nthalire state was established sometime in the eighteenth century, by the Kawonga w h o were from southern Tanzania. They were hunters w h o married into the Kyungus of Karonga and it was they w h o suggested that they should settle in what later came to be called Nthalire. 63. O . J. M . Kalinga, 1979b.
637
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
area. T h e Phoka country - between Nkamanga and the Henga valley on the one hand and the Chilumba ferry on the other - had long been the nexus of local trading. There were smaller polities established in the eighteenth century by families from the eastern side of the lake and m a n y of their founders were, like G o n d w e and Katumbi, ivory-traders. Just south of U n g o n d e , the Mwafulirwa family founded the Fulirwa state in the area that had been dominated by the Mkandawire clan. A relation of the Mwafulirwa, M w e n damunjila Mushani Kaira later went west andfinallysettled at Zibang'ombe some miles west of the Mwafulirwa mountains. T h e y overcame the indigenous Simwaka w h o were Nyiha and they began to forge the W e n y a state which by the end of the eighteenth century had extended northward to the southern borders of Ulambya. At about the same time the area south-west of W e n y a fell under the rule of a Mlowoka family, the M u g h o g h o . This area, U y o m b e , which today forms part of the Isoka district of Zambia, was rich in elephants and in later decades became popular with m a n y hunters. T h e M u g h o g h o established good relations with the older polities of Chifungwe and U t a m b o near the source of the Luangwa, an area also rich in elephants. There were other families which crossed the lake further south and settled not far from the present Nkhata-Bay boma. Amongst them were the forebears of modern Mankambira. T h e y were hunters and left their homes sometime in the 1720s probably because they were attracted by the possibility offindingabundant ivory along the western shores of Lake Malawi. T h e y displaced the Phiri rulers and after a generation became the dominant family in the area.64 In the eighteenth century, therefore, the T u m b u k a area was dominated first by ivory-hunters, then traders whose control of wealth led to the assumption of political authority. Political decentralization gave way to the power of trader-chiefs. T h e hunters and traders had chosen the area because successful trade normally requires political influence of some kind. Such political influence was not possible in the northern states which remained outside the network of long-distance trade for almost a century after the T u m b u k a had been drawn into it. In the eighteenth century the Maravi empire was disintegrating and the states of the T u m b u k a - C h e w a marginal zone in the south were being left in total control of their o w n affairs. However even within chiefdoms such as Kanyenda, thefissiparoustendencies which frequently accompanied the ivory trade were beginning to make themselves felt and the stage was thus set for the events which led to the creation of Mankhambira's hegemony in the area. After 1800 all states and people would become deeply involved in the commercial age of ivory and later of slaves, with unsettling to disastrous results. T h e beginning date for this volume does not coincide with historical periodization in this region. A n historical age opens in the southern zone 64. This paragraph is based partly on O . Y . Kaira, 1970-1; and J. B . C . N k h o m a , 1978.
638
The Northern Zambezia - Lake Malawi region
¿\1400 with the coming of the M a r a vi, and in the northern zone É \ I 6 O O with the migration of the Ngulube. However, the closing date is apt because n e w themes dominate the historiography of the entire region in the nineteenth century. T h e y include the change-over in trade from ivory to slaves and the involvement of all parts of the region in externally manipulated commerce, the development of a whole series of Yao chiefdoms in areas formerly under the Maravi, and the arrival of a conglomerate of new peoples - the Nguni, Swahili, Kololo and Europeans - w h o would ultimately seek to wield political authority, regardless of their disparate motives for coming.
639
Southern Zambezia
H . H . K . BHILA T h e period 1500 to 1800 is characterized in Southern Zambezia by a scarcity of records. W e have to rely largely on the accounts of the Portuguese travellers and traders w h o penetrated the region during thefirstdecade of the sixteenth century. This chapter will therefore concentrate on three selected polities, notably the Mutapa, Rozvi and eastern Shona states. T h e Mutapa and Rozvi polities evolved from the Great Z i m b a b w e culture (1200-1450) whose origins and development are dealt with elsewhere.1 Great Z i m b a b w e gradually declined from the mid-fifteenth century2 onwards and its decline has been closely associated with the decrease in gold production in the Z i m b a b w e plateau at this time. Great Zimbabwe's decline gave risefirstto an obscure state k n o w n as Torwa or 'Butwa', according to Portuguese sources.3 Itsfirstcapital was situated at K h a m i and the second at D a n a n g o m b e . 4 T h efirstcapital, which was probably founded in the mid-i400s, was destroyed byfireduring the second half of the seventeenth century.5 F r o m what is k n o w n of its architecture and pottery, the T o r w a state was a replica of Great Zimbabwe. T h e second capital was m u c h smaller than thefirst.T h e available archaeological evidence suggests two things,firstthat almost all the prestige stone buildings in the T o r w a state were constructed before 1650; and secondly that the Rozvi Changamire dynasty, which annexed the Torwa state in the 1690s, undertook no prestige stone construction at all.6 T h e second important political development after the fall of Great Z i m b a b w e was the emergence of the Mutapa empire which, by the beginning of the sixteenth century, had brought under its control the fertile and agricultural lands of the plateau region and 'a section of the Zambezi valley dry lands which also c o m m a n d e d parts of the trade routes'.7 T h e empire comprised heterogeneous Karanga-speaking populations. In theory it 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
U N E S C O , General History of Africa, Vol. IV, ch. 21. P. S. Garlake, 1973; I. R . Phimister, 1974 and 1976; T . N . Huffman, 1972. P. S. Garlake, 1982, pp. 30-1. ibid. D . N . Beach, 1984, pp. 26, 82, notes 6o, 61. ibid., p. 27. ibid.
Southern Zambezia
Chikova
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/ MADANDA "X-ffsí"
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0
100
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200
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fig. 22. i
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Central and south-eastern Africa during the period ofthe Mutapa and Torwa states
Source: adapted from S. I. Mudenge, A Political History of Munhumutapa c. 1400-TQ02, Zimbabwe Publishing
House, Harare, 1988; and Zimbabwe Epic, published by the National Archives of Zimbabwe, Harare, p. 47
extended from the southern margins of the Zambezi to the Indian Ocean but in practice the Mutapa rulers exercised a much more limited authority outside the plateau country. There is evidence that the Kingdoms of Manyika, Uteve, Barwe and Danda hived away from the parent empire during the sixteenth century. However, they continued to perform their ritual and tributary obligations until the rise of Dombo Changamire in the late seventeenth century.8 The evidence is slender but it would seem that the 'rebel' kingdoms continued to pay tribute to the Mutapa rulers long after the rise of Dombo Changamire. There is a suggestion that even the Changamires occasionally paid tribute to the Mutapa emperors during the
eighteenth century.9 The Rozvi tribute-bearers however, were 'received with honours accorded the ambassadors of the kings'.10 Similar develop¬ ments occurred in the Lower Zambezi where the Tonga and Sena rulers
successfully resisted all efforts by the Mutapa rulers to impose their political hegemony over them. These developments reduced the empire to its core, the region spanned by the Dande and Chidima territories. 8. Vasco Fernandes Homen to Luys da Sylva in E. Axelson, 1940, p. 269. 9. L. F. de Carvalho Dias, 1954. 10.
ibid.
641
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e habit of prestige stone-building in the Mutapa empire probably continued until the sixteenth century. S o m e of the early ruins, particularly the Zvongombe complex, represented the early capitals of the Mutapa rulers. Later capitals were in the form of stockades several metres high. Antonio Bocarro painted a vivid picture of both the capital and life-styles of the Mutapa rulers during the 1620s. According to him the capital was: very large and is composed of m a n y houses surrounded by a great wooden fence, within which there were three dwellings, one for the queen, and another for his servants w h o wait upon him within doors. There are three doors opening upon a great court-yard, one for the service of the queen, beyond which no m a n m a y pass, but only w o m e n , another for his kitchen, only entered by his cooks, w h o are two young m e n from a m o n g the principal lords of his kingdom, his relations in w h o m he has most confidence, and the lads w h o serve in the kitchen w h o are also nobles betweenfifteenand twenty years of age. These are also employed to lay food w h e n the king wishes to eat, which they spread upon the ground, upon a carpet or mat, with muslin extended above, and m a n y different kinds of meat are set before him, all roasted or boiled, such as hens, pigeons, partridges, capons, sheep, venison, hares, rabbits, cows, rats, and other game, of which after the king has eaten a portion is given to some of his servants w h o are always provided from his table.11 However, in thefirsthalf of the eighteenth century the Mutapas lost direct control of the plateau and the core of the empire shifted to the southern lowlands of the Zambezi bounded by Z u m b o and Tete. This loss of political control was the culmination of a long process of fragmentation which began in 1629, when the Portuguese defeated M a m v u r a Mutapa, 1 2 and ended in 1917, w h e n the Mutapa polityfinallydisappeared. T h e weakening of the Mutapa state invited distant as well as neighbouring Shona groups to take lands for themselves. T h e Budya w h o fanned out from the Lower Zambezi are a notable example. Consequently the Mutapa rulers invited other groups to settle in the core of the empire.13 Administratively the empire was controlled at three levels - the capital, the province and the village. T h e Mutapas delegated authority to chiefs at village and provincial levels. It would seem, however, that the nature of those appointed to these positions varied according to the Mutapas' political circumstances. In the empire's early days, only relatives of the Mutapas were entrusted with the government of the villages and provinces. It was customary for a prince and heir-apparent to govern the Dande lands. H e was known as senior nevanje. Next to him was another prince with the title 11. A . Bocarro, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 356-7. 12. G . M . Theal, 1892-1902, Vol. V , pp. 290-2. 13. D . N . Beach, 1980a, pp. 164-5.
642
Southern Zambezia
%. plate 22.1
Ruins in the Matendere area
plate 22.2
Mutoko-type ruins
of junior nevanje who was ranked second in succession to the throne.14 Besides members of the royal lineage, those who though not related to the Mutapas had aided in the process of conquest, were appointed to authority. 14. W. G. L. Randies, 1979, p. 58; A. P. de Miranda in A. A. Andrade, 1955, pp. 307-8.
643
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
A s the Mutapas came to feel more secure and confident in the seventeenth century, they allowed the villages and provinces to elect their o w n leaders. In the capital the Mutapas were assisted by high-ranking officials w h o , in exchange for their services, were granted land. Each of the emperor's wives was also assigned specific duties.15
Beliefs and methods of administrative control T h e Mutapas manipulated several mechanisms to control the empire. A typical example was the practice whereby the territorial chiefs had to rekindle their royal fires annually from the Mutapa original royal fire.16 This was an act of renewal of loyalty to the central authority. Once a year the Mutapa rulers sent out orders to the territorial chiefs to extinguish their royalfiresand proceed immediately to the Mutapa court to rekindle their royalfires.This ritual offidelitywas also repeated at the enthronement of a n e w M u t a p a ruler. Following the death of a ruling M u t a p a an order was sent out to the territorial chiefs to extinguish their royalfiresuntil a successor from w h o m they would rekindle theirfireshad been selected. Failure to perform this ritual was regarded as an act of rebellion which was accordingly severely punished. This was done through an efficient army which has been estimated variously at 'iooooo m e n into the fighting line',17 30000 regulars during the sixteenth century and 3000 m e n during the eighteenth century.18 These figures suggest that, before the decline of the empire, the Mutapa rulers were in a position to mobilize m a n y peasants ad hoc to join the army but were m u c h less able to do so w h e n the empire fell into decay and disorder during the eighteenth century. T h e statistics provided by contemporary Portuguese observers are extremely unreliable. T h e M u t a p a also manipulated religion to control their subjects through the close relationship between the monarchy and the spirit mediums. It was either the spirits of the ancestors of the emperors themselves or 'past representatives of the original owners of the soil',19 w h o possessed a m e d i u m . In addition to his other duties, the emperor was expected to maintain a close contact with the powerful dead on behalf of the nation. It was the emperor w h o propitiated the national spirit and interceded on behalf of his subjects. T h e system of observing the cult of royal graves also enhanced the emperor's image, prestige and, ultimately, his control over his people. H e was expected to visit his ancestors' graves before any major . military expedition was undertaken. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.
644
ibid.; A . Bocarro, in G . M . Theal, 1892-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 356-7. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. I, p. 96; Vol. Ill, p. 130; Vol. V I , p. 170. Vasco Fernandes H o m e n to Luup de Sylivia in E . Axelson, 1940, p. 274. W . G . L . Randies, 1979, p. 60. T . O . Ranger, 1979, p. 19.
Southern Zambezia
PLATE 22.3
An eighteenth-century engraving of Mutapa, reflecting the richness, glory and
power of the emperor
645
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 22.4
Musimbira-type ruins
The owners of the soil, like Dzivaguru, were rain-makers and ritual officers at the Mutapa royal court. This religious system was duplicated at the various levels of administration. Religion was an important mechanism of social control, particularly in an economy dominated by agriculture. The participation of the emperor in rain-making rituals was seen as crucial to the economic prosperity of the empire. Indeed, the Mutapa emperors
held 'monthly new moon' dances for their ancestors20 - great annual feasts to appease their ancestral spirits. There are also references to musicians 'who awakened the spirits to the people's need for rain'.21 Religion, therefore, played a crucial role as a social mechanism for
political control. Indeed, the spirit mediums enjoyed a higher status than the emperors. It was for this reason that they were and still are called mhondoro (lion), and it was their function to advise the emperor in all matters of state.22
The most common method of political control was tribute. The Mutapa emperors levied tribute in the form of agricultural produce, lion and leopard skins, ostrich feathers, small and large stock, the brisket of every
20. R. Gray and S. Marks, 1975, p. 388. 21.
ibid.
22. Anon., 1890, p. 223; D. P. Abraham, 1969; G. K. Garbett, 1965; see also E. G. Parrinder, 1967, p. 61.
646
Southern Zambezia
animal killed and, for an elephant, the tusk on which it fell w h e n it died.23 Tribute also took the form of labour rent. According to Joào de Barros: All the officers and servants of his court and the captains of the soldiers, each with his m e n , must serve him in the cultivation of his fields or other work seven days in every thirty. A n d the lords to w h o m he gives any land which contains vassals receive the same from them. Sometimes, w h e n he wishes for a particular service he sends to the mines where they dig gold, one or two cows, according to the number of people there to be divided a m o n g them as a sign of love, and in return for this service each of them gives a little gold, to the value of five hundred reis. In the markets also the merchants give a certain amount instead of service, not that any penalty is inflicted on those w h o do not pay, but they are not allowed to appear before Benomotapa which is considered a great disgrace.24 T h e practice of labour rent was also adopted by vassal rulers w h o seem to have varied its application. Instead of sending people to cultivate the emperor'sfields,the villages and hamlets in Uteve cultivated 'a large field of Sorghum for the king; all the inhabitants of the place were obliged to work in it certain days of the year; fixed in advance . . . '. T h e harvest, however, was done by 'stewards maintained all over for this purpose'.25 W h e n opening a new mine the M u t a p a rulers usually sent their trusted agents to collect the tribute. T h e gold-miners erected a shelter to house the tribute-collectors as well as the tribute itself. T h e tribute was assessed as 'the product of one of the trips from the mine to the water that each miner accomplished daily'.26 A s will be shown later, the extraction of minerals, particularly gold, involved washing it in a river or pond. T h e nature of the tribute system does not seem to have changed until the demise of the Mutapa polity in the early twentieth century. It could be argued that the various mechanisms of control partially succeeded in maintaining a centralized empire at a time w h e n vast distances rendered the close supervision of the territorial chiefs impossible. T h e army's inability to deal effectively with rebellions in the far-flung parts of the empire, internal political intrigue which was exploited by Portuguese traders, and civil wars, all account for the gradual decline and fall of the Mutapa empire.
23. G. M 1954, 24. 25. 26.
J. de Barros in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. I, Book 10, ch. 1; J. dos Santos, in . Theal, 1899-1902, book 2 , ch. 15; A . P . de Miranda in L . F . de Carvahlo Dias, Vol. VII, p. 135. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. VI, p. 271. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. VII, Book 2, ch. 15, p. 222. W . G . L . Randies, 1979, p. 66.
647
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e Portuguese factor Although the Portuguese arrived at Sofala in 1506 it was only from 1550 to 1630 that they m a d e serious attempts to gain control of the M u t a p a empire. Until 1540 trade between the Portuguese and the Shona was conducted on a non-official basis. However, in 1540 commercial relations between the Portuguese traders and the Mutapa rulers and their subjects were regularized.27 This was done through the establishment of a Portuguese diplomatic-cum-trade mission at the Mutapa royal court headed by an officer called the Captain of the Gates. H e was elected for life by the Portuguese traders but his appointment had to be confirmed by the Mutapa emperors. His main duties were to transmit presents, requests or complaints from the Portuguese traders to the Mutapa emperors and vice-versa?* Relations between the Portuguese community and the Mutapa rulers were essentially tributary with the Portuguese paying a tribute called curva. At the assumption of his office, each n e w captain of the Portuguese fortress of M o z a m b i q u e was: under obligation to pay to M o n o m o t a p a the value of three thousand cruzados in cloth and beads for the three years of his office, that he m a y during this term open his lands to all merchants, both Christians and Moors, as all of them trade with cloth obtained from the said Captain; and the greater part of the gold exported from these rivers goes into the hands of the captain of Mozambique. 2 9 In exchange for this tribute the M u t a p a emperors granted freedom of passage to the traders to sell their cloth and beads throughout the empire. According to the experience of a Jesuit missionary, Joào dos Santos, it was an: unheard of thing for Kaffier thieves to attack the Portuguese on the road or to rob them, unless by order of M o n o m u t a p a himself, as he has sometimes given such orders to avenge some injury he received or pretended to have received from the Portuguese especially w h e n the captain w h o has newly entered office at M o z a m b i q u e has not paid him or delayed until the second year the cloth which it is usual to pay him during the first.30
27. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, ch. 9; Fr. Monclaro in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 186. 28. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 271. 29. ibid., p. 272.
30. P . B . de Rezende in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, pp. 414, 427 and 429. T h e value of the curva is given asfifteenor sixteen thousand cruzados every three years. This sounds a little exaggerated.
648
Southern Zambezia
In situations of this kind the emperor order the seizure without c o m pensation of all the merchandise in his empire. This actually happened in 1610 w h e n Gatsi Rusere declared a mupeto (forcible confiscation) of traders' merchandise which resulted in the raiding and killing of Portuguese traders.31 In addition to the tribute the Portuguese Captain paid to the Mutapa emperors, both the Portuguese emperor and the Swahili-Arab traders had to pay a tribute of one piece of cloth out of every twenty pieces brought into the empire. 32 Besides cloth and beads, which were widely circulated, the Mutapa emperors acquired as presents from the Portuguese imported luxury items such as silks, carpets, ceramics and glassware which they used to enhance their prestige through a system of patronage. This system of tributary relations persisted with little change until the second half of the sixteenth century w h e n the Portuguese began to win control over the Mutapa rulers. This came about as a result of Portugal's aggressive wars in Southern Zambezia between 1569 and 157533 - w h e n it succeeded in entrenching itself in the eastern Kingdoms of Uteve and Manyika. After several battles, in 1575 the Portuguese concluded a treaty with the King of Uteve whereby the captain of Sofala and his successors were obliged to pay an annual tribute of 200 pieces of cloth to the Teve rulers.34 In exchange for this tribute the Portuguese traders secured freedom of passage to the K i n g d o m of Manyika where, as later events proved, they erroneously believed there was an abundance of gold. In addition, the inhabitants of the Portuguese fortress at Sofala were allowed freedom of passage into the interior along the Sofala river to buy provisions. A s with the Mutapa emperors, each Portuguese trader w h o wanted to pass through Uteve to Manyika had to pay a duty to the Teve ruler of one cloth out of every twenty pieces brought into the kingdom. However, African merchants, w h o traded 'cloth, beads and other merchandise with the Portuguese', paid 'three in every twenty pieces to the King'. 35 It is not clear w h y the African merchants were required to pay more than their Portuguese counterparts but it was probably to prevent the rise of a powerful merchant class which would ultimately challenge the king's political authority. A similar treaty was concluded with the King of Manyika in 1573.36 This limited success tempted the Portuguese to2 m a k e further encroachments into the Mutapa empire. T h e rebellions which broke out there between 1590 and 1607 provided the Portuguese with an opportunity to delve into the complexity of Mutapa politics. O n e Mutapa ruler, Gatsi Rusere, turned for help to the Portuguese and concluded a treaty with 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.
J. dos Santos in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 272. Fr. M o n d a r o s in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 202-53. R . Gray and S. Marks, 1975, p. 390. J. dos Santos in G . M . Theal, 1890-1902, Vol. II, p. 219. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. VII, p. 222. ibid., p. 218.
649
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 22.5
Father Conçalo da Silveira, who introduced Christianity into the Mutapa empire
in 1560. He was killed on the orders of the emperor when rumours circulated that he had led
an advance party ofPortuguese invaders
them for military assistance in exchange for which he promised to cede all his gold, copper, iron, lead and tin mines.37 The treaty bestowed upon the Portuguese the prestige of ownership although they lacked the expertise and the manpower to exploit the metals. In fact the treaty turned out to be of limited value because the Portuguese left Gatsi Rusere to his own devices while the civil wars continued to rage until he died in 1624. Gatsi
Rusere was succeeded by his son Nyambu Kapararidze, the legitimacy of whose claim to the Mutapa royal throne was challenged by his uncle 37. G. M. Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, pp. 367-70.
650
Southern Zambezia
M a m v u r a . In the war that ensued between these two pretenders M a m v u r a sought and, in 1629, obtained Portuguese military assistance. T h e Portuguese extorted promises from M a m v u r a , after which they m a d e a c o m m o n cause with him against Kapararidze. These promises involved a treaty of vassalage and the cession of the silver and gold mines. A s with Gatsi Rusere in 1607, M a m v u r a succeeded to the Mutapa throne with Portuguese military assistance. T h e treaty which he subsequently concluded with the Portuguese required M a m v u r a to allow the Portuguese traders freedom of passage throughout the empire, to expel the SwahiliArab traders from the empire, and to allow the Dominican missionaries to preach their religion. It also required M a m v u r a to stop the curva, which the Portuguese had been paying to the Mutapa rulers as tribute almost since the mid-isoos, and instead to pay tribute to the Portuguese thenceforth. After this treaty the number of Portuguese traders and adventurers within the Mutapa empire increased. Both M a m v u r a and his wife were baptized and changed their names to Domingos and Luiza respectively.38 T h e treaty of 1629 encouraged Portuguese adventurers to seize land subsequently recognized by the Portuguese crown as prazos (crown land). F r o m being the guests of the African rulers, the Portuguese traders n o w almost became the controllers of land but their individualism and lawlessness led to what m a y be viewed as a period of chaos and anarchy. Portuguese penetration of the Mutapa empire therefore, could be said to have led to its disintegration and to have given rise to a phenomenon called the prazo system as well as the birth of a new polity, the Rozvi empire. T h e prazo system T h e acquisition of land by individual Portuguese adventurers proceeded almost unchecked with the result that m a n y prazos da coroa (crown-land estates) were created.39 They were owned by Portuguese officials, traders, religious orders and frontiers-men. T h e prazo system was a synthesis of two socio-economic systems. T h e first was that of the Shona which consisted of a ruling oligarchy and peasant producers; the second, which was superimposed on the Shona system, consisted of the prazeros, as a dominant class, and the achikunda (armies of slaves). In other words the prazeros maintained the socio-political system they found in existence in Zambezia. A n African chief continued to perform his traditional duties but he 'no longer had absolute authority'40 as the prazero assumed the status of overlord so that the relationship resembled that of chief and sub-chief in the Mutapa empire. T h e relations of production on the prazos were esentially feudal. T h e 38. For the full text of the treaty, see J. Coelho in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. V , pp. 290-2. 39. A . F . Isaacman, 1972b, ch. 2; M . D . D . Newitt, 1973, ch. 4 . 40. A . F . Isaacman, 1969.
651
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
African chief paid tribute to the prazero in the form of agricultural produce; butter, locally woven cloth, honey, tobacco, sugar, large and small stock, ivory and gold dust.41 In his position as a defacto chief, the prazero adopted African social practices in matters of religion and married into chiefly families to disguise his usurption of African traditional authority, to enhance his image a m o n g Africans, and to overcome his major weakness his lack of legitimacy in African traditional politics. These considerations led Professor Isaacman to postulate an Africanization theory which claims that the prazo as a Portuguese land-tenure system was so transformed and adapted to the African situation that it became completely African.42 This indigenization process began at the turn of the seventeenth century. However, Isaacman's total Africanization theory is difficult to maintain w h e n it is realized that, throughout the prazo system was always more or less linked to mercantile capitalism. A s Isaacman points out, the prazeros served as middle-men in the long-distance trade between M o z a m b i q u e and India and, ultimately, Europe with the prazeros during the eighteenth century exporting mainly ivory and slaves to Brazil and the French islands of the Mauritius group. In this way, the prazo system maintained its economic connections with Europe and it can therefore be argued that the prazero society retained, even in its decadent stage, a non-African feature. In addition the internal organization of the prazos had features which could hardly be called African, a notable example being the co-existence of the colono and the chikunda (slave army). Even at the acme of its supposed mutation into an African institution, an opposite process, that of the deAfricanization of the traditional African societies of the prazos, was taking place. A s the prazo system responded to the internal d e m a n d for slaves, the prazeros enslaved and sold their African neighbours and victimized their colonos and slaves alike. Consequently, a system of aringas came into existence in which the life of the colonos was so disturbed that the previous distinction between colono and slave became blurred. It has been argued that 'in terms of the day to day governing of the colonos the mambo's position remained virtually unaltered'.43 It is true that the mambo enjoyed prestige and obedience from his people by virtue of his connection with the founding lineages. A s Isaacman points out, 'when a mambo entered a village all work ceased; he was welcomed by a chorus of hand clapping - the traditional signal of respect and royality'.44 But these were the empty trappings of royalty. Ultimately the prazero had the last word in deciding judicial cases, disputes or the appointment of an African chief himself. T h e tusk on which an elephant fell no longer went to the mambo nor did 'the choicest parts of the other animals which had died on 41. 42. 43. 44.
652
W . F. Rea, 1976, p. 102. A . F . Isaacman, 1972b, pp. 56-63. A . F . Isaacman, 1969, p. 158. ibid.
Southern Zambezia 45
his lands'. Even the right to distribute land had been usurped by the prazero. It cannot, therefore, be argued that the 'arrival of the prazero did not lead to the destruction or modification of the traditional political system'.46 It m a y not have been destroyed but it was certainly greatly modified. T h e prazos represented thefirstphase of the Portuguese colonization of M o z a m b i q u e : they were pockets of political and economic exploitation by the Portuguese merchants achieved only through a modification of African political and social institutions. T h e geographical spread of the prazos T h e prazos were dotted on both sides of the Zambezi river. There were, however, significant differences between the prazos to the north and those to the south of the river.47 Those to the south were terras da coroa (Portuguese crown property), while those to the north were not. T h e prazeros w h o held the crown lands did so under clearly specified obligations. In theory the grant of a terra da coroa was restricted to three generations, the land could only be inherited through a female, it could not be more than three leagues in size, and the holder was subject to an annual quit rent. T h e prazo-\\o\àzrs in the north were free from all these conditions and acquired land as a result of a direct arrangement with the indigenous African chief. These differences led to great disparities of value between prazos of the same size. Besides, the /»razo-holders placed greater value on the northern prazos as they were near the market, the Feira of Z u m b o , and also the eighteenth-century gold-workings of the bares. T h e prazo system was sustained by a variety of categorized slaves. T h e top slave was the chuanga™ — the 'eyes and ears' of the prazero, appointed because of his loyalty. Every prazo village had its chuanga whose primary function was to spy on the traditional leaders and to collect taxes and ivory. T h e prazero relied on him for information about the local Africans and for the recruitment of disaffected African chiefs in the neighbourhood. T h e size of the African community on a prazo was of crucial importance to the prazero as he depended on it for gold production, trade, tribute which was paid in kind, defence and, often, to wage wars for territorial aggrandisement. For the enforcement of his authority the prazero depended on a chikunda whose main function was to police the local population, ensure that the laws of the prazero were obeyed and deal also with acts of rebellion. A chikunda army usually ranged from twenty to thirty m e n on small prazos while on large prazos, it could comprise thousands. A chikunda was divided into nsaka (groups of ten m e n ) under the control of a sachikunda. A sachikunda and his nsaka received orders from a mukazambo (slave chief). 45. 46. 47. 48.
ibid. ibid. W . F. Rea, 1976, pp. 88-9. A . P. de Miranda in A . A . Andrade, 1955, pp. 266-70.
653
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
654
Southern Zambezia
There could be as m a n y as twenty or thirty slave chiefs on one prazo whose main functions were to resolve cases and administer muavi (a poison ordeal) to establish the guilt or innocence of a person accused of witchcraft. In his report of 1766 concerning the coast of Africa, Antonio Pinto de Miranda discussed the main methods by which slaves were obtained. According to him slave-hunters stole children and sold them to Portuguese traders, Arab-Swahili traders and African agents; some people were sold or pawned as slaves in times of famine; and, convicted criminals, prisonersof-war and credit defaulters sold as slaves.49 T h e picture which emerges from other Portuguese sources is one of voluntary enslavement. There is sufficient evidence, however, that some w h o were sold believed that 'they were not really slaves, but were serving in the same way as a European servant w h o agrees on a payment with his master but does not become his slave'.50 Children were occasionally sold to meet tributary demands on the prazo, in which case a m a n could only redeem his child by exchanging him for a slave. Clearly some chiefs and colonos found themselves with no choice but to sell their dependents. T h e decline of the prazo system T h e prazo system declined during the second half of the eighteenth century for several reasons. T h efirstwas that the prazero's authority was ill-defined compared with that of the traditional African ruler.51 Often this tempted the prazero to abuse his authority by compelling the African peasants to sell their agricultural produce to him exclusively and at artificially low prices. H e also imposed heavy taxes on the peasants, tortured them and committed 'hundreds of bloody, ferocious atrocities and cruel killings without these ever coming to the attention of the government'. 52 T h e colonos reacted sharply by revolting against the prazeros and even migrating. Miranda has drawn our attention to the abortive slave rebellions and mussitos (fugitive slave strongholds) in the late 1700s. These revolts and migrations led to a decline in agricultural production, drought and famine.53 T h e prazero and his slave armies relied for their food on what the peasants produced; the chikunda used force to get food-stuffs from the peasants and the colonos, again, reacted by migrating from the prazos to look for food and security elsewhere. T h e slave trade was another factor that led to the decline of the prazo system. T h e overseas slave trade increased in the 1640s as a result of the Dutch occupation of Angola. 54 T h e supply of Angolan slaves to Brazil was 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.
A . P . de Miranda in A . A . Andrade, 1955, pp. 266-70. ibid. ibid. A . F . Isaacman, 1969, p. 170. A . P . de Miranda in A . A . Andrade, 1955, pp. 266-70. ibid.
655
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century stopped and Lisbon had to turn to south-east Africa as a source. T h e establishment of a plantation economy in the French Mascarene Islands in the 1730s created additional demand for slaves. But despite all these new demands, the numbers of slaves exported from Southern Zambezia by 1752 were relatively small; 300 had been obtained from the Zambezi and 200 from Sofala. A G e r m a n missionary w h o lived in the region from 1758-9 also observed that 'few slaves were sent overseas, and it was considered so terrible a fact that those condemned to it would commit suicide in order to avoid it'.55 Towards the end of the eighteenth century, however, the slave trade gathered such m o m e n t u m that the prazeros in the Zambezi valley saw it as an opportunity for wealth. Slave-raiding parties brought caravan loads of slaves from the C h e w a , Nsenga and Manganja territories. T h e prazeros also began to sell the slaves on their estates, thus undermining the very foundation of the prazo system. However, beyond the Zambezi valley the rest of Southern Zambezia was little affected by the trade. T h e decline of the prazo system south of the Zambezi was accelerated instead by the rise of a new polity in the second half of the seventeenth century - the Rozvi Changamire dynasty.
The Rozvi empire T h e origins of the Rozvi empire are a matter of speculation. T h e issue has been further complicated by the n a m e Changamire, which is associated with the founder of the Rozvi empire in the second half of the seventeenth century butfirstmentioned in thefifteenthcentury.56 There are occasional references to a Changamire dynasty in the sixteenth century and 'the last that had been heard of these earlier Changamires was their defeat in 15478'. 57 However, there seems some consensus on four points:58first,that the Rozvi were an integral part of the historic Karanga of the Mutapa empire until they broke away in the seventeenth century and acquired a separate identity; secondly, 'that the designation Rozvi wasfirstapplied to a section of those historic Karanga w h o were associated with the rise to power between 1684 and 1695 of Changamire D o m b o I';59 thirdly, that the creation of the Rozvi empire was the work of Changamire D o m b o I; and fourthly, that the appellation Rozvi, which was derived from the Shona verb kurozva (to destroy), was either assumed by the 'followers of D o m b o . . . out of vanity'60 because of the destruction they had committed during their wars of conquest or was given to them as a nickname by their victims. 55. Cited in W . F . Rea, 1976, pp. 117-18. 56. D . de Alcacova to the king, Cochin, 20 N o v . 1506 in Documentos Sobre os Portuguezes
em Moçambique, Vol. I, p. 393. 57. 58. 59. 60.
656
D . N . Beach, 1980a, p. 228. S. I. Mudenge, 1974a. ibid. ibid.
Southern Zambezia
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The Rozvi empire
Source: adapted from D. N. Beach, Zimbabwe before rçoo, 1984, p. 38, Harare, Mambo Press
Between 1684 and 1695 Dombo Changamire gradually rose to power in the north-east.61 How he did so is still unclear. He was a herdsman of the
Mutapa emperors who rebelled taking himself and his followers first to the Torwa state in the south-west, then to the Kingdoms of Manyika and Uteve in the east.62 The Portuguese traders, while conquering these areas, were expelled in 1684 from the Kingdom of Maungwe, from the plateau country in 1693 and from the Kingdom of Manyika in 1695. They fled to Zumbo, where they established a new settlement in 17 10, then returned to their former settlement of Masekasa in Manyika. In every case, however, there was a tacit understanding that they were under the authority of the Rozvi Changamire overlords. In this way the Rozvi rulers were able to create an empire that stretched as far as Buhera, Bocha, Duma and the south-eastern highlands in the south; to the sandveld in the north-west, to the sodic soils in the north and to the lowveld in the south-west.63 The
core of the empire probably spanned the same area as that of the Ndebele which succeeded it in the 1840s. The early capital was situated at Danangombe but later the Rozvi emperors seem to have lived at Khami and Natetale from time to time. 61. D. N. Beach, 1980a, pp. 228-31. 62.
ibid.
63. ibid., p. 236.
657
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
658
Southern Zambezia O u r idea of a Rozvi capital comes from a nineteenth-century description,64 although it had probably changed little since the 1600s and 1700s. T h e royal court, according to our account, consisted of three large stone houses, each with m a n y rooms, in which the Rozvi emperor used to store his belongings. T h e houses were surrounded by walls of ivory tusks. T h e Rozvi Changamire had m a n y rifles which he obtained from Portuguese traders at Sena. H e bred 'pigs and fine dogs' and: does not eat any fresh food, only old and he drinks his pombe by himself. O n certain days he goes hunting with his courtiers, other times he sends his hunters; w h e n he dies he is buried in his house and there is no wailing or mourning because the very next day his wives present to elders a n e w Changamire selected by them and the first wife crowns him with two caps .. .6S T h e Rozvi maintained their identity as a foreign élite amidst people w h o shared the same moyo (heart) totem, their allies during the wars of conquest of the Kalanga-speaking people as well as those of the T o r w a state. Provincial administration T h e Rozvi rulers used methods similar to those of the Mutapas to maintain their empire. T h e mechanisms involved the allocation of land, the payment of tribute, religion and the training of an efficient army. T h e Rozvi rulers distributed land to newly installed chiefs and levied tribute from them. T h e y also manipulated the priestly class in the installation of chiefs, libation practices and various spirit cults. T h e y introduced innovations in religion and the collection of tribute. Under the Mutapa emperors, as already noted, the tributary chiefs used to send their tribute with bearers directly to the royal court. T h e Rozvi emperors, however, organized their tribute in a hierarchical pyramid with the village as the base and the Rozvi court, the apex. T h e principal officer and commander of the tumbare army supervised the collection of tribute throughout the empire, sending out teams of special tribute-collectors to the various provinces and villages. T h e collection of tribute was therefore a specialized function within the overall administration of the empire. S o m e tributecollectors were backed by the army. T h e Rozvi developed a religious system altogether different from that of the mhondoro (spirit mediums) prevalent a m o n g the northern and eastern Shona. T h e Rozvi 'cult of the oracular deity', M w a r i , was based on a belief in a High G o d w h o expressed himself through natural phenomena such as lightning or earthquakes. T h e principal officers of the M w a r i oracle were 64. A . H . U . Lisbon M o c . Caixa 2, Joäo Juliäo da Silva, Sofala 8th August 1844. 'Memoria Respectiva a Villa de Sofala' (1836-47). 65. Anon., A . H . U . M o c . Caixa 7, 'Descripçào Corografica do Reino de Manhica, seus custumes e leis'(1794).
6S9
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century the M o u t h , the Ear and the E y e whose main purpose was to collect information. T h e M w a r i cult was manipulated by the Rozvi rulers for a political end. T h e proverbial efficiency of the Rozvi army calls for some clarification. Portuguese observers, during the eighteenth century, never ceased to marvel at both the discipline and efficiency of the Rozvi armies which were generally well equipped with bows and arrows, daggers, assegais, battle axes and cudgels. Its organization very m u c h resembled that of Shaka, a nineteenth-century66 Zulu king. Like the Zulu, the Rozvi organized their armies into regiments and also adopted the crescent formation in battle. U n d e r certain circumstances, however, this method could be abandoned. A typical example was the battle of M a u n g w e in 1684 when the 'wily and cunning' D o m b o Changamire vanquished the Portuguese 'with his strategems'.67 Like most armies in pre-colonial African societies, the Rozvi armies performed certain rituals which instilled military prowess and selfconfidence before they went into battle. T h e Portuguese came to believe that the Rozvi emperor 'had magic oil with which he could kill any one simply by touching the person with it'68 and there is no doubt that this and other beliefs played an important role in Rozvi military victories. T h e prowess of the Rozvi armies in battle can also be explained by the thorough training the soldiers underwent which involved military exercises as well as archery. T h e elements of training and hierarchy in the Rozvi army have tempted some historians to make comparisons with the organization and terminology of a R o m a n army. 6 9 It is more more likely, however, that the Rozvi armies were organized and trained m u c h after the fashion of the early nineteenth-century Zulu, Ndebele and Sotho armies, as already indicated. Another aspect of the Rozvi army that has been mystified is its invincibility - the defeat of the Portuguese at the end of the seventeenth century is often cited as an example - but these military victories are seen in isolation from the totality of the Portuguese presence in East and Central Africa during this period. T h e Portuguese werefightingfor their survival along the East African coast from the 1650s to 1729 when their fortress at M o m b a s a was destroyed by the Sultans of O m a n . 7 0 T h e Sultan of O m a n established himself at Pate and mounted unsuccessful military attacks against M o m b a s a in 1661 and M o z a m b i q u e in 1670. In M a r c h 1696, a fleet from Muscat, which was reinforced at Pate, laid seige to Fort Jesus at M o m b a s a . Fort Jesus collapsed and with it Portuguese control of the East African coast north of Cape Delgado. 71 In other words, what the Rozvi 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71.
660
S. I. Mudenge, 1974b, p. 378. Cited in S. I. Mudenge, 1974, p. 379. ibid. ibid., p. 377. C . R . Boxer and C . de Azevedo, i960. ibid. See also G . S. P. Freeman-Grenville, 1963, pp. 141-2.
Southern Zambezia Changamires encountered in Southern Zambezia was not the totality of organized Portuguese military effort as the Portuguese were concentrating on re-establishing their control of the East African coast. T h e Rozvi defeat of the Portuguese during this period can, therefore, hardly be used as an index for the efficiency of the Rozvi army. T h e Portuguese military effort in Southern Zambezia was based on the prazeros, themselves badly disunited by rather conflicting economic interests. T h e prazeros had also engendered disunity in most African societies, notably in the lands of Mutapa and the K i n g d o m of Uteve. If these factors are not taken into account w h e n assessing the glory and power of the Rozvi empire, it is easy to exaggerate the efficiency of the Rozvi military machine.
The Economy
Agriculture T h e dominant branches of production a m o n g the Shona societies were agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting, gathering,fishingand metal-work. Long-distance and inter-regional trade complemented the economy. T h e Shona cultivated three main cereals, finger-millet, drought-resistant bulrush millet and various sorghums. 72 T h e unit of production was the household, and there is no solid evidence that the division of labour was rigidly based on sex as has been suggested by some writers.73 W h a t evidence there is, suggests that the situation differed from society to society. In some, as Barber observed, 'adult males in the community were responsible for the construction of shelters and for the clearing and preparation of n e w lands',74 while the w o m e n sowed and cultivated thefields.T h e harvesting was done by both m e n and w o m e n . In other words, the m e n performed the heavier tasks within the agricultural cycle and the w o m e n the lighter, more in the spirit of co-operation than strict division of labour. In some societies, however, such as the Hlengwe of the lowveld, there was some division of labour with the adult males devoting most time to trapping and hunting g a m e while the juveniles herded cattle and the w o m e n cultivated the fields. T h e ploughing season stretched from September to N o v e m b e r with the hoe the basic technology. T h e limited nature of this technology necessitated shifting agriculture whereby the old land was abandoned whenever it became exhausted and n e w land opened up. T h e opening of new land involved the 'clearing of the bush, burning it and allowing the ash to fertilize it'.75 T h e destructive nature of the slash-and-burn techniques of 72. 73. 74. 75.
D . N . Beach, 1977, p. 41. W . J. Barber, 1964, p. 46. ibid. ibid., p. 45.
661
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
agriculture has been criticized as wasteful of land. But as Lord Hailey observed in his African Survey, it was 'less a device of barbarism than a concession to the character of the soil'.76 Shona agriculture, like most precolonial agrarian economies, was adapted to local conditions so that there were m a n y practices of shifting agriculture. T h e period 1500 to 1800 witnessed the piecemeal introduction into Southern Zambezia of n e w crops from Europe and Asia. T h e n e w crops were introduced mainly along the coast and in regions where the Portuguese had built their settlements. In Sofala and the Lower Zambezi, the region between the Tendaculo and the Luabo rivers, the African peasants cultivated rice and yams although these never became their staple diet.77 T h e y also cultivated sugar-cane to eat rather than to make sugar as they lacked both the expertise and the appliances. T h e African peasants also planted m a n y fruit trees from India and Portugal, such asfigs,pineapples, guavas, pawpaws and oranges; they also grew melons, cucumbers, sweet potatoes and lemons. S o m e of these fruits grew on their o w n in the bush, as noted by Joâo dos Santos in 1596: In two places along the Sofala river there are two unowned thickets full of orange and lemon trees of which all w h o choose m a y freely gather the fruit, and the lemons are so abundant that the Kaffirs [Africans] load vessels with them and go d o w n the river to Sofala where they are sold almost for nothing. T h e inhabitants of the fortress salt andfillbarrels and jars with them, which they send to India where they are greatly esteemed and are eaten with rice.78 It would seem, therefore, that the cultivation of these exotic fruits was stimulated mainly by d e m a n d from foreign traders. There is also evidence that wheat was being cultivated in the K i n g d o m of Manyika during April and M a y . According to Father Gaspar M a c e d o , the yield was quite good with one grain of wheat producing 'fifty ears'.79 There is also evidence that by 1778 peanuts were being cultivated in Manyika. 8 0 In addition to the cereals and fruits, 'two grain legumes were grown everywhere, notably groundnuts, voandzeia subterránea and cowpeas, vigna unquiculatd1 ?x A s already noted, none of the crops introduced from E u r o Asia ever constituted the main diet of the Shona. T h e case was different with maize which was introduced into Southern Zambezia during the eighteenth century. This gradually caught up with millet and sorghum to constitute one of the staple diets of the Shona in the twentieth century, particularly a m o n g urban populations. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81.
662
Cited in W . J. Barber, 1964, p. 45. J. dos Santos in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 269. ibid., p. 190. G . Macedo, 1890, p. 150. J. Baptista Moutaury in A . A . Andrade, 1955, p. 362. W . G . L . Randies, 1979, p. 49.
Southern Zambezia T h e N y a n g a a n d lowveld T h e agrarian economy of the Nyanga and lowveld areas was in m a n y ways different from that of the plateau. T h e Nyanga highlands were characterized by poor soils and steep slopes. T h e greater part of the landscape in northern Nyanga was terraced with dry stone walls about a metre high. These terraces were m a d e on the hillsides and their purpose was 'simply to conserve the soil and dispose neatly of the stones'.82 In other words, terracebuilding was a method of controlling a precarious environment that was used for three or more centuries until 1800. It is possible that the numerous terraces 'represent the accumulated evidence of small-scale cultivation in m a n y different years'.83 There is also evidence that a limited amount of irrigation was practised but only in a supplementary role as the Nyanga area usually enjoys a fair amount of annual rainfall. It is more likely that the irrigation of dry-season gardens of vegetables, maize and bananas, which is still being practised in this region, is an agricultural tradition of eighteenth-century origin. Equally, evidence of this agricultural tradition can be observed in the terracing of lower slopes and contouring of valley lands in the Nyanga area. According to Roger S u m m e r s , the Tonga/Sena practised this kind of agriculture before they were absorbed into Manyika society during the eighteenth century.84 T h e lowveld e c o n o m y T h e lowveld economy was different. Here a riverine people, the Hlengwe, practised mainly hunting, gathering andfishingand agriculture only to a limited extent.85 T h e lowveld has very low annual rainfall so that gathering plays an important role in the economy even at present. T h e fruits gathered were mainly those from which beverages were m a d e including nkanyi (marula - Sclerocarya caffra), mahanga (ilala palm - Hyphaene natalenis) the sap of which was used to make an intoxicating wine called njemani or chetnwa; the kwaka tree (monkey orange - Strychnos tnadagascariensis) and the baobab fruit. These fruits were gathered by w o m e n and children while the m e n hunted big game. T h e w o m e n and children killed mice, gathered the large silvery caterpillars from trees and collected locusts. T h e Hlengwe were, as they still are today, proficient hunters. T h e abundance of m a n y species of g a m e in the lowveld, it has been said, rendered it 'a hunters' paradise'.86 Fishing was also an important occupation. T h e lowveld rivers, then as n o w , were rich in fish. Like hunting, fishing was essentially done by the m e n year-round. T h e most 82. 83. 84. 85. 86.
J. E . G . Sutton, 1983, p. 12. ibid. ibid. J. H . Bannerman, 1981. ibid.
663
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
effective method of catching fish in large quantities was to use nets m a d e of reeds. These nets were skilfully laid at the confluence of streams or, alternatively, young m e n and sometimes w o m e n were sent to walk d o w n stream so as to drive thefishlike aflockinto the nets. It should be noted, however, that the difference between the hunting andfishingactivities of the Hlengwe and the rest of the people in Southern Zambezia during this period was only one of degree as both hunting andfishingwere practised by people in the plateau country and the coastal kingdoms. Commenting on the subject of fishing at the end of the sixteenth century, Joào dos Santos noted that 'In Winter w h e n the river Sofala rises it frequently overflows its banks and inundates the fields, the ponds in them which become full of fish from the river.'87 H e then went on to describe the various kinds of fish. T h e Nyanga region was and still is famous for its trout. Fishing then, as n o w , was practised in both the large and small rivers in Southern Zambezia. A s withfishing,hunting as a way of earning a living was not the exclusive monopoly of the Hlengwe of the lowveld. In various parts of the Mutapa empire m e n hunted countless species of animals including lions, tigers, leopards, rhinocerous, elephant, buffalo, wild cows, eland and wildebeste to cite only a few. There was no limit as to what could be killed for food. Guineafowl were found in their hundreds in the bush close to the fields. T h e traditional professional hunters used traps, spears, clubs and bows and arrows to kill animals. However, with the introduction of fire-arms by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century, the hunters' efficiency improved. It would be incorrect to create the impression or rather, perpetuate the 'myth about the Hlengwe being solely hunters'.88 That they were able to differentiate between various kinds of soil demonstrates that they paid as m u c h attention to agriculture as their Shona counterparts elsewhere in Southern Zambezia. T h e Hlengwe differentiated soils mainly on their relative ability to retain moisture.89 They called the sandy soils where they built their homesteads nthlava. This type of soil was good for the cultivation of cucumbers, gourds, cowpeas, groundnuts and peanuts. T h e y also grew millet and sorghum on nthlava. soil but in the valleys or their neighbourhoods. Since rainfall was erratic, the d e w that fell in these valleys played an important role in the growth of sorghum. T h e Hlengwe called the basalt soils tsovolo. This was a fertile type of soil on which they grew maize and a variety of vegetables. Its advantage over other types of soil was that it retained moisture for a long period after the heavy rains. This was important for the cultivation of maize which requires a lot of rain, in a region where the rainfalls were erratic. It would seem that there was no 87. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 264. 88. J. H . Bannerman, 1981, p. 19. 89. ibid.; interview with m y mother, Pertenia Kwatini Bhila (aged c. 67-8 years), 19/5/85, Borrowdale.
664
Southern Zambezia
shortage of land and the only restriction was the erratic rainfall. In a good year, the Hlengwe peasants produced surplus grain which ' m a y not have always carried them through all the lean years but did ameliorate the situation'.90 Various views have been expressed concerning the efficiency of the agrarian economies of the Shona societies between 1500 and 1800. In 1569 Father Monclaro castigated African peasants 'because they are not provident, but quickly waste and consume the n e w crops in feasts and drinking'.91 In 1648, however, Antonio G o m e s observed that the African peasants produced a surplus that lasted until the following year; further 'they never see the bottom of their grain bins'.92 Conversely, in 1667 Manuel Barreto maintained that the Africans 'have not, and cannot possibly have, any provision from one year to another'.93 In 1696 Antonio da Conceicao observed that in the Mutapa empire people 'do their o w n farms and the king has one cultivated by his cafres which stretches where the eyes cannot see and sometimes sees personally but in a grave manner. H e eventually collects so m u c h food that he lives in plenty and even luxury, not only he but also his w o m e n ' . 9 4 W e also learn from Jesuit Father Julio Cesar, w h o visited the Mutapa court in 1620, that this reigning Mutapa paid m u c h attention to agriculture. Julio Cesar reported that the Mutapa did not despise the title of farmer; on the contrary, this priest says that he was quickly dispatched because the Emperor wanted 'to go and see to his farming activities because it was time to sow the fields'.95 These contradictory statements by Portuguese observers clearly underscore the need to heed date and location w h e n discussing the efficiency of pre-colonial agriculture in Southern Zambezia. T h e evidence cited above referred to situations which prevailed in certain years in specific places in Southern Zambezia and should not be used as a justification for generalization. T h e problem of famine and drought should be discussed in the context of time and space. A s will be shown later, Portugal's aggressive wars during the seventeenth century led to famines which caused the peasants to abandon their lands. It is possible that Barreto's report referred to some place in the K i n g d o m of M a u n g w e where in 1667, the Portuguese and the Swahili-Arabs werefightingfor commercial supremacy. Likewise, the anonymous eighteenth-century writer was concerned largely with the situation in the K i n g d o m of Manyika - or, probably with famine in a certain part of Manyika. It has been necessary to dwell on this theme of frequent famine and the improvidence of African peasants because the Portuguese accounts on this subject from 1500 to 1800 and later have led 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95.
J. H . Bannerman, 1981, p. 19. Father Monclaro, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 231. A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 220. M . Barreto, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 478. F . de Souza, 1710, Vol. I, p. 837. A . da Conceicao, p. 66.
665
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
some historians, such as David Beach to over-generalize about famines both in pre-colonial and colonial Southern Zambezia. Beach has characterized Shona pre-colonial agriculture as 'useful but dangerously static'.96 This, according to him, was because 'no selection of crops and soil and no expertise in predicting shangma (famine) could ward off these disasters, whether caused by climate, locusts and other blights'.97 H e further argues that the grain stores could not 'keep grain in store to feed the people throughout the really bad shangwa'. 98 First it should be noted that the Shona societies themselves were not 'static'. T h e various Shona societies had contacts a m o n g themselves as well as with other neighbouring African societies - the Swahili-Arabs from the tenth century or earlier and the Portuguese from the beginning of the sixteenth century. These contacts represented efforts to modify their material conditions through barter and exchange. T h e Shona peasants, as already noted, had been adopting new crops throughout the period from 1500 to 1800. These developments could hardly have been features of a static pre-colonial agrarian economy. T h e myths about the static nature of African agrarian economies have already been dispelled, in the case of West Africa, by A . G . Hopkins. A s he aptly remarks: the agricultural history in the pre-colonial period is a story of innovation rather than stagnation. T h e assumption that the economy was static, having been frozen at the very d a w n of African history, is untenable, and the timeless concept of the 'traditional' society to be used with care or better still, not used at all. Although contact with other continents led to introduction of some weeds, such as spear grass, there is no doubt that on balance the import of seeds and plants was of great benefit to West Africa. T h e new crops offered the means of improving nutrition, they reduced the risk of famine and m a d e possible the support of a larger population.99 T h e idea that the Shona peasants were helpless victims of droughts and famines has been shown to be dated. D r Richard Mutetwa showed that, in the case of the D u m a people in the south-east, for example, 'they had several ways of predicting droughts'.100 T h e y also had several methods of fighting famine such as bartering salt, meat,fish,tusks, mats, pots, baskets, spears, arrows and jewels for grain and, sometimes, begging. T h e Shona also obtained grain during famine through a system called mukomondera101 whereby one borrowed grain on the understanding that it would be refunded without interest in the following good season. In difficult situations a m a n pawned his daughter. It should be remembered that the other 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101.
666
D . N . Beach, 1984, p. 40. ibid. ibid. A . G . Hopkins, 1983, p. 31. R . M . G . Mutetwa, 1976 unpublished, pp. 238-9. ibid.
Southern Zambezia
branches of production, notably hunting, fishing and gathering, did not disappear after the introduction of n e w crops; they were adapted to the new agrarian economy and consequently constituted an important means of combating drought and famine. In his study, Mutetwa has also convincingly argued that the problem of storage was not serious because the three Shona staple crops, millet, bulrush millet and sorghum, could store very well for more than three to four years.102 Beach's observation that humidity increased the moisture in the grain bin during the rainy season - which caused the grain either to rot or m a d e it easier for stock-borers to eat into the grain bins - has not sufficiently taken into account the precautions the Shona peasants took to preserve their grain. T h e grain bins were carefully plastered 'on the inside and sealed off'.103 This rendered them airtight. T h e grain bins were also situated on bare rock to prevent termites reaching them. In the absence of such a rock, the grain bins were placed on reasonably high poles so that termite activity could easily be spotted before any damage was done. There has been a danger, as M u t e t w a keenly observed, of'stressing the drought years at the expense of the normal or above average years, and, it m a y be added, without regard to date and location'.104 Parallels elsewhere in Africa concerning the efficiency of pre-colonial agriculture suggest that the 'darker picture' of the efficiency of Shona agriculture to satisfy the needs of the peasants can hardly be justified. A s Walter Rodney argues, most African societies actually increased the cultivation of their lands notwithstanding the periodic famines.105 In a different historical context, Miracle observed that: W e have m u c h to learn about the tribal economies of tropical Africa, but it is increasingly clear that a n u m b e r of current stereotypes about them are in need of revision.106 This observation was n o more true about pre-colonial peasant agriculture elsewhere than it was of the Shona. Stock-raising Stock-raising was an important branch of production in both the M u t a p a and Rozvi empires. Stock-raising included the rearing of sheep, goats and cattle. T h e economic significance of cattle in African societies has attracted m u c h interest among economic historians. Cattle provided meat, milk and manure which farming communities either consumed or sold.107 Possession 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107.
ibid., pp. 236-^7. ibid. ibid. Cited in R . M . G . Mutetwa, 1976, pp. 240-1. Cited in R . M . G . Mutetwa, 1976, p. 241. W . J. Barber, 1964, p. 47.
667
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
of cattle also performed a social function in that it bestowed a social status upon an individual. T h e more cattle a m a n owned in society, the more he was respected 'not for his unthinking devotion to ascribed values, but for his skill in controlling a major resource'.108 In a region which sometimes experienced severe droughts, cattle had the advantage of lasting longer 'than stored grain'.109 This m a y explain w h y the Shona societies expressed their exchange values in terms of cattle. Portuguese documents stress the central role of cattle in the economy of both the Mutapa and Rozvi empires. Large herds of cattle flourished particularly in the highveld where they were not threatened with the tsetsefly.110There is every likelihood that the Mutapa and Rozvi Changamire rulers practised transhumance or the seasonal m o v e m e n t of cattle. In general the practice of transhumance was determined by three factors.1" First, the size of the herd was important: the larger the herd the m o r e land the cattle-owning community needed. T h e threat of disaster explains w h y , from the days of Great Z i m b a b w e , from the thirteenth to thefifteenthcentury, to the end of the eighteenth century, there was an annual trek of cattle from the highveld to the lowveld during the dry season in search of better grazing land.112 T h e herdsmen moved their cattle to the highveld at the onset of the rainy season which would spread fly-borne disease. Secondly, transhumance was determined by the degree of concentration on animal husbandry. Water and salt were scarce and pasture tended to be poor on the highveld during the dry season. Again cattle were taken to the lowveld. In other words, the natural distribution of essential foodstuffs was an important factor in the practice of transhumance. Thirdly, transhumance was undertaken for purposes of trade. T h e cultivators and pastoralists needed one another's products and one of the reasons behind transhumance was to exchange animal products for grain. As a result, conflicts occasionally erupted between the pastoralists and the cultivators whenever cattle destroyed the cultivators' crops. This in turn led to a shift in the orbit of transhumance and/or migrations to entirely new areas - which is h o w pastoralists became colonists. Beach has carefully documented most of these population movements from the late seventeenth century onward and the resultant n e w settlements in the north, east and south of the Shona plateau.113 However, he has explained these phenomena in terms of the demographic factor. It is possible that the h u m a n population pressures he has identified were also linked to the bovine population and scarcity of grazing land. Jeffy G u y has drawn our attention to a similar situation in Zululand during the 108. 109. no. in. 112. 113.
668
A . G . Hopkins, 1983, p. 42. D . N . Beach, 1984, p. 42. W . G . L . Randies, 1979, p. 51. For the general theory of transhumance, see A . G . Hopkins, 1983, p. 41. For the practice of transhumance in Southern Zambezia see P . S. Garlake, 1978. D . N . Beach, 1980a, ch. 8; J. M . Gray, 1979, ch. 1.
Southern Zambezia
last decade of the eighteenth century and the importance of ecology, climate and vegetation in history.114 T h e practice of transhumance, it m a y be argued, enabled the M u t a p a and Rozvi populations to maintain large herds. Essentially there were two types of cattle breed: the small type which was reared in the north-east and the mountainous region of Nyanga, and the large type which was reared in the north-west.115 However, both archaeology and the Portuguese documents tell us little about cattle management and their distribution from the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth century. Portuguese sources continually point to the fact that Southern Zambezia was 'rich in cattle and other animals' and that the Africans 'cook their meat in milk instead of water'.116 T h e latter was an overstatement but nevertheless underscores the abundance of cattle in the region. S o m e of these cattle were exchanged for cloth or other exotic articles. T h e T o r w a at K h a m i , for example, used to export cattle to the Zambezi valley during the sixteenth century.117 There are several testimonies concerning the central role of cattle in the Rozvi economy from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. In the early 1500s, Diogo de Alcacova recorded that 4000 hornless cows were paid as tribute to a reigning Mutapa by a ruler of Butwa in the south-west.118 In 1569, Father Monclaro likened the large size of cattle in Butwa to the large oxen of France. 119 In the sixteenth century, Father Joào dos Santos attributed the small-scale production of gold to the fact that the African peasants were pre-occupied with herding cattle 'which were in great numbers in these lands'.120 In 1648, Antonio G o m e s exaggeratedly reported that the cows in Butwa were so big that one had to stand u p to milk them. 121 Besides cattle the African peasants reared goats and sheep and chickens for food and exchange. A s Joào dos Santos observed in 1595 in Uteve: Their meat is generally hens which are innumerable. T h e Kaffirs breed them to sell to the Portuguese and in Sofala they give twelve for a black cotton cloth, which is there worth two testoons at most; and if the purchaser goes up the river to their dwellings to buy them, they will give sixteen or eighteen for the same piece of cloth which makes eleven or thereabouts for each hen. There are also m a n y 114. 115. 116. 117. 118.
D . N . Beach, 1980, ch. 8. W . G . L . Randies, 1979, p. 51. A . Gomes, 1959, p. 189. D . N . Beach, 1984, p. 42. Diogo de Alcacova to King, Cochin, 20 N o v . 1506, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902,
Vol. I, p. 64. 119. Father Monclaro, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. Ill, p. 237. 120. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 274. 121. A . Gomes, 1959, p. 197.
669
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
domesticated pigs which are bred among the houses, m a n y goats and cows and an abundance of venison, wild pigs .. ,m M i n i n g of metals: iron and copper A large amount of iron, copper and lead was mined throughout the Mutapa and Rozvi empires although the available literature leads one to believe that African peasants were only interested in mining gold. This, however, is a reflection of the interests of the Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traders. T h e African peasants extracted iron from which they m a d e objects such as hoes, assegais and axes.123 T h e Njanja of W e d z a acquired a reputation as hoe manufacturers,124 selling their hoes as far afield as Manyika, Bocha, Buhera and N d a u country. They also mined copper from which they m a d e bangles which both m e n and w o m e n wore round their arms and legs. Eighteenth-century evidence suggests that copper came from D u m a where it was plentiful. Admittedly the D u m a people did not produce copper in large quantities but they probably exported the little they mined: a geological survey carried out in 1952 showed that four-fifths of total copper production in Z i m b a b w e came from D u m a . 1 2 5 A considerable quantity, however, also came from U r u n g w e in the north-west.126
Salt T h e salt industry was very important for the Shona economy between 1500 and 1800. It was largely the preoccupation of regions that did not enjoy sufficient rainfall to grow crops and raise cattle, such as the Middle Save where the salt-workers exchanged their product for grain.127 T h e Middle Save was also rich in clay and the local inhabitants took advantage of this resource to specialize in pottery manufacture. Like salt, the pots were exchanged for grain, particularly during famine years.
Cloth Textile production was also an important economic activity a m o n g the Shona peasants of Southern Zambezia. Cotton-growing and weaving flourished mainly on the eastern bank of the Zambezi river.128 S o m e cotton was also grown in the north-east of the highveld. T h e Shona wove a cloth from this cotton and also from the bark of the baobab tree. T h e cotton-growing lowveld area was complemented by the highveld region which abounded in cattle and this largely determined the pattern of inter-regional trade. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128.
670
J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 190. A . G o m e s , 1959, pp. 186-8. See J. M . Mackenzie, 1975. H . H . K . Bhila, 1982, p. 40. P. S . Garlake, 1983, p. 27. H . H . K . Bhila, 1982, p. 39. A . G o m e s , 1959, pp. 203, 222.
Southern Zambezia
G o l d and silver T h e existence and extraction of silver from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century was a matter of great speculation a m o n g the Portuguese authorities both in Lisbon and Southern Zambezia, but throughout the period under review and even later no silver mines were located. Silver was instead obtained as a by-product of gold-mining and there was plenty of gold on the highveld, in Butwa, in the south-west and in Manyika and Uteve in the east. T h e amount of gold present in Southern Zambezia was greatly exaggerated by the Portuguese during the sixteenth century. In 1633 Gaspar M a c e d o was told by African peasants that until that time nobody had had to dig for gold in T o r w a state but had simply collected it from the rivers and creeks and exchanged it for cloth at the feira of Masekesa in Manyika. T h e king's treasure, he was told, consisted of 'gold bars each of them weighing seven or eight arrutéis'.129 It was also claimed that 'the whole "Mucaranga" is a gold mine wherever you dig youfindgold'.'3U Although these were exaggerations, there was still plenty of gold in the Mutapa empire and Portuguese expectations were largely fulfilled from the early sixteenth century to the second half of the seventeenth century, despite their protestations to the contrary. Historical references to Shona mining practices strongly suggest that mining was not a year-round activity. However, in the K i n g d o m of Manyika in the east the extraction of gold was carried out year-round mainly because most of the rivers were, and still are, perennial.131 It is possible that mining was carried out by peasants either to assuage the aristocracy's demands for exchangeable commodities or to trade themselves.132 Shona mining activities were concentrated within the months of August, September and October in order to combine them with general land clearance.133 Agriculture was 'the matrix in which all other indigenous economic activity' was set: a peasant could combine farming with other economic enterprises, such as trade or gold-mining, which remained subsidiary occupations. Often it was the sale of surplus agricultural produce that financed other projects. Another reason for mining during the dry months of August, September and October was that miners could sink shafts fairly deep as a result of a seasonal fall in the water-table. Moreover, the alluvial deposits of the previous s u m m e r could easily be found before being carried away by the floods of the next season. Mining operations followed a pattern prevalent in m u c h of Southern Africa. T h e basic tools used to break out the ore were hammerstones and 129. 130. 131. 132. 133.
G . M a c e d o , 1890, p. 151. A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 186. H . H . K . Bhila, 1982, p. 46. P. Sinclair, 1977. I. R . Phimister, 1976, p. 5.
671
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
iron gads.134 A gad was used to h a m m e r into cracks and crevices, as a wedge for prizing the rock apart. T h e miners also used a type of crowbar consisting of a piece of iron inserted into the end of a heavy stick, probably hafted like a hoe and used as a pick.135 Shovels were also used to gather together the broken rock and ensure no valuable pieces were left behind. T h e method for gold-reef mining wasfire-setting- as can be deduced from the large quantities of charcoal which Roger S u m m e r s found in m a n y of the ancient mines. 135 In one he also came across troughs containing charcoal standing against the face of the reef. According to him, they formed a hearth concentrating the heat against the hard rock face. B y cooling the heated rock rapidly the Shona were able to crack the rock face. T h e y controlled the amount of cold water applied by using a specially shaped clay vessel to obtain the m a x i m u m splitting of the rock. Using a wooden container, the miners took the ore to the surface where they sorted it with small axes removing the gold-bearing quartz. T h e pieces thus sorted were stacked amongst piles offirewoodand roasted, after which the burnt quartz was crushed and the gold washed out of it. With alluvial gold the recovery process was village-based.137 During the mining season groups of 400 or more miners, including w o m e n and children, assembled in one place under the c o m m a n d of their respective village heads. They washed the alluvium in wooden bowls and the gold that was recovered was packed into hollow reeds or quills ready for exchange. T h e peasants preferred gold panning to reef mining as the workings were shallow and gold-rich levels could be easily reached; gold washing was not expensive as the miner did not need picks to crack the rock nor did he have to buy or look for firewood. Moreover, panning did not involve the crushing or roasting of rocks, nor expose miners to the hazards of tunnels through soft soils that regularly caved in. T h e M u t a p a and Rozvi rulers exercised great control over the production of gold within their empires.138 It has been estimated that almost 50 per cent of gold production within the M u t a p a empire was appropriated directly by the ruling élite. If a person stumbled upon a gold deposit he was required to cover it u p and report it immediately to the local chief. Commenting on this in 1648, Antonio G o m e s said 'no matter what a Portuguese promises them, they will not reveal that place and very often that they have tried, u p to n o w no one has known of any'. 139 Failure to comply with this law was punishable by death.140 T h e Mutapa and Rozvi 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. Theal, 139. 140.
672
I. R . Phimister, 1976, p. 5. ibid. ibid. M . Barreto, 1899, p. 491. A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 186; G . Macedo, 1890, pp. 148-9; J. dos Santos in G . 1899-1902, Vol. II, pp. 280-1. A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 185. A . G o m e s , 1959.
M.
Southern Zambezia
rulers did not want the Portuguese w h o traded with their empires to k n o w the location of the gold mines as this would tempt them to conquest; moreover, control of the mines enabled them to dictate better terms of trade for their subjects. T h e decline of gold production during the seventeenth century. T h e dangerous nature of gold mining led not only to low production but ultimately to its decline during the seventeenth century.141 Sometimes water burst into the shafts, flooded them and killed the miners. Moreover, by the seventeenth century the Shona miners, it has been argued, had mined deep enough to reach the water-table, and it was not possible to mine below this without the aid of a n e w technology capable of pumping out both the water and m u d . 1 4 2 T h e third reason for the decline was that the price the Portuguese traders paid for gold was too low to induce the peasants to risk their lives. O n e aspect that has not been examined in detail was the impact of war on gold production. T h efirsthalf of the seventeenth century witnessed the height of Portuguese aggression towards the Mutapa empire. Its intervention into internal Shona politics resulted in wars among the Mutapa rulers themselves and also between the Mutapa rulers and their tributaries. These wars resulted in temporary and permanent migrations, and famine through the disruption of agricultural production even in areas rich in resources and with favourable weather patterns. In 1683, for example, there was anarchy in Makaranga where the country was 'depopulated . . . and consequently without mines', 143 as a result of which 'the Portuguese live from what they can scratch by the banks of the rivers or from the gold that appears at the surface of the earth'.144 T h e second half of the seventeenth century was characterized by the even more devastating C h a n gamire wars which resulted in the reorganization of populations into several states. Warfare, therefore, could be blamed for the disruption of gold production in Shonaland during the seventeenth century in the same way that a natural calamity disrupts agriculture by reducing the amount of land available for production. T h e impact of war on the decline of gold production has so far been ignored by historians in favour of 'the fundamental constraints imposed by a hostile and capricious geological environment which severely limited the gold available to Shona mining operations'.145 In addition, the methods adopted by the Portuguese traders alienated 141. J. dos Santos in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, p. 219. 142. I. R . Phimister, 1976, pp. 22-3. 143. Anon., 'Descipcao dos Rios de C u a m a ' , Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon, 51-VII-43 and 51-7-44. 144. ibid. 145. I. R . Phimister, 1976, pp. 22-3.
673
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
them from the peasants largely responsible for producing gold. African rulers protested against Portuguese insistence that peasants - and their rulers - trade their products exclusively with the Portuguese. According to captain Francisco Figuira de Almeida of Sena, relations started to sour w h e n the Portuguese changed their original method of trade. In the early 1500s African peasants used to take their produce directly to the Portuguese feiras in the interior. Later in the century, however, the Portuguese sent middlemen into the interior w h o took merchandise 'in small bundles wrapped in wild palm-tree mats as big a load as a m a n can carry on his back' to the peasants' doors.146 D e Almeida further reported that usually a Portuguese trader travelled with anything between three andfivehundred local peasants w h o 'steal anything they come across and the natives from the villages m o v e to other places so as not to be subjected to such h u m i liation'.147 Another Portuguese mistake was to sell merchandise on credit to the African peasants w h o often defaulted with the result that a Portuguese trader would have to send twenty to thirty of the peasants in his employ to recover the debt. If the defaulter failed to pay the debt he became 'the traders' slave and with the same ease he goes with his wife and children and started doing the same as the other do'. 148 In this way a Portuguese trader could end u p with several hundred enslaved middlemen. A s one African ruler pointed out: the Portuguese were causing great damage and if they wanted to sell cloth to the Africans they should bring it to him and he himself would sell it to those w h o could pay for it, otherwise some run away, the others are taken by the Portuguese and thus the population of the villages was dwindling.149 B y the mid-i6oos the king of Uteve had ordered his people not to extract any gold but 'to till the land and grow food in order to become rich and have more peace and quiet'.150 Social factors, therefore, were probably more important than climate or geological factors in the decline of gold production during the seventeenth century. Trade Trade records also provide historical evidence of the diversity of Shona peasant economies. T h e peasants' main aim, however, was to produce usevalues rather than exchange values. But the production of commodities inevitably resulted in the exchange of products a m o n g the peasants them146. 147. 148. 149. 150.
674
A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 192. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid., p. 193.
Southern Zambezia
selves and between peasants and craftsmen and this led to the emergence of regional trade. T h e important regional trade networks will be identified in the subsequent discussion. T h e Swahili traders established several bazaars in the M u t a p a empire. It is difficult to say exactly w h e n they did so but one Portuguese adventurer found them in existence w h e n he travelled inland from Sofala in 151415.151 W e can, however, safely assume that thefirstbazaars in Sofala and its immediate neighbourhood were established during the tenth century w h e n the Arab—Swahili traders, w h o depended on African peasants for their food supplies, started trading with African peasants in the Mutapa empire. 152 T h e bazaars were operated on Mondays, 1 5 3 with the African peasants exchanging their agricultural produce and gold dust for beads, cloth and other exotic items. Little is k n o w n about the volume and organization of this trade but it is reasonable to assume that the d e m a n d for food by the Swahili-Arabs must have stimulated the production of surplus grain, large and small stock for meat, and a variety of vegetables. T h e demand for food supplies must have increased when the Portuguese established a fortress at Sofala in 1506 which became an entrepôt between the Portuguese traders and the African peasants w h o went there to sell their produce. T h e establishment of this fortress must be seen in the context of Portuguese commercial activities from 1498 w h e n Vasco da G a m a m a d e his famous voyage to India. It was at this time that the Portuguese learnt about the gold mines in Sofala and its hinterland and that King E m m a n u e l consequently ordered the setting up of a factory at Sofala. Portugal's main aim at this time was to occupy all strategic points along the Indian Ocean. T h e fortresses of Sofala and Kilwa were built in 1506 to protect the gold trade while three others - in Quilon, Angediva and the R e d Sea - were built to control the pepper trade. Sofala was therefore integrated into Portugal's trade network and the stage was set for further exchange between African and Portuguese traders. O n arrival at Sofala in 1506, the Portuguese as already mentioned, found the Arab-Swahili traders well established and a rivalry, characterized by several military encounters, consequently developed.154 T h e Portuguese emerged victorious, however, and the A r a b Swahili fled north to various strategic points on the Zambezi river from where they continued to undermine Portuguese commercial activities along the Zambezi trade route as well as trade routes into the interior. T h e Portuguese reacted swiftly by ousting them from most of these places and, in 1531, establishing Sena and Tete as their main trade centres. Portuguese 151. H . Tracey and A . Fernandes, 1940, pp. 20-30; see also Gaspar Velosco's report in Documentos Sobre, Vol. Ill, pp. 181-9; A . H . Quiring, 1949; W . A . Godlouton, 1945. 152. Archaelogia e contecimento de passado, 1980, pp. 4-6. 153. Notes made by Gaspar Velosco, Clerk of the Factory of Mozambique and sent to the king (1572), Documentos Sobre, Vol. Ill, p. 183. 154. For details of this rivalry, see A . Lobato, 1954a.
675
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
trading activities accordingly shifted northwards thus decreasing the c o m mercial importance of the Sofala region.155 T h e defeat of the Swahili in 1512 and the effective occupation of Sena and Tete in the 1530s - which gave the Portuguese a monopoly over the supply of goods — brought to an end the independent trade of the Swahili— Arabs. But as they had neither the skill nor the m a n p o w e r , and as the Swahili-Arabs were anxious to continue as traders in the region, a natural though uneasy trading alliance developed between them. For the next century Swahili-Arabs were the main agents of Portuguese trade in the interior. African vashambadzi (traders) had been acting as middlemen for the Swahili-Arab traders long before the advent of the Portuguese, and their role was formally institutionalized within the Swahili-Arab/ Portuguese alliance. T h e Swahili-Arabs continued to trade, albeit clandestinely, in the T o r w a interior until the late 1600s. B y the early 1700s they had lost m u c h of their Islamic culture and had adopted L e m b a and Venda culture.156 T h e defeat of the Swahili-Arabs left the Portuguese traders without major competition along the Zambezi trade route and in the interior. Initially the aim of the Portuguese crown was to monopolize the entire trade in Sofala and the interior. But this proved impossible as greed drove individual traders inland to make independent trade agreements with African rulers. A s already noted, by 1541 there were so m a n y Portuguese traders in the interior that it became necessary to formalize and regulate their trading activities within the Mutapa empire. A s with the Swahili-Arab traders, the African peasants exchanged their produce for a variety of exotic items. Peter Garlake's archaeological excavations of the feiras of Luanze, Dambarare and Rimuka indicate that beads were the most popular commodity of trade during the early sixteenth century.157 T h e popularity of the most c o m m o n black, yellow, green and blue beads varied from region to region but red and black beads - k n o w n as C a m b a y beads - were preferred in all kingdoms. T h e Portuguese found beads in circulation w h e n they arrived and tried in vain to control their market. T h e popularity of beads was determined by a set of beliefs prevalent a m o n g the Shona 158 that the Portuguese plucked them from trees. T h e black beads, it was thought, had acquired their colour through being left on the tree long enough to petrify and turn black. T h e green beads had been plucked before they were ripe while the yellow ones had been plucked when ripe and before the sun burnt them black. There was also a variety of imported beads, including those 'of coral, crystal, pewter, jet, amber and blue Venetia glass',159 but these were unpopular. Consequently, a 155. Documentos Sobre os Portuguezes em Moçambique, Vol. Ill, pp. 237-48; A . Lobato, 1954a, pp. 19 and 103. 156. D . N . Beach, 1984, p. 32. 157. P. S. Garlake, 1954. 158. A . G o m e s , 1959, p. 196. 159. P. S. Garlake, 1954, p. 43.
676
Southern Zambezia
locally-made variety known as caracoes (small stone beads), which were also exempt from royal bead-trade monopoly, captured the market between 1516 and 1518. T h e caracoes were rated seven times as popular as the European imported beads. Cloth was another important trade item, particularly the brightly coloured cloth which was measured by arm-lengths. In exchange for these articles, the Shona brought to the fortress's daily market sorghum, maize, groundnuts, cowpeas, baskets, mats, pots, chickens, eggs, honey, trapped animals and birds, and a wide range of vegetables and wild fruits. This type of trade was also carried on in the feiras and presumably continued when the feiras themselves were destroyed at the end of the seventeenth century. There was, possibly, as in the markets of West Africa,160 some segregation of merchants according to products sold and also to sex; that is, w o m e n traders probably sold different articles from those sold by m e n . Most smiths, other craftsmen and miners exchanged their goods either a m o n g themselves or with the Portuguese traders. T h e farmers found ready market for their cattle, goats, sheep or pigs. T h e Sofala fortress and the feiras in the interior struck deep roots into Shona society and became an essential part of its economic and social framework. Feiras in S h o n a country T h e period 1575-1684 witnessed a change in the pattern of trade between African peasants and Portuguese traders. T h e Portuguese traders consolidated their commercial and military victory over the Swahili-Arabs by adapting and transforming the bazaars into Portuguese feiras. T h e land on which the feiras were established was granted by local African chiefs. In time the feiras became the main focal points of Afro-Portuguese commercial intercourse. T h e y were large areas enclosed by low timber-palisade walls, with a few residential pole-and-mud huts near the gold-mining areas.161 Each feira had a fortress, a garrison of ten tofifteensoldiers, in theory a church with a priest, and a capitäo-mor. S o m e feiras were administered by the government of the Rivers of Sena while others were privately owned. T h e capitäes-mores, whose role and position in Portuguese commerce in the Rivers of Sena were clearly defined during the eighteenth century, bore some resemblance to the guards of the medieval Portuguese feiras. T h e position of capitäes-mores in Manyika, Butwa and Karanga country was comparable to that of the capitäo-mor dos Banianes on the island of M o z a m bique, and other similar representatives of merchants w h o were sometimes organized into guilds. Their soldo (payment) was regarded only as a subsidy - and it was the policy of the Portuguese administrators to appoint only wealthy individuals from the Portuguese settlement of Sena to such posts. O n the island of Mozambique, the capitäo-mor dos Banianes was 160. E . P. Skinner, 1964, p. 86. 161. P. S. Garlake, 1954, p. 49.
677
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
FIG. 22.4
The main feiras in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
Source: adapted from map 3 of H. H. K. Bhila, Trade and Politics m a Shona Kingdom. The Manyika and their African and Portuguese Neighbours, 1575-1902, London, Longman. Adapted by kind permission of Longman Group UK Ltd
Southern Zambezia
usually the wealthiest of the Indian merchants from Diu. This was also true of Mozambique's less well-known capitäo-mor dos muros, w h o was often a wealthy ship-owner. T h e duties of the capitäes-mores involved taxation, price control, arbitrating between Portuguese and African traders, granting of licences, protecting caravans, raising soldiers, and the enforcement of laws relating to weights and measures. 162 These powers and duties were greatly modified as capitäes-mores interacted with various African rulers. T h e feira as an institution was formalized and regulated by a series of instructions which the Portuguese C r o w n sent to Vincente Regado, capitäo-mor of Sofala and M o z a m b i q u e in 1531. 163 These instructions provided for the circulation of merchandise, the determination of titles and excise duty, the establishment of shops and the drawing u p of licences to sell merchandise and the holding of law suits. The mûn feiras T h e feira of Dambarare was acclaimed the best of all the feiras in the Rivers of Sena, where almost all the rich influential merchants of Sena traded and thence scattered to other places such as Chitomborwizi, Rimuka, Luanze and Matafuna. Dambarare was the headquarters, second only to the administrative headquarters of the Captain of the Gates at Masapa. T h e D a m barare feira was three days' journey from that of A n g w a , where there was m u c h gold but few residents as it was so far from both Sena and Tete. 164 A similar situation obtained in Uteve where the Portuguese held an annual feira in Bandire to purchase articles from the interior.165 This custom lasted from the sixteenth century to the early eighteenth century when the Teve authorities stopped it. T h e Portuguese claimed that the right to hold the Bandire feira was accorded them by the M u n h u m u t a p a in 1580. This m a y be so in theory, but the Mutapas' control over their feudatories, Uteve not excluded, had almost disappeared by 1580. T h e annual feira, as its subsequent history shows, was sustained and controlled by the Teve rulers. Teve methods of controlling Portuguese trade were somewhat different from those of other Shona societies. In Manyika, for example, feira trade was controlled personally by both the kings w h o with their councillors occasionally visited the capitäo-mor and the prince or princess of the feira area. But in Uteve the feira was operated largely by an inyamasango (village head) under whose jurisdiction the administration 161. P . S. Garlake, 1954, p. 49. 162. M . D . D . Newitt, 1973, p. 43. 163. J. J. T . Botelho, 1936, p. 146. 164. For a discussion of individual feiras, see 'Extracts from the Decade written by Antonio Bocarro of the performances of the Portuguese in the East', in G . M . Theal, 18991902, Vol. Ill, p. 354; Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon, 51-VII-40: 'Brief Account on the Rivers of C u a m a ' by Father Philipe de Tssumao. 165. J. dos Santos, in G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. II, pp. 380-1.
679
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
of Bandire fell.166 H e was required to pay an annual tribute to the Sachiteve in the form of a Turkish tunic, one piece of cloth, a barret, some linen, one rola (turtle-dove) and some Bengal muslin. Apparently these articles were supposed to be yellow, in colour to symbolize the abundance of gold at Bandire. A survey of the area in 1890 by Renato Baptista testified to the abundance of gold. T h e Portuguese do not seem to have created any feiras north of the Zambezi until the early eighteenth century w h e n Z u m b o and Michonga were established.167 T w o reasons m a y account for the late development of the feiras of both Michonga and Z u m b o : the discovery of bares north of the Zambezi during the eighteenth century, and the need for the Portuguese to look elsewhere for trade after their expulsion from Shona country by the Rozvi emperor, D o m b o Changamire, between 1693 and 1695. T h e expulsion of the Portuguese from their feiras by Changamire forced the Portuguese to adopt the trading methods they had used during the sixteenth century. W h e n they abandoned their feiras in Makaranga they established a n e w one, Z u m b o , at the Luangwa-Zambezi confluence between 1710 and 1788 and came to depend on the vashambadzi for their trade with the Rozvi empire. 168 They were, however, able to revive the feira of Masekesa in Manyika in 1719 but none in Uteve. T h e system of having one officer to co-ordinate Portuguese relations with African rulers was no longer possible in the case of the Mutapa emperors as there was no effective central political authority among the African rulers. It is therefore necessary to briefly examine relations between the Portuguese and some important African rulers during the eighteenth century. In the east, the King of Uteve did not allow the Portuguese to mine gold in the bares in his kingdom. His subjects, however, could buy cloth and beads from the Portuguese settlers at Sena. Even in this trade, the king and his princes were accused by Portuguese traders of causing 'infinite damage', 'robbery' and violence to Portuguese merchandise, m u c h of whose profit was spent trying to buy safety. Teve policy during the eighteenth century was decidedly anti-Portuguese.169 In the K i n g d o m of Manyika, Portuguese traders were allowed freedom of passage throughout the land but their trading activities were strictly controlled by Manyika rulers. T h e capitào-mor and the Portuguese merchants paid a regular tribute. Similarly, to keep the feira of Z u m b o and the trade route to Butwa safe, 166. R . Baptista, 1892, p. 14. 167. A . Lobato, 1954b, p. 43 ff.; H . Capello and R . Ivens, 1886, Vol. II, p. 306. 168. T h e term Z u m b o refers to three settlements which the Portuguese established and abandoned in succession on the Zambezi-Luangwa confluence during the eighteenth century. T h efirstand earliest settlement was founded probably in 1710 on the island of Chitacativa on the River Zambezi; the second settlement, founded in 1715, is on the Mozambique angle of the Zambezi-Luangwa confluence; the third settlement known as Mucariva, n o w marked on Zambian maps merely as 'Feira', was founded in October 1788. For full discussion see S. I. M u d e n g e , 1977. 169. X . Caetano in A . A . Andrade, 1955, p. 155.
680
Southern Zambezia
the Portuguese traders paid a regular tribute to Changamire. This involved great expense and he used to send his envoys to the feira of Z u m b o asking for additional gifts - usually to the value of six pastas - over and above the usual tribute.170 T h e precarious nature of the trade route between Z u m b o and Butwa via D a n d e country was illustrated by an incident in 1757 when prince Chirimba of Dande seized merchandise intended for Butwa. For the next seven years, Changamire, his soldiers and the gold producers of Butwa carried on continual raids so that the once prosperous Butwa trade was destroyed. Changamire's famous raid of 1756-7, which confiscated property worth 1000 pastas (800000 cruzados) was a case in point.171 T h e Z u m b o trade was also compromised by recurring civil war and famine during the 1760s. Despite the Portuguese raids, however, the Changamires valued their trade with them. T h e Rozvi rulers sent expeditionary forces on three occasions - in 1743, 1772 and 1781 — to protect the feira of Z u m b o from attacks by the neighbouring African rulers. In addition to beads, the articles of special interest to the Rozvi rulers included umbrellas, seashells, rosaries of fake coral, chinaware, brass bells, scissors and aguadente (firewater), a kind of brandy. 172 T h e nature of relations between the Mutapa and the Portuguese appears to have changed little during the eighteenth century. T h e Portuguese continued to maintain a garrison of twenty soldiers, a capitäo-mor, a lieutenant, a captain-general and a Dominican friar at the M u t a p a royal court. It would also seem that the 'old custom of baptizing the Mutapa rulers was maintained' even though there is nothing Christian about those kings as they generally have as they all do, a thousand or more concubines'.173 Another sixteenth-century practice which survived into the eighteenth century was that: Every three years, this King sends a emissary to the General of Sena, w h o meets him at Tete always on thefirstyear of his term of office, and they discuss the continuation of the old state alliance with the said King and some matters concerning the traders of Z u m b o w h o necessarily have to travel across his territory and if any other business comes u p outside the scope of that triennial visit, there will be more respective emissaries sent from one and the other side.174 Despite these arrangements, trade between the Portuguese and the Mutapa rulers continued to decline during the eighteenth century. This decline has been explained in the context of three developments in Southern Zambezia during the eighteenth century. First, there was the gold rush north of the 170. H . H . K . Bhila, 1982, p. 119. 171. ibid., pp. 119—20. 172. ibid. 173. Anon., 'Descipcao dos Rios de C u a m a ' , 1683, Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon, 51-VII-43. 174. ibid.
681
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Zambezi with individual Portuguese adventurers discovering bares and starting to mine gold themselves. Secondly, gold production had almost completely declined by the eighteenth century; and thirdly, both the African and Portuguese traders on either side of the Zambezi river took to elephant hunting for ivory. Ivory trade played an important role in the Mutapa empire. A sixteenthcentury Portuguese account tells us that elephants used to 'go about in droves almost like a herd of cows' 175 in the Mutapa empire and that 'four or five thousand elephants die every year which is confirmed by the large quantity of ivory sent thence to India'.176 T h e advantage of elephant hunting was that it was not as amenable as gold to control by African rulers as the hunting usually took place in remote areas. However, little is k n o w n about its organization and there are suggestions that m u c h eighteenthcentury elephant hunting took place in Buhera and Rimuka. 1 7 7
Conclusion Portuguese penetration of Southern Zambezia eroded the power of the indigenous ruling class and facilitated direct forms of peasant exploitation by Portuguese mercantile capital and, later, British industrial capital in Southern Zambezia. T h e convergence of regional trade networks with long-distance trade gave rise to an African merchant class called vashambadzi. With the arrival of the Swahili-Arab traders in the tenth century and the Portuguese at the beginning of the sixteenth century, some Africans were hired to act as middle-men between the foreign traders and the African peasant producers. T h e Portuguese merchants were largely concerned with trade in gold and ivory and, consequently, the main commodities of regional trade — iron, salt and copper - were relegated to second position in terms of commercial importance. B y the 1530s the Portuguese merchants had already penetrated the interior of the Mutapa empire and trade in salt, copper and iron and in gold and ivory converged. Trade in one commodity stimulated trade in another, hence the emergence of an African merchant class. For long-distance trade to flourish there had to be gold and ivory and porters, food to feed the carriers, hoes to cultivate the crops and iron to m a k e the hoes. T h e vashambadzi transported not only ivory and gold but salt and iron hoes which they exchanged for food on the way. T h e African cultivators w h o lived near the trade routes were gradually transformed as they grew more and more surplus agricultural produce for sale to the traders and their porters. Needless to say the peasants, w h o were mostly ignorant of the international value of the commodities they sold, were ruthlessly exploited by the Portuguese merchants. 175. G . M . Theal, 1899-1902, Vol. V I , p. 266. 176. ibid. 177. D . N . Beach, 1984, p. 35.
682
2
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800 D. D E N O O N
Between 1500 and 1800 m u c h of southern Africa was transformed. N e w communities established themselves in the region; m a n y pre-existing c o m munities changed their means of living, their location or both; and the relationships which grew up within and between communities were radically different from any before. M a n y of these drastic changes were because of changes in southern Africa's external linkages. W h e n thefirstEuropean, Vasco da G a m a , rounded the Cape in 1497, southern Africa had only the most tenuous links with the rest of the world, but by 1800 the region was firmly enmeshed in world-wide patterns of trade and strategy. It is worth considering the changing international context itself before trying to evaluate its effect on southern Africa. In 1500 the great population concentrations of the world were around the Mediterranean and in Asia. Neither sub-Saharan Africa nor the A m e r icas had been drawn into regular relationships with the rest of the world. International trade was particularly concerned with Europe and Asia, and it was conducted almost entirely over land, at very great expense.1 T h e objective of da G a m a ' s mission was to pioneer a sea route which would reduce the costs of international trade and curb the rapacity of the m a n y middle-men w h o battened upon the land route. T o the Portuguese, w h o first developed this trade route, and to the Dutch, English and French, w h o followed them round the Cape, southern Africa was merely a dangerous navigational hazard. T h e mapping of its coast-line, however, gradually ended its isolation but the consistent lack of interest from Arab and European traders is worth looking at. During the late Iron Age, the temperate climates of the southern hemisphere were not very attractive. With only rudimentary tools it was difficult to produce a regular surplus of food, even in regions which permitted cultivation, and what surplus there was was difficult to store or invest in further production. Population densities in the temperate regions of the southern hemisphere - including Australasia and the southern cone of South America - were m u c h lower than in the neighbouring tropical regions. T h e tropical regions nurtured relatively dense h u m a n populations, permitting surplus production and a high degree of specialization. N o t 1. F. Braudel, 1981, ch. 1.
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century surprisingly, therefore, the temperate regions were unattractive to international traders. T h e y did not regularly produce commodities for export, and they would not do so until very recent times when large volumes of capital, advanced technology and improved transport became available.2 T h e Arabs, w h o conducted aflourishingtrade along the east coast of Africa, were not tempted further south because the gold, ivory and slaves, which bulked large in their cargoes, were m u c h more readily available on the tropical coasts than in the temperate extremity of the continent. Similarly, Europeans travelled round the Cape for 150 years before taking m u c h interest in the region for its o w n sake. T h e names the Portuguese gave their anchorages - Algoa and Delagoa - speak of their determination to travel to and from G o a , and their lack of interest in the trading potential of southern Africa itself. Sea-borne influences were negligible, and land contacts not m u c h more important. M a n y communities in the south had historic and linguistic ties to the north, but these had little significance in daily life. T h e Khoi Khoi w h o herded animals, caught fish and gathered food from the field along the southern coastal belt, were effectively isolated from most northern contacts and so were the San hunters and gatherers in the southern interior. T h e speakers of the Nguni languages, mainly east of the dividing range, had little regular contact with their northern neighbours in 1500. In the far west (in today's Namibia) the Herero and O v a m b o had close linguistic ties with each other and with their northern neighbours. T h e central Tswana and Sotho traded to the north from time to time, but even w h e n trade took place, the quantity of goods was small, and the commodities traded (including copper, iron and dagga) were not essential to anyone's survival.3 A s late as 1500 these societies were effectively independent of the rest of the world: their external links were sporadic, ad hoc and marginal. T h e Europeanfleets,which sometimes anchored off the coast and took fresh water and supplies on board, did little to dent this self-sufficiency for another century or more. Although European interest in the region was slow to develop, w h e n it didfinallyexpress itself it was powerful. In the mid-i6oos a n e w community was planted at the Cape by the Dutch East India C o m p a n y which continued to see southern Africa simply as a way-station to the East. A s late as 1800 'Cape T o w n was a seaward-looking community, a caravanserai on the periphery of the global spice trade',4 with the character of'a residency city, closer in spirit to Asia than to the African continent on which it stood'.5 T h e regional consequences of establishing the Cape T o w n settlement were, however, m u c h more profound than the C o m p a n y planners intended. T h e region as a whole was securely linked to Europe and Asia, although it was 2. 3. 4. 5.
684
D . J. N . Denoon, 1983. M . Wilson, 1969a. R . Elphick and R . Shell, 1979, p. 161. ibid., p. 126.
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from ¡500 to 1800
not yet resolved whether the Dutch (who held the Cape from 1652 to 1795) or the British (who seized the Cape in 1795) would be the agents. The new settlement at the Cape was, and would remain, a dependency, responding swiftly to new external pressures and incentives. As that dependency expanded into its hinterland, it would draw the whole region into durable new relationships tinged with dominance and dependence. Through the little settlement entered capitalist relations of production, together with colonialism and imperialism which would transform southern Africa more abruptly and more thoroughly than any other part of sub-Saharan Africa.
These developments are the focus of this chapter.
100 mil««
>Óü ten
i \ I
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)
A
~~-"4'
Aso
' tngajL
2*^«**i yim mm
S A
FIG. 23.1
N
x
TEMBU
,->
Southern Africa in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries
It is possible to reconstruct the conditions and events of the sixteenth
century but it is difficult to strike any kind of scholarly balance in reviewing these conditions. Wherever hunting and gathering communities have come into conflict with cultivators during the past two centuries, they have been destroyed as viable societies. Cultivators have survived in sufficient numbers to force themselves upon the attention of historians: nomads have been less fortunate. The general destruction of Aboriginal, Red Indian, gaucho, Siberian and southern African nomadic societies has reinforced
the set theories in which we customarily view past and present, so that 685
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
some scholars can scarcely conceal their impatience in anticipating the evolution of n o m a d s into cultivators and, ultimately, into industrial proletarians.6 T h e American Indians at least left behind them sufficient evidence to form the basis of imaginative and sometimes romantic reconstructions:7 southern African nomads were destroyed or transformed too early, and too comprehensively, to permit such literary creation.8 S o m e very interesting relationships prevailed in southern Africa in the sixteenth century that defy all notions of historical inevitability. Environmental differences permitted a degree of specialization between c o m munities; these specialist societies interacted upon each other; and this interaction was compatible with the durability of the life-style of each one. Hunters were not evolving into herders, nor herders into cultivators, but rather co-existing despite the hostilities which sometimes marked their interaction. It is worth spending some time reconstructing this kind of interaction, if only to gain some perspective on the relationships which developed later. T h e western half of southern Africa, including present-day Botswana and Namibia, enjoys less than 40 c m of rainfall each year. A few regions within this zone have better annual averages but their porous soil does not retain m u c h of the water. T h e only major exception is the hinterland of the Cape peninsula which enjoys good winter rain quite regularly. Rainfall in most of the western half is not only poor but also erratic,9 and there is n o reason to suppose that conditions were markedly different in the sixteenth century. Without dam-building and food-storage techniques, the inhabitants of this area could not have practised agriculture. Even twentiethcentury technology has m a d e little impact on this region, apart from d a m m i n g water to facilitate pastoral production. A s the inhabitants could not practise agriculture, their commitment to hunting and gathering or herding is evidence of sensible adaptation - not the backwardness of which they are often implicitly accused. T h e origins and history of the San hunter-gatherer groups are surrounded in m y t h and misunderstanding. T h e great diversity of languages they spoke in the sixteenth century is evidence alone of m a n y centuries of adaptation within the western half of southern Africa.10 Hunting and gathering were not nearly as risky then as they would be n o w . Travelling light, knowing their territory and the flora and fauna intimately, and rarely venturing beyond familiar terrain, a hunting band was probably quite secure as long as h u m a n population density did not outgrow environmental resources." Fifty to seventy was reported as the average size of a hunting 6. R . L . M e e k , 1976. 7. P. Farb, 1969, chs 7, 8 and 14. 8. J. Wright, 1977. 9. N . C . Pollock and S. Agnew, 1963. 10. R . Elphick, 1977, chs 1 and 2. u . M . Sahlins, 1974.
686
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800
band and while there were substantial areas free of agriculture and intensive pastoralism, there would have been ample wild game. Hunting and gathering provided a reliable livelihood independent of other societies, but the San also interacted with other people. Sometimes a group of hunters would attach themselves as clients to herding patrons, obtaining dairy products in exchange for game or advice on animal movements. Although the hunters were clients, the relationship cannot have been oppressive because the San always retained the option of returning to specialist hunting on their o w n . S o m e hunting groups also lived outside the western-central interior region and indeed, a few survived in the foothills of the Drakensberg range until well into the nineteenth century, supplementing their diet by occasional raids upon the herds of the mixed farmers of that area.12 This form of livelihood relied absolutely o n mobility. Mobility would have been impaired by the presence of m a n y old, young or otherwise immobile people; and, therefore, a hunting life-style itself would have imposed restraints on population growth so that the balance between population and resources was not jeopardized. T h e need for mobility imposed yet another constraint: the accumulation of property could only depress living standards by h a m pering the band's speed. In his masterly review of the evidence for Khoi Khoi origins, Elphick proposes that the most likely explanation is that San groups acquired cattle and sheep long before 1500 and expanded with them through the riverine regions of the interior into the southern coastal belt where they were observed by European travellers in the sixteenth century.13 Possession of stock meant that the Khoi had to cling to well-watered areas rather than roam the arid regions; but it also permitted the gradual growth of a population and the size of individual bands. Since oxen could carry baggage, the Khoi could build tents and transport them instead of making fresh shelters whenever they m o v e d . Similarly, the presence of immobile old and young people was no longer the handicap it had been. Private property could be accumulated on a small scale (and even on a large scale in the form of stock), and within these pastoral societies, a measure of stratification developed differentiating them from the more egalitarian and property-less San. T h e need for social control did not require the Khoi to develop a formal structure of political authority; but individuals did exercise some authority a m o n g their clans and, in the early days of sporadic trading with European ships, some accumulated considerable power and livestock wealth. Herding m a y have offered a higher level of consumption than hunting during good times, but herds were vulnerable to drought and animal disease, as well as theft and confiscation in war. W h e n such disasters occurred the Khoi often had to hunt for a living, at least until they could build up fresh herds of stock. T h e knowledge and techniques of herding 12. J. Wright, 1971. 13. R . Elphick, 1977, ch. 1.
687
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
were not m u c h different from those required in hunting, so Khoi could easily revert to San whenever necessary.14 Near the Cape peninsula, where hunting opportunities were limited, dispossessed herders took to the seashore living off fish and shellfish until they gained access to stock or attached themselves as clients to more fortunate stock-owners. These transitions were not difficult: neither language nor culture distinguished one group sharply from another. Life might have been unstable but it was not miserable. T h e rare Khoi w h o was taken overseas on one of the ships which watered at the Cape found nothing to induce dissatisfaction with conditions at home. 1 5 Interaction between Khoi and Nguni, on the eastern flank of Khoi territory, took place across quite sharp cultural and technical boundaries. T h e region in which Khoi and Xhosa interacted was good grazing country but marginal for the purposes of agriculture because the rainfall was little more than 40 c m a year. There could be no clear ecological boundary between Khoi and Xhosa, as both modes of livelihood were possible. Instead inter-penetration seems to have been c o m m o n . 1 6 Individual Xhosa abandoned settled farming for herding and sometimes hunting. Whenever a crisis struck the Khoi, they could become clients of established Xhosa nearby because agricultural production recovers more rapidly from famine conditions than stock-farming. There must have been two-way traffic between mixed farming and specialist herding - usually small-scale but occasionally massive. Robert Ross demonstrates this relationship with reference to the Gonaqua, G q u n u k h w e b e and Ntinde societies which were all - in his view - former Khoi w h o became mixed farmers and were incorporated en masse into Xhosa society, language and tradition. However, w e are not dealing with a single transition from herding to cultivation. Physically, the Gonaqua resembled the Xhosa more than the Khoi, so they m a y have m a d e more than one transition (from agriculture to herding and back again) before the eighteenth century. Most of the evidence comes from the eighteenth century when the Khoi were under enormous pressure: but w e cannot assume that, in earlier centuries, the Xhosa were generally expanding, nor that Khoi territory was consistently contracting, as earlier historical orthodoxy maintains.17 It is only in the light of hindsight that Khoi pastoralism seems a transitional and obsolete means of livelihood. For most of the period under review, the Khoi interacted intensively with other specialists but without sacrificing the viability of their o w n life-style. For years the study of the mixed-farming communities in south-eastern Africa has been confounded by historians' obsession with one question: w h e n was the mass migration from the tropical north?18 It is n o w clear that 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.
688
R . Elphick, 1977. ibid., eh. 4. R . Ross, 1978. G . M . Theal, 1910. ibid.
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from ¡500 to ¡800
PLATE 23.1
A Gonaqua (Griqua) huntsman
689
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century this question was misconceived and that it was provoked by the white settlers' need to legitimize their o w n land acquisitions. Stable settlement and short-range, small-scale movements were more c o m m o n than great population movements at high speed. T h e late Iron A g e was well established a m o n g the Nguni and Sotho peoples by 1500. Iron was commonly employed and quite widely processed, although not all tools and weapons were of metal. T h e significance of iron in mixed-farming communities requires some elucidation. Hunting and herding societies (such as the Khoi and the San in the sixteenth century) had little need of iron and could rely entirely on stone, bone, w o o d and fibre for their artifacts. Iron was a convenience and Khoi demand for iron was quickly saturated during the early, casual trade with ships at the Cape. 1 9 It is also possible for mixed farmers to manage without metal implements: in Melanesia mixed farmers operated complex and prosperous agricultural systems for 5000 years before steel tools were introduced, although w h e n they were they had a marked labour-saving effect.20 In southern Africa mixed farmers practised both agriculture and pastoralism with very few iron tools for 1000 years. T h e abundance of iron in the late Iron A g e did not make n e w processes possible but must have m a d e existing processes m u c h easier and more productive. Cultivation is m u c h more efficient when iron tools are available for clearing and hoeing the ground and more time is m a d e available for domestic crafts, such as pottery, and for more extensive pastoralism. Archaeological record suggests that domesticated animals and pottery became more numerous during the late Iron Age 2 1 and that, in turn, implies a more comfortable standard of living and a heightened division of labour within each community. T h e written accounts of the life of Nguni societies east of the dividing range, between 1500 and 1800, are uneven and impressionistic;22 and a reconstruction of those years relies heavily on the study of material remains, supplemented by such oral accounts as have survived.23 T h e material basis of life was grain and livestock. T h e traditional reliance upon sorghum was modified in the eighteenth century by the adoption of maize which gave higher yields although it was less adaptable to regions of low rainfall.24 T h e higher yields of maize m a y well have contributed to the higher numbers of stock; but stock-farming could be conducted best by the use of a combination of pastures and by seasonal transhumance to take advantage of the differing qualities of sweet and sour grazing. T h e pressures on mixed farming of this kind were, presumably, intensified by the climatic variations
19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.
690
R . Elphick, 1977, ch. 4. R . F. Salisbury, 1962; D . J. N . Denoon and C . Snowden, 1981. G . M . Hall, 1976. M . Wilson, 1969b. J. B . Peires, 1981. G . M . Hall, 1976.
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800
which Hall proposes for the eastern coastal belt as a whole. 25 In particular, a general decline in rainfall in thefirsthalf of the eighteenth century, and a serious drought at the end of the 1700s, would have intensified c o m petition for those pastures which were usable even in dry years. H u m a n population densities appear to have been m u c h lower than w e are n o w accustomed to. Peires estimates that there were no more than 100 000 Xhosa-speaking people by 1800, despite the accumulation of exKhoi during the preceding century or longer.26 If thosefiguresare typical of the eastern coastal belt, then there cannot have been serious population pressure on land at any time between 1500 and 1800, despite the extensive agricultural and pastoral methods then used. This is important in considering the political systems recorded for the Nguni in this era. Their essential constituent, and the irreducible unit of viability, was a household of stock-owning and land-using people. For most day-to-day purposes, the household could behave as an independent unit, trading and exchanging commodities and wives with other households, almost at will. In practice, each household was linked through patrilineal kinship to a lineage, and hence to a clan; and from the time of T s h a w e the Xhosa, for instance, had been loosely bound together by allegiance to the royal clan of Tshawe's descendants. T h e leader of the royal clan, however, had few sanctions with which to enforce his authority over other Xhosa-speakers, except the manipulation of marriage links and gifts whereby other clans (including non-Xhosa clans such as the neighbouring Khoi) became indebted to him. T h e ability to bestow wives, gifts and land depended ultimately on the royal household's ability to out-produce other households and clans. T h e chief usually had more wives - hence more units of production - than others, but there was no particular barrier to a c o m m o n e r becoming wealthy in stock and wives27 so that the margin favouring the chief was not always wide. A n d against the centralizing ambitions of the chiefs commoners also had ambitions, including the desire to live as free of chiefly demands as possible. T h e incessant wrangles within dominant Xhosa clans and, presumably, among other Nguni societies were undoubtedly encouraged by thoughtful commoners w h o sought to paralyse the central authority by turning it against itself. These constraints on the evolution of a despotic style of administration were not broken until the end of the 1700s. Until then, daily life seems to have been relaxed and usually comfortable. Certainly the occasional white castaways w h o found their w a y into Nguni households during this period, and w h o have left some records, evinced no great anxiety to return to their o w n strictly ranked, tightly controlled societies. Even less is known about the Sotho and Tswana peoples west of the 25. 26. 27. 28.
ibid. J. B . Peires, 1981. ibid. ibid.; and M . Wilson, 1969a.
691
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 23.2
692
Khoi Khoi farmers threshing grain
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800
Drakensberg where lighter rainfall encouraged a greater emphasis on stock (within a mixed-farming regime) than east of the dividing range. In the 1500s there was some risk of attack from north of the L i m p o p o river;29 towards the end of the 1700s there was a more immediate threat from n e w communities moving northwards into the valleys of the Orange and Caledon rivers. In between, Sotho and Tswana must have interacted with Khoi and San and Nguni and Shona as there was small-scale trade in all those directions,30 but in the present state of knowledge little more can be said. Like the San and the Khoi, therefore, the southern Bantu communities interacted with other specialists but were not transformed by that interaction. N o r did they transform the societies with which they interacted. Peires cites evidence of alliances between Xhosa chiefs and Khoi groups, such as the Chainouqua in the seventeenth century, and interprets this evidence as subordination of some Khoi to leading Xhosa. 31 In view of the difficulty with which Xhosa chiefs dominated even settled Xhosa, however, these claims should perhaps be treated with some scepticism, especially as Khoi groups seem to have looked to such alliances as long-term insurance rather than daily subordination. In any event, even if these Xhosa claims were conceded, the picture of interaction suggests the durability of each of the specialist occupations. T h e different African groups were, it seems, capable of long-term co-existence without entrenching the hegemony of one m o d e of production over another. T h e historiography of southern Africa is dominated by accounts of the Dutch settlement at Cape T o w n , its expansion and its influence on the lives of everyone within the region. In fact, the Portuguese were not only the first navigators to round the Cape but also thefirstEuropeans to establish a permanent settlement in the region. Something of the revolutionary quality of the D u t c h settlement can be grasped if it is contrasted briefly with the earlier, longer-lasting, though less influential Portuguese settlement. Portugal in the sixteenth century was feudal, small and poor. Its overseas expansion was organized by the monarchy as a trading monopoly to India buttressed by the Church which, in the absence of any other source of skilled manpower, had a pervasive influence on the style and substance of administration. B y 1510 the centre of overseas rule was G o a and the sea route was protected by forts commanding the Mozambique channel from Delagoa Bay to present-day Tanzania. 32 With superior ships and fire-arms, it was not difficult to conquer the Arab and Swahili ports: but military superiority offered no mechanism for day-to-day government. T h e security of the Portuguese along the African coast, and particularly at M o z a m b i q u e which became the regional headquarters, was expressed in fortresses c o m 29. 30. 31. 32.
M . Wilson, 1969a. R . Elphick, 1977; and J. B . Peires, 1981; and M . Wilson, 1969a. J. B . Peires, 1981, pp. 22-4. M . V . Jackson-Haight, 1967; and R . Elphick, 1977. 6
93
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
manding the mainland but not always connected to it. This was a seaborne empire, tentative in its territorial control. It was also an essentially feudal empire in which important and lucrative offices were sold by the C r o w n for an annual fee. It was populated by Portuguese criminals, nonPortuguese traders and adventurers with short-term ambitions. Profit was to be had through the gold and ivory trades, and later the slave trade, recognizing the authority of existing African rulers and provoking in them the most anti-social behaviour. B y the end of the sixteenth century the Portuguese empire in the Indian Ocean had been disrupted by competition from other trading powers: the Arabs had recovered their East African possessions while the Dutch, English and French had firmly established themselves in the Indies. T h e M o z a m b i q u e channel had been reduced in strategic significance by the development of more direct routes from Europe to Asia via Cape T o w n or Mauritius or even without any pause for refreshment. T h e exploitation of M o z a m b i q u e was inefficient. Instead of introducing n e w forms of production, the Portuguese and Indian traders strove to become middle-men. T h e land was parcelled u p into prazos and leased to prazeros, which had the quality of feudal and subsistence-based manors rather than commodity-producing farms. T h e supply of the export staples ivory, gold and slaves - depended on indigenous collectors. Such exploitation could only take place with the co-operation of indigenous societies. For this reason the Cape itself, with its sparse population and scant commodities, offered no opportunity to the Portuguese. Even in M o z a m bique the absence of an effective government to attend to the long-term interests of traders permitted the degeneration from trade to short-term raiding. Merchant capitalism without capital, and colonization without colonists, could certainly disrupt south-eastern Africa: what it could not encompass was a durable transformation of existing societies. During the long struggle against the Portuguese trading monopoly, the Dutch East India C o m p a n y was formed in 1602 by associating all the smaller Dutch trading companies interested in the Asian trade. Like the contemporary English trading companies, it was founded by merchants with royal support whose aim was a national (and, if possible, an international) monopoly of trade between specified regions. T h e C o m p a n y was innocent of any religious enthusiasm and independent of the reformed churches as the religious organizations no longer enjoyed a monopoly of education in a reformed Europe. T h e Heren X V I I , the governing body in the Netherlands, could afford to be single-minded in the pursuit of trading profits. Equally important, the C o m p a n y could afford considerable outlays which would be recouped only over a long term. T h e garrison settlement at the Cape was precisely such an outlay - of a kind which only an affluent clear-thinking and long-sighted trading company could envisage.33 Like the French in Mauritius and the Portuguese in M o z a m b i q u e , the Heren 33. G . Schutte, 1979.
694
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800
X V I I considered the Cape T o w n garrison a strategic point premised upon continuing Asian trade. They also envisaged a therapeutic purpose, whereby the garrison would buy fresh meat from the Khoi and grow vegetables to provision the Dutchfleetssailing to and from Batavia. For this reason it was appropriate that thefirstcommander of the settlement was Jan van Riebeeck, a surgeon: and w h e n neither the Khoi nor company employees could produce victuals on a sufficient scale, the C o m p a n y took refuge in a modified form of capitalist production whereby company employees were released as free burghers to engage in production, the C o m p a n y itself retaining control over marketing. T h e Company's rationale and its tactics were as thoroughly capitalist as the Portuguese were feudal; and, accordingly, it reaped the profits of careful planning. Like other European powers which expanded into temperate grasslands with scant populations, the Dutch found that the dynamics of their n e w settlement were quite different from those of their tropical dependencies. For over a century, until the encounter with settled mixed farmers, their experience was similar to that of the Spaniards in the grasslands of the South American p a m p a , and of the British in the prairies of North America and south-eastern Australia.34 Perhaps the fundamental determinant of the Cape settlement was the painfully slow evolution of agriculture. For thefirstforty years of its history, the settlement imported m u c h of its staple food despite the enormous stock of agricultural knowledge they brought with them from western Europe. 35 T h e most lucrative use of land was pastoralism, of an extensive and expansive nature. T h e second great determinant of the settlement was the absence of a coercible, indigenous labour force. Whereas Indonesians could be directed into commodity production in large numbers by the manipulation of existing social structures, it was impossible to turn Khoi into commodity-producers without the total destruction of Khoi society. T h e few Khoi w h o survived and remained within the boundaries of the settlement merged with other elements of a new community - the Khoi Khoi, later the nucleus of the Cape Coloured. T h e C o m p a n y could not, and did not, rely upon the Khoi for labour. Instead, labour was introduced from other parts of Africa and from the East Indies in the form of slavery. These relations of production left no room for Khoi or San except as individual units of labour fully separated from the means of production. In the language of development studies, pastoral capitalism did not articulate with other modes of production: it obliterated them. This characteristic of the n e w society might not have mattered m u c h had it not been combined with a persistent expansionism. N e u m a r k thought that pastoral expansion was fuelled mainly by the growth of external markets for fresh meat. 36 Guelke and Ross prefer to see the mainspring of 34. D . J. N . Denoon, 1983. 35. A . J. Boeseken, 1969. 36. S. D . Neumark, 1957.
695
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
696
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from ¡500 to 1800
expansion as integral to the society itself.37 A capitalist organization has to expand to survive, so the question of external versus internal impulses can perhaps be ignored. At the Cape, labour was expensive and scarce while land was cheap and plentiful, so the obvious manner of achieving the expansion of capitalism was not through the more intensive use of land but through territorial expansion. T h e geographical extension of the settlement had the curious consequence of replicating the sparse population levels which had characterized Khoi land usage; and, indeed, commercial pastoralism meant little more than grazing m u c h the same cattle and sheep on the same land as before, sometimes with Khoi employed as herdsmen. It was not land usage so m u c h as social relations which were changed by the new regime. O n the frontier of commercial expansion it was particularly difficult for the Dutch settlers to control their Dutch labourers as it was easy for disgruntled workers tofleeeastwards or northwards to escape an irksome working situation. In addition, only settlers (and occasionally Khoi converts) could have land registered in their o w n names. In these circumstances it was almost impossible to discipline a Dutch labour force, and frontier pastoralists had to rely instead on costly slaves or Khoi both of w h o m had considerable opportunities for escape although a series of ad hoc treaties between the company and Khoi leaders officially provided for runaway slaves to be returned to the settlement. During the eighteenth century the imperatives of extensive commercial pastoralism expressed themselves in a series of social relationships which have more in c o m m o n with those of the South American pampa and nineteenth-century Australia than with the rest of Africa. Cape T o w n was the entrepôt, the focus of all trading relationships and meeting point of international cultures and ideas. C o m p a n y officials not only administered the settlement but also often traded on their o w n account - a crime which was likely to go unpublished unless it caused the C o m p a n y itself to lose money. 3 8 T h e y consorted with the more prosperous local land owners, traders and inn-keepers of the town, and lorded it over the large and strictly disciplined slave population. T h e y felt superior, too, to the pastoralists w h o came to town occasionally to sell meat, hides and tallow. Speaking a crude form of Dutch, barely literate and wearing unfashionable but functional clothes, the pastoralists obviously lacked urban sophistication and could easily be cheated by the urban meat-merchants. T h e y were rough, too, in their management of labour as they often lived far from the disciplining officers of the town. But while they were gauche, they were also the mainstay of the colonial economy. T h e slave population was constantly being increased by importation but the pastoral population increased just as fast, both by immigration and natural increase.39 O n e hundred andfiftyyears after foundation, the settlement comprised more 37. L . Guelke, 1979; and R . Ross, 1975. 38. G . Schutte, 1979. 39. R . Ross, 1975.
697
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
than 20 ooo free burghers and more than 25 000 slaves.40 T h e territorial expansion of the settlement tended to disperse the K h o i and San from the western interior. At the same time the strict hierarchy and discipline within the n e w society tended to extrude the more vigorous and independent-minded of the slaves and the ex-Khoi. A n occasional white settler alsofledto the frontier, either to escape the law, or in search of quick wealth, or for a combination of these reasons. S o m e of the refugees were armed, and m a n y were accomplished horsemen so - like the gauchos generated by similar social forces on the South American p a m p a - they were a hardy community, specialists in violence.41 Their options were three. First, they could seek and obtain employement with the state, as frontier law-enforcers, a choice which was regularized in 1795 with the formation of the Hottentot Corps. 42 Secondly, they could try to live a settled life among the white frontiersmen, either as wage-labourers (as the whites wanted them to be) or as independent pastoralists (as they themselves wished). Although this was an attractive prospect, it was difficult to realize because the consolidation of the Cape settlement and the protection of private property in land m a d e the coloured frontiersmen vulnerable to expropriation. Only rarely could Khoi register title to land in their o w n names, and the extension of colonial authority made the white pastoralists bold enough to challenge Khoi defacto landowners. It was, therefore, the third option which was the most promising: to stay one step ahead of the frontier of white pastoral expansion. T h e wide, dry region to the north of the C o m p a n y settlement, particularly along the Orange river and its tributaries, was a typical region for the evolution of new societies. Here evolved the Kora, Griqua and N a m a societies and from 1730 to about 1780 they were seldom troubled by C o m p a n y authority.43 Their title to land was not explicitly recognized by the whites, but neither was it challenged. T o make a living, the n e w little societies captured, bred and sold cattle, relying onfire-armsand g u n powder acquired through the settlement. Accordingly, leadership fell on those m e n of the frontier w h o were able to converse with and understand the whites and the C o m p a n y authorities — white outlaws, such as Bloem, or descendants of slaves, such as the K o k family. M a n y knew, and r e m e m bered, their descent from Khoi bands. T h e Griqua chose their n a m e because they derived from the Chariguriqua community. However, the Griqua were not merely refugees from the C o m p a n y settlement but also its cutting edge. They aspired to the status of independent commercial pastoralists which whites already enjoyed, not to the culture and condition of subsistence pastoralism whose time was clearly past. Yet their personal aspirations were largely irrelevant. Dependent upon fire-power from the 40. 41. 42. 43.
698
R . Ross, 1975; W . M . Freund, 1979. S . R . Duncan-Baretta and J. Markoff, 1978. W . M . Freund, 1979. M . Legassick, 1979; R . Ross, 1976.
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from ¡500 to ¡800
plate 23.4
A seventeenth-century impression of a Namaqua family
settlement, and obliged to stay ahead of their white rivals, they could not in the long term become a settled community. Such precarious security as they built for themselves had to be purchased by the dispossession of others. Their lands constituted the penumbra of violence which was an essential component of the new, commercial pastoralist economy and society. When that frontier was at length 'closed' in the nineteenth century, by a combination of environmental conditions and reinforced colonial administration, the day of the Griqua would end. That end was implicit in the inter-group relations of the eighteenth century, and while it could be postponed, it could not be averted. The northern frontier of the settlement was the classic environment for new racially-mixed societies and similar developments also occurred on the eastern frontier. There, however, the course of events was swifter, and the climax in the 1790s more dramatic, as it involved not only the white pastoralists, the Cape Town authorities and the refugee communities but also the southernmost Bantu. There was a penumbra of insecurity on the fringe of Xhosa territory as on the white pastoral frontier and when these two zones of insecurity overlapped life became dangerous. A degree of control over most Xhosa-speakers may have been exercised by the ruler Phalo, but his death in 1775 unleashed the rivalry of his two
most important sons, Rharhabe and Gealeka.44 Gealeka's death three years later released further sub-dividing forces among his followers; and the 44. J. B. Peires, 1981.
699
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century death of Rharhabe in 1782 (in a war against the T e m b u ) similarly split his followers between the regent N d l a m b a and the young heir Ngqika. Each of these factions aspired to dominance over the entire Xhosa-speaking community and the neighbouring Khoi w h o were enlisted as allies. F r o m the perspectives of both factions, the white pastoralists seemed m u c h like the brown pastoralists - potential allies and eventual clients of wealthy Xhosa. T h e practice of transhumance, whereby herds of cattle were driven considerable distances for seasonal grazing, meant that white, Khoi and Xhosa were intermingled from the start, meeting each other in small numbers. It took a generation for the Xhosa to grasp the unique quality of commercial yasloTzYism, with its limitless and constantly-increasing appetite for grazing land. Meanwhile they behaved as if the pastoralist threat was marginal. T h e Company's reluctance to spend shareholders' money, and the difficulty of administering a remote and sparsely populated region propelled the white pastoralists into providing for their o w n protection and expansion. T h e C o m p a n y paid for a resident magistrate - a landdrost - at major centres, but the landdrost alone could not maintain control. In his judicial functions he was assisted by burghers - heemraden — w h o , in military affairs, took matters more and more into their o w n hands. Every adult male offightingage was potentially a landowner and they all recognized a rough equality among themselves despite the growing inequalities of wealth. Each adult male was, at least potentially, the patriarch of a small community comprising his family, his slaves and his employees; and each patriarchy conducted its affairs largely outside the formal judicial framework. W h e n fighting was imminent, therefore, the patriarchs would elect an ad hoc leader and form a c o m m a n d o unit which would be disbanded once the spoils had been divided. It was as difficult for this loosely structured society to commit itself to a long-term strategy as it was for the Xhosa in their divided state. A s white numbers increased late in the eighteenth century, so the burghers became impatient with the C o m p a n y . In 1795, during the last days of C o m p a n y rule, the burghers on the frontier formally denounced the C o m p a n y , and declared themselves for two independent republics of white patriarchs, the short-lived republics of Swellendam and Graaf Reinet.45 Meanwhile, a m u c h more serious rebellion was brewing. A necessary consequence of white pastoral expansion had been the dispossession of Khoi communities and of individual Khoi commercial pastoralists such as Klaas Stuurman. 4 6 T o the whites it seemed appropriate that the Khoi should be content to be farm labourers rather than independent farmers. T o the Xhosa faction-leaders it seemed appropriate that the Khoi should be content to become clients of wealthy Xhosa. T h e Khoi themselves were, of course, disgruntled with the status of 'Hottentot' which the C o m p a n y 45. H . Giliomee, 1979. 46. ibid. 700
Dependence and interdependence: southern Africa from 1500 to 1800
allowed and with the status of client which the Xhosa offered. In 1799 m a n y of them rebelled, drawing in reinforcements from the armed Khoi in the service of the n e w British administration. Unlike the burgher republicans, w h o wished to preserve the status quo but throw off the C o m p a n y yoke, the Khoi farm servants, soldiers and farmers sought to overthrow the status quo on the frontier. T h e former was a revolt, the latter an incipient revolution. During the French revolutionary wars, the British navy seized a number of garrisons around the world to consolidate their naval supremacy on a global scale. O n e of these was the garrison at Cape T o w n , captured after a short tussle in 1795. There is no reason to suppose that the British naval and military officers w h o took charge at Cape T o w n had m u c h interest in the hinterland, except to maintain order. A s usual in such a conquest, the simplest method of maintaining order was to acknowledge the local hierarchy of power-holders; and accordingly the burgher republics were quickly suppressed but the burghers' control over their land was confirmed. T h e Khoi revolt, however, could not be put d o w n so easily. With insufficient troops for a protracted frontier campaign, General D u n d a s was content to calm matters. S o m e land was granted to individual Khoi, including Stuurm a n and his brothers; others were encouraged (but not forced) to return to their employment or to the Hottentot Corps; and the troubles were left to simmer for a few years until they broke out again early in the nineteenth century.47 T h e Cape which the British acquired at the end of the 1700s already had m a n y of the characteristics which would distinguish it in the nineteenth century. Cape T o w n , with a mere 15000 inhabitants, was still mainly a garrison and an entrepôt for Asian and European trade; but it had also acquired its role as outlet for an export economy based on the hinterland, and the abandonment of old monopoly trading arrangements would provoke a massive increase in export production in the n e w century. In the colony as a whole there were some 22 000 'Christians', most of w h o m were white with a few liberated blacks. T h e Khoi and San were enumerated at about 14000 and slaves at 25 ooo. 48 A s the terms of the census imply, the Cape had a strictly defined series of castes, each distinguished by different access to the means of production. Only 'Christians' could hold land, although the Khoi had not been entirely squeezed out; and only slaves were entirely without civil rights although, again, the Khoi were in an ambiguous position which varied with local conditions and numbers. Increasingly, the Khoi were cast in an intermediate situation between the settlement on one side and the Xhosa, Sotho and Tswana on the other. B y the end of the 1700s that intermediary role had been exhausted on the eastern frontier - hence the explosion of revolt - but it had another two or three generations to run on the more open northern frontier. Because it 47. W . M . Freund, 1979. 48. ibid.; R . Ross, 1975. 701
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
was Khoi - as Khoi Khoi, Griquas, N a m a and Kora - w h o bore the brunt of the pastoral expansion from the western Cape, most of the mixedfarming communities of the whole region were at this point only marginally affected. W e have seen that the Xhosa could treat the white pastoralists as if they were merely pale Khoi: further north, among the northern Nguni, the emergence of the strong confederacies, which led ultimately to the formation of the Zulu state, was entirely independent of events at the Cape. Nevertheless, in the long run it was the transforming force of commercial pastoralism, itself provoked by the capitalist transformation of Europe and Asia, which would prove the most durable social force of the nineteenth century.
702
The Horn of Africa
E. HABERLAND Introduction T h e sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are the most dramatic in the history of north-east Africa. T h e mighty political and military power and the outstanding cultural development of the Christian Ethiopian empire disintegrated and collapsed. E n e m y invasions not only decimated large sections of the Christian population, but also tore whole provinces away from the empire for long periods. For a time the mangest egzi 'abkërâwit (Holy Empire), hardpressed on all sides, was but a shadow of its former self. Only where the emperor actually faced the enemy at the head of his troops could the authority of the state, otherwide non-existent, be said to have any reality; and these external, political tribulations were aggravated by equally destructive spiritual disorders which constantly marred the unity of empire, the Christians and the Orthodox Church. T h e remarkable influence of a handful of Portuguese missionaries w o n an increasing number of converts to the Catholic faith, including even Emperor Susenyos w h o , in 1630, embraced the n e w faith and raised it to the status of the official religion of the state. Civil wars of unprecedented violence swept over the enfeebled empire until eventually the foreign faith and its supporters were driven out by force. Until the end of the sevententh century there n o w followed a period of consolidation of empire and restoration of the Christian Ethiopian faith and culture that once again bore fruit, though less exuberantly than in former times. T h e n , from 1700, a period of fragmentation of empire began which, by analogy with Old Testament precedents, has been called the 'Age of Princes/Judges'. T h e steadily increasing anarchy during this period only came to an end in 1855, w h e n Theodore II ushered in the age of the great emperors w h o m the Ethiopian empire had to thank for its restoration and its survival through the colonial era. North-east Africa, however, does not only comprise the Christian Ethiopian empire. Around 1500, Islamic culture, too, reached its peak in the east and centre of the subcontinent, and warlike Islam was soon to achieve its greatest triumphs. Fired by the concept of djihad (Holy W a r ) , A h m a d ibn Ibrâhïm al-Ghazi, a brilliant military leader and champion of the faith,
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century recorded in the Christian Ethiopian chronicles under the nickname Gran (the lefthander), w o n victory after victory. Year after year, in the dry season, his hosts overran the land of the A m h a r a and the Tigrai, destroying and subjugating and forcing whole provinces to embrace Islam, even if only temporarily. But eventually the forces supporting these political and civilizing activities proved too weak. T h e y exhausted themselves and, after the death of their leader, collapsed. T h e Christian empire started to counter-attack. Finally the migrations of the great O r o m o (Galla) people, with inexhaustible forces at their disposal, destroyed the once flourishing communities and cultures of the Islamic peoples in central Ethiopia, leaving hardly a vestige. T w o important peoples n o w came on the scene, the O r o m o and the Somali, w h o were to play a decisive role in the history of north-eastern Africa. Their evolution followed completely different paths. T h e O r o m o spread out in all directions, in a series of individual migrations, completely separate from one another, in western, central, eastern and even northern Ethiopia. T h e y advanced into areas depopulated through the religious wars; they subjugated and assimilated other peoples; yet, at the same time, the conquerors adapted themselves voluntarily to the superior cultures of other peoples. A s a result, they failed to develop a true national culture of their o w n . Not so the Somali. T h e participation of large groups in Grañ's Holy W a r , and the steadily increasing influence of Islam which set them apart from most other peoples of north-east Africa, were powerful factors in the development of a strong national consciousness. Regardless of their division into m a n y genealogically determined ethnic groups, at least from this time on, the Somali considered themselves one people with one culture and one religion. Their expansion between 1500 and 1700 in a south-westerly direction at least as far as the River Juba was due not only to their military strength and growing numbers but also to their ability to assimilate. T h e political and cultural events in northern, centra^ and eastern northeast Africa are historically fairly well substantiated; but the history of the west and south-west was little k n o w n until recently. W e k n o w today that this period saw the beginnings of a cultural development which, in its creativity and dynamism, is one of the most significant events in African history. Direct influence from the Christian empire to the north which, since 1300 or before, had been trying to influence southern Ethiopia, led to the growth of large states and sophisticated cultures extending south to the natural highland boundary. O f particular importance were the foundations of the states of Inariya: Bosa, Kaffa and Sekko, as well as Wolayta, Dauro and the small states of the G a m o highlands.
704
The Horn of Africa
T h e Christian Ethiopian empire around 1500 B y about 1500 the Christian Ethiopian empire had politically, culturally and, indeed, in every respect reached heights that it was not to approach again for centuries.1 In respect of foreign policy and military power, it enjoyed undisputed hegemony in north-east Africa. Sudan was not yet Islamic. Christian groups - all that was left of the state of Soba - still subsisted around the confluence of the White Nile and the Blue Nile, soon to be overrun by the Fundj. T h e Islamic towns on the shores of the R e d Sea - in what is n o w Eritrea — were politically insignificant. Even the coast around Massawa — the island and the city itself was Islamic-Arabic - was indisputably part of he Ethiopian empire, under the control of the governor of the provinces to the north of the Bahr Nagas (River Mareb), inhabited by the Tigrai.2 T h e power of the m a n y small Islamic dominions and states in eastern and central Ethiopia had been cut back by the crushing blows of the Ethiopian emperors of the preceding century, in particular Emperor ZeraYakob (1434-68). Most of these states paid tribute, however unwillingly, to the Christian empire. Christian military colonists had settled there. Relationship by marriage between the ruling classes of the Christian empire and the Islamic border areas strengthened these contacts. (Empress Helena, for example, daughter of an Islamic Hadiyya chief, was one of the most influentialfiguresat the Ethiopian court for two generations.)3 T h e influence and the military and cultural expansion of the Christian state were even stronger towards the south and south-west. N e w states with a Christian ruling class emerged; formerly independent peoples and states were m a d e to recognize the political and cultural supremacy of the Northern Empire by force, diplomacy and purposive missionary work. 4 T h e moral justification of this imperial expansion and power drive was provided by the magna carta of the Ethiopian empire, the Kebra Nagast (Glory of the Kings). 5 This work was probably compiled about 1300, shortly after the so-called restoration of the dynasty that from then until 1974 was called the Solomonid dynasty. Folk legends, biblical, talmudic and Kur'anic traditions were brought together here and harmonized with a divine mission of salvation. T h e Kebra Nagast thus took on a significance for the development of Ethiopia comparable only to that of the Aeneid where, in similar pro1. This is a generally accepted historical fact which can be duduced too, from all known evidence. Cf. T . Tamrat, 1972, pp. 206 et passim; F. Alvares, 1961, passim. For the paintings, see J. Leroy, 1967 and J. Leroy, St. Wright and O . A . Jäger, 1961. For the literature, see E . Cerulli, 1968, pp. 8if. 2. F. Alvares, 1961, Vol. I, p. 54. 3. J. Perruchon, 1893, pp. 125 and 176; T . Tamrat, 1972, p. 289. 4. Cf. U . Braukamper, 1980, pp. gif. 5. Cf. C . Bezold, 1905; E . Haberland, 1965, pp. 2sf.
705
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
phetic fashion, the R o m a n mission was established. It explains h o w the Queen of Sheba - here equated with Ethiopia - undertook a journey to Jerusalem to learn the wisdom of Solomon. B y him she had a son, Menelik, w h o was born after her return to Ethiopia and was later to become the first Ethiopian king. Later, on a visit to his father in Jerusalem, Menelik carried off the Ark of the Covenant, the most important sacred symbol in the world, and brought it back to Ethiopia. It was preserved thereafter in the famous cathedral of A x u m where the Ethiopian emperors were enthroned. T h e book ends with the announcement of the spiritual division of the world between the two great Holy Empires of R o m e and Ethiopia which are to establish the K i n g d o m of Christ. Everything that could serve to elevate the Christian Ethiopian people and its dynasty is woven together here in most artistic fashion: the lineage of the emperors, descended from Solomon and David, the Prophet and Psalmist and the relationship with Jesus Christ thus implied and,finally,the transfer to Ethiopia of the Ark of the Covenant, the symbol of the True Presence of G o d among mankind. T h e story makes Christian Ethiopians the chosen people of both the Old and N e w Testaments for, unlike the Jews, they have accepted the Gospel: T h e chosen of the Lord are the people of Ethiopia. For that is the abode of G o d , the heavenly Zion. . . . I have m a d e a covenant with m y chosen people; I have sworn to m y servant David: I will preserve thy seed for all eternity and maintain thy throne for ever and ever. T h e fact that Ethiopia — the 'Christian island in a heathen sea' - was able to withstand so m a n y storms, not least those of the sixteenth century, is due above all to the geographical position of this mountainous land. But the feeling of being the n e w chosen people must have given spiritual conviction to the empire's determination to extend dominion over most of north-east Africa. Internally, the empire enjoyed the utmost tranquillity at that time. This is evident in particular from the reports of Francesco Alvares w h o , from 1520 to 1526, accompanied the Portuguese mission from Massawa to Shoa as chaplain and travelled extensively throughout the country.6 Order and security reigned; the Governor's instructions were obeyed and the emperor's word carried absolute authority throughout an empire that measured at least a thousand kilometres from north to south. Although the individual provinces and districts possessed some regional autonomy, and although communication within the Ethiopian Highlands was severely limited especially during the rainy season, the unity of this state was strongly established. T h e concept of the Holy Christian Empire, the undisputed claim to power of the House of Solomon and,finally,the Christian faith and c o m m o n culture of the two peoples w h o formed the state, the A m h a r a and the Tigrai, constituted strong and effective bonds. T h e culture and language of these two peoples exerted a powerful assimilating effect on 6. F . Alvares, 1961, Vol. I, passim.
706
The Horn of Africa
other ethnic groups which came into contact with them. T h e history of this period is, therefore, also the history of the rise of other ethnic groups in association with the two largest populations. This is particularly true of the different groups of the A g a w , the indigenous inhabitants of central and northern Ethiopia, w h o were almost completely assimilated by the A m h a r a and Tigrai. T h e assimilation process gathered strength during the sixteenth century and reached its zenith in the extirpation of the groups in northern Ethiopia w h o linguistically and culturally belonged to the A g a w but practised the Jewish faith, especially in the provinces of S a m e n , D a m b i y a and Waggara. Their survivors have been living ever since as a sort of pariah caste called the Falasha scattered over all northern and central Ethiopia.7 In the south, too, in the parts of Shoa province n o w inhabited mainly by O r o m o , not only Christianity but also the Amharic language and culture must have spread at the expense of other ethnic groups living there, in particular members of the Hadiyya. T h e attempt by Emperor Zera-Yakob (1434-68) to centralize the e m pire's political organization and replace the constantly changing provincial and district chiefs (recruited from a m o n g the influential families of the regions by people of his o w n choosing, with unlimited tenure of office) failed,8 but the word of the emperor still carried absolute authority, even after 1500. F r o m the chronicles, which are not always forthcoming on this point, w e can infer that, as regards the autonomy of individual provinces and the question of land law closely bound up with it, conditions were very similar to those still obtaining in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.9 M o s t land was the residual property of ethnic and family groups w h o decided h o w it should be divided a m o n g their m e m b e r s . T h e Church was also an important landowner, although its share is usually overestimated. It served to provide the livelihood of a caste m a d e up of peasant secular priests w h o , in return, had to conduct divine service. Finally there were the imperial lands, granted by the emperor on a short- or long-term basis to deserving people or for specific purposes. This feudal land - to adapt the European expression to African conditions - was k n o w n as gult. T h e same word is also used to denote the right conferred by the emperor - in connection with the grant of an office - to levy tribute and services. T h e ownership of the land by the inhabitants was not affected by this dependency status. T h e extraordinary dynamism of Ethiopian society, with its ideal of the tellek saw (great m a n ) w h o had constantly to prove himself anew and in w h o m qualities and achievements alone counted, was not conducive to the rise of a nobility. In theory, the w a y to office was open to any free m a n belonging to a respectable family. In his district peoples' assembly he could 7. Cf. W . Leslau, 1951, pp. ix-xliii, which despite its brevity, is still the best introduction to the Falasha problem. 8. Cf. J. Perruchon, 1893, pp. gsf., 102 and 112. 9. Cf. E . Haberland, 1965, pp. 20of; B . Abbebe, 1971; A . H o b e n , 1973.
707
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century \ 75
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The Horn of Africa
be elected to office or demoted. T h e emperor participated in this democratic process in as m u c h as confirmation of election or dismissal fell to h i m as supreme authority. T h u s monarchical power and democratic election complemented one another, preventing the formation of a hereditary nobility with political privileges which could have disturbed the unity of the empire. This only happened with the increasing enfeeblement of imperial power after 1700 and later led people to talk of feudalism, a term originally characteristic of Ethiopia.10 Roads were safe and travellers faced n o problems. Imperial rest-houses abounded and also great weekly markets.11 General well-being - not just of a ruling class - surpassed anything later known. Taxes in kind flowed from the provinces and the tributary states to the emperor's court where they were distributed. (Until 1636, w h e n Gondar became the court's permanent residence, the emperors knew only mobile courts consisting of large tent encampments.) Although neither minted coins nor commercial correspondence were k n o w n , there was nevertheless extensive trade over long distances in which important consumer goods were imported from India and the Near East. (Salt was carried from one end of Ethiopia to the other, and luxury goods such as jewellery and costly fabrics). Ethiopia was closely linked with distant lands as far away as Europe, not only economically but also culturally, in contrast with its later isolation. Edward Gibbon's famous and often quoted words: 'Encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Ethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of the world, by w h o m they were forgotten,"2 do not hold true for this period. Ethiopian monasteries in Jerusalem and Cyprus had active contacts with Europe. 1 3 Ethiopian m o n k s - the main purveyors of education, art and science - received their training in Egypt and took part in both Coptic and Islamic cultural life.14 Although literary production was limited to twofields- religious and historical - itflourisheduntil at least 1650. In addition the graphic arts - of which, above all, book illuminations have survived - were also stimulated by contact with the Christian east and with Europe. Important themes depicted in religious painting were taken over and further developed. Evidence of these contacts are the casual mentions in the chronicles of the presence of Italian and Spanish artisans and artists. T h e existence of hitherto little-known ruins of churches and palaces is further proof of the richness and artistic creativity of this period.15 10. M . Perham, 1948, pp. 267^ and 273. 11. T h e description by Alvares of his journey from Massawa to Shoa is very instructive. 12. E . Gibbon, 1956, Vol. V , p. 69. 13. Cf. E . Cerulli, 1943-7, ! 947; T . Lefèbre, 1845-54. 14. T h e chronicles of Galawdewos and Sartsa Dengel and also the History of the Galla were apparently written by monks w h o got part of their instruction in Egypt or elsewhere in the Orient. See J. Perruchon, 1894 and 1896; C . Conti Rossini, 1907; A . W . Schleicher, 1893. 15. Cf. S. Chojnacki, 1969.
709
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Islamic states and cultures: the djihad, the Somali and the Hadiyya B y 1300, if not before, Christianity had developed a vigorous missionary activity carried on by m o n k s and secular priests in central and southern Ethiopia. A s the official religion of the Ethiopian empire, Christianity could always rely on state support - if necessary backed byfireand sword. T h e spread of Islam in north-east Africa, however, was not the result of missionary purpose and state help but depended on the spread of Arab culture and - at least in this area - on trade and communications. Arab and Islamic influences on the north-east African coast are age-old. Trade between the Arabian peninsula, the Ethiopian coast opposite and the Somali coast dates to pre-Islamic, even pre-Christian times. These trading relationships led to the foundation of a number of towns with mixed populations but with the Arab element predominating. T h e most important centres, starting from the north, were: Massawa, the off-shore Dahlak Islands, Assab, Oboek, Tadjüra, Djibouti, Zaylä', Berberä, Obbia, M o g a dishu, Merka and Brava (here the East African coast proper begins, with strong Swahili influence). T h e strength and direction of the spread of Arab—Islamic culture from these centres shows clearly just h o w dependent it was upon trading relationships with the hinterland and, likewise, on the fertility of the hinterland, the goods it produced and its population density. T h e m a p of the spread of Islam during thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries clearly shows that it was concentrated on both sides of the Rift Valley — along the great trade route into central Ethiopia. O n the southern edge of the highlands lay a number of Islamic cities of which imposing ruins remain, and states that stretched south towards Lake Z w a y as far as the Shebele river.16 Harar is the only city remaining. F r o m the coast inland, there were a number of states: Adal, the largest, extending from Zayla' on the Indian Ocean west to Harar and north to the Aussa Oasis in Afar territory, Dara, Dawâro, Bâlï, Arababnï (or Ar'en), Sarha and Hadiyya. 17 Islamic influence probably extended westwards across the Rift Valley. This is suggested by traditions that explain the n a m e of the former K i n g d o m of Yamgor (commonly called Gangero) on the middle Gibe as meaning Y e m e n Land, as well as by records that tell of the Arab origin of the nagado (merchant) caste in Kaffa.18 T o the north of the Rift Valley on the southern slopes of the Shoa highlands lay the twin Islamic states of Ifat and Fatagar (Fatadjar) with a population still known today as Argobba. M a n y people in these states must have spoken Semitic languages which spread alongside and overlay the Kushitic languages originally spoken there, particularly the dialects of the Hadiyya—Sidama linguistic family. T h e only ones remain16. F . Azais and R . Chambard, 1931, pp. iiqt. and 203, plates LXIII and L X I V ; C . Conti Rossini, 1942; E . Cerulli, 1941; and R . and H . Joussaume, 1972. 17. G . W . B . Huntingford, 1965, pp. S3f.; al-Makrîzï, 1790. 18. F. J. Bieber, 1920-3; H . Straube, 1963, pp. 274f.
710
The Horn of Africa
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in turn, eventually led to a quarrel between C w a Nyabongo (and his agents) and Nyipir. This dispute is recounted within the spear-and-bead tradition. If the elephants are seen as Madi (Abok being of the elephant totem) and the Min Lyecn as Daca, then this tradition demonstrates h o w the latter facilitated the ambitions of Nyipir. Nyipir and Tifool (of possible Baar L u o origin), whose followers were largely Owiny and O m o l o L u o , moved west of the Nile away from the jurisdiction of C w a , Nyipir according to tradition driving an axe into the dry bed of the Nile as a symbol of eternal separation. Nyipir, leader of Attyak, founded the Alur kingdom of Okoro Tifool, a state which fragmented into Nyiganda and Angal. T h e main body of the Owiny apparently moved south-east passing north of Lake Kyoga into the Budola camps in eastern Busoga. T h e Omolo, whose movements are more debatable, m a y have left for Agoro and thence via Karamoja to the same area. According to Jonam traditions, the remaining L u o , led by Daca, deposed Abok and the K o c state split into three. T h efirst,K o c R a g e m under Cua, son of Daca by C w a Nyabongo, became the largest of the Jonam states west of the Nile. T h e second, K o c Labongo, east of the Nile, was founded by Kaladua, son of Daca by Abok. T h e third was K o c Paluo under M a d i leadership in the sphere of influence of Pawir and under a M u n y o r o royal female supervisor.13 It m a y have been out of this fragmentation of K o c that Kakaire emerged to lead the Pakoyo migration south of Lake Kyoga into northern Busoga in the latter part of the seventeenth century. T h e L u o founder of the Terego chiefdom of the Lugbara m a y have also emerged out of the dispersal from Pakwac-Pawir. Banale and his nephew Raoule arrived east of the Nile in M a d i country completely destitute. Banale had been expelled from his h o m e because the famine had driven him, like so m a n y others of this period, to cannibalism. H e had been assisted by a leprous M a d i w o m a n and when their secret relationship was discovered, a council of M a d i elders decided surprisingly to accept him as leader and thereby founded Terego, the largest chiefdom among the Lugbara or southern M a d i . Jaki and his ambitious sons were at this time extending their rule over neighbouring Madi, and it is possible that the Madi elders preferred Banale to absorption into the Eastern-Nilotic-speaking Jaki group. 14 B y their decision they preserved their language and remained essentially M a d i in culture. T h e Nyarubanga and the spear-and-bead dispersal at Pubungu set three migrations of L u o in motion towards the south-eastern littoral of Nyanza, 12. Min Lyec means 'queen of the elephants'. This section follows R . A . Sargent, 1979. Also see A . Apecu, 1972. Since the details of the spear-and-bead tradition have been published so often and are widely known, they have been omitted here. 13. Sargent's interpretation is adopted here. It is stimulating, though controversial, and relates a number of events which hitherto have been treated separately and distinctly in the traditions of the Madi, Banyoro and L u o . 14. See O . J. E . Shiroya, unpublished (a) and (b).
785
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
an area that had already been pioneered by such Luo-speaking groups as the Joka Jok of Western Kenya. M a n y of the Adhola clans left PakwacPawir and caught up with the Owiny in Kaberamaido. O n e of their leaders was A m o r and the A m o r clan later emerged in Padhola with a royal d r u m , sacred spear and bushbuck totem. Other well-known clans within the Adhola complex were the Ramogi (probably part of the early Joka Jok complex), the B w o b o and their relations, the Koi. T h e latter was related to O l u m Panya, the second king of B w o b o (of Acholi), w h o led them to Ngeta rock where the Koi separated from the main B w o b o group and joined the Adhola on their march to the south-east. T h e Adhola and Owiny groups rapidly moved south to settle in camps at Budola in eastern Busoga. Another group of clans — the G e m , R a g e m and Kochia, w h o were part of the O m o l o cluster and ultimately of Luo-Sudanic origin — were led out of Pakwac-Pawir north along the Nile east to Tekidi and south through Otuke towards M o u n t Elgon. Possibly the Kaket, Lakwar and Biranga joined the O m o l o complex in the east. T h e Biranga m a y have been an off-shoot of the royal clan of Puranga since both included important ritual experts ministering the oracles of an earth goddess.15 There was thus a gradual build-up of L u o settlers in eastern Uganda w h o then coalesced, probably with the arrival of Nyarubanga refugees, to form two separate clusters. B y 1600, the early settling and migrant clans had joined together to form at least four clusters: the O m o l o cluster in the Banda camps; an O w i n y Adhola cluster in the Budola camps; a couple of future Adhola clans (the Ramogi and Lakwar) in the forests of West Budama; and a group of future Basoga clans on the northern Mpologoma river. Between about 1598 and 1650 both the Budola and Banda camps broke up, presumably under the severe drought of the 1620s near the end of the Nyarubanga. T h e Owiny moved through Samia-Bugwe and into the Alego region in Siaya District in Western Kenya. O n e section of the O m o l o followed and the two groups came into conflict. T h e Adhola clans were the last to leave the Budola camps and join their brothers in West B u d a m a . A m o n g those w h o retained their L u o speech in Western Kenya, some established chiefdoms (for example, Alego, G e m and Kadimo). T h e y did this, it seems, partly because of their earlier political development, partly because they required some kind of political structure to mediate the process of absorption of the earlier settling Bantu, and partly because they often fought both one another and their neighbours. T h e majority, however, were like the Padhola, w h o settled in an unoccupied area and were content with an acephalous political system which preserved peace among the thirty-one clans. Ethnic unity was fostered by the myth that all the clans were descended from the sons and descendants of Adhola, their great migration leader from Kaberamaido to West B u d a m a . 1 6 Thus, although 15. See J. M . Onyango-ka-Odongo et al., 1976; R . S. Anywar, 1959 (1969); B . A . Ogot, 1967. 16. See B . A . Ogot, 1967.
786
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
they included such groups as the A m o r , w h o owned royal regalia and could claim royal ancestry, the Padhola could choose to d o without chiefly leadership. T h e Padhola gradually pioneered land to the south and east of their original settlements. T h e y clashed with the Bagisu and thereafter concluded a lasting peace with them. After about 1650 they also fought the Maasai in the Tororo area. T h e Maasai withdrew to the east and Tororo remained a no-man's-land until the Iteso began to settle there in the late eighteenth century. Eight clans of the O w i n y and O m o l o complexes moved out of the Budola camps into Busoga. 17 All were of the bushbuck totem and all had pastoral and hunting traditions, although the Owiny cluster also had a farming tradition. Those of O w i n y origin were the Mudóla, Ngobi, Naminha and Kibiga. T h e O m o l o were the Bandha, Wakoli, Kiruji and Kiranda. All the Owiny, and the Wakoli of the O m o l o , became ruling clans in Busoga. T h e Mudóla clanfirstachieved power in Bukoli. Out of the Mudóla came the M u k a m a figure w h o m o v e d westward across northern Busoga attracting a large clientage, his sons and grandsons of the Ngobi clan founding the Chiefdoms of Luuka, Buzimba, Buzaaya and Bugabula. A second stream of migrants from the northern M p o l o g o m a settlements of the L u o founded the Chiefdoms of Busiki, Bukono and Bulamogi. T h e O m o l o were more pastoral, reluctant settlers, and only one of their clans became dominant. Thereafter followed the Pakoyo migrations from Pawir south of Lake Kyoga and their founding of the Chiefdoms of Bagweri and Bugaya. In seeking a sense of ethnic unity the Basoga have tried to make M u k a m a the leader of all these migrations, to do for him what Padhola traditions have done for Adhola. T h e L u o migrations gathered numerous clients through inter-marriage and by using or seizing the principal shrines which became centres of ritual and royal pilgrimage. Wherever the L u o went they readily fitted themselves into the existing ritual and religious establishments: spiritual adaptability was one of their greatest political assets. B y 1750 the nine major states noted above had been founded. B y the late nineteenth century the initial nine had fragmented into nearly thirty states, the Ngobi or bushbuck clan being dominant in almost twenty. Those states which remained father-to-son in succession and m a d e extensive use of commoner administrators such as Luuka and Bugabula experienced no secessions and few civil wars. O n the other hand those which practised fraternal succession and used royal princes as office-holders suffered repeated disputes over the throne and numerous civil wars. Buzimba split into eight independent polities, Busiki and Bugweri each into four, and Bukoli into two. Both Bunyoro and Buganda had experienced both types of administration with similar consequences. Those dynasties which held to their original L u o principles were more stable than those which gave in to the principles of heredity espoused by their Bantu subjects. 17. See D . W . Cohen, 1972.
787
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e Nyarubanga and the associated spear-and-bead dispersal was a momentous and historic occasion for the L u o because it determined their modern geographical distribution. T h e Nyarubanga also promoted a massive Banyoro invasion of the Bahima-Batutsi-dominated south and the greatest effort of the agricultural classes to throw off pastoralist overlordship. T h efirstphase of the invasion consisted of unorganized and ravenous hordes, eating banana leaves and sorghum stems. They were clearly not promoting an imperial policy formulated in the royal court of Kitara. Driven by starvation, the hordes swept over the whole of the southern region, some ultimately settling in Buzinza, Burundi and beyond. T h e y in turn set in motion migrations which followed the chain of lakes into Central Africa. As the drought persisted, a cattle disease wiped out the royal herds of Kitara. This bestirred C w a II (not C w a Nyabongo) to lead his armies south to replenish the royal herds and reinforce imperial authority. T h e pastoralists were the obvious target of the Banyoro, and the agriculturalists C w a ' s natural allies. T h e struggle which ensued is discussed below in the section dealing with the agro-pastoral kingdoms of the south. T h e Nyarubanga also introduced the Central group of Eastern Nilotes to the scene of the Great Lakes history.18 Historically this group, whose core population was the Karimojong-Teso cluster, was divided into Isera (agriculturalists with some cattle) and Koten pastoralists (cattle-keepers w h o engaged in some agriculture). While Isera and pastoralist elements are contained in all peoples of the Central group of the Eastern Nilotes, the ethnic groups to emerge primarily from the former, and whose dialects are similar, are the Iteso, Toposa and Dodos and, out of the latter, the Karimojong, Jie and Turkana. Furthermore all the modern Central group of Eastern Nilotes have Luo elements a m o n g them. O n e problem for the historian is to explain why, w h e n clan names, age and ritual organizations, homelands and migration traditions are m u c h the same for the Lango Omiro, Eastern Acholi, K u m a m and Iteso, thefirstthree had become Luo-speaking and the last EasternNilotic-speaking by 1830. A second problem surrounds three small L u o speaking groups — the JoAbwor, JoAkwa and K u m a m - w h o resemble the Central group of Eastern Nilotes culturally and who have received more than their share of attention because their history was expected to throw some light on the enigma of the Lango Omiro and Iteso. A third c o m plication is the Nyangiya group - the Nyangiya, Tepes (Sor), Teuso and Didinga - w h o inhabit mountainous areas in north-eastern Uganda. In clan origins they are almost 90 per cent Central Eastern Nilotic or L u o in origin, yet these people maintain a very distinct language and culture. T h e Okarowok (Ikarebwok) is a major clan among the Central group of 18. J. E . Lamphear, unpublished; R . S. Herring, 1979; J. B . Webster et al., 1973; J. P. Crazzolara, i960; R . Ogwal, 1969; J. A . Otima, unpublished; D . H . Okalany, unpublished; P. O d y o m o , unpublished; J. Weatherby, 1979 and unpublished (a) and (b).
788
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800 Eastern Nilotes. A s noted earlier it seems to have emerged in the Agoro region when the Lotuho imposed their language and customs over a M u r u population, the Lukoya. Agoro was a major centre of Isera-Omiro dispersal. T h e migrants carried place-name memorials of their Agoro homeland wherever they went: Magoro, Mukongoro, Itengor, Ngora, Bokora, Igoria. T h e major migrations to the south-east of the L u o associated with the Owiny and Omolo were very m u c h mixed with the Isera, especially the O m o l o w h o traversed the Agoro-Karamoja corridor to the south. T h e Owiny left behind pockets of Luo-speakers in what later became Lango Omiro country, at A m a c on the northern littoral of Lake Kyoga and near K a r u m a Falls. M a n y of the people w h o eventually identified with the O m o l o may have been Eastern Nilotic in background. Those w h o reached Western Kenya were known to the L u o as Omia, the Lomia being one of the four great clans of the Lotuho, and Omiya Anyiima and O m i a Pacua being memorials to them in East Acholi. T h e last wave of settlers to arrive in Siaya also included some migrants from eastern Uganda, the most notable of w h o m were the Owila (the dominant clan of U y o m a ) , the Matar (the dominant clan of Sakwa) and the Bayuma (the dominant clan of W a n g a ) , all probably Isera-Omiro from the Bako of Ethiopian origins. In addition to the Central Sudanic peoples and the Northern group of Eastern Nilotes the Isera contained clans of L u o and Ethiopian origin. Other than L u o left behind by the Owiny and O m o l o , there were the Puranga survivors of Tekidi. These groups were reinforced by migrants who can be traced back to A n y w a or Pari, to Baar, and to Pakwac-Pawir. T h e most important Pakwac-Pawir groups were the Patiko, Payera, and Paluo (discussed below). Moreover, some 'Ethiopian' emigrants m a y have entered this region as a result of the O r o m o invasion.19 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, these migrant groups settled together and formed clusters which were defined by their territory of residence and, in some instances, some degree of self-identification. T h e largest of these were the Bako cluster in Central Jie, the Okii (or Miro) cluster in the M o u n t Moroto-Omanimani River area of Central Karamoja, the A b w o r cluster in the Labwor Hills, the K u m a n cluster in Western Teso, and (what w e can call) the Iworopom-Iteso cluster in Central and Southern Karamoja. All of these clusters included both L u o and the Central group of Eastern Nilotes, though in quite different proportions, and bilinguality was c o m m o n by the eighteenth century. T h e I w o r o p o m Iteso cluster was unique in that it seems to have had the least coherence: its people spoke a Central Eastern Nilotic and/or Kalenjin-type language, and its Iworopom elements had large herds of cattle. 19. W e believe that these 'Ethiopian' emigrants possibly included the Bako groups in Lango (cf. Bako people in Ethiopia), the Ober people in Lango (cf. the Uober clan among the Bako people), and the O r o m o , which is the proper name for the so-called Galla. There are no traditions that explicitly link these groups to Ethiopia, so our association must be seen as a very tentative hypothesis. 789
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Pastoralists a n d farmers In the Great Lakes region, it has been the practice among historians and anthropologists to divide societies into two water-tight compartments of pastoralists and agriculturalists. These were supposed to be distinct economic categories into which all societies in the region fell. Attempts have therefore been m a d e to identify certain ethnic groups with particular economic pursuits. This is an over-simplification of what was a very complex, dynamic andfluidsituation. In northern and eastern Uganda, for example, the relationship between farmers and cattlemen was evolving throughout our period. N u m e r o u s attempts were m a d e by all groups farmers, pastoralists, mixed farmers, fishermen, hunters and gatherers - to improve their economies, form stable communities and, w h e n they chose or were compelled to migrate, plan their movements rationally. Such movements of population and other social dislocations threw together groups whose socio-political, religious and economic ideas and practices often varied considerably. Consequently, people were compelled to mix and compromise their cultural heritages if they wished to form stable communities. Throughout our period, different linguistic groups of farmers and pastoralists were fusing together to form n e w and reasonably well integrated societies. Most of these cultural syntheses formed the bases of the new ethnic groups that emerged in the area during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. W e give below a few examples to illustrate the nature of this social transformation. Although a few of the pastoralist Central-Eastern Nilotic groups m a y have joined the Isera at an early date,20 and others (the Lokorikitak) stayed in Dodoth during their emigration from the Sudan, the majority settled in the M o u n t K o t e n - M a g o s Hills area of north-eastern Karamoja. These K o t e n - M a g o s people (as they have been called) apparently already had a pastoralist orientation before they came south. Hence, while they entered Karamoja as cattle-poor refugees, they quickly developed a mixed pastoral, farming, and hunting and gathering economy that was better adapted to the climate of this region than the economies of the more agricultural groups. T h e results of this became evident between 1680 and 1830, when the K o t e n - M a g o s groups moved into their modern homelands and the agricultural groups either joined them and adopted their economy or retreated to the west. This process started in about 1680-1750 with the expansion of the pastoralists in four directions: one group, the Ngimonia, spread along the River Tarash and formed the core of the Turkana; another, the Korwakol, moved west to the Longiro river, forced m a n y of the Bako groups to leave Jie, and became the most important moiety of the Jie; a third, consisting of some future Karimojong and Dodos, moved south to the Apule river; and a fourth, the Ngikora, migrated north into Dodoth (where they formed 20. See R . S . Herring, 1974.
790
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
the core of the Toposa). T h e last stages of this process m a y have been influenced by a drought in the 1720s which resulted in the 'Nyamdere' famine, for the traditions of the agriculturalists indicate that m a n y of them left Jie and Labwor because of famine and moved to eastern Acholi and the Ngeta Rock area of Lango. S o m e of the groups in eastern Acholi then retraced their steps and resettled north-central Jie where they eventually joined the Korwakol and formed the Rengen moiety of the Jie. T h e situation then stabilized for a time, but a combination of land pressure in some of the pastoralist-dominated areas and droughts in the 1780s and 1830s started the movements again. Most of the A b w o r and Bako groups in Labwor pushed west into Lango and, in a few cases, south into Teso (where some joined the K u m a n cluster). Likewise, m a n y of the Okii-cluster people left central Karamoja for Nyakwai, Labwor, Lango and northern Teso, while m a n y of the agricultural groups in southern Karamoja moved through the Magoro area into central and southern Teso. 21 Others from both areas joined the Sor. Most of the groups that moved into Nyakwai, Labwor, eastern Acholi, and Lango were at least bilingual in a L u o dialect and, since all of them joined or were joined by Luo-speakers from further west, these societies became Luo-speaking. T h e same was true of those w h o joined the K u m a m . 2 2 Those w h o went into Teso, however, included fewer Luo-speakers, and the Iteso thus became an Eastern-Nilotic-speaking people. This western flow of agriculturalist refugees, especially in its later stages, was accelerated by the renewed expansion of the pastoralists. In the 1780s, the proto-Dodos groups on the Apule river moved north into Dodoth, where they and the Lokorikituk combined to force the Toposa community there to m o v e north into their present homelands. Both the Dodos and Toposa pastoralists assimilated a number of Isera groups and thus adopted a somewhat more agriculturally oriented economy than their southern brethren. T h e n , in the 1820s, the Korwakol and Rengen Jie combined to destroy a large community of agriculturalists, the Poet, w h o lived on the Kapoeta river. A n d ,finally,in the same period, the proto-Karimojong groups on the Apule river pushed south into the homelands of the remnants of the Okii and Iteso-Iworopom clusters, and either absorbed them into their society or forced them to leave. In the case of the Iworopom people, this involved a great deal of violence, probably because they had large herds of cattle and were thus the direct competitors of the Koten-Magos groups. In either case, these developments and the 1830s drought precipitated the last large-scale migrations from this area to the west. 21. According to tradition, 'Karimojong' means the 'old m e n left behind' w h o , fearing their youths were dead, said to the messengers, 'look for their atesin (graves)', thus originating the word 'Teso'. While most age-sets are named after animals, 'Kangarak' means 'Those w h o go ahead'. 22. J. E . Ekadu, 1961 and 1971. For analysis see A . B . Eilu, 1976; D . H . Okalany, unpublished; J. B . Webster, unpublished (a).
791
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e case of Bunyoro-Kitara illustrates the interrelationship between the pastoralists and the farmers even better. Edward I. Steinhart's study emphasizes the close 'correlation between drought/famine and pastoral expansion, agricultural dislocation, and state formation in Kitara and her southern marches'. 23 Bunyoro lost valued grazing lands in Kooki, Bwera and the southern marches of Kitara to Buganda between about 1760 and 1783. Also, the increasing autonomy of the pastoral societies of Nkore, Buhweju and Buzimba further restricted the Bunyoro state to largely agricultural lands. Consequently, the Kitara pastoralists infiltrated both into the Bito dynasty as well as into the agricultural lands. Pastoralists settled a m o n g agriculturalists and fused with them to form n e w c o m p o u n d communities. A new class system emerged and a n e w state structure based on it gradually developed. Land and not cattle became the basis of political authority, and the n e w chiefly élite was recruited from the settled B a h u m a , m e m b e r s of the Bito clan and the Bairu farmers. These three groups intermarried extensively and they provided both the chiefs and the landlords, w h o collected tribute from the subjects for the omukama (king). T h u s , in the words of Steinhart, a n e w Nyoro state, 'based on the development of a subordinate tribute-paying peasantry', gradually came into being in the eighteenth century.24 Social and political institutions It was not only language and economy which distinguished the pastoralists from the Isera groups and both from the Luo-speakers. T h e pastoralists perfected their age organizations as instruments of gérontocratie control, and these became the key social and political institutions in their societies. A g e organizations also existed a m o n g the Isera and Isera-influenced societies, but in a truncated form. T h e main social and political institutions in these latter societies were multi-clan ritual groupings - called etogo in Lango, otheme (sing, otheri) in L a b w o r and itemwan (sing, etetn) in Teso and K u m a m - which were used for settling disputes and performing religious ceremonies. T h e more mixed in origins the group of clans, the stronger these institutions were. 25 In the ethno-cultural mix north of the Nile-Kyoga-Bisina divide, hereditary chieftaincy was a L u o idea. Since the majority of the Eastern L u o either were Eastern Nilotic in origin or had been strongly influenced by Eastern Nilotic ideas, this type of hereditary leadership was rejected by m a n y and opposed by the elders. Nevertheless, it had an impact on the political institutions of not only m a n y of the Luo-speaking groups, but also on some of the Isera groups and, through their influence, on such 23. E . I. Steinhart, 1981, p. 132. 24. ibid., p. 135. 25. For the Jie age organization see J. E . Lamphear, 1979. For the etem, see D . H . Okalany, unpublished.
792
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
groups as the Jie and Dodos. A m o n g the Luo-speakers, those that followed chiefs tended to move into eastern Acholi, where their ideas were reinforced when some Paluo groups arrived there between 1680 and 1760. Even then, however, the Eastern Acholi remained so distinct that the western L u o peoples viewed them as Lango rather than L u o until the last half of the nineteenth century. In Labwor, Lango, Nyakwai and K u m a m , the people generally rejected the idea of hereditary chieftaincy in favour of gérontocratie ritual leadership. This is not to say that these groups did not sometimes entrust individual leaders with a good deal of secular authority. Oral traditions give the impression that the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries witnessed a significant increase in warfare among the Eastern L u o and Central-Eastern Nilotes. This in turn tended to increase the influence of war leaders and their councils and also of the younger generation at the expense of the gerontocracy, youth and eldership being a potential line of division in these age-organized societies. T h u s , in Lango, powerful war leaders formed extensive military confederacies which they used to conquer their homeland, attack their neighbours, and raise large mercenary armies which fought in Bunyoro, Toro and Buganda. Similar confederacies were formed in northern Teso, Sebei (Mount Elgon), K u m a m and Padhola, but in these areas the leaders were emuron (seers) whose roles seem to have been adopted from the Kalenjin peoples, probably by way of the Iworopom. Because of their crucial military roles, these m e n also gained considerable political influence, but none was able to secure a chiefly status for his family. T h u s the institution of emuron created yet another power centre and challenge to both the war council and the gerontocracy, but did not combine readily with chieftaincy. T h e Iteso w h o settled in the 'thigh of the cow', an unusually fertile area in Ngora and K u m i and those areas - Serere and southern Soroti colonized from it, most closely resembled the original Isera. T h e y had no age organization, no ritual etem and no emuron. They depended upon three great assimilating clans - Atekok, Ikarebwok and Irarak - as the vehicles of social cohesion. T h e northern Iteso plus those in Bukedea possessed all the institutions noted above, being m u c h more mixed in origin. A m o n g them migrations were often organized by etem, western Teso having been occupied by three, with one, the Isolata, giving its n a m e to Soroti. M a n y Itesofilteredinto the Bantu and L u o areas to the south as seekers after land or as mercenaries being especially welcome in some Busoga states as a counterbalance to military and political pressure from Buganda. In Bugwere, for example, thefirstIteso settlers led by Laki of the Irarak clan settled from 1706 to 1733, became wealthy and drew clients, Laki's son split the kingdom and became chief of one part after the Laparanat famine.26 In Bulamogi, an Etesot ruled temporarily. Probably the greatest of the mercenaries was the Etesot, Oguti a m o n g the Padhola. 26. R . R . Atkinson, at press. For the Iteso in Padhola, see B . A . Ogot, 1967.
793
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
In the Central area, Buganda stood in distinct contrast to Bunyoro. Without a royal clan or cattle and with a king w h o could and often did appoint officials without regard to custom, tradition or heredity, Buganda had developed, by the beginning of the nineteenth century, little class institutionalization, unusual vertical mobility and a greater degree of social inequality than Bunyoro but less than R w a n d a . Everyone in Buganda was involved in a dyadic relationship of super-ordination and subordination. Social and economic ties were vertical rather than horizontal. Politically and socially, Bunyoro-Kitara sat in the middle. F r o m a northern Nilotic perspective it was despotic and class-ridden and from Buganda it appeared loosely organized and class-conscious. T h e royal Babito clan had originated as mixed farmers but the dynasty increasingly acquired a pastoral orientation. However, the non-royal branches of the Bito clan w h o became, during our period, the largest and most dispersed clan group in Kitara, were found at all economic levels. M a n y possessed no wealth or power but maintained the myth of belonging to a ruling clan. These c o m m o n e r Bito clans intermarried extensively with other social and kinship groups, thus helping to create a homogenous national image for the dynasty. Furthermore, the creation of this national image was enhanced by the appointment of representatives of other social strata and kinship groups to various court and state offices. Gradually, these offices were m a d e hereditary and, in this way, a permanent class of privileged persons, whose fortunes and aspirations were interlocked with those of the Bito dynasty, was created. T h e M u k a m a of Bunyoro had m u c h less power and wealth than the Kabaka of Buganda. T h e Kabaka retained more of the wealth he received than the M u k a m a w h o emphasized the redistribution of wealth and surplus by the royal court. In Bunyoro power was more dispersed: most positions remained hereditary with the M u k a m a merely confirming the chosen candidate and in consequence few peasants ever attained high office. T h e clans in Bunyoro did not achieve the cohesion, nor their heads the status, of those in Buganda. While in Buganda the thirty clans were theoretically equal - in practice their status rose and fell according to their political fortunes - in Bunyoro there was a clear distinction between high- and lowstatus clans. A m o n g the Nilotic L u o there were those organized in states and those w h o were non-centralized. State structures were less elaborate than in Bunyoro or Buganda and L u o kings exercised influence but little real power. Office-holders were almost exclusively hereditary with the king unable to interfere with the chosen candidate of the family or clan. These differences were the result of geography and economics, historical developments and cultural biases. Although some royal lines stretch back m a n y centuries and are as old as those in the south and west, most of the L u o states came into existence late. Furthermore, repeated droughts had forced so m a n y migrations, re-locations and re-formations of societies that
794
The Great Lakes region, i¡00-1800
m a n y L u o states in their present location and their present populations date to about 1680 or even later. It is true that the same droughts substantially affected the south-west but they never caused the physical removal of a state such as in northern Uganda where Padibe, one of the oldest and by the nineteenth century most sophisticated of the L u o states, ultimately came to be located over 500 miles from where it was originally founded. Also, none of the L u o states enjoyed the fertile agricultural base of Buganda, R w a n d a or the Bahima states. Neither did they possess the rich iron and salt deposits of Bunyoro or the Busongora area. Prior to the Nyarubanga it seems likely that the L u o owned substantial hards of cattle. However, by about 1800 these had been destroyed and it seems possible that the Acholi at least probably had the lowest incidence of cattle of any of the cattle-rearing peoples of the Great Lakes region. Without cattle and without rich agricultural lands or trade items it was difficult to amass and maintain surplus wealth. Consequently the L u o states did not exhibit the disparities in wealth nor the class consciousness which distinguished the states of the south-west. In all the L u o states the Eastern Nilotic population was influential and became more pronounced from west to east, until it formed a majority in the states of Eastern Acholi. T h e Eastern Nilotes were extremely egalitarian in their political and social philosophy. It must have been difficult to convert them to ideas of chieftaincy, superordination and subordination, class and heredity. A s one moves eastwards, L u o kings appear more and more like chairmen of, and spokesmen for, Eastern Nilotic councils of elders. In the L u o states the theory and the nineteenth-century practice regarding class differ. T h e theory m a y represent an older pre-Nyarubanga practice when the L u o were distinguished by their ownership of cattle. T h e theory is that L u o societies are divided into royal and c o m m o n e r classes. W h a t had become more important by about 1800 were distinctions based on origins, those of L u o and those of n o n - L u o ancestry. Often royal has c o m e to be identified with L u o and n o n - L u o with c o m m o n e r . T h e royal clan is normally the largest. Membership of it gives only a m o d i c u m of prestige unless one belongs to the royal lineage. In popular thought n o n - L u o commoners are often graded according to h o w long ago their ancestors entered the society and became L u o . However, a royal separated by ten generations from the chiefly line will be treated little differently and have no greater control over wealth than an alien w h o joined the society ten generations ago. In the Acholi states the royal clan is exogamous and aliens are rapidly assimilated. There is a more realistic way to look at class in the L u o states. In the political compromises over the centuries, m a n y n o n - L u o clans came to hold positions or perform ritual functions which gave the lineages of the office-holders more prestige (and sometimes tribute) than the royal clan. If there was an upper class it consisted of the nuclear families of the king,
795
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
his councillors, the owner of the soil, the ritual experts including the raincaller and the jagos (territorial sub-heads). T h e acephalous L u o and the Central-Eastern Nilotes had no class institutionalization. There were no chiefs and no hereditary offices. Individuals were seldom memorialized either in clan or place names as was customary a m o n g the Nilotes. People rarely recalled ancestors prior to their grandfather. Clans were huge but families almost of the nuclear variety. T h e gerontocracies were governed by the oldest age-set sitting in etem or etogo where their decisions were believed to be sanctioned by the ancestors. T h e gerontocracies were often linked in large military confederacies in which one prominent warrior leader and his subordinates were recognized and supported by an etnuron (seer) and his sub-agents, w h o consulted the spirits about the advisability of war, presided over ritual preparations and advised on strategy. T h e emuron was often a rain-caller as well. T h e war leaders and ritual experts were usually fairly prosperous. In the gerontocracies the lines of tension and potential cleavage were between the governing elders and the younger warriors. T h e elders maintained tight, even oppressive, control over the younger m e n , monopolizing both w o m e n and cattle and delaying marriage and economic independence for the young. Younger age-sets occasionally migrated to escape their frustrations.27 Acephalous L u o and Eastern Nilotic societies often exhibited great disparities in wealth and economic inequality. In Teso, for example, the average family might possess three tofivehead of cattle, 10 per cent owning 500 to 1000. Prosperous elders might be heard more often and more attentively in etem but while they had more influence they had no greater power than others. Wealth brought respect and aroused expectations of lavish hospitality but it did not result in social inequality. Vertical mobility upward was achieved by raising a large family of girls for w h o m cattle bridewealth was secured and few boys for w h o m bridewealth had to be paid, achieving fame and cattle as a great warrior, or by being a skilled animal husbandman. Cattle were widely distributed through the bridewealth system. In the south-west the same bridewealth custom was so hedged about with rules and prejudice that it m a d e inter-marriage difficult and prevented Bairu and Bahutu from becoming cattle-owners. T h e change in the balance of power: the decline of B u n y o r o and the rise and expansion of B u g a n d a After the Nyarubanga the most significant themes in the northern and central sections of the Great Lakes history were the crisis in Bunyoro which led to its decline and the internal developments in Buganda which caused its dynamic rise and expansion. These two developments led to a dramatic 27. For the discussion of social stratification, w e have followed the schema of M . L . Perlman, 1970; A . W . Southall, 1970.
796
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
change in the balance of power. T h e Bunyoro crisis began with the death of C w a in the Nyarubanga invasion of the south. Cwa's only son, Winyi II, was captured and lived in Ihangiro.28 Kitara was ruled by a regent, C w a ' s sister, M a s h a m b a . C w a had no sons by a L u o wife (those eligible to succeed him under the rules of the royal house) and the boy later found in Ihangiro m a y not have been a son at all, but he was of the Babito clan. Winyi II murdered M a s h a m b a and seized the throne. Thereafter the old tradition of the heir being of a L u o or Paluo mother became the exception rather than the rule. Candidacy for the throne was opened to all sons of the king and succession disputes became more frequent, more bitter and more prolonged. U n d e r thefirstdynasty, the chiefdom of Pawir had held a prestigious position within the imperial structure. T h e n e w turn of events at the imperial capital caused general unrest in Pawir. A succession of what the Paluo called 'Bantu kings' sought to deal with the unrest by encouraging separatist tendencies so that the unified sub-chiefdom of Pawir in 1650 had become six petty chieflets by 1750. 29 U n d e r Isansa all six chieflets were placed under a country chief by which Paluoland lost its semi-autonomous status and was integrated into metropolitan Bunyoro. T h e Paluo regularly opposed Bantu candidates to the throne while other Paluo migrated away to the north and east because of the closing of political opportunities, the loss of status and outright persecution. T h e frequency of succession disputes combined with Paluo dissidence undermined the central power of Kitara. King Isansa (c. 1733-60) came to power against strong Paluo opposition. Once in power he carried out a severe persecution of the Paluo which in turn accelerated their outward migration. T h e most immediate result of the crisis in Bunyoro was the exodus of Paluo-Pakoyo. 30 into Acholi, northern Busoga, Alur and even into Padhola and Western Kenya east of the lake. T h efirstexodus was led by Labongo, Kakaire and Atiko, thefirsttwo claiming a relationship to the royal house of thefirstBabito dynasty. T h e y were not agents of Banyoro imperialism but they did carry drums and the political ideology of Babito rule. Both were influenced in founding chieftaincies where they had not existed and in enlargement of political scale where they had. While the Paluo helped to spread their language in the north, the Pakoyo linguistically assimilated into Basoga society. In the north the major form of political organization was gerontocracies or tiny chiefdoms. T h e Paluo popularized royal drums, enhanced the dignity of the chief and incorporated small units into larger states, allowing them to retain their hereditary leadership. T h e y founded new states such as Lira Paluo and Paimol or enlarged and restructed old ones such as 28. J. B . Webster, unpublished (b). 29. A . Adefuye, 1973, 1979 and unpublished. 30. O n the exodus, see J. B . Webster, unpublished (a); R . R . Atkinson, 1976; A . M . Garry, 1976 and J. B . Webster, 1976c.
797
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century Padibe, Patongo, Alero and K o c . Both Puranga (taken over by the Paluo) and Payera under its traditional leadership were inspired by Paluo theories and incorporated a number of subordinate units in the process of expansion. Atiko was very m u c h influenced by Paluo political philosophy and enlarged his insignificant polity in a m o v e to the east until it was a chiefdom of size and significance. Although he was twelfth in line from the founder, so pronounced was his contribution that his n a m e was given to his state. Those w h o imitated Paluo methods were often more successful than the Paluo themselves. O f the twenty chiefdoms west of the Aswa river in 1800 only three had Paluo monarchies and of the nine major Acholi chiefdoms in 1900 only Lira Paluo and Puranga were governed by Paluo. Luo-ization proceeded both by incorporation and political fragmentation and proliferation. Lira Paluo was an example of the former, the Alur of the latter. T h e Paluo entered the Lapono area and persuaded one n o n - L u o gerontocracy, two small L u o chieflets and the large Lira chiefdom to join them. After a later expansion they created two royal governorships. Since further expansion was blocked, Lira Paluo formed a confederacy with small neighbouring chieflets which were gradually brought into clientship. With this political expansion went a popularization of the L u o language and culture. T h e Alur developments were different. Prior to 1680 there was only one Alur chiefdom, Okoro, among the Central Sudanic peoples of the highlands. L u o settlers m o v e d out of Okoro, inter-marrying and popularizing the L u o language and culture and ultimately inviting an Okoro prince to rule over them. This was usually done with the support of the indigenous people and it brought m a n y K e b u , L e n d u and M a d i under Alur L u o rule. Alur states proliferated; Panduru was founded about 1670-1700; Paidha, Padiya, Padel and Acer Paluo between 1700 and 1790; and Ucego about 1820-50. This became the Alur family of states.31 O m u k a m a Isansa was as crucial to the decline of Bunyoro as Kabaka M a w a n d a was to the rise of Buganda. Isansa's rule was a peculiar mixture of military success and political disaster. W e have noted the mistakes in his northern policy: his southern policy was even more disastrous. H e swept south once again demonstrating Bunyoro's military might. During the military campaign he encouraged royal princes to head governorships in Kooki, Kitagwenda and the Busongora states of Kisaka and Bugaya and a favourite of the Bamooli clan in Kiyanja. Predictably, all except Kitagwenda had thrown off allegiance to the empire within a generation of his death.32 Isansa was overturning a policy of administering outlying territories which had worked tolerably well for three centuries presumably in the interest of getting rid of the multiplicity of contenders to the throne created by the n e w succession policies of his dynasty. 31. J. B. Webster, unpublished (a). 32. A . Wheeler, unpublished; E . R . Kamuhangire, unpublished; S. Lwango-Lunyiigo, I972-3-
798
The Great Lakes region, ¡500-1800
Isansa's greatest political blunder was his attack upon the palace of W a m a r a , head of the Cwezi cult in Bwera. T h efirstBabito dynasty had carefully cultivated relations with the cult, being more successful in this policy than the Bahinda states. While the Babito worshipped W a m a r a , the Bahinda had nothing to do with the cult even though their subjects did. Presumably W a m a r a opposed the second Babito dynasty because it violated the traditional rules of succession. T h e kings in turn withheld their normal tribute to W a m a r a ' s court. Isansa decided upon a military confrontation. It was the most momentous blunder in Kitara's history. So great was the sacrilege that the trees 'bled' and W a m a r a cursed Isansa, prophesying that Buganda would swallow Bunyoro. T h e working out of this curse became a major historical theme well into the twentieth century. Isansa's blunder not only related to Buganda but to the whole southern borderlands where Banyoro authority partly at least rested upon the support of the Cwezi cult. A new cult headquarters was created within the imperial palace but the cult and, Banyoro authority with it, disappeared in the southern borderlands. Consequently the n e w princely states threw off allegiance with ease as did the ancient tributary states of Buhweju and Buzimba. T h e nadir of the empire's fortunes came about 1830 with the secession of Toro and Paluoland.33 Not only did W a m a r a ' s curse prove accurate, in that Buganda seized m u c h territory of Bunyoro proper, but the string of small southern states could not stand in isolation. T h e y became ideal targets for the imperial ambitions of Buganda, Nkore and Mpororo. T h e rise of B u g a n d a While the Banyoro kings were busy dismantling a political system which had assured their pre-eminence for three centuries, the Baganda monarchs were correcting m a n y of the political evils which had crippled Buganda from its foundation.34 Buganda was bedevilled by three inter-related problems. T h efirstarose from the growing strength of the monarchy and its appointed bureaucracy pitted against the clan heads or Bataka chiefs where ties or supposed ties of kinship were utilized to strengthen clan loyalties and mould clans into cohesive political factions. T h e second surrounded the multiplicity of ambitious royal princes in or out of office looking for an opportunity to manipulate clan political factions in order to seize the throne. W h e r e the bureaucracy was largely hereditary and therefore protected w h e n the monarch changed, throne disputes might be less bitter and kingmakers more disinterested and amenable to compromise. But in Buganda the n e w monarch's control of bureaucratic patronage meant that behind each princely candidate stood clientages of potential office-holders for w h o m the outcome of the succession struggle would m e a n either position and prestige or oblivion and even exile. Compromise was difficult 33. J. F . M . Wilson, unpublished (a) and (b). 34. M . S. M . Kiwanuka, 1971a, whose interpretation is adopted here.
799
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
because potential office-holders sought not only personal advancement but patronage for the clan they felt they represented. T h e third problem was the bloody succession disputes and wars which followed the death of most kings and the numerous royal assassinations. Succession disputes were more damaging in Buganda than they ever had been in Kitara. In the latter the struggle for the throne could befiercebut once a king had been chosen and crowned he was rarely assassinated or overthrown. N o t so in Buganda where a monarch might be killed or overthrown at any time during his reign. A number of Buganda kings never did appear to secure control of the kingdom, their reigns being a bloody series of civil wars among brothers and sons. Furthermore, in Kitara brothers did not succeed except in unusual circumstances. In Buganda three brothers might reign in succession with all their sons struggling to succeed. Buganda was more favourably situated climatically and geographically than the other major Great Lakes states. There is no reference to drought in its lengthy and detailed traditions. It was rather a region of refuge. Its economy had not been shaken at least twice every century nor occasionally destroyed as during the Nyarubanga. Buganda had a diverse and secure agricultural base which, unlike in the other major states, freed its male population for war and politics. Because it was located along the littoral of Nyanza it conducted a water-borne trade - probably long before the m i d to-late eighteenth century - and this factor is normally advanced to explain its expansion. It produced bark cloth, a commodity m u c h prized by neighbouring peoples and, in its expansion, it secured control of iron-ore deposits, a resource it originally lacked. With the possible exception of the southern Basoga states, no other state in the Great Lakes region possessed such a favourable geographical and economic environment. Unlike other Great Lakes states, Buganda had no royal clan, each prince belonging to the clan of his mother contrary to the general population which followed the rules of patriliny. A n y clan therefore had a chance to provide the monarch. This system gave all the people a feeling of being part of the monarchy but also encouraged each clan to give a wife to the n e w kabaka with the consequent rapid proliferation of potential royal heirs. T h e kings of Buganda were therefore forced to be more extravagantly polygamous than most other rulers. Contrast the Acholi system where upon coronation the king was given a wife by the elders, the heir to c o m e from the sons of this queen only. In addition the Baganda king was merely thefirsta m o n g equals of the Bataka chiefs. Outlying districts were governed by an indirect-rule system where indigenous chiefs became n e w Bataka and were employed as local agents of the kings; they were hereditary and not removable by the monarch. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Buganda was merely a tiny state like m a n y in Busoga which tolerated fraternal succession and relied upon royal administrators. It was unstable and wracked by interminable civil wars. However, Baganda nationalism (having developed in the shadow 800
The Great Lakes region, i¡00-1800
of Banyoro imperialism) was strong enough to prevent secession and fragmentation of the state - in contrast, for example, with the Basoga state of Buzimba which disintegrated into eight independent chieflets. However, the reluctance to secede meant that the struggle for the throne was even morefiercethan where secession was an option. Kabaka Tebandeke (c. 1644-74) strengthened royal power by a successful attack upon the ritual religious officers whose extortionate practices lay heavy upon the monarchy and the populace. Tebandeke greatly reduced the power of these religious officers leaving Buganda unique a m o n g Bantu peoples in its indifference to supernatural forces. That Tebandeke was successful while Isansa failed in a similar policy relates to the different organization of religion in the two kingdoms. In Kitara the Cwezi cult was a centralized institution, while in Buganda each ritual officer was apparently independent of the next. Buganda's territorial expansion was associated with three outstanding kings of the eighteenth century. M a w a n d a (c. 1674-1704) seized Singo, overran Kyaggwe and took over Bulamogi from Bunyoro. Bunyoro, preoccupied with its domestic problems related to the change in the dynasty, did not rally wholeheartedly to the protection of its territory. Given this immense territorial expansion M a w a n d a wisely abandoned the old indirectrule system and the king's favourites - m a n y of c o m m o n e r origin and called the king's m e n - were appointed to the expanded bureaucracy. These royal appointees became more influential than the Bataka chiefs: M a w a n d a even appointed and dismissed Bataka chiefs. In theory all positions became appointive. This outstanding monarch was not only a military genius but also an imaginative statesman and is rightly credited with being the father of the modern Kiganda system of government. Both Junju and K a m a n y a , between about 1734 and 1794, further expanded the kingdom. Junju annexed B u d d u , brought Kooki into tributary relationship and d e m o n strated Buganda's military might by marching into Kiziba and as far as Karagwe. Junju was reaping the fruits of Isansa's 'southern charter' of the generation before. K a m a n y a seized Buwekula from Bunyoro. B y 1800 Buganda had conclusively established her pre-eminence over Bunyoro. Semakokiro, in the mid-eighteenth century, turned his attention to the problem of the royal princes. H e began the practice of executing unsuccessful rivals, even royal sons if necessary. H e purged princes from the administration to prevent them from using their positions to plot against the throne. This gave immense power to the king and paved the way for the absolute monarchy which emerged in the nineteenth century. Ironically, while Semakokiro was seeking to reduce the destructiveness of succession disputes by controlling the number of candidates and removing them from offices of authority, Isansa was opening up the contest to all sons of the king. Not surprisingly, succession disputes became something less of a problem in Buganda and far more of a problem in Bunyoro, reversing the conditions of earlier centuries. Given the turbulence of the early politics 801
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
of Buganda, it is easy to overrate the great centralizers and imperial kabakas of the eighteenth century as heralding a golden age. It is well to recall that despotism was achieved at the expense of lengthy rebellions, severe opposition to the kabakas, considerable political violence and growing numbers of exiles to neighbouring states. It might be argued that the eighteenth century was even more violent than the centuries before it. For centuries Buganda had existed under the shadow of Banyoro imperialism,firstas a p a w n of that empire but by the end of the eighteenth century ready to challenge the imperial structure itself. Buganda developed an intense nationalism which permitted the kings to gather power around the throne and develop an efficient administrative and military machine where the energies of the citizenry were devoted to their personal advancement by finding favour with the kabaka. Every m a n became a politician and m a n y became addicted to jealousy, spying and blackmail in pursuit of royal favour. Great kings directed this energy to the service of the state and nation. Despite a vague 'establishment' of the Manis, Lungfish and M o n k e y clans, by 1800 Buganda had a highly competitive society, a society more upwardly mobile and secular than any other in the Great Lakes region.
T h e agro-pastoral kingdoms of the South T h e term 'interlacustrine culture' employed for almost a century by Africanist ethnologists, is usually based on observations carried out in the southern half of the region, in particular in the R w a n d a n monarchy which has been singled out by several authors as an ideal example thereof.35 T h e formation of this cultural complex has been dated to a relatively recent period, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, the period discussed here. T h e work done by historians over the last twenty years or so has helped to expose the fallacies of this image presented by European ethnologists, and to set in their true historical dimension, one which is broader, betterbalanced and more rigorously defined, peoples with a past k n o w n to be rooted in an ancient iron age going back to the beginning of the Christian era, if not earlier. T h e sixteenth century is a turning point, an age of legends and the socio-cultural bases of its history. A geocultural area T h e region's natural features and cultural heritage give it a physical and h u m a n landscape full of contrasts. In the west a gigantic fault scarp over 2000 metres high, the Kibira range, extended north by the Virunga volcanoes, dominates the Lake Tanganyika depression (less than 800 metres above sea level) and the Lake Kivu basin. T o the east the high hills of Burundi and R w a n d a gradually slope 35. J. J. Maquet, 1954; L . de Heusch, 1966.
802
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
towards the terraced plateaux reaching d o w n to the shores of Lake Victoria (some 1200 metres above sea level). At over 1000 kilometres from the Indian Ocean, which gives the region its climate, this varied relief gives rise to very marked differences in rainfall between the highlands of the west and the shores of Lake Victoria, which have a yearly rainfall exceeding 1500 m m , while the narrow valley of the Kagera receives less than 1000 m m . T h e actual figures and, above all, the period of the rainy season (roughly September-October) vary considerably from one year to the next. Climatic variations which — as w e shall see - seem to have particularly influenced the period under study, have had widely varying repercussions in the different areas, all leading to changes in the region's ecology and to movements a m o n g its populations.36 T h e pattern of language distribution was similarly somewhat heterogeneous. T h e regions concerned were divided into two zones in which Bantu languages were spoken. In the west, according to Guthrie's classification, zone D encompassed the Kinyarwanda-Kirundi-Giha group and the languages of the present-day Zairean province of Kivu. In the east, zone E , represented by Kizinza, Ruhaya and R u n y a m b o , corresponded to the Bantu-speaking area of Uganda. People were able to understand each other without m u c h difficulty from the Virunga volcanoes south to lower Malagarazi, and from Lake Lutanzige (or Onekbonyo, formerly Lake Albert) to the south of Lake Victoria: in the former area kings were called mwami, and in the latter mukama or mugabe. These long established geographical and cultural divides were, however, to become less clear-cut from the sixteenth century onwards, as the kingdoms took shape. Written a n d oral traditions In addition to archaeological datings and linguistic hypotheses, oral sources also provide information concerning the history of the lastfivecenturies. Unfortunately, the wealth of this original cultural heritage was wasted on the Europeans from the time of their first contacts at the end of the nineteenth century, due to their obsession with the 'Hamitic theory'. A written colonial tradition was established which set traps on all sides for those seeking to interpret history. In the interests of methodology we recall this tradition's main characteristics. T h e n e w mid-nineteenth century definition of Hamite - to denote Africans of a superior race - as opposed to negroes as such (a terminology popularized by Seligman), was applied from the earliest 'explorations' onwards to the H i m a and Tutsi groups on the basis of stereotyped aesthetic impressions and political considerations. T h e entire civilization of the Great Lakes was attributed to a ' H a m i t o Semitic' migration from the East which is assumed to have introduced the 36. P. Gourou, 1953; W . T . W . Morgan, 1969; J. P. Chrétien, 1983; J. B . Webster, 1979a.
803
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
cow, the system of royalty and even some aspects of monotheism. 37 T h e hypothesis put forward by Speke in 1863 of an O r o m o invasion between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, which supposedly m a d e the region a second Ethiopia, permeated the accounts of G e r m a n travellers and officers from 1890 to 1914 (Emin Pasha, Franz Stuhlmann, Count V o n Goetzen, H a n s Meyer) and the many publications of the White Fathers combining the fruits of their local investigations with the general anthropological conclusions of British or G e r m a n authors ( H . H . Johnston on Uganda, Friedrich Ratzel, Jan Czekanowski, H e r m a n n Rehse). 38 T h e traditional sources of the history of the southern kingdoms were until recently deeply marked by this hypothesis. These include the District Books of the Territory of Tanganyika, written by Hans Cory, articles by Father E d m o n d Césard and Father H . Van Thiel on the Bahaya and the Bazinza respectively, works by Father Albert Pages and Father Louis de Lacger on Rwanda, and by Father Julien Gorju on the entire region and on Burundi. 39 T h e oral traditions themselves were retrieved from modern mythologies in the light of the culture of their possessors and the contacts established with them. Examples are the material gathered by the first educated inhabitants of the region, catechizers, minor civil servants and local chiefs, w h o were long considered the only worthy repositories of tradition. Apollo Kaggwa and John Nyakatura had their emulators. For instance, the 'Haya traditions' quoted by historians are usually traced to the work of one m a n , Francisco Rwamugira (or Lwamgira). A n aristocrat, close to King Mutahangarwa of Kiziba, interpreter to the G e r m a n Resident, V o n Stuemer, and later secretary to the council of 'chiefs' at Bukoba under the British, Lwamgira wrote at the beginning of the twentieth century a History of the Kiziba (Amakuru ga Kiziba) which served as a source for Rehse's book, an article by Césard, the District Book of Bukoba, and the general History of the Bahayas by Father Otto M o r s . 4 0 W e might also mention the influence of Chief Pierre Baranyanka and of Counsellor Joseph R u g o m a n a in the historiography of Burundi, also the exceptional role of intermediary played by Alexis K a g a m e in the history of Rwanda. K a g a m e was at one 37. E . Sanders, 1969; J. P. Chrétien, 1977; J. L . Amselle and E . M'Bokolo, at press. 38. E m i n Pasha, 1891; F . Stuhlmann, 1894; G . A . von Goetzen, 1895; H . H . Johnston, 1902; H . Rehse, 1910; H . Meyer, 1916; J. Czekanowski, 1917; F . Ratzel, 1885, pp. 4 5 1 78. For the White Fathers see the review Missions d'Afrique des Pères Blancs and J. M . V a n der Bürgt, 1903. 39. District Books of Bukoba, Biharamulo, M w a n z a , Kasulu, Kibondo, Kigoma, H . Cory, f.1960 (copies available at S O A S , London). T h e Cory Papers, Dar es Salaam University library, also contain a great deal of information. E . Césard, 1927, 1935-7; P. Césard, 1931; H . Van Thiel, 1911; A . Pages, 1933; L . de Lacger, 1939/1959; J. Gorju, 1920 and 1938. O n the same lines of thought concerning the Banyamwezi, see F . Boesch, 1930; with regard to East Zaire, see A . Moeller, 1936. 40. O n the role of F . Lwamgira, see H . Rehse, 1910, p. 237; O . M o r s , 1957; R . A . Austen, 1968, pp. 89-90; J. P. Chrétien, 1986 and at press. Lwamgira's text is reproduced unchanged in E . Césard, 1937, pp. 32-57.
804
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
and the same time a dignitary close to King Mutara Rudahigwa, a priest trained for the purpose by Canon de Lacger and a genuine investigator seeking information.41 These chronicles, summarizing traditions refined and interpreted according to the criteria of western ethnohistory, were then m a d e available to schoolchildren, readers of newspapers written in African languages (such as Munno in Uganda, Mambo Leo in Tanganyika, Rusizira Amarembe in Burundi and Kinyamateka in R w a n d a ) and all those w h o attended missionary and administrative centres.42 M a n y leading personalities began to locate their clan origins in Egypt (Misri) or Ethiopia (Bisinya).*3 M o r e extensive and rigorous oral surveys were conducted from the end of the 1950s onwards. T h e traditions of the court were thus put into perspective, with due emphasis being given to those of more lowly families and, above all, to the diversity of regional variations and the wealth of information c o m piled from sources other than the small group of educated people. K n o w ledge of the region's history grew with the collecting of recordings, the accurate transcription of oral texts and the establishment of reliable linguistic bases.44 T h e traces left b y Ruhinda a n d the Bachwezi T h e states of the south m a y have grown out of the disintegration of an ancient monarchy founded between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries by a conqueror called Ruhinda: this, at least, was the prevailing belief until the 1950s. T h e 'Empire of Ruhinda', comprising all the Haya and Zinza territory, except Kiziba, and at times including Burundi and even R w a n d a , was considered the southern extension of the 'Empire of the Bachwezi', brought about by a n e w wave of expansion by Bahima herdsmen. T h e event, if it actually took place, is n o w believed to have occurred at an earlier period, about thefifteenthcentury; more importantly, different traditions have handed d o w n widely varying versions of the 'Ruhinda legend'. In 41. A . Kagame, 1943-7/1959; J. Rugomana, 1957; P . Schumacher, 1949, uses P. Baranyanka, as also J. Gorju, 1938 and J. P. Chrétien, 1981a and 1981b. 42. O n the transmission channels of these traditions at the start of the twentieth century, see District Book of Bukoba [copies available from the School of Oriental and African Studies ( S O A S ) , London], Vol. VII, pp. 5-6, which contains translated extracts from J. Gorju, 1920 and H . Rehse, 1910 and references to F . Lwamgira; also the District Book of Biharamulo, History of Migrations, 1931. It is worth noting that the pupils of the K o m e mission are better acquainted with this history than the people in the locality. 43. See H . Cory and M . M . Hartnoll, 1945/1971. 44. J. Vansina, 1961,1971,1972; A . Kagame, 1972; C . W . Newbury, 1976; E . Mworoha, 1977; L . Ndoricimpa, 1984; Culture et société (Bujumbura); Etudes rwandaises (Butare); I. K . Katoke, 1975; P . Schmidt, 1978. T h e study by S. R . Karugire, 1971, is also of use for the kingdoms of the south. A n important international symposium was held in Bujumbura in 1979: see Centre de civilisation burundaise, 1981. It was followed by a similar meeting in Bukavu in December 1982.
805
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
Bunyoro and Nkore the hero Ruhinda is described as the illegitimate son of W a m a r a , the last Cwezi 'king' and a w o m a n servant, Njunaki, while in Haya and Zinza country his father is generally said to have been Igaba or Bugaba, one of the local names for the supreme deity. T h e Hinda dynasties of Nkore, Karagwe, Kyamutwara, Ihangiro and Buzinza took as their respective founders either a brother, a son or a grandson of Ruhinda, w h o is said to have given each of them a country and a d r u m . These traditions relate primarily to two locations between which the hero's remains are said to have been divided w h e n he died: towards the north, the Nkore-Karagwe complex, where his m e m o r y is associated in particular with the Isingiro and Bugara regions on both sides of the Kagera, and towards the south, the Buzinza-Ihangiro complex in which he is depicted as the assistant or even the son of the blacksmith Kayango. T h e traditions of the different kingdoms were built up in relation to these two locations and were not always compatible; Kyamutwara, Nyarubamba, the son or grandson of Ruhinda, came from Karagwe; in Ihangiro, the founder was h i m self described as a son of Nyarubamba, but bore the name of Ruhinda Kayanga in keeping with Zinza tradition. A s for Ruhinda's legendary odyssey from Bunyoro to the extreme south of the region, it follows two different itineraries depending on the traditions. In one version it is overland, passing through Karagwe, in another the hero sailed the lakes north to Buzinza, from which he is said to have returned north-westwards by land.45 All the evidence suggests that the reference to Ruhinda reflected the meeting of two waves of traditions, connected with two major clan groups, Bahinda and Bayango, which had adopted the same taboo, that of the monkey nkende (a grey cercopithecus).46 With regard to the founding of the Hinda dynasties, the traditions relate that this happened only one or more generations after that of the legendary conqueror. Probably the most interesting historical fact is the continued existence of the Ruhinda tradition, a source of political legitimacy, well after the sixteenth century. Ruhinda was invoked in the eighteenth century in Kyamutwara against usurpers from the H i m a clan of the Bankangos; his n a m e was associated in the nineteenth century with the remembrance of past greatness (in Karagwe), and of shattered unity (in Buzinza); it was also used in the 45. Apart from the titles already quoted, see material in the Cory Papers, for example N o . 69 (Chronology of the Bahinda) and N o s 413 and 416 (notes by A . M . D . Turnbull in 1925 and 1926 on the history of Buzinza). See also the District Books of Bukoba and Biharamulo and, in the Archives of the Maison generalice des Pères Blancs, several manuscripts including J. B . Lapioche, Le Buhava et son histoire, 1938; A . D . Kakaira, Histoire a" Uzinza, 1930. 46. L . de Heusch (1966, pp. 50-1) interpreted this as an old rivalry between the two clans, basing himself on the erroneous deduction he drew between the nkende and tumbili monkeys (quoted in H . Cory and M . Hartnoll, 1945/1971), whereas in fact these are the same animal, named in Ruhaya and Kiswahili respectively.
806
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
nineteenth century to rally the Bunyoro and Haya peoples against the petty imperialism of the Baganda. 47 T h e differences between the court and the popular versions reflect48 the tenacious persistence of a cycle of traditions in the form of legends. In most cases they probably represent the spread of a particular type of ruling power rather than an expedition by a single conqueror. In Gisaka the Bagesera Bazirankende dynasty (the reader is referred to the nkende (taboo)) attributed its origins to Nyakacende (or Nyiragakende), the daughter of Ruhinda or of one of his successors in Karagwe. In Kiziba the Bito dynasty identified Kibi, its founder, with Nyakiru, the brother of Ruhinda, and held that the two brothers had fought for control over their mother; the Bahinda clan was responsible for demarcating administrative boundaries. T h e Bukerebe Silanga dynasty, which came from Ihangiro towards the end of the seventeenth century, claimed that it originally descended from Ruhinda. Hinda influence is manifest as far as Buha in the south, as evidenced in the royal titles (in Heru and Bushingo) and in the reference to nkende (the taboo of the kings of Bujiji).49 In the west, on the other hand, oral accounts brought forward other heroes. In R w a n d a , Gihanga, a hero with a genuinely civilizing role was raised to the rank of father of all the neighbouring kingdoms. In Burundi, Ntare Rushatsi, a n a m e which seems to apply to the founders of two dynasties in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, is associated with Ruhinda in European writings only.50 T h e traditions concerning Ruhinda drew their strength from the links between this legendary figure and the heroic exploits of the Bachwezis. Whatever m a y have been the reality or the extent and duration of the 'Empire of Kitara', as a political and religious model it most obviously had its origins in the plateaux of western Uganda. In the south, however, Isimbwa, Ndahura and Mulindwa hardly exist outside accounts circulating relatively recently. Here the foremost roles are played by W a m a r a , Mugasha and Ryangombe. T h e south developed its o w n mythology - for example, the manner in which W a m a r a , accompanied by Mugasha and Irungu, brought back from the domain of the terrible Kintu not only cattle and 47. This ideological use appears in: Emin Pasha, 1891, pp. 353-5 (in Bunyoro); F . Stuhlmann, 1894, pp. 713-15 (in Lyamutwara); the District Book of Bukoba, copy available from S O A S , pp. 42-3 (in Karagwe); A . Brard, Rapport sur les tribus insulaires du Nyanza méridional, Archives of the White Fathers, Jan. 1897; and A . E . Kitching, 'Tribal history and legends of the Wazinza', 1925, in the District Book of Biharamulo (in Buzinza). 48. See the traditions compiled in Maruku by P. Césard, 1931. 49. Cory Papers, N o . 413 (Turnbull, 1925). G . W . Hartwig, 1972; The District Book of Kigoma (copy available from S O A S ) , Vol. VII, p. 203; J. P. Chrétien, 1975. 50. Hinda traditions appear in R w a n d a in the accounts of Ruganzu Ndori's 'return' from Karagwe in the company of M u y a n g o . In Burundi, Ntare Rushatsi opposed a king of Bushingo called Ruhinda, and J. M . Van der Bürgt, 1903, attributed the founding of this kingdom to Ruhinda 'the great', a theory somewhat unthinkingly accepted in the general studies by Roland Oliver.
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Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
seeds but death as well; Wamara's conflicts with Mugasha to w h o m he refused his daughter and w h o unleashed a storm (in a R w a n d a n version it is Ryangombe w h o is involved), and with Kagoro w h o in the end burned d o w n the enclosure sheltering his beautiful cow Kitare.51 These deities are only the most important in a pantheon of thirty or more gods, continually increased by circumstances. Each is associated with afieldof activities: W a m a r a with the dead; Mugasha with water, rain and lakes, hence with fishing and agriculture (in particular, the banana tree); Irungu with the bush, hence with hunting and travel; Kagoro with lightning; and R y a n g o m b e with cattle and hunting. While W a m a r a , whose great sanctuary was in Masaka in Bwera (Uganda), is a recurrent n a m e in the traditions of Kitara, Nkore and Karagwe, the influence of M u g a s h a seems to have spread out from the Sese Islands, on Lake Victoria.52 Accounts of Ryangombe are to be found mostly in the west, from R w a n d a to Lake Tanganyika, his origin being located by some traditions in N d o r w a and by others, by identification with Kiranga, in Burundi (it is actually related that he died in an area which was then under Bugesera), or even east of present-day Zaire. Kiranga, a hunting hero, is also associated with agriculture through the spirits Nyabashi and Serutwa. 53 Far from being merely monarchical institutions, these religions appear to have had very ancient origins, pre-dating the founding of the modern dynasties. Popular traditions see in W a m a r a the protector of the old ruling clans, such as the Basita or the Bayango, and by contrast relate the conflicts between him and his 'servant' Ruhinda. Mugasha is said to have enacted with K a b a m b o , the scene mentioned above; and when the waters of Lake Victoria rose, this King of Buzinza is said to have been forced to give up his daughter to him. A n d Ryangombe ridiculed the King of R w a n d a , Ruganzu Ndori. 54 This Cwezi religion (or religion of the Imandwa) was independent in matters of both worship and mythology. In the east (in Haya and Zinza country), the same families maintained hereditary functions as mediums and were responsible for temples. In the west (Rwanda, Burundi, Buha), initiation to the kubandwa was widespread. Symbolism and vocabulary seemed to associate the religion with royalty in Haya country and Nkore, while the acts of worship performed in the shade of the erythrina, the sacred tree of Ryangombe/Kiranga, seemed to be of a more popular nature. But in all cases, these were practices of initiatory divination and healing, offering protection against threats coming from near ancestors or abuses of 51. E . Césard, 1927; Manuscript by J. B . Lapioche, 1938; A . Arnoux, 1912-13. 52. For the question as a whole, see I. Berger, 1973; F . Richter, 1899; Cory Papers, N o . 79; D . W . Cohen, 1968; C . Wrigley, 1958. 53. F . Geraud, 1972; P . Smith, 1981. 54. See F . Boesch, 1930, for a version originating from Karagwe; O . M o r s , 1957; H . Van Thiel, 1911; A . Coupez and T . Kamanzi, 1962, narrative N o . 13. These accounts led L . de Heusch, 1966, to put forward the theory of a primarily anti-Hinda movement.
808
The Great Lakes region, 1500- ¡800
plate 26. 1
The sacred wood ofBunywankoko in Nkoma
power.55 Mechanistic and ethnic explanations of this cultural phenomenon56 have, with a kind of naive euhemerism, thrown an almost total veil of
obscurity over the deep divide between the specific history of this religion (of which fresh developments will be studied below) and the end of an ancient reign in Kitara.57
A choice between 'clans' and 'castes'
Faced with a written tradition which laid emphasis on the theory of 'caste' and indeed 'racial' opposition between 'Hima and Tutsi lords' and 'Iru
and Hutu serfs', recent historiography has devoted more attention to the 'clan' structure.58 The clan (umuryango in Kirundi and Giha, ubwoko in Kinyarwanda, uruganda in Runyambo and Ruhaya), despite its universal presence in oral culture (elderly people identify themselves primarily as belonging to a clan), has not the organic simplicity of a group of kinsfolk, even if it is sometimes experienced as such. Lineages, in the strict sense of the term, are classified in units characterized by collective name, by their 55. In addition to the titles quoted above see: B. Struck, 191 1; A. Vix, 191 1; H. Rehse, 1910; H. Meyer, 1916; B. Zuure, 1929. 56. An example of a moot point: L. de Heusch, 1964 and C. Vidal, 1967, for the reply. 57. J. P. Chrétien, 1981a and 1981b. 58. D. W. Cohen, 1972; M. D'Hertefelt, 1971; G. W. Hartwig, 1976; C. Buchanan, 1974-
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Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
respect for one or two taboos (imiziro) and sometimes by traditions relating to their origins or by the protection of a god belonging to the Cwezi pantheon (particularly in Haya country); but they have no territorial unity.59 Clans are sometimes sub-divided into sub-clans (amashanga in R w a n d a , amahiga in Haya country), but the system is not segmentary. S o m e clans appear in the long history of several of the kingdoms of the Great Lakes region, examples being the Bayangos of Nkore in Buzinza, the Bakimbiri of Nkore in South Buha, and the Basita of Bunyoro in Bukerebe. Taboos sometimes concern even larger groups: the toad is respected in R w a n d a by the Bega, the Bakono and the Baha (three large clans which provided the queen mothers); there are instances of the spread of the nkende taboo, the most surprising example being the Kiziba, which is respected both by the dynastic clan of the Babito and by the Bahinda, while the ngabi bushbuck taboo, usually associated with the Babito, has been taken over by the old royal clan of the Bakuma. S o m e clans also see themselves as being related to different clans at different times. In R w a n d a , the Banyiginya have been connected at times with the Basindi and at others with the Bahondogo. T h e historical background of the clans is clear in R w a n d a . A s in Nkore (four units), the structure in R w a n d a is exceptionally limited to eighteen large clans which all comprise Bahutu, Batutsi and Batwa members. 6 0 But studies carried out recently on the people living on the banks of Lake Kivu in the west61 show that these 'clan corporations' were still in the making two centuries ago. Elsewhere, in Burundi, Buha, Karagwe and the lands bordering on Lake Victoria, there were hundreds of clans but each had different forms of association, either exogamic units (among the Bahaya) or associations based on a joking relationship or the taking of an oath (the endahiro of the Bakiga, in the north of present-day Rwanda). Identity was often closely linked with the exercise of political or religious duties of relatively long standing. T h e fact of belonging to a given clan defined the individual's social status. T h e oldest traditions bear witness to the large number of local functions for which one or the other of these clans was responsible, without this necessarily implying that each of these principalities comprised a homogeneous group. For example the Basita, associated with the old Cwezi rulers in Bunyoro and Nkore, are said to have reigned in Karagwe (King N o n o ) and chosen the heir to the Bukerebe throne. T h e Batundu are said to have reigned over what was Kyamutwara, themselves following on the Bahunga dynasty, that of King Kashare, and they are sometimes associated with the Baheta, w h o formed the clan of King Nsansama in Buzinza. 59. H . Cory and M . Hartnoll, 1945/1971. 60. The Batwa represent a small minority group in Rwanda, Burundi, and Buha (where they are called Bakiko). They specialize in hunting,fishingand pottery, and are outcasts on account of numerous taboos. They have been defined as 'pygmoid' but this term is debatable. 61. C . W . Newbury, 1976; D . S. Newbury, 1981.
810
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
Ihangiro is thought to o w e its name to a former king of the Bayango clan (belonging to the larger group of Barongo blacksmiths). Here the Bahutu (a very powerful H i m a clan) are said to have foughtfirstthe Bayango and then the Bahinda, under the leadership of N k u m b y a , or M u k u m b y a . T h e fate of the latter, sometimes presented as a king and sometimes as a rain-maker, differs with different traditions: killed by Ruhinda, exiled at the court of Kashare,fleeingwith Katobaha to Bukerebe or, alternatively, the ancestor of N t u m w a , the king of the B u k u m a dynasty done to death by Kibi in Kiziba.62 In R w a n d a there are also m a n y preNyiginya political entities: the Bazigaba in Mubari and Cyingogo; the Bagesera in Gisaka, Bushiru and Busozo; the Badanda in N d u g a , B w a n a mwali, B u h o m a and Bukonya; the Basindi in Busigi and Ruhengeri; the Bacyaba in Bugara; the Basinga in Burwi and elsewhere (old Renge dynasties); the Bongera in B u m b o g o , Buriza and Bwanacyambwe; the Batsobe in R u k o m a , and so on. A number of these lineages have retained ritual biru functions in modern Rwanda. 6 3 In Burundi, the custody of the drums and the religious duties devolving on clans such as those of the Bajiji, the Bashubi and the Bahanza probably reflect ancient ruling powers. All of these clan principalities were gradually absorbed between the fifteenth and the seventeenth centuries (sometimes later) by the n e w dynasties, as will be seen below. Notwithstanding these regional changes and influences (resulting from lineage migrations or the flow of ideas and oral accounts), small subregional entities retained a living individuality until the twentieth century. Studies have yet to be carried out on the ibihugu (countries) of R w a n d a and Burundi, on the Bayoza of Kyamutwara and the B a h a m b a of Kyanja (groups existing before the great state of K y a m u twara or B u m b w i g a , split up at the end of the eighteenth century).64 T h e distinction between pastoralists and farmers is not so clearly obvious in this context as to lend credence to the generally prevailing hypothesis of invasions and conflicts (ascribed to the grave political crises of the m i d twentieth century). It is not only in R w a n d a that clans are of mixed composition: this is also the case for 20 per cent of the clans in Haya country,65 over 10 per cent of Bahutu, over 50 per cent of Batutsi and 90 62. See the sources already quoted, in particular O . Mors, 1957. O n Bukerebe see E . Hurel, n.d. T h e Bahutu or Baitira (H. Cory and M . Hartnoll, 1945/1971, p. 282) are confused in J. B . Webster, 1979b, p. 14, with the H u t u category of R w a n d a or Burundi. In Haya country there is also a H i m a clan among the Batwa, which bears no relationship with the Batwa potters. T h e narrative published by H . Rehse, 1910, p. 286, on the massacre which followed the death of Kashare, the ancient sovereign of Kyamutwara, also related the savagery of the Hinda King Karemera, especially towards the members of his o w n family; it in no way signifies a 'pogrom of reprisals against farmers'. 63. M . D'Hertefelt, 1971; A . K a g a m e , 1954; F . Nahimana, 1981. 64. T h e term Bahaya, before being applied in the colonial period to all the populations of the district of Bukoba, designated only the people living on the shores of Lake Victoria in the region of Maruku. 65. Including Karagwe.
811
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
per cent of Batwa clans in Burundi. 66 Other clans are in an intermediate or indeterminate situation, described as bairu (ennobled) (the Bayango) or bahutu (from a good family background) (the Bajiji). T h e Basita are described in some cases as pastoralists (in R w a n d a for example), in others as farming-blacksmiths, having relinquished their dynastic d r u m in exchange for cereal farming.67 In general the Bajiji are classified as Bahutu in Burundi and Batutsi in Bujiji (Buha). While the hypotheses concerning a meeting in the ancient past between Bantu-speaking groups and groups speaking south Kushitic or central Sudanese languages68 are interesting, they bear on too remote a period (thefirstmillennium) to throw light on the situation obtaining in the sixteenth century, given the cultural fusion of these populations. A s w e saw above, ethnic differentiation occurred along regional, clan or political lines which reflected the Hima/Tutsi and Iru/Hutu categories, although it would be risky to attempt a precise definition of what these categories represented four centuries ago. O n e single fact seems to stand out - the extent of pastoral activities on the middle plateaux from Nkore to Buha, through Karagwe, Gisaka and Bugesera. T h e Hamitic conquest which is so often mentioned in connection with this period appears to be no more than another way of presenting the regional and politico-economic pattern of the relations between predominantly pastoral and predominantly agricultural sectors between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. T h e formation of the m o d e r n kingdoms: a geopolitical study Problems posed by dates in general T h e wealth of oral sources contributes to the complex problem of reconstructing the chronology of the region. Dynastic lists and the genealogies of princes have many variants especially before the seventeenth century. A number of chroniclers tried to substantiate the age of their kingdoms by compiling data from external sources. T h e average span of a generation, fixed at thirty-three years by Alexis K a g a m e , would seem in fact to be about twenty-seven to twenty-eight years. T w o solar eclipses provide absolute references, but they cannot be identified beyond doubt. T h e first was probably that of 1520, during the battle of Biharwe, between Ntare Nyabygaro (Nkore) and Olimi Rwitamahanga (Bunyoro) — an eclipse which has implications for datings in Buganda and R w a n d a . T h e second was probably that of 1792, which coincided with the enthronement 66. F . M . Rodegem, 1964. 67. Oral traditions, even w h e n they go back as far asfifteenor more generations, do not throw light on the earlier origins of population formation as such: or else they are 'traditions' permeated, through the channels described above, by the ideas of Speke, Emin or Gorju, for example, the Ethiopian hypotheses on the origin of the Basita put forward in the study by C . Buchanan, 1974, pp. 98-9. 68. See C . Ehret, 1973.
812
The Great Lakes region, ¡5oo-¡8oo
of Mibambwe Sentabyo (Rwanda). The mwami of Rwanda whose body was exhumed in 1968-9 by the team of F. Van Noten and ascribed to the first half of the seventeenth century, could, given the imprecision of the oral studies in this respect, have been either Mutara Semugeshi or Cyirima
plate 26.2
Objects found in the tomb of Cyirima Rujugira, Mwami of Rwanda
Rujugira. In spite of the scepticism of authors such as David Henige, we can thus arrive at acceptable probabilities. Using all the concordances found in the sources and adopting the syntheses suggested by David Cohen and J. B. Webster, we suggest the chronology shown in Table 26. i.69 The 'invasions' organized towards the south by the Bito sovereigns of Bunyoro also appear as a binding influence between the different kingdoms. But the traditions compiled in each of the kingdoms ascribe the event to different periods. In fact, the Banyoro must have mounted numerous cattle raids. Moreover, the repetition in the dynastic lists of names such as Cwa (Bunyoro), Ntare (Nkore), Ntare and Karemera (Karagwe), Magembe (Kiziba) and Nyarubamba (Ihangiro) has led to chronological confusion.70 None the less, three large expeditionary waves can be distinguished: (1) In the first half of the sixteenth century, after their victory in 1520 69. The first attempt to bring together the dynastic lists is in J. Czekanowski, 1917. See also A. Kagame, 1959; J. Vansina, 1962a, 1962b and 1967; S. R. Karugire, i97i;D. Henige, 1974; D. W. Cohen, 1970; J. B. Webster, 1979a; F. Van Noten, 1972. 70. For example in O. Mors, 1957, Ntare Ktabanyoro of Karagwe is said to have been
at odds with Magembe Kitonkire and Magembe Kagaruki, two kings of Kiziba who reigned a century apart.
813
?».
K y"X/>a^ BUSHiRU
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-
Lmha Vx \/#n / ,X-'-x^^? , ,_ BUSOZO
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«f 8UGESERA ,-ii'
BUVOGOMA _;
X
NOHTH** BUWNGtjj^ BUHÄ
\ i; BUSHINGO V/
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y
,'S
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40
80 km
Kingdom boundaries later regional divisions ¡1700- 1850» Main thfuS! oí expansion j 1 7th- 1 8th century)
initial ooliiical centres ( 1 5th- 1 6th century)
FIG. 26.2 Chrétien) 816
The southern Great Lakes region at the end of the seventeenth century (after J. P.
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
influence (the crisis of the succession leading to the accession of Winyi, the successor of Nyabongo). Little is known about the Ntare and Ruhinda w h o came after, save that they were more powerful than their neighbours to the east: the attack on Kiziba ended in the death of a son of King M a g e m b e Kitonkire. They maintained better relationships with Gisaka and R w a n d a , including marriage alliances. T h e crisis precipitated in the eighteenth century by the Nyoro invasion led to a fresh upsurge, embodied in the person of Ntare Kitabanyoro, and later consolidated by the establishment of trade relations with Buganda and the people of Nyamwezi. Mpororo, or N d o r m a , inherited a rich tradition of government by clans. T h e Bakimbiri are said to have been governed by Ryangombe himself, and the Baishekatwa by Queen Kitami, the first incarnation of the spirit Nyabingi, w h o was held to be very active until well into the twentieth century. Overall government was taken over by a H i m a dynasty from the Bashambo clan w h o took advantage of the vacuum created by the Banyoro defeat in Rwanda. T h e Bashambo contracted marriage alliances with the Bahinda of Nkore, w h o at that time were less powerful than the Bashambo: in the mid-seventeenth century, King Gahaya, the son of Ishemurari, attacked Gisaka and alarmed Rwanda. T h e culminating point was reached at the beginning of the eighteenth century; butfiftyyears later, w h e n Gahaya Rutindangyezi died, Prince Ndabarasa, the son of the R w a n d a n mwami Cyirima Rujugira, occupied the entire south of the country; the kingdom split up into rival principalities; and the M u r o r w a drum was hidden near Lake Bwinyoni in the western mountains. T h e Gisaka dynasty claimed to have two different clan origins, namely the Bagesera and the nkende totemic group (the Bazirankende). At the end of thefifteenthcentury King Kimenyi threatened to annex the tiny territory of the R w a n d a n mwami, Ruganzu B w i m b a . In the mid-sixteenth century Kimenyi Shumbusho took advantage of the Nyoro attack to occupy the heart of old Rwanda, Buganza and Bwanacyambwe: R w a n d a was only to regain this lost territory a century later. With Ndorwa and many R w a n d a n rebels as allies, Gisaka tried to take its revenge under Kimenyi Getura in the mid-eighteenth century, but Cyirima Rujugira's warriors defeated him also. T h e latter's son, Kigeri Ndabarasa, also occupied Mubari, an old kingdom ruled by the Bazigaba, with its centre in the islands of the Kagera. Bugesera could also be seen as a precursor of the political powers which were later to establish themselves in the western mountains. T h e Bahondogo dynasty seems to be so closely linked with that of the Banyiginya of early R w a n d a that Jan Vansina suggested that the latter descended from it. Marriages and military alliances marked the history of the two countries from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Ruganzu Ndori took action against Burundi, and Yuhi Mazimpaka gave hospitality to King Nsoro Nyabarega w h o was in difficulties. Until the end of the seventeenth century Bugesera covered a very large territory extending from the Kanyaru to the Ruvubu (the entire northern third of present-day Burundi) and, with its
817
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
watering-places andrituals,was a typical pastoral habitat. Trouble came with the growth of the Baganwa dynasty in Burundi, which tended to side with Gisaka. T h e nineteenth century began with the country being divided upFarther to the south, several kingdoms were established in the Malagarazi basin. F r o m the sixteenth century a 'north Buha' is said to have consisted of Buyungu, M u h a m b w e , Ruguru, Buyogoma (east of present-day Burundi), and even Bushubi. T h e R w a n d a n mwami M i b a m b w e Mutabazi is said to have found a wife there. T h e Bahumbi dynasty (of the kings known as Ruhaga, Nkanza and Gihumbi) remained very powerful until the eighteenth century: it gave hospitality to King Ntare of Karagwe fleeing from the Banyoro; it defeated Kakaraza, the mugabe of Buzinza; and it expanded into S u m b w a territory. Early on, however, to the south of the river, Ruguru became the centre of another state, comprising Heru and Bushingo and ruled by the Bakimbiri dynasty (that of Kings Ntare, Ruhinda, Rwasa and Kanyoni) which, with the principality of the Bajiji in Nkarinzi, took a greater interest in the mountains overlooking the eastern shore of Lake Tanganyika. It was only towards the mid-nineteenth century that Buha declined and began to break up. 7 2 The states on the shores of Lake Victoria These countries, which were more thickly populated, extended over grassy highlands and fertile, humid plains and valleys with waters teeming with fish. These differing geographical features affected the characteristics of communities and states and accounted in part for the splitting u p of Kyamutwara and Buzinza in the nineteenth century. Kiziba, wedged in between Lake Victoria and the River Kagera, was torn between its traditional links with Kitara-Bunyoro (its kings were buried there until the end of the seventeenth century, and its princes brought up in this foreign court) and with the Sese Islands (the origin of a ritualfireused at enthronement). Moreover, it was constantly warring with its neighbours in the south-west, Kyamutwara and Karagwe, which turned a succession of conflicts to their advantage. T h e Nyoro menace was followed at the end of the eighteenth century by attacks by the Baganda. King Burungu Kakindi appealed to Kabaka Semakokiro, for help against the rebel princes w h o , for their part, gained the support of the pretender, Kamanya. In Kyamutwara, permanent Hinda supremacy seems to have been established in the seventeenth century by King Karenera. His insane cruelty is said to have led him to have his son M u k a n b y a blinded. It is possible that, after a long regency under Kayango, it was the latter's successor, w h o in fact founded a new dynasty. This was Rugomora M a h e w h o , following his 72. I. K . Katoke, 1975; J. Freedman, 1979; F . Geraud, 1972; S. R . Karugire, 1971; J. P. Chrétien, 1975 and 1984; A . D'Arianoff, 1952; A . Kagame, 1972; J. Vansina, 1962a and 1962b.
818
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
long and roundabout voyage from Ihangiro to the Sese Islands and Kitara, was regarded as a civilizing hero. H e and his descendants exploited the weaknesses of Kiziba and Ihangiro, until at least the end of the eighteenth century when Kyamutwara was in its turn weakened by internal dissension. T h e mukama, Karemera M w i r u , eliminated his predecessor, Bwogi M p a n gukano, with the support of the Baziba and the Baganda. His sons, Kajurunga and Kinyoni, were to share Hinda power, thus leading to the formation of the principalities of Maruku and Kyanja in the nineteenth century. During the eighteenth century two H i m a lineages of the Bankango clan, originating from Buzinza in the reign of Kahigi Kasita (who is thought to have married the sister of the two founders, Karamagi and Mutashaba), gained increasing military and political influence. At the beginning of the nineteenth century they established an independent government in Bugabo and a small-scale 'Kyamutwara', implanted on the shores of Lake Victoria where the Germans were to found Bukoba in 1890. In Ihangiro there was a sharp division between a flat lake region called Ihaya and an inland plateau called M u g o n g o . Succession conflicts, especially under Muramira, gave the kings of Kyamutwara, Rugomora and Kahigi, the opportunity for intervention in the plateau region at the end of the seventeenth century. Justification could be provided by the dynastic relationship. Here again, with Buto, w efindthe theme of a king blinded by his father; the question also arises of a break with the reign of Nyarubamba, the conqueror of the Banyoro. At the close of the eighteenth century Nyarubamba II appealed to the Baganda to help him recover the plateau region from a rebel prince. F r o m then on there developed along the whole western shore of Lake Victoria in the nineteenth century what could be termed Ganda imperialism.73 Buzinza introduces us to another cultural and ethnic region where the influences of the Baha, the Basukuma and even the Tatoga Nilotes intermingled. It was also the main home of the Barongo blacksmiths whose links with the Yango clan have been mentioned. T h e three main sources of the political history of this kingdom 74 provide dynastic lists which contradict one another with regard to length and order; the most accurate is that of Van Thiel. After the reigns surrounded by the legend of Ntare Muganganzara and thefirstK a b a m b o , there was, as it were, a second founding under K a b a m b o K i n w a , who was also born of the incest c o m mitted by a blind prince. In the eighteenth century the mugabe Kakaraza had tofightoff attacks from the Baha in the west and the Tatoga in the east. His son Mwihahabi was the last sovereign of a unified Buzinza. T h e war of succession led to the separation of Rusubi under Ntare Muhire, and of all the coastal regions under Ruhinda Muhangakyaro, at the start of the nineteenth century. 73. H . Rehse, 1910; E . Césard, 1927; O . Mors, 1957; P. Schmidt, 1978. District Book of Bukoba, passim. 74. H . Van Thiel, 1911; O . Mors, 1957; P. Betbeder, 1971.
819
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
T h e history of Bukerebe is one of complex regional influences. F r o m the cultural standpoint, this country, m a d e up of an island and a peninsula, forms part of the Zinza group. In the nineteenth century, however, the Silanga dynasty claimed to be of Ruhindan (even Bunyoro) origin, whereas its founder, Katobaha, is said to have c o m e from Ihangiro in the seventeenth century, and its taboo was the enfunzi (a kind of goldcrest) which was also that of the Bahutu or the Baitira, a clan which, as w e saw above, fought with the Bayango and the Bahinda (under King N k u m b y a at the end of the sixteenth century). T h e kings (bakatna) gradually gained the upper hand in the eighteenth century over the Sita and Kula clans, but the Tatoga menace forced them to establish their capital in the island. T h e important trade in ivory was considerably developed by this principality at the start of the nineteenth century.75 The states in the western mountains Whereas in the east the developing pattern of kingdoms led to fragmentation, in the west, the trend favoured concentration to the advantage of two powers - R w a n d a and Burundi - each of which had over one million inhabitants at the end of the nineteenth century. T h e tiny Rwandese principality which came into being in the fourteenth century south of Lake Mohazi (in Buganza), in the shadow of Bugesera and Gisaka, succeeded infirmlyestablishing itself along the River Nyabarongo, thanks to the long reign of Cyirima R u g w e w h o annexed the lands of the Bongera. But the serious crises of the sixteenth century were to affect this kingdom's stability. T h e two Nyoro invasions, which led King Kigeri Mukobanya and King M i b a m b w e Mutabazi tofleewestwards, culminated in the shifting of the centre of political power to N d u g a , while the original territory (Buganza and Bwanacyambwe) was captured by Gisaka. After the warlike reign of Yuhi Gahima, w h o launched expeditions in every direction, the succession conflict between his sons, Juru and the mwami Ndahiro Cyamatara, was exploited by the Bashi, the Bahavu and the people of Bugara in the west. T h e king was killed and the drum of the R w o g a dynasty captured. Notwithstanding the pious tradition recounting that the rightful prince had been hidden in the h o m e of his aunt in Karagwe and despite the claims by the Banyiginya to an unbroken line from the country's origins (from the time of the mythical Kigwa and the legendary Gihanga), Ruganzu Ndori probably founded a new dynasty of the Kalinga drum at the beginning of the seventeenth century. H e re-occupied N d u g a and from there he and his successors extended the kingdom as far as Lake Kivu and the River Kanyaru, recapturing B w a n a c y a m b w e (in the region of Kigali) in the east at the same time. T h e growth of a n e w dynasty in Burundi put a stop to expansion at the end of the century, but it recommenced in the eighteenth century as a result of the exceptional military organization set up by Cyirima 75. G . W . Hartwig, 1972 and 1976; E . Hurel, n.d.
820
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
Rujugira and Kigeri Ndabarasa. Burundi and Gisaka were compelled to retreat; N d o r w a broke up; Mubari was occupied and settlements on the shores of Lake Kivu were extended up to Kinyaga. At the end of the eighteenth century, Bugesera, an old ally, was divided up between R w a n d a and Burundi under M i b a m b w e Sentabyo. This expansion continued in the nineteenth century, especially in the north-west and south-east, but the old Hutu and Tutsi powers preserved their independence for a long time under a kind of protectorate of the Banyiginya.76 There is m u c h less information concerning the history of Burundi during this period. At the start of the sixteenth century an initial dynasty created by Ntare Karemera seems to have become established in the mountains of the north-west, on the borders of the powerful Bugesera. A m o n g the Bami, Mutara Semugeshi, w h o was the son of Ruganzu Ndori, and Mutaga N y a m u b i are said to have established a kind of alliance which was consolidated by exchanges of pastoral rituals. T h e n at the end of the seventeenth century Ntare Rushatsi or Rufuku founded the Baganwa dynasty in N k o m a which maintained relations with South Buha. This dynasty unified the south (where the so-called Nyaburunga Burundi was weakened by the conflict with Nsoro and Jabwe), the centre and the north - the fusion of the clan powers of the old kingdom (Bahanza, to which Ntare, Bajiji, Babibe and Bashubi would seem to have belonged) - and rose up against Bugesera whose king, Nsoro Nyabarega, had to take refuge in Rwanda. Burundi then extended to the south of present-day Rwanda; it was the defeat of Mutaga Senyamwiza by Cyirima Rujugira in the m i d eighteenth century thatfixedits borders along the River Kanyaru. It was only at the time of the long reign of Ntare R u g a m b a , during thefirsthalf of the nineteenth century, that the kingdom expanded west to reach the River Rusizi, and east as far as the Malagarazi basin (at North Buha's expense).77 Further west, around Lake Kivu, the Bashi on the one hand, and on the other, the Bafuriru of the Rusizi plain and the Bahavu dwelling on Ijwi island and the west coast, were all ascribed a c o m m o n origin in the Nyindu region (in Lwindi). T h e political structure of the mwami could be connected with the socio-religious institution of Bwami which would seem to have formed the basis for B e m b e and Rega societies. Traditions also testify to the very long history of relations between these small kingdoms and Burundi and Rwanda. T h e y have been masked only by the spread of the Hamitic theory of the 'Ethiopian invasions' and by the carving out of colonial frontiers at the end of the nineteenth century.78
76. A . K a g a m e , 1972; J. Vansina, 1962a and 1962b; J. K . Rennie, 1972. 77. J. Vansina, 1961 and 1972; E . Mworoha, 1977; J. P. Chrétien, 1981 (a) and (b), and 1984. 78. C . Bishikwabo, 1982; D . S. Newbury, 1978 and 1979.
821
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
States, economies and societies This history of politics and warfare should not overlook the question of population movements, the evolving pattern of landscapes and crop production, and institutional and even ideological changes. Development of the relationship between herding and farming At the outset, geographical factors determined the two areas which served for these activities - pastoralism on the Kagera plateaux and agriculture on the shores of Lake Victoria and in the western mountains. During the period considered here, however, the two activities were to a greater and greater extent carried out in conjunction throughout the region and in a variety of ways. In reality, they had never been in strict opposition to one another: the association of the earliest cereals, eleusine and sorghum, with cattle-raising would seem to be a very old practice, as regards both production and consumption (meal and milk).79 Ancient Karagwe is famous, according to tradition, not only for its cattle but also for its farming and its beer m a d e from sorghum. 80 Cattle were not limited to a single variety, the long-horned Sanga, and their preserve in the region goes back m u c h further than was thought. Early accounts mention the use of manure whose importance in intensive farming with two harvests a year in the wettest regions has been sadly overlooked. This complementarity was especially evident in countries such as Kiziba and Kyamutwara - the banana tree gradually assuming the same importance there as in Buganda, where the Bahima settled only in small numbers and where social hierarchies were based on land relationships and not on contracts concerning cattle. T h e renown of Rugomora M a h e in the seventeenth century (or that of Katobaha in Bukerebe) rested essentially on the introduction of the banana tree and the raphia palm (with which he is credited) and on his relations with Mugasha, god of water and cultivation.81 But towards the west in particular, factors other than those of an agricultural kind led to the increasing influence of the herders at that time. These were droughts and famines. Close analysis of the oral sources available concerning the countries in question reveals a vast number of such calamities during thefirsthalf of the seventeenth century (Rwanda, Kyamutwara, Buzinza) and the second half of the eighteenth century (Burundi, R w a n d a , Kiziba, Karagwe), and this is in line with several of the hypotheses put forward by R . S. Herring and J. B . Webster based on data on the old Nile regime and the traditions of the Nilotes of Uganda already discussed above. A s was very well demonstrated by E . I. Steinhart 79. J. P. Chrétien, 1982. 80. O . Mors, 1957; J. B . Lapioche, M S , op. cit., fn 51. 81. A . O . Anacletti and D . K . Ndagala, 1981. For the socio-political role of the banana tree, see C . P . Kottak, 1972; concerning Rugomora M a h e , see a veryfineaccount published by P . Schmidt, 1978. 822
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
in the case of Nkore and the principalities which emerged from N d o r w a , these ecological and subsistence crises were particularly detrimental to farmers; they were forced to seek the help of the herders w h o , through the practice of transhumance, were able to ensure the survival of their cattle. T h e shifting of the centres of political gravity from the area of the Rivers Kagera and Malagarazi towards the wooded heights of Kiriba overlooking Lakes Kivu and Tanganyika which occurred in the seventeenth century was not simply the result of expeditions or dynastic changes but was also due to the growth of a system of tribute which was favourable to pastoral groups and their values. T h e 'civilization of watering-places' which obtained in Bugesera is also reflected in the oldest historical traditions concerning R w a n d a and Burundi. Worship by the mwami Yuhi Mazimpaka at the end of the seventeenth century, of the most beautiful cows in his herd, is an illustration of this.82 In the case of R w a n d a or Burundi (and of Nkore), however, it can be said that those w h o benefited from the regimes established 300 years ago represented only a part of the herd-owners, the rich Batutsi and the ruling circles that had links with royalty (for example, the princes of Baganwa in Burundi). In short, they were those w h o had succeeded, through the actual introduction of the cow or its use as a symbol, in acquiring political control over agricultural production which provided an additional means of redistribution and statute labour. Agriculture was of little interest to ethnological accounts, and yet its importance is evident in the rituals and even the ideology of royalty. In Burundi, for example, the annual muhanuro festival - during which royal authority and the drums symbolizing it were renewed - celebrated the sowing of sorghum, and determined the most favourable date for this in a country with a long rainy season. Moreover, with regard to food crops, the introduction of plants of American origin (sweet potatoes, maize, Phaseolus vulgaris bean) which, to judge by the references to tobacco in oral traditions, could have occurred in the region in the seventeenth century, presented farmers with new ways of intensifying their activities, providing them with the possibility of two harvests a year and ensuring the supply of plant protein (present in beans).83 T h e relationship between herders and tillers, then, does not have the immutable and universal character that the socio-biological stereotypes would lead us to believe. Even assuming that the Barundi, Banyarwanda or Bahaya farmers were termed Bahutu or Bairu at the start of our period, 82. See ' C indicated in Table 26.1. J. B . Webster, 1979a, chs 1, 2 and 7; E . I. Steinhart, 1981, pp. 115-56; J. P. Chrétien, 1984; P. Schumacher, 1958. Concerning the same development in Buha, see J. F . Mbwiliza, 1981. 83. J. P . Chrétien, 1979 and at press; M . Bahenduzi, 1977; L . Ndoricimpa, 1984; E . M w o r o h a , 1977; C . Vidal, 1974. In spite ofher misuse offeudal terminology and a tendency to underestimate the impact of colonization, Claudine Vidal deserves credit for underlining the importance of the land in old Rwanda. It will also be seen that mwami refers to fructification (kmama in Kirundi) whereas mukama means 'the milker', a revealing contrast.
823
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
plate 26.3
The sanctuary ofBanga in Mugamba, north-east Burundi
plate 26.4
The ancient royal drums preserved in the sanctuary ofBanga in Mugamba, north¬
east Burundi
the economic, political and territorial changes which took place between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries brought about the development of Hima-Iru or Tutsi-Hutu relations from one of local trade to a more
comprehensive hierarchical relationship, its flexibility depending on the 824
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
states involved or the particular m o m e n t in time.84 Consolidation: monarchical rulers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Before colonization each state had a system of tribute which varied according to the ecological situation, the relationship between the different forces of production, the clan pattern and the institutional forms that existed. Everywhere, the sovereign exercised direct control over areas close to his residences and assigned chiefs (bakungu, batware) elsewhere. T h e y were often princes of royal blood (Balangira in Haya country, Baganwa in Burundi), and were assisted by delegates w h o were usually from the most influential local lineages (farmers or herders). Tribute was paid to these courts in the form of labour or in kind (cattle, baskets of provisions, special products such as salt, honey or weapons). T h e ruling aristocracy could thus extend its influence by redistribution, for there was little luxury (clothing was of skins or bark; local vegetation was used for the construction of residences).85 Nevertheless, royal power was consolidated, particularly from the eighteenth century onwards, in four ways: Exploitation ofclientship (the relationships which were k n o w n as ubugabire or ubuhake) were increasingly removed from their private context and used for political purposes - protection guaranteed to a family in exchange for increased obligations. In R w a n d a the buhake was used more especially to subjugate influential H u t u lineages in the peripheral regions conquered by the Banyiginya, particularly in the reign of Yuhi Gahindiro at the very end of the eighteenth century. It was at this same time that the gikingi land system became established, granting exclusive grazing rights to the most important herd-owners with administrative authority over families residing in these areas. This network of privileges which has prompted a number of authors to refer to feudalism, was accompanied in R w a n d a by a remarkable increase in the size of herds resulting from the conquests of the eighteenth century.86 Military organization: Employing the same model as the emitwes of Nkore, R w a n d a developed - especially from the time of the reign of Cyirima Rujugira - a system of hereditary standing armies, consisting of young m e n of certain lineages w h o were stationed in camps located on borders which were under threat. This militia also looked after the herds belonging to or protected by the king. It included Bahutu as well as Batutsi, and even foreigners, some of w h o m were refugees from the kingdoms defeated by R w a n d a (Ndorwa, Gisaka, Burundi). In the nineteenth century, the role 84. Colonization then gave this opposition an ethnic aspect, making the two categories castes in a racial substratum. 85. E . M w o r o h a , 1977 and 1981; O . M o r s , 1957; A . Nsanze, 1980. 86. J. P . Chrétien, 1974; A . Ndikuriyo, 1975; C . W . Newbury, 1976; J. R w a b u k u m b a and V . Mudandagizi, 1974; L . Meschi, 1974.
825
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
of this institution was reduced to a mainly tax-gathering function, termed umuheto ('of the bow') in the service of important chiefs w h o were ranked above land chiefs and grass chiefs. T h e importance of the military factor was also marked in the other kingdoms at the end of the period.87 Trade possibilities: Until a recent date, institutionalized exchanges and local barter played a more important commercial role than specialized trading. N o n e the less, regional products such as salt from Katwe in Busongora, or from Uvinza, articles m a d e of iron (hoes m a d e by the Bazinza and the Bashi) or raphia bracelets (amatega) formed the basis of the earliest pedlars' wares. Judging from the objects found in the tomb of the Rwandese mwami w h o died in about 1635, or the traditions concerning Yuhi M a z i m paka, articles from the Indian Ocean coast, including glass beads and ornamental shells, would appear to have spread through the region from one centre to another, in the seventeenth century. Trade in copper (from present-day Shaba?) is also thought to have existed from the eighteenth century onwards in Burundi, Karagwe and Buganda. But it was only in the nineteenth century that rulers in Rusubi, Karagwe, and R w a n d a m a d e attempts, as had been done in Buganda, to control this trade in luxury articles.88 Ideological control: T h e break-up of lineages, which had become an illassorted mixture of clan groups of a political character, was fostered by the changes brought about in society as a result of the agrarian crises, the wars of conquest of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the movement of the population in search of food, better irrigated lands, or richer pastures. T h e success of Cwezi religion in the seventeenth century (for example, the emergence of Ryangombe or of Kiranga in R w a n d a and Burundi) is understandable for it offered a kind of refuge in the face of this instability. T o a great extent the n e w monarchies derived their legitimacy from this religious movement, as testified by myth and ritual. Initiates were, however, also capable of sparking off subversive movements a m o n g the people or blocking royal action. T h e mukama W a n n u m i of Kiziba, was, for example, driven m a d by the m e d i u m of W a m a r a whose cows he had seized! Ultimately the monarchies, supported by the ruling system and encouraged by their war conquests, set about controlling this double-edged religion and turning it to their advantage. In Kiziba the cult of dead kings counterbalanced the power of Cwezi spirits. In Kyamutwara, the monarchy, from the time of Rugomora M a h e onwards, was based on the cult of Mugasha. In R w a n d a a 'King of the Imandwa' was installed at the court from the reign of Cyirima Rujugira. During the same period the Rwandese monarchy had an official body of panegyric poetry and historical 87. D . S. Newbury, 1979; A . Kagame, 1963. 88. R . Gray and D . Birmingham, 1970; J. E . G . Sutton and A . Roberts, 1968; D . S . Newbury, 1980; F . Van Noten, 1972.
826
The Great Lakes region, 1500-1800
narratives compiled. This oral literature was disseminated by the army. T h e sacred code of ubwiru established royal rituals and the dynastic genealogy incorporated allied Tutsi lineages (those of the queen-mothers). T h e remarkable character of Rwandese oral literature reflects the exceptional nature of the country's political centralization. In the other states, the different strata of society retained a greater degree of independence right u p to the eve of colonization.89
Conclusion B y the end of the eighteenth century the modern ethnographic and linguistic configurations in the Great Lakes region had emerged. T h e major population movements in the region had mostly come to an end, and the outlines of the last ethnic groups to be formed in the region - the Bakiga, Iteso and Lango Omiro - were being defined, the process being completed by about 1830. Most people already occupied the homelands in which their modern descendants live. Also, with very few exceptions, the era of state formation had come to an end with R w a n d a having emerged as the dominant state of the southern section. In the central area, Bunyoro continued to decline until the secession of Toro and Paluoland in 1830 which brought to a close a lengthy theme of Great Lakes history with ramifications from M o u n t s Otuke and Elgon in the east to the Alur and Kigezi highlands in the west, and from Agoro in the north to the undulating plains of U s u k u m a in the south. B y the beginning of the nineteenth century, Buganda had emerged as the pre-eminent state in the central area. Henceforth, the main concern of the historian shifts from the growth of central authority to the efforts of the chiefs to control and limit the power of the monarch. During the nineteenth century, a multiplicity of n e w themes was to dominate the Great Lakes history.90
89. J. P . Chrétien, 1981(b); A . K a g a m e , 1981; J. Vansina, 1962a and 1962b; P . Schmidt, 1978; J. N . Nkurikiyimfura, 1983. 90. See U N E S C O , General History of Africa, Vol. V I , ch. 10. 827
1
T h e interior of East Africa: the peoples of Kenya and Tanzania, i500-1800 W . R. O C H I E N G '
In East Africa, the year 1500 is generally considered the high watershed between archaeology and historical linguistics, on the one hand, and oral traditions, on the other, as rewarding sources for historical studies. Before 1500 historians have to rely heavily on archaeology and historical linguistics but thereafter oral traditions are the major source and, from the nineteenth century, oral traditions join hands with written sources.1 This does not mean, however, that there are adequate sources, oral or written, on which to rely for the perception or reconstruction of the period under study. A s in the period before 1500, unevenness and even the lack of documentation remain fundamental problems. For example, little historical research, if any, has been done on interior societies such as the Gorowa, Zigua, G o g o , Turkana, Maasai and most of the Kalenjin groups, to mention only a few. T h e gap is slowly beingfilledbut there remains a crippling imbalance in the sources for the history of this region for this period. It follows that what can legitimately be asserted must be tempered by the knowledge that m u c h was taking place that remains unknown. A s Professors Alpers and Ehret have correctly observed, the themes yet to be recovered through research might well be of equal or greater weight than the dominant social and economic interpretations that have emerged from existing materials.2 T h e period 1500 to 1800 saw the emergence of societies and social and economic systems that are still characteristic of the interiors of Kenya and Tanzania. Variety of experience is perhaps the key feature of the history of this region at this time. T h e centre of the stage was occupied by the Maasai, Chagga, Pare, Shambaa, G o g o and H e h e . O n the eastern periphery lived the Kikuyu, K a m b a , Miji-Kenda, Zigua and Zaramo. T o the northwest lived the Abaluyia, Kalenjin, L u o , Abagusii and Abakuria, and to the south-west the Tanzanian communities such as the S u k u m a , Iramba, N y a m w e z i , Zinza and K i m b u . All these peoples - with the exception of the coastal societies - were still 1. Most history books in East Africa on the pre-colonial period which are based largely on oral traditions open around 1500. See G . Muriuki, 1974; H . A . Mwanzi, 1977; W . R . Ochieng', 1974a. 2. E . A . Alpers and C . Ehret, 1975, p. 470.
The interior of East Africa isolated from the ocean and could still resolve their problems without confronting the economic and allied challenges that would emanate from the coast during the nineteenth century. There is no record of any penetration of the interior by Arabs or Swahili before 1700, and 'no significant collection of imported objects has yet been found at any interior site north of the Zambezi dating to the period before 1600'. 3 F r o m the mid-i6oos, however, it is possible to begin to see clearly the rise of chieftaincies and articulate - though often decentralized - political organizations, and changes towards a general tributary m o d e of production. Sustained attempts were being m a d e to effect social and political integration into larger economic and political communities in which rulers extracted tribute from their subjects by which to maintain themselves, their families and their followers. Oral traditions portray this development as one of conquest and assimilation by the stronger migrating communities. Alternatively, the process can be viewed as a gradual neutralization and stabilization by the local populations of the disruptive activities of hitherto unsettled or migrating communities. All history is transition from one stage to another. In the centuries following 1500 the interior societies of K e n y a and Tanzania were evolving into the distinct ethnic groups that exist today with their o w n peculiar linguistic and cultural characteristics. T h e overwhelmingly dominant economic activity was agriculture. In all the settled agricultural communities people observed the distinctive features of their o w n local environment and tried to find techniques for dealing with them in a rational manner. A s John Iliife has put it: ' T h e m e n followed the dictates of the land.'4 Advanced methods were used in some areas - such as terracing, crop rotation, green manuring, mixed farming and regulated s w a m p farming. While most East Africans were agriculturalists, the Maasai, Pokot and Turkana were largely cattlemen w h o drove their livestock for pasture and water all over the plains of central K e n y a and Tanzania. A s is discussed later, both the agriculturalists and cattlemen at no time attempted to pursue exclusive, or specialized, economic activities. Each economic pursuit shaded imperceptibly into the next and all were subject tofluctuationand change. 1 Often the agriculturalists such as the L u o and Abagusii, also kept large herds of livestock, while cattlemen such as the S a m b u r u and Arusha Maasai also practised some agriculture. T h e Baraguyu, the Kalenjin and the A k a m b a ( K a m b a ) were semi-pastoralists. T h e Sanye, Okiek, Sandawe and Hadzapi remained gatherers of berries, vegetables and fruits, and hunters of wild animals and birds - but even a m o n g these hunters and gatherers, growing variety of subsistence patterns 3. R . Oliver, 1977, p. 621. 4. J. Iliffe, 1979, p. 6. 5. See E . A . Alpers and C . Ehret, 1975, pp. 469-511; A . M . H . Sheriff, 1980; and R . M . A . van Zwanenberg and A . King, 1975, pp. 79-109.
829
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
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í/7, 19, 4, pp. 479-93. Garlake, P . S . (1982) Life at Great Zimbabwe (Gweru: M a m b o Press). Garlake, P . S. (1983) Early Zimbabwe: From the Matopos to Inyanga (Gweru: M a m b o Press). Garrard, T . F . (1980) Akan Weights and the Gold Trade (London: Longman), 393 pp. Garry, A . M . (1976) 'Pajule: the failure of Palwo centralization', in Onyango-ka-Odongo and J. B . Webster (eds), pp. 320-34. Gaudebout, P . a n d Vernier, E . (1941) 'Notes sur une campagne de fouilles à Vohémar', BAM, new series, 24, pp. 91-114. Gautier, E . F . a n d Froidevaux, H . (1907) ' U n manuscrit arabico-malgache sur les campagnes de La Case dans l'Imoro, 1656-1663', Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Notices et extraits (Paris), 39, i,pp. 31-177.
930
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959
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century Vidal, C . (ed.) (1974) 'Le problème de la domination étatique au Rwanda: histoire et économie', CEA, 53, pp. 1-191. Vienne, E . (1900) Notice sur Mayotte et les Comores (Exposition universelle). Vila Vilar, E . (1977a) 'The large-scale introduction of Africans into Vera Cruz and Cartagena', in V . Rubin and A . Tuden (eds), pp. 267-80. Vila Vilar, E . (1977b) Hispano-America y el comercio de esclavos: los asientos portuguesas (Seville: Escuela de Estudios hispanoamericanos). Vix, A . (1911) 'Beitrag zur Ethnologie des Zwischenseengebiets von Deutsch-Ostafrika', ZFE, 43,3/4, pp. 502-15.
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960
Bibliography Wilks, I. G . (1961) The Northern Factor in Ashanti History (Legon-Accra: IAS, University College of Ghana), 46 pp. Wilks, I. G . (1962a) The Tradition of Islamic Learning in Ghana (Legon). Wilks, I. G . (1962b) ' A Medieval trade-route from the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea', JAH, 3, 2, PP- 337-41Wilks, I. G . (1962c) ' T h e Mande loan element in Twi', GNQ, 4, pp. 26-8. Wilks, I. G . (1965) ' A note on the early spread of Islam in Dagomba', THSG, 8, pp. 87-98. Wilks, I. G . (1966a) 'Aspects of bureaucratization in Ashanti in the 19th century', JAH, 7, pp. 21532Wilks, I. G . (1966b) 'The position of Muslims in Metropolitan Ashanti in the early nineteenth century', in I. M . Lewis (ed.), pp. 318-23. Wilks, I. G . (1971a) ' T h e Mossi and Akan states, 1500-1800', in J. F. A . Ajayi and M . Crowdcr (eds), pp. 344-86. Wilks, I. G . (1971b) 'Asante policy towards the Hausa trade in the 19th century', in C . Meillassoux (ed.), pp. 124-141. Wilks, I. G . (1975) Asante in the Nineteenth Century: The Structure and Evolution of a Political Order (Cambridge: C U P ) , 800 pp. Willan, T . S. (1959) Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade (Manchester: M U P ) , 349 pp. William-Myers, A . J. (1978a) 'The Nsenga of Central Africa: political and economic aspects of clan history, 1700-1900' ( P h D thesis, U C L A , Los Angeles). William-Myers, A . J. (1978b) 'Nsenga historical texts: interviews from Petauke and Feira districts of Zambia' (Unpublished, copies in University of California at Los Angeles and Department of History, University of Malawi). Williams, E . (1970) From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean, 1492-rg6g (London: Andre Deutsch), 576 pp. Williamson, K . (1971) 'The Benue-Congo languages and Ijo', in J. Berry and J. H . Greenberg (eds), Linguistics in Sub-Saharan Africa (Mouton), pp. 245-306. Willis, J. R . (1971) ' T h e Western Sudan from the Moroccan invasion to the death of al-Mukhtar alKunti' in J. F. A . Ajayi and M . Crowder (eds), pp. 441-83. Willis, J. R . (1981) A State in the Making (Bloomington, Ind.). Willis, R . G . (1968) ' T h e Fipa', in A . D . Roberts (ed.), 1968 (a), pp. 82-95. Wilson, A . (1972) 'Long-distance trade and the Luba Lomani empire', JAH, 13, 4, pp. 575-89. Wilson, A . (1978) ' T h e kingdom of Kongo to the mid-seventeenth century' (PhD thesis, London University). Wilson, A . (1979) ' T h e kingdom of Kongo in the 16th and 17th centuries' (approximate title) (dissertation, S O A S , London). Wilson, J. F . M . (at press (a) 'Guineafowl and bushbuck in Toro', in J. B . Webster (ed.), Uganda Before igoo, vol. 1. Wilson, J. F. M . (at press (b) 'The foundations of Toro kingdom, 1830-1860', in D . Dcnoon (ed.), forthcoming. Wilson, M . (1958) Peoples of the Nyasa-Tanganyika Corridor (Cape T o w n : A S ) , 75 pp. Wilson, M . (1969a) 'The Sotho, Venda and Tsonga', in M . Wilson and L . Thompson (eds), vol. 1, pp. 131-86. Wilson, M . (1969b) 'The Nguni people1, in M . Wilson and L . Thompson (eds), vol. 1. Wilson, M . and T h o m p s o n , L . M . (eds) (1969, 1971) The Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 2 vols. Wolff, J. (1964) Negersklaven und Negerhandel in Hochperu 1545-1640 in Lateinamerika (Köln: Böhlan-Verlag). Womersley, H . (1984) 'Legends and the history of the Luba', in T . Q . Reefe (ed.), Legends and History of the Luba (Los Angeles: Cross Roads Press). Wondji, C . (1973—80) Enquêtes orales en pays neyo, bité, godie et dida, (unpublished). Wright, A . C . A . (1989) 'Maize names as indicators of economic contacts', UJ, 13, pp. 61—81. Wright, J. (1971) Bushman Raiders of the Drakensberg, 1840-1870 (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press), 235 pp. Wright, J. (1977) 'San history and non-San historians', in The Societies of Southern Africa in the igth and 20th Centuries, vol. 8 (London). Wrigley, C . C . (1958) 'Some thoughts on the Bachwezi', UJ, 22, 1, pp. 11-21. Wrigley, C . C . (1981) 'Population and history: some innumerate reflexions', in African Historical Demography - Vol. II: Proceedings of a seminar held in the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 24th and 2$th April IÇ8I (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh), pp. 17-31.
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Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century Wrigley, E . A . (1983) ' T h e growth of population in eighteenth-century England: A conundrum resolved', PP, 98 (February). W u n d e r , H . (1978) 'Peasant organization and class conflict in East and West Germany', PP, 78, PP- 47-55Y a h y a , D . (1981) Morocco in the 16th century (Ibadan: Humanities Press). Yoder, J. C . (1977) ' A people on the edge of empires: a history of the Kanyok of Central Zaire (PhD thesis, Northwestern University). Yoder, J. C . (1980) 'The historical study of a Kanyok genesis myth: the tale of Citend a M f u m u ' , in J. C . Miller (ed.), pp. 82-107. Y o u n g , T . C . (1932/1971) Notes on the History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples in the Northern Province ofNyasaland (London: T h e Religious Tract Society); 1971 edn (London: Frank Cass). Z a h a n , D . (1958) 'La notion d'écliptique chez les Bambara et les Dogon du Soudan français', NA, 80, October, pp. 108-11. Z a h a n , D . (i960) Sociétés d'initiation bambara: le Ndomo; le Kore (Paris/The Hague: Mouton), 438 pp. Z a h a n , D . (1967) 'The Mossi kingdoms', in C . D . Forde and P. M . Kaberry (eds), pp. 152-78. Zarncke, F . (1876-9) Der Priester Johannes Abhdl.d.philhist.Cl.d.kgl. sachs.Ges.d.Wiss., vols 7 and 8 (Leipzig: Hirzel S. Verlag). Zeltner, J. C . (1979) Les Arabes dans la région du lac Tchad (Sarh, Chad: Centre d'études linguistiques, Collège Charles Lwanga). Zurara, G . E . de (1896, 1899) Crónica dos feitos de Guiné {The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea), ed. and Eng. trans, by C . R . Beazley and E . Prestage (2 vols, London: Hakluyt Society, Nos 95 and 100). Zuure, B . (1929) Croyances et pratiques religieuses des Barundi (Brussels: Essorial), 208 pp. Zwanenberg, van R . M . A . and King, A . (1975) An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda -18001970 (Nairobi: Macmillan), 326 pp. Zwanenberg, van R . M . A . a n d King, A . (at press) (a) 'Retracing the footsteps of M u k a m a ' , in J. B . Webster (ed.), Uganda Before 1900, vol. 1. Zwanenberg, van R . M . A . a n d King, A . (at press) (b) 'Emergence and crisis: the state of Busoga', in D . Denoon (ed.), forthcoming.
962
GLOSSARY abara: the (large) dugout canoes of Hausa, Kebbi and N u p e . abba gada: in O r o m o Society (Ethiopia), the leader of an ethnic group, elected from a m o n g the m e m b e r s of the gada. Abbot (title) (from the Aramaean abba, father): the head or superior of an abbey; also a title of respect given to monks. abeto: an Ethiopian honorary title: highness. 'abld (sing, 'abd: is the ordinary word for 'slaves' in Arabic, more particularly for 'male slaves', 'female slaves' being ima" (sing. ama), abilema: the earliest inhabitants of Unyakyusa (Lake Malawi region). Ab Shaykh (title) (Arabic): a rank that was second only to that of the Sultan; a post that c o m m a n d e d great authority. abuna (title): the Patriarch of the Abyssinian Church; the metropolitan of the Ethiopian Church. ahuma kuruwa: Asante clan pot. abusuapanin: head, leader (of a (Akan) family, etc.). achikunda: in the prazo system, armies of slaves, i.e. the lower class, as opposed to the dominant class or prazeros. ada ('traditions of the country'): sword, emblem of authority (in Borno). adamfo ('client state'): in Greater Asante, a system of provincial administration in which each of the states composing the confederacy served the Asantehene through one of the kings or member-states of the confederacy or one of the wing-chiefs of the K u m a s i state, usually resident in Kumasi. adanudo: a rich E w e cloth (in Ghana). adinkra: broad cloth with Akan traditional motifs and symbols stamped on it. Adontehene (title): one of the wing-chiefs of the Kumasi state, vassals of the Asantehene. Adonten or Krontire: the Advance Guard division of the A k w a m u state and metropolitan Asante. agape: a 'love-feast' connected with the Lord's Supper. ighas (Arabic): high-ranking officers of the militia. Agha (title): C o m m a n d e r of the Janissaries (in Egypt). Agona Adontendom: the Advance Guard division of the Denkyira state. aguadente (Portuguese): fire-water, a kind of brandy. ahl al-usul (Arabic): members of the old lineage and rank. ajami: transcription in Arabic of African languages (e.g. the Hausa ajami manuscript). Ajiya (title of an official in Katsina, Hausaland): treasurer. akuaba: small wooden or terracotta maternity dolls. Still to be found in Ghana. Akumatire: the Right wing of the Denkyira state. Akwamuhene (title): 'the King of A k w a m u ' ; one of the wing-chiefs of the K u m a s i state, vassals of the Asantehene. Akyeamehene (title): Minister of Foreign Affairs and H e a d Linguist, in the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires. alcaid (from the Spanish alcaide, formerly alcayde, captain); the governor or c o m m a n d e r of a castle or fortress (as a m o n g Spaniards, Portuguese or Moors) - see ka'id. alcali: collectors (in Maninka). Alfa: title borne by the chiefs of the provinces (dime) in the Confederation of Futa Jallon. algaita: a musical instrument (in Hausaland). Alifa: title of an officer (¡n K â n e m ) . aljaravais (Portuguese): clothes from the Barbary states. alkaali or alkaati: the African counterpart of the Mediterranean alcaid. Almamia: land tenure and taxation systems (in Futa Jallon, Futa Toro and the Sokoto caliphate). almadies: boats (in Senegambia). Almamy (title in B u n d u , Futa Jallon and Futa Toro): a Fulfulde version of the title Imam, amahiga: sub-clans, in Haya country. amanyamabo ('owner of the town'): king (in the Niger delta). amashanga: sub-clans (in Rwanda). amatega: raphia bracelets. amatsano: in the Maravi state, the caretakers of the Kalonga's shrine at M a n k h a m b a .
963
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
amenokal (title): T h e Tuareg equivalent of the Muslim imam and kadi. amir (Arabic): title given to generals, commanders, provincial rulers and sometimes to the sovereigns of small countries (splet 'emir' in the West). Ami al-Hadjdj (Arabic): the unit which gave protection to the pilgrim caravans travelling to Mecca. Amir al-Khazna (Arabic): the units responsible for escorting the Egyptian treasury to Istanbul. Amir al-mu'minln (Arabic): caliphal title meaning 'prince, C o m m a n d e r of the Faithful'. amos: Portuguese overlords. Ampagnito-bé (Malagasy royal title): great, sacred royal ancestor; father of the people. anaratahina: linguistic taboo (in Mahafaly, Madagascar). andria: lord, noble (in Malagasy). andriana: the noble classes (in Merina, Madagascar). Andrianoni: Antemoro title carried by thefirstruler of the Onilahy kingdom in Madagascar. ant-ankara: 'people of the rocks', i.e. the Antankara of Madagascar far north. Apagyafie: a group of goldsmiths and craftsmen from Denkyira. ardo or rugga: the Fulbe equivalent of the Muslim imam and kaft. aringas: in the prazos, a system in which the previous distinction between colono and slave had become blurred. arivo: thousand, thousands (in Malagasy). arraléis: in Portuguese, a weight measure equivalent to a pound. 'arsh (Arabic): ethnic area; community or group holdings; c o m m u n a l land. asago: an Akan warrior. Asantehene: title of the paramount king of Asante. Asarki or Inna: title of the sovereign's sister in Zamfara (Hausaland). asiento or assiento (Spanish asiento, seat, meeting place of a tribunal, treaty, contract, from asentar, to seat, m a k e an agreement): a contract or convention between Spain and another power or company or individual for furnishing African slaves for the Spanish dominions in America. Askiya: royal title adopted by the Songhay sovereigns to distinguish themselves from the preceding Sonni dynasty. asomfo: a golden stool of the Asante. atesin: graves, in Teso (Great Lakes region). attajirai (or masu arziki): rich traders; the wealthy (in Hausa society). audiencia: i) a tribunal in which the sovereign of Spain gave his personal attention to matters of justice; an ecclesiastical or secular court representing the king of Spain; 2) a high court of justice in a Spanish colony frequently exercising military power as well as judicial and political functions; 3) a provincial or territorial high court in modern Spain; 4) the jurisdiction of an audiencia. awàwa (Arabic): armed unit. awliya (Arabic): saint. ayari (Hausa): caravans linking Azbin and Hausaland. Ayilol: see Cilol. Ayo (or Lurum'ayo or Lurun'yo (a Mossi title): king of L u r u m . 'Azabän (sing, 'azab): an Arabic word meaning 'an unmarried m a n or w o m a n ' , 'a virgin', applied to several types offightingm e n under the Ottoman and other Turkish regimes between the thirteenth and the nineteenth centuries. T h e y were a component of the imperial Ottoman troops or od[a^s. azalai or azalay: a term for the great caravans m a d e up of several thousand camels (or to be more precise, dromedaries), which in the spring and autumn carry salt from the salt deposits of the Southern Sahara to the tropical regions of the Sahel and the Sudan. T h e salt deposits of Taoudéni have replaced those of Taghâza, a source of wealth of the kings of Mali and of G a o (fourteenthfifteenth centuries). azel: fiefs. baadolo: serfs (in Takrür). babika or bampika (sing, mubika): the slaves, one of the strata in K o n g o society. babuta (sing, mubata, from vata or evata, 'village'): the rustics, one of the strata in K o n g o society. bacucane: a house-born slave (in Hausaland). bado: the Mossi equivalent of the Moorish naaba badolo: serfs, in Takrür. Baganwa: title of the princes of royal blood (in Burundi). bagazam: see dan Azbin. Bahargazal: see dan Bahar. Bahar nagaí ('sea-king'): the governor of the northernmost province of the Ethiopian empire. bahaushe: trader (in Hausaland)
964
Glossary bahutu: see muhutu. bairu: ennobled (clans). Bakabban tumbu: in Takrür, farmers w h o have turned back to the land. bakama: see mukama. bakungu: chiefs (in Burundi and R w a n d a ) . balama or kanfari: in the Songhay empire, a kind of viceroy or inspector-general of the empire; commander of the army. Balangira: in H a y a country, princes of royal blood. baltna: salt, so called after the city of Bilma (in Hausaland). balowoka ('those w h o crossed the lake'): in the T u m b u k a region (northern Zambezia), heads of families. Baum-Naaba (Mossi title): a dignitary w h o looked after supply problems and domestic affairs. (the) Bambudye: the closed association which helped the L u b a king to rule. Bambus Massarabe ('Melon from Egypt'): p a w - p a w (in Kanuri). bami: see mwami. Bantamahene (title): one of the wing-chiefs of the Kumasi state, vassals of the Asantehene. baraka (Arabic): 'divine favour', 'gift of working miracles', 'charisma'; a blessing dispensed by marabouts and especially by descendants of the Prophet M u h a m m a d (shurafä'). barbariores barbari: savages (Ethiopia). Barde (title in K a n o ) : captain. bares: mines, in Northern Zambezia region. Basace (title in Zamfara, Hausaland): an elder holding an ancient, long-forgotten office, m e m b e r of a Tara. (the) bashiya (Arabic) or pashists: the followers of 'All Pasha. Batahene (title): Minister of Trade, in the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires. batieba: Mossi region rulers or chiefs. batware: chiefs (in Burundi and R w a n d a ) . bawa: captive (in Hausaland). bawan Sarki: royal slave (in Hausaland). bawdi peyya yiyan: blood drums (in Futa Toro). bay'a (Arabic): oath of allegiance to a sovereign; investiture oath; oath of fidelity. baydan (Arabic): n o m a d s . baye (pi. bayii): captive (in Zarma). bayi: captive in Hausa; slave w h o had been captured or bought and w h o had few rights. Bayt al-mâl: the (public) Treasury, in Arabic. bayti: vacant lands (in Futa Toro). bayti maal or leydi maal: state-owned land. Beecio: a title (in Waalo). bega (Mossi): a great ceremonial cycle which involved the king and all the dignitaries of the land in sacrifices intended to ensure a good harvest. belaga: ditch (in Kanuri). benangatoobe: in the caste system in Takrür, the class involving the sakkeebe, wayilbe and gavio. Benkum: the Left wing of the A k w a m u state and metropolitan Asante. bey (gentleman, chief, prince in Turkish): i) the governor of a district or minor province in the Ottoman Empire; 2) the sovereign vassal of the sultan (e.g. the bey of Tunis); 3) a high-ranking official, senior officer, in the Ottoman empire; 4) the bearer of a courtesy title, formerly used in Turkey and Egypt. beylerbey (pi. beylerbeyi): the governor-general of a province, head of a sandjak-beylik. beylik: the term beylik denotes both the title and post (or function) of a bey and the territory (domain, jurisdiction) under the rule of a bey. Later, by extension, it came to mean also 'state, government' and, at the same time, a political and administrative entity sometimes possessing a certain autonomy. bid'a (Arabic): innovations, i.e. traditional religious practices grafted onto islam. bilâd al-Makhzen: in the Maghreb, a country under state authority. Bilâd al-SuHan: literally 'the country of the Blacks' in Arabic; this expression is nearly always used by Arab authors in reference to the Blacks of West Africa, a very extensive zone comprising not only the Senegal, Niger and Chad basins but also the more southern countries of savanna and forest. T h e term 'Sudan' n o w attaches to a state in the Nile valley never so designated in ancient writings. bilbalse (Mossi): adult servants. bilolo: see kilolo. Bin-Naaba or Rasam-Naaba (Mossi title): chief of the royal prisoners. birr: silver, in Amharic (Ethiopia).
965
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century Biton: Bambara title meaning 'the C o m m a n d e r ' . bolo ('arm', in Bambara): a division of the infantry in Samori Ture's army, formed of several sen. boma (Swahili): an enclosure or stockade used for herding beasts and for defensive purposes. bomo: blanket (among the Akan). bozales (Spanish): unlike the ladinos, the bozales were slaves brought directly from Africa and w h o had had no previous contact with Europe. Brak: title in Waalo. buch jodong gweng': council of the elders (among the L u o ) . buch piny: council of L u o sub-ethnic groups. bud-kasma: (Mossi) head of a budu. budu: in the patrilineal and patrilocal Mossi society, this term denotes any descent group, from the broadest and the oldest to the narrowest, that operates as the exogamous reference unit. bugo (pi. buguba): (Mossi) fertility priest. buguba: see bugo buguridala (from buguri, dust): Sudanese word to designate the divine, the consultant. buhake: a type of clientele link (in R w a n d a ) . bukin duku ('Feast of Thousands'): a tradition in Hausaland whereby it had to be proved that a yield of iooo sheaves of millet or sorghum could be obtained. búlala: see mbarma. bulopwe: the L u b a concept of power (Luba royalty was founded o n the principle of bulopwe or 'sacredness'). 5a/«/ Kapan: 'All Bey's nickname meaning 'Cloud-catcher'. burguram: a court of appeal (in K ä n a m - B o r n o ) . Burrjullit ('Great Prayer Masters'): religious leaders, in Senegambia. Buur: a title (in Kayor). Bwami: socio-political-religious institution in B e m b a and Rega societies. cafre (from Arabic kafir, infidel): an inhabitant of the Cafrerie, i.e. the non-Muslim territories of Africa south of the Equator (see Kaffirs). capitâo-mor (pi. capitàos-mores (Portuguese): in Shona country, a representative of merchants in a feira, appointed by the Portuguese administration. caracúes (shells, shellfish, cowries in Portuguese): small stone beads found in the Zambezia region. carataze: passes for vessels. Cavushàn: one of the components of the imperial Ottoman troops (odjaks). ceddo (pi. sebbe): warlord, war chief (in Senegambia). Çeràkise: Cerkes is a general designation applied to a group of people w h o form the northwest branch of the Ibero-Caucasian peoples. T h e y were one of the components of the imperial Ottoman troops or odjaks. chat: see kit. Chechia: red woollen bonnet. chemwa: see njemani. chidi:fiefs(in Borno). chikunda: in the prazo system, a slave army under the authority of a sachikunda. chikwange: a well-known bread a m o n g the K o n g o , obtained from the cassava root. chimas:fief-holders(in Borno). chima gana: juniorfief-holders(in Borno). chira: in Luoland, an incurable disease supposedly imposed by the ancestors on wrong-doers and their descendants. chiroma (a Borno title): heir apparent. chuanga: in the prazo system, top slave. Cilol (pi. Ayilol): district ruler (in Lunda). cire perdue: lost wax. cofo: a unit of the nzimbu (Kongo). Cokana: a talisman (in Hausaland). colono (Portuguese): colonist, settler (in prazos). comprador (from Portuguese comprar, to purchase, buy): i) Formerly, the n a m e of a native servant employed by Europeans, in India and the Far East, to purchase necessaries and keep the household accounts; a house-steward. 2) N o w , in China, the n a m e of the principal native servant, employed in European establishments, and especially in houses of business, both as head of the staff of native employees, and as intermediary between the house and its native customers. 3) O n e held to be an agent of foreign domination or exploitation.
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Glossary cootigu: fee payable by tenant farmers. Creole (from Spanish criollo, 'native to the locality, country'): a person of European ancestry born in the former colonies (West Indies, Guyana, Reunion); Creole: a language, born of the black slave trade (sixteenth-nineteenth centuries), that has become the mother tongue of those slaves' descendants (in the West Indies, Guyanas, Indian Ocean Islands, etc.). There exist Creoles based on French, English, Portuguese, etc.: the Creole of Guadeloupe, the English Creoles of the Caribbean, etc. cruzado (or crusado) (pi. cruzados or cruzadoes) (from Portuguese cruzado, literally 'marked with a cross'): an old gold coin of Portugal, originally issued by Alfonso V (1438-81) about the year 1457, having a cross on the reverse in commemoration of the king's crusading struggle against the Muslims of North Africa; also: a similar Portuguese coin in silverfirstissued by John IV (1640-56). curva: k n o w n as 'customs' in lands under Portuguese influence, 'duty' in English; a tribute paid by the Portuguese to the M u t a p a rulers. dabey: in Songhay, a village of slaves. dadde yiyan: war songs; blood songs (in Futa Toro). dady: in Sakalava country (Madagascar), the cult of the ancestors; ancestral Volamena relics. dafing: clan (among the Marka). Dagaci (title): a court dignitary (in K a n o ) . dagga (from Zulu and Xhosa daka, m u d , clay, mortar): a mortar used in Southern Africa that consists chiefly of kneaded m u d (mixture of m u d and dung). Darnel: title of a ruler (in Kayor). Darnel-Teen: title of a ruler (in Kayor). dana or dayna (from the Amharic danya): judge. Danau (title in Zamfara, Hausaland): a governor w h o owed his title to the n a m e of the town in which he resided, an important trading centre from where he kept watch over the roads leading south and west of Kebbi. dan Azbin or bagazam: a breed of horses from Azbin. dan Bahar or Bahargazal: a breed of horses from Bahr al-Ghazäl. dandal ('the opening of the " U " '): the settlement's main street of most Kanuri U-shaped towns and villages. Dan Dubai (a title in Hausaland): in Zamfara, an adviser on religious affairs, the custodian of Zamfara's history and responsible for praying for the army's victory. Dan Kodo (a title in Hausaland): see Dan Dubai. Dar al-hlam: 'the world, the house, the sphere of Islam' in Arabic; privileged territory (as opposed to the Dar al-harb/Där al-kufr inhabited by 'infidels' and 'pagans') under the sovereignty of the Muslims, where the Muslim community lives and where: (1) canon law or sharVa is observed; (2) the social and political order of Islam reigns and public worship is Muslim (even if not all the inhabitants are Muslim), (the) Darb al-'ArbaTn ('Forty-Days' Road' in Arabic): the great trans-Saharan route that linked the Darfür region to Egypt in about forty days. daru khurudj (non-Islamized lands) (Arabic): This refers to the non-Muslim territories (as opposed to the Dar al-hlam), the rest of the world that is not yet under the rule of Islam but, in theory, is destined to disappear one day and merge into the Islamic world, as stated in the Kur'ân (IX, 33). (See the Dar al-kufr\Dar al-harb), 'the world, the sphere of war', in Vol. III). debe: a village of slaves (in Soninke). debeere: a village of slaves (in Fulfulde). Defterdar (Arabic): comptroller of thefinancialadministration of the province (in Egypt). deggwa: in Ethiopia, sacred hymns in praise of the Holy Trinity, Jesus Christ, the Virgin M a r y , saints or angels. They had different names according to their metre or the tradition of their origin (see kene, malke'e and salam). dey (from Turkish dayi, 'maternal uncle') (honorific title): 1) a ruling official of the Ottoman empire in northern Africa, especially the head of the Algiers Regency from 1671 to 1830, i.e. before the French conquest in 1830; 2) also designated a lower rank in the Janissary militia; towards the end of the tenth/sixteenth century in Tunis, the n a m e was born by the heads of the 40 sections of the militia. al-DhahabJ (from dhahab, pure gold in Arabic): 'the Golden': nickname of A h m a d al-Mansur, the sixth sovereign of the Moroccan dynasty of the Sa'âdï. diatigui: a title (in Timbuktu). dibalram: road tolls (in Borno). diema: Mossi regional kingdoms or chiefdoms.
967
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century Dikko: title created in the eighteenth century in Kebbi (Hausaland), and which was borne for the first time by a Pullo whose mother was the sovereign's daughter. dimaajo: house-born slave (in Fulfulde). dimo (pi. rimbe): free m a n (in Futa Jallon). Dirki: a talisman (in Hausaland). disi ('chest', in Bambara): the centre of Segu's army when arrayed in battle order. diwal (pi. dime): a province (in Futa Jallon). dlwân (Arabic): central state coffers or treasury; Council of State; military pension roll; collection of poetry; large hall or chamber; ministerial departments; ruler. dime: see diwal. djalïâb (Arabic): slave merchants, slave traffickers, called 'importers'. T h e y acted as the middlemen and thefinanciersof the long-distance trade. djama'a (Arabic): meeting, assembly. In the religious language of Islam, it denotes 'the whole company of believers', djamâ'at al-mu'miriin, and hence its most usual meaning of'Muslim community', djama'a islamiyya. DJammâ' ('the gatherer' in Arabic): the nickname of'Abdallah, leader of the 'Abdalläbi state. al-Djazzär ('butcher' in Arabic): the nickname of A h m a d Boshnak, a mamluk from the Egyptian bey 'AlïBey's retinue. djihâd: literally 'effort' in Arabic; djihâd akbar. 'supreme effort'; i) the struggle against one's passions; the greatest effort of which one is capable; an effort to attain a specific goal; 2) personal effort of the believer to serve the Islamic faith, particularly the struggle to defend Islam, its land and the Muslims against the impious e n e m y , or to enlarge Islamic territory (Dar al-Isläm); by extension, 'holy war'. djinn (Arabic): spirit. al-Djinn ('the devil' in Arabic): the nickname of the Egyptian bey 'All Bey. djuad (Arabic): warrior chiefs. Doka (title in Kebbi, Hausaland): official responsible for internal security. dolo: millet beer; wine; alcohol (in Soninke). Dongo (divinity): in Hausaland, a Borgu hunter whose powers were identical to those of Shango in the Yoruba culture. doomi Buur: see garmi. dukowo: territorial divisions (in Eweland). dunuba (Bambara): in Segu, a d r u m which, skilfully played, transmitted messages over considerable distances. dupi: the servile class (in Western Nilotic societies). Dmabenhene ('the king of D w a b e n ' ) : the leader of two of the vassal states (Krakye and Bassa) that formed the Confederacy of Greater Asante. drvar: tented camp. dyon goron (Bambara): status acquired by a woloso w h e n his children took his place and paid an annual indemnity to his master. eicage: the leader of the Ethiopian clergy. egusi: a local crop (in Igboland). ekanda: in K o n g o society, matriclan, matrilineage, but also ethnic group, republic: in short, any community. Ekine or Sekiapu: a mask-dancing secret society; a masquerade society of the Delta states. Ekpe: the Ekpe society of Calabar was an adaptation of a cult of the leopard (Mgbe) present a m o n g m a n y forest groups in the Cross river valley and in parts of the Cameroon. Ekpo: a secret society (among the Ibibio). ernin (from Arabic amin, faithful, trustworthy): an Ottoman administrative title usually translated 'intendant' or 'commissioner'; tax collector. His function or office was called emânet. emitwe: in Ankore (present-day Uganda), a system of military organization. emuron: a seer (in Teso). endahiro: taking of an oath (in Ankore). enfunzi: a kind of goldcrest, the taboo of the Bahutu, Bahinda and Silanga dynasties (of the Great Lakes region). erasa: see rasa. erythrina: the sacred tree of Ryangombe/Kiranga (in Haya country). escales: factories. eso (Yoruba): in Q y o , warriors devoted to 'training in warfare'. etem (pi. itemwan): in Teso and K u m a m , multi-clan ritual grouping. etogo: in Lango (present-day Uganda), multi-clan ritual groupings.
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Glossary evata (Kikongo): village (Kongon kingdom). eze (Igbo title): king. eze Nri (title meaning 'ruler', 'the king of Nri', among the Igbo): priest-king with ritual and mystic, but not military power. faa (Bambara): father of a biological community. faama (Bambara title): lord holding supreme power; m a n of power and authority. faaya: fathers (in Bambara). fadylfaly: sacred (in Malagasy). Fahatelo: in Iboina (Madagascar),firstminister; royal official. fakt: a corruption of fakih. faklh (Arabic pi. fukahâ'): 'doctor of the law'; i) scholar versed i n ^ A ; jurist; 2) literate person; 3) theologian. fallàh (pi. falläfßn) (Arabic): a peasant (in North Africa). Famoriana: the Antankara Royal Council (Madagascar). fanadir. cage (in Borno). fanafody: curative amulets (Madagascar). fanane: snakes (in Malagasy). fandroana: annual royal-bath ceremony (in Merina, Madagascar). fani: in the C o m o r o Islands, thefirstIslamic chiefs w h o had originally succeeded the Bëdja of preIslamic times. farba: government officials. fart or fartna: title of the M a n d e sovereigns. farin or faren: rulers of provinces; governor. Farinya (comes from Fan and pharaoh): 'ruler' in Soninke, M a n d e , etc. Farinya denotes a monocracy as opposed to the controlled monarchical oligarchy of the original mansaya. faro ('spirit of the River Niger'): a religious cult among the Bambara. fäshir (Arabic): royal residence. fatake (sing, farke or falke): professional merchants engaged mfatauci. fatauci: in Hausaland, trade over m e d i u m and long distances; wholesale trade. faudra: royal blood-covenant (in Madagascar). fehitra: villagefiefs(in Madagascar). feiras: fairs (in Portuguese). fa: the king of a dukomo (in Eweland). fidda dtwant (Arabic): fine silver coins. fikh (Arabic): the science that codifies and explains the prescriptions of the sharTa; canon law; jurisprudence; Islamic law. filiiga: a Mossi thanksgiving festival. filohany: chief (in Malagasy). fitahina: a linguistic taboo (among the Sakalava of Madagascar). fla-n-ton (or ton): peer association; thefla-n-tonbrought together the m e m b e r s of three successive promotions of those circumcised. folahazomanga (in Malagasy, 'those w h o came to Mahafaly from elsewhere'): a component of Mahafaly society, Madagascar. fom: ruins (in B a m u m , Cameroon). fonio: a crabgrass (Digitaria exilis) of northern Africa with seeds that are used asa cereal. Foroba: public treasury (in Bambara). foroba-dyon ('captives of the big c o m m o nfield')or furuba-dyon ('captives of the Great Union'): crown slaves. Foroba Fulam: Fulbe public officials. forso: in Songhay, house-born slave. fuku (homfuka, to cover, to shelter): clients (in Kongo). fumwa pamba diyumbi (in Kikongo): the keeper and maker of charms and royal diviner at the court of the L u b a king. furba jon: Sudanic royal captives; M a n d e royal slaves. fare: see gorongo. furuba-dyon: see foroba dyon.
gaba'il (Arabic): in the Maghreb, groups assimilated with the Arabs. gabar: in Ethiopia, a peasant w h o worked the lands for the benefit of the landed élite and was, like the
969
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century fallâh, similar to a serf, or at least a tributary or client obliged to pay the gabir, depending on whether he was a share-cropper or a tenant farmer. gabarti; merchant (in Ethiopia). gabas: serfs. gabir or siso: a tax paid by the gabar. gabirecco (an honorary title in Ethiopia): page. gada or tuba: a classification of the O r o m o society of Ethiopia by age groups based on an abstract numerical principle. It is an egalitarian system which involves rule by rotation age-groups. gaisuwa or Isare: payment of regular gifts to superiors (in Hausaland). Galadima (a Borno title): a kind of prime minister or grand vizier in w h o m the conduct of all affairs of state was vested. T h e title was borrowed from Borno, but there it designated the governor of the western provinces, that is, those nearest to Hausaland; in Katsina, an important official w h o deputized for the Sarki; in K a n o , a military leader; in Sokoto, the caliph's adviser, acting as the caliph's link with the emirates. Caladiman Gari (a title in Kebbi, Hausaland): an official responsible for internal security. galag: a tax payable to the political chief of the Takrür aristocracy. Galoji: in Kebbi (Hausaland), title conferred upon Fulbe in contact with the herdsmen. gan: guest, foreigner, in Wolof. gandu (pi. gandaye): collective household farm (in Zamfara, Hausaland). gandun gida (Hausa): the familyfield,generally known as gona, the generic n a m e for any field. garassa: Sudanese blacksmiths. garmi or doomi Buur. the ruling class (in Kayor). garu: m u d wall (in Kanuri). gasha (Arabic): occupied lands. Gatari ('Axe'): in Katsina (Hausaland), title of a governor w h o watched over the north-western frontier. gawlo: a griot (in Takrür). gayya: in Hausaland, mutual aid system; communal work. ghaushes: central messengers (in Egypt). gjrnzi (Arabic): conquest. gida (pi. gidaje): extended family; groups of families (in Hausaland). gikingi: a land system granting exclusive grazing rights to the owner (in R w a n d a ) . gimaje: long dyed cotton dresses (in Kanuri). gobbi: an annual tax on mines. gonüilüyan (sing, gönüllü): a Turkish word meaning 'volunteer'; in the Ottoman empire it was used as a term for three related institutions: i) from the earliest times of the Ottoman state, volunteers coming to take part in the fighting were k n o w n as gonüilüyan; 2) in the tenth/sixteenth century w e find an organized body known as gonüilüyan in most of the fortresses of the Empire; they might be called out to serve on a campaign or take part in frontier-fighting; 3) in the eleventh/seventeenth century a body k n o w n as gonüilüyan is mentioned also a m o n g the paid auxiliaries w h o , under various names, were recruited in the provinces to serve on a campaign. gorongo or fure: tobacco flower (in Kanuri). Gounga-Naaba (Mossi title): a dignitary with military responsibilities. Grand Kadi (title): Chief Judge of the sharl'a Court. grumetes: African auxiliaries recruited by the laucados. guda or goda (from the Amharic geta or the Tigrai goyta): master. Gulma: title of a high-ranking dignitary a m o n g the Songhay. gulf, in Ethiopia, feudal land; certain rights possessed by the lord (e.g. the right to collect tribute in kind from each household in the district and to appropriate labour for work on his farms or on other projects he might designate). gumbala: in Futa Toro, the war song of the sebbe, which consist of h y m n s to courage. It is the epic song of death in which the ceddo assumes his destiny as a warrior, his faithfulness to his ancestors and to the ethic of his caste. gumsu: the king's headwife (in Borno). gurma (Hausa): right (e.g. the gurma bank of the river, as opposed to hausa, the left bank). gweng' (pi. gaenge): a L u o semi-autonomous political and territorial unit. Gyaase: one of the divisions of the A k w a m u state and metropolitan Asante. Gyaasehene (title): Minister of H o m e Affairs (in the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires). HabsK: one of the terms used in India to denote those African communities whose ancestors originally came to the country as slaves, in most cases from the H o r n of Africa, although some doubtless
970
Glossary sprang from the slave troops of the neighbouring countries. T h e majority, at least in earlier times, m a y well have been Ethiopian, but the n a m e was applied indiscriminately to all Africans, and in the days of the Portuguese slave trade with India m a n y such Habsjñ were in fact of the Nilotic and Bantu peoples. habits (Arabic): lands belonging to religious communities. hadith (Arabic): account of an act or word of the Prophet M u h a m m a d , reported and transmitted by hiTcompanions; the collection of the hadith, called sunna, is regarded by the Muslims as the second source - after the holy scripture - of the dogma and law of Islam (the hadith in Islam is the nearest equivalent of the Christians' N e w Testament reporting the acts and words of Jesus). hakura: tax exemption. halika (Arabic): creation. hallabens (Portuguese): clothes from the Barbary states. Hanimboay: in the Sakalava kingdoms (Madagascar), officials acting as overseers of the dady cult. hansjñr (Arabic): wheat-producing regions under urban control (in Tunisia). hanzo (from nso, 'house' in Kikongo): parcel (in Angola). Kaoush (Arabic): wheat-producing regions under urban control (in Algeria). tfarâfm (sing. HarfinT) (Arabic): originally, serfs (haratin) in Maghreb. T h e term denotes black peoples throughout the Sahara, but particularly in the west - e.g. the oases of southern Morocco and Mauritania. Their origin is uncertain: they have been called black Berbers. al-hayr (Arabic): welfare, form of greeting. hayu: judges (among the O r o m o of Ethiopia). hazne or hazine: treasury. hazomanga-lava (Malagasy): group-altar. heemraden: burghers (in Southern Africa). hidjra: the usual translation 'theflight'is incorrect as the true meaning of the Arabic word is 'severing previous ethnic ties and entering into n e w ones': the term denotes the emigration of Prophet M u h a m m a d and his followers from M e c c a to Medina (the former oasis town of Yathrib) on 16 July 622, a date that has become thefirstyear of the Muslim calendar (hegira). himaye (Arabic): protection charges; caution money protecting the conquered townsfolk from looting. hore kosan: grazing land. hulmán (Arabic): special tax usually eight times the annual income from the benefice. (the) husayniya (Arabic) or husseinists: the followers of Husayn b. 'AIL ibihuya: country. 1 M 1 (Arabic): devil. Idara: the c o m m o n n a m e in modern Arabic, Persian, Turkish, etc., for administration. T h e term appears to have acquired its technical significance during the period of European influence. idjaza (Arabic): certificate. tjejioku ('the y a m force'): one of the eze NrCs powers (in Igboland). igihugu: countries (in R w a n d a and Burundi). iharana: trading-post in north-eastern Madagascar. ¡ko: power (in Hausaland). ik,td.' (Arabic): 1) thefiscalallocation of an emir, always strictly monitored and updated, of the revenue of one or more localities, according to status and the n u m b e r of m e n in his service; 2) delegation of tax-collecting powers granted by the prince to a military or civilian officer in regard to afiscaldistrict, as remuneration for a service rendered to the state; this concession was revocable; 3) distribution of fiscal concessions for maintenance of the military class; 4) militaryfiefsystem. tktpa (Kikuyu): a y a m . ilari (system): an aspect of Q y o state organization introduced in the D a h o m e y state by Tegbesu, the last of the D a h o m e y founding dynasty. Him (Arabic): religious knowledge. iltizam (Arabic): according to the iltizam system which superseded the mukata'at system by about 1658, lands of every village or group of villages were offered for public auction and the highest bidders (the multazims) were given the right to collect taxes from the peasants and such lands became their iltizam. imam (Arabic): honorary title awarded to the eminent legal experts w h o , between the second/eighth and the third/ninth centuries, codified the whole body of Muslim law in various intellectual centres of the Muslim world, particularly M e d i n a and Baghdad; a title given to the founders of law schools and to major theologians; chiefs, supreme leader of the M u s l i m community; a m o n g the Shfites, equivalent of a caliph (must be a descendant of'All).
971
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century imamate: the leadership of the Muslim community; caliphate or inherited power; office or rank of an imam; function of the imam as head of the Muslim community; the region or country ruled over by an imam (e.g. the imamate of Y e m e n ) . imiziro: a taboo (in Burundi and R w a n d a ) . indabo: a village of slaves (in Hausaland). Irma: see Asarki. Innamme: in Kebbi (Hausaland), title of a governor w h o kept watch over the western frontier. Ionaka: the I m a m o n o councils of elders (Madagascar). insilimen: see zuwaya. inyamasango: a village head in Shona country. itemwan: see etem. iyila (eyälet, in Turkish) ('management, administration, exercise of power'): in the Ottoman empire the largest administrative division under a beylerbey or governor-general. In this sense it was officially used after 1000/1591. jaam: captive (in Waalo). jaami buur. Sudanic royal captives. jadak: guest, foreigner, tenant (in Luo). Jaggorde: the Council of electors (in Futa Toro). jagos: territorial sub-heads (among the Luo). jamana: see tafu. jangali: the livestock tax paid by stockbreeders (in Hausaland). Jengu: the most prestigious secret society among the Duala, Isuwu and other neighbouring groups, based on the veneration of water spirits. jibda: musk (in Hausaland). jodak: stranger lineages and clans to w h o m parts of the L u o gwenge were leased. jodong gweng': see buch jodong gweng''. jodongo: elders (see buch jodong gweng'). jombirijon (in M a n d e ) : slaves owned by thejon tigi, thefarba, the jaami buur or the sarkin bayi w h o , although slaves themselves, belonged to the dominant ruling class in the state and society. jom jambere: in the Futa land tenure system, a person entitled to clear the land with an axe. jom jayngol: in the Futa land tenure system, a person entitled to clear the land by burning. jom lewre: in the Futa land tenure system, thefirstoccupant and clearer of land. jom leydi: in the Futa land tenure system, the master of the land. jon: captive (in M a n d e ) . jon tigi: royal captive, royal slave (in M a n d e ) . jonya (from the M a n d e v/ordjon meaning 'captive'): Black African captive. jumbe: in the C o m o r o Islands, this term denoted the daughters of the fani, w h o came to marry the Sunnite newcomers. jurungul ('crown'): a special coiffure worn by a Kanuri married w o m a n . (the) Ka'ba: the vast cube-shaped edifice (ka'ba comes from the Greek tubos, a die) of grey stone in the centre of the Great M o s q u e at Mecca, towards which Muslims face w h e n praying. Sealed in its wall is the Black Stone, which, according to the Kur'an, was brought to Abraham by the Angel Gabriel, and which every Muslim should, if possible, go and venerate at least once in his or her life. habata: ruler, king (in Buganda). kabary: public assemblies (in Madagascar). kabila (Arabic pi. kabâ'il): a large agnatic Arab or Berber group the members of which claim to be descended from one c o m m o n ancestor and w h o m a y 'jointly o w n an area of grazing land*. kabunga: chief (in Kongo). kafi (Arabic): among Muslims, a magistrate concurrently discharging civil, judicial and religious functions in accordance with Muslim law (sharVa). kâtfî al-kabir (Arabic): chief judge. Kaffir (from Arabic kâfir, pi. kuffàr): a word meaning infidel, ungodly person, unbeliever; someone with no revealed religion; someone w h o does not adhere to monotheism in accordance with Muslim law. It is applied by the Arabs to all non-Muslims, and hence to particular peoples or nations. kafi: a plant that m a y be related to yam. kafu or jamana (in M a n d e ) : provinces; small state-like territorial units (among the Malinke and the Bambara). kaTid (Arabic): commander, army chief; provincial governor; kabila chieftain. kâlds-lazzâm (Arabic): tax fanners (in the Maghreb).
972
Glossary kaigama (Borno title): governor of the northern provinces (in K a n o ) . kä'im makam (Arabic): deputy vice-regent. kakaki: a long trumpet (in Hausaland). kakmata (pi. tukwata): a special Lunda official. halaba: thefinalceremony of the marriage (in Kanuri). Kala la: head of the vanguard (among the L u n d a ) . kalaram: turban (in Kanuri). kalimbo barata: marriage ceremony (in Kanuri). Kamsaogo-Naaba (Mossi title): a eunuch responsible for the harem. kangam: a provincial chief in Senegambia. kanun: potash. kinun or ¡kanun (from the Greek kanôn, rule): the corpus of legal regulations (canon law). Kanün Name: a decree which sought to regulate political, military, civil and economic life in Egypt under the Ottoman administration. karabima tnallam: a scholar (in Borno). Karfi (title): in Zamfara (Hausaland), the official entrusted with assembling everything the sarakunan rafi had levied. karite: shea butter nut. kasa: territory (in Hausaland). ¡gafaba or gasba (Arabic) (casbah/kasbah in English): capital; (small) town; citadel, castle or fortress (in North Africa). kasalla (from the Arabic word sallah, prayers): washing of any sort, even of animals (in Kanuri). Kâshif (Arabic): head of district (in Egypt) whose task it was to maintain the irrigation system and levy taxes from the farmers; tax collector. ¡¡asida: an Arabic or Persian panegyric, elegiac or satirical p o e m or ode, usually having a tripartite structure. T h e term is derived from the root k,as,ada, 'to aim at', for the primitive kaslda was intended to eulogize the kablla of the poet and denigrate the opposing kabllas. Later it was concerned with the eulogy of patrons. kassa: blanket (among the Akan). kasuwanct: retail trade (in Hausaland). kit (in Arabic) and chat (in Amharic): a shrub (Catha edulis F.) native to Arabia, with mildly stimulating properties, grown in Ethiopia and Y e m e n and exported under the n a m e of hat or chit; also the narcotic drug obtained from the leaves of this plant. Kaura (title): a military leader (in Katsina, Hausaland). kawngal: fishing ground. ¡taya (pi. makaya): a fortified village; an enclosed or fortified settlement (among the Miji-Kenda people of East Africa). kazembe: a general (among the Lunda). kazi: a title found in south-east central Africa; it is a variant of the Muslim kadi, ¡tela yasku: a special coiffure usually worn by a Kanuri unmarried girl. keletigui (Bambara): in Segu's army, a war-leader or leader of an expedition. kene: sacred hymns, in Ethiopia (see deggma). kente (also Kente): colourful kente clothes (of the Akan); in G h a n a , a banded material; also, a long garment m a d e from this material, loosely draped on or worn around the shoulders and waist. kesiga: the successors of the Christian priests (in Ethiopia). ketema: garrison towns. khalifoT khaiïfa (a title) (Arabic): caliph, successor of the Prophet, sovereign responsible for ensuring observance of Islamic law on earth. khames (Arabic): vassals, serfs (in the Maghreb). kHamnw (Arabic): one-fifth share-cropper. k~h~ammäsat (Arabic): fifth share-cropping of the land; tenant farming. kharad[ (Arabic): a land tax, sometimes paid in kind (and in addition to the cash poll tax or djizya) on land belonging to the dhimnii (non-Muslims living in Muslim territory under the status of 'protégés of Islam'); by extension designates all land taxes (see also rata), khazin (Arabic): treasurer. THimba (an association in K o n g o ) : an initiation cult for boys. khombc: the commander of the army, in the Maravi administration. khorin: provincial war chiefs (in Senegambia). khüdia (Arabic): scribes. JEuwa (Arabic): address delivered by the khafib (preacher), from the top of the minbar (mosque chair)
973
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
of the Great M o s q u e , during the noontime Friday prayer, in which God's favour was invoked on the recognized caliph in the city and, where applicable, the prince from w h o m the governor of the town held his delegated power. kiamfu (derived from Yav, the imperial title): the leader of the Yaka. kia ukisi: holy, sacred. kibmndji: region under the responsibility of the kilolo (Luba). kifuka (Kikongo): 'urbanity', 'politeness', i.e. the behaviour of a client. tifuka kia utinu: court of the king (in Kikongo). kiims'rogo: a Mossi ancestral shrine. kilbu: natron (in K â n e m b u ) . kilolo (pi. bilolo): territorial administrators; chiefs (among the L u b a / L u n d a ) . kimpasi (a healing association in Kongo): a cult whose aim was to banish tnpasi. kini-n-bolo (Bambara): the right arm of Segu's army. kirari: praise-songs dedicated to sovereigns and other important persons in K a n o (Hausaland). kitomi: in K o n g o , former lords of the land. Kokani (a title in Kebbi, Hausaland): the official responsible for relations with the population. kombere (pi. kombemba) (Mossi): a regional chief with broad autonomy marked notably by the right to appoint local chiefs. kom ngu: the counsellors of the kingdom (in B a m u m ) . korin: provincial war chiefs. kontuowa: the ruling class or nobility (in the Kanuri society in Borno). kraal (from Portuguese curral, pen for cattle, enclosure): i) a village of Khoi Khoi or Kaffirs, or other South or Central African natives, consisting of a collection of huts surrounded by a fence or stockade, and often having a central space for cattle, etc.; also designates the community of such a village; 2) an enclosure for cattle or sheep, especially in South or Central Africa; a stockade, pen, fold. Krontire: see Adonten. kubandwa: a practice of initiatory rites in R w a n d a , Burundi and Buha. kudin hah: grazing duty paid by the nomadic Fulbe (in Kebbi, Hausaland). kudin hito: customs duty (in Hausaland). kudin kasa: a land tax paid by the farmers (in Hausaland). kudin laifi: forgiveness tax paid by an offender when pardoned by the sovereign (in Hausaland). kudin sana a: a professional tax (in Hausaland). túgala: dignitaries at the court of the L u b a mulopwe. kultingo: a tribute (in Borno). Kulturkreis (pi. Kulturkreise) (German) (the Kulturkreise school): a culture complex developing in successive epochs from its centre of origin and becoming diffused over large areas of the world; the concept of the Kulturkreise was developed by the Vienna school of ethnology (the term is associated especially with the G e r m a n anthropologists F . Graebner and W . Schmidt). Kulughli (from Turkish ¡¡uloghlu, 'son of slave'): in the period of Turkish domination in Algeria and Tunisia, this word denoted those elements of the population resulting from marriages of Turks with local w o m e n . Kunduda (title in Hausaland): a Kebbi's military leader. kurita: a Mossi word which means 'reigning dead m a n ' , is constructed by analogy with narita, 'reigning chief. T h e kurita is the representative a m o n g the living of a dead chief, and is generally chosen from among the sons of the dead chief; he has no power by virtue of his title and is debarred from the succession, but he can become a chief in an area outside his family's c o m m a n d ; if a kurita becomes a chief, he retains the nom-de-guerre (zab yuré) of naaba kurita. (the) Kurkwi corps (spearmen in Für): a standing slave-army created by M u h a m m a d Tayrab ibn A h m a d Bukr. kutama: migration m o v e m e n t (from south-east Africa to Z i m b a b w e around 1000). kwaka tree or monkey orange: 1) either of two deciduous African shrubs or small trees (Strychnos inocua and Strychnos spinosa) having a hard globose fruit with edible pulp; 2) the fruit of a monkey orange. kmama: fructification (in Kirundi). kwara: a magical symbol (in Mossi). kwaro (an obsolete term meaning 'to exchange a coin for cowries'): possibly a harvest tax, which was payable in D a m a g a r a m , for instance. kyekyedala (from kyekye, sand): a Sudanese word to designate the divine, the consultant. Kyeremfem: the Left wing of the Denkyira state. Kyidom: the Rear guard division of the A k w a m u state and metropolitan Asante.
974
Glossary
ladende or lazenda: large estates; large plantations in Latin America. Ladinos (Spanish): thefirstAfricans in America brought there from Europe by the Conquistadores. T h e y were mainly from Senegambia and had either been previously brought to Europe, or were born there. T h e y were called ladinos in America because they knew Spanish or Portuguese, and were at least partly influenced by the civilization of the Iberian countries. laibon: a Maasai ritual leader. laman (first occupant): a territorial chief. lamana (from the Sereer 'master of the land'): denotes a system of land tenure and a political system in which the masters of the land also exercised power. T h e lamana of the masters of the land developed into the Mansaya of purely political chiefs. lanbens (Portuguese): clothes from the Barbary states. laucados (from Portuguese lançar, to launch out an adventure) or tangomàos ('people w h o had adopted local customs'): emigrants w h o had settled on the (African) continent with the agreement of the African sovereigns, intermarried and set themselves up as commercial middlemen. T h e y formed part of the m a n y expatriates w h o populated the southern rivers and the Atlantic islands (especially Cape Verde). M o s t of them were Portuguese, with a sprinkling of Greeks, Spaniards and even Indians. T h e y also came to include more and more halfbreed children, thefilhosda terra (children of the land). landdrost: a resident magistrate (in southern Africa). lapto (literally, 'translator'): a native interpreter. larde kangema: the nominal owner of the land (in Borno). Larhle-Naaba (a Mossi title): a dignitary w h o combined military and ritual functions. las li: the descendants of the great marabout families w h o constituted 'the aristocracy of the sword and the lance and the book and the pen' at the top of the rimbe (in Futa Jallon). lazenda: see ladende. lazzäm (Arabic): tax farmers. legha (Arabic): henchmen. lemba ('to appease, to divert the anger of a nkisi'): in K o n g o , the lemba association was an association of bilomi or high priests consecrated to a nkisi called Lemba. T h e activities of these priests were all related to the lemba: to appease the anger of a nkisi or to invoke a nkisi (lemba nkisi); to remove a danger (lemba sunga); to restore peace in the country (lemba nsi), etc.; also: judges. Lenngi: in Futa Toro, the Lenngi, sung solely by Sebbe w o m e n at marriages or circumcisions, are heroic songs summoning up contempt for death and the protection of honour. leydi hujja: land bond (in Fulfulde). leydi janandi: state-owned lands. leydi maal: see bayti maal. leydi urum: a system of land control under which allegiance was owed by means of the worma, coupled with the muud al-htirum tax. lifidi (Hausa): a quilted armour; horse trappings; the quilted protection for war-horses. Lifidi (title in Hausaland): Commander-in-chief of the heavy cavalry division. Limanin Ciki (title in Hausaland): a Kanuri scholar responsible for the education of the royal family. Linger: a title (in Kayor). lizma (Arabic): in the Maghreb, farming-out of the provinces, customs, etc.; tax-farming. longon'mpanilo or vohitsy mananila: collaterals, in Madagascar. luba: see gada. lukanga: a senior L u b a judge. Lukonkeshia: see Rukonkesh. Lurum'ayo or Lurun'yo: see Ayo. Lurun'yo: see Lurum'ayo. maabo: M a n d e blacksmiths. macamos: the macamos were gangs of slaves surrounding the Mwene Mutapa, i.e. they corresponded to the Sudanic royal captives (furbajon, tonjon orjaami buur). maccube: slaves, captives (in Fulfulde). machila: cotton clothes produced by the Lundu's Mang'anja subjects in the Lower Shire valley. Madaki: the title of the queen-mother (in K a n o ) . Madawaki: in Katsina (Hausaland), officer-in-charge of the royal stables; leader of the cavalry and/or commander-in-chief of the army. madhhab (pi. madhähib) (Arabic): legal schools named after their founders w h o bear also the honorific title o f / m a m . There are four of these schools: Mâlikism, Shjfi'ism, Hanafism and Hanbalism.
975
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
(the) Mad[elisse (Arabic): a body of jurists. madrasa (Arabic): a primary and secondary Kur'ânic school: madrasa designates more particularly an establishment of higher religious education (as a rule attached to a mosque) for the training of the Sunnite clergy, the 'ulamâ'. Mafouk: in Central Africa, a title borne by the mercadores. magaji: a warrior; a successor (in Hausaland). Magajin Baberi (a title in Kebbi, Hausaland): an official in charge of external affairs. Magajin Gari or Sarkin Gari (a title in Kebbi, Hausaland): a village chief; an official responsible for internal security; in Sokoto, the caliph's adviser, acting as the caliph's link with the emirates. Magajin Sangeldu: in Kebbi (Hausaland), a title conferred upon Fulbe in contact with the herdsmen. magira: the queen-mother (in K á n e m - B o r n o ) . magram: the king's official sister (in K á n e m - B o r n o ) . (the) Maguzawa: there are non-Muslim groups in both Nigeria and Niger w h o speak only Hausa and w h o share the Hausa culture, but w h o refuse to be called Hausa people. In Nigeria these people call themselves, and are called by other Hausa, M a g u z a w a (or Bamaguje), whereas in Niger they are k n o w n by the n a m e Azna (or Arna) - the Hausa word for 'pagan'. Since the n a m e M a g u z a w a is probably derived from the Arabic madjus (originally 'fire-worshippers', then 'pagans' generally) it is possible that the polarization between Hausa and Maguzawa/Azna began only with the spread of Islam among the c o m m o n people in Hausaland, after the seventeenth and eighteen centuries. mahabbar. in Ethiopia, an agape, i.e. a 'love-feast' connected with the Lord's Supper. mah'alla (Arabic): in the Maghrib, an armed expedition; armed camps. mahanga (ilala palm - Hyphaene natalenis): a tree found in the lowveld areas of Southern Zambezia, the sap of which was used to make an intoxicating wine called njemani or chemma (in Hlengwe). mahram (Arabic): the granting - by chiefs - of privileges to families or religious notables. mai: king, ruler (in K ä n e m b u ) . maidugu: grandson of a previous king (in Borno). (the) mailo system: the system of land tenure introduced into East Africa under British colonization; it combines chiefdom with ownership and the right to speculate in land. maim: eligible princes (in Borno). Mainin Kinendi (title in Borno): the Islamic and legal adviser to the mai. mairam: princess (in Borno). mai sarauta: ruler (in Hausaland). Maishanu (title in Kebbi, Hausaland): the official w h o collected the livestock that was the state's due. Majlis: in K â n e m , the highest council of state normally presided over by the mai and composed of military and religious notables. makambala: the councillors of the K y u n g u (a priest-king worshipped by the Ngonde). makaya: see haya. makhzen (Arabic): privileged peoples from w h o m Moroccan state officials are recruited, (the) Makhzen: originally meant 'treasury', but came to be used for the official system of government in Morocco, and more broadly the political and religious élite of the country. makoko: king, among the Tio of Kongo. Mala Kasuube (a title in Borno): the official w h o supervised sales in the markets and attempted to ensure justice and fair play during major commercial transactions. malams: Muslim clerics and scholars. malamti: in Borno, scholarly families. malke'e: Ethiopian sacred h y m n s (see deggma). mallamai: scholars (in Hausaland). Maloango: king (in Central Africa: Angola, etc.). Mamandranomay: Bara provincial governors (Madagascar). mambo: a title found in south-east/central Africa. marnluk: a freed m a n , a former slave of Christian origin w h o has been converted and suitably trained to serve at court or in the army, (the) M a m l u k s : a dynasty that reigned over Egypt and Syria (1250-1517), whose sultans were chosen from a m o n g the militias of slave soldiers (mamluks). Mamponghene ('the king of M a m p o n g ' ) : the leader of Gonja, one of the vassal states that formed the Confederacy of Greater Asante. Manantany: thefirstminister, in Sakalava kingdoms (Madagascar). manara: the large central d o m e (in architecture). manda: salt, in K ä n e m b u . Manda Hausakoy (a divinity): the fisherman-blacksmith from Yawuri.
976
Glossary Mandi-Mani ('the Lord of the M a n o u ' ) : the title of the greatest suzerain in the Sierra Leone-Liberia region. Mandi-Mansa: the title of the Emperor of Mali. Mandjil or Mändjuluk: the title which F u n d ] monarchs bestowed on their principal vassals. mandresirafy: a m o n g the Antankara of Madagascar, the purveyors of invincibility, sacred objects passed on from ruler to ruler. mangest egzi 'abtjirawit: the 'Holy Empire', i.e. Ethiopia. Mangi Mrme: the paramount chief of the U g w e n o clans of Tanzania. mani: in the K o n g o kingdom, a high-ranking noble; a landlord; a governor. Mani Kabunga: in K o n g o , name given to the clergy assigned to the spirits, from the village level to that of the kingdom. Mani Kongo: the ruler of the Kongo. manoma: farmers in (Hausaland). mansa (in Maninka): the king, the holder of the most important political power (in Mali). mansaya (in Maninka): 1) royalty; political territorial groups headed by a mansa; 2) a socio-political system, whose dominant ruling class was a polyarchy of an élite of laymen or priests, freemen or slaves, caste or guild members, or noblemen or commoners. It was financed by the taxes which those controlling the machinery of government levied on trade and produce. It was not a landed aristocracy or proprietor class. mantse: king, a m o n g the G a . marabout: the word does not have the same meaning in the Maghreb as in Black Africa. In the former it applies both to a holy person w h o has founded a brotherhood and to his tomb; in sub-Saharan Africa it designates any person with some knowledge of the Kur'än and other sacred writings w h o uses that knowledge to act as interceder between the believer and G o d , while drawing upon traditional divinatory sources and the use of talismans. In the eyes of the public he is a scholar in the religious sense of the word, a magician, a soothsayer and a healer. marabtin bilbaraka: in Barka, the offspring of pilgrims, usually North Africans. marinda: a healing association (in Kongo). Marisa (title meaning 'the Destroyer'): in Katsina (Hausaland), the title of a governor w h o kept watch over the eastern border. maroserana ('many paths' in Malagasy): reflects the custom of thefirstMaroserana kings in Mahafaly to place their residences in the middle of habitations with paths radiating in all directions to villages around them. marula or nkanyi: the marulu (Sclerocarya caffra) is a tree of the family Anacardiaceae, found in central and southern Africa, and bearing an oval yellow fruit about two inches long that is used locally for making an intoxicating beverage; also marula plum: the fruit of this tree. Masara ('Egyptian'): maize (in Kanuri). Mashinama: the title of an important Kanuri dignitary. masu arziki: see attajirai. masu sarauta: in Hausaland, all those with any political authority; aristocrats. mawlids (Arabic): legendary prose narratives about M u h a m m a d . mazalim (abuses) (Arabic): a word whose singular mazlima denotes an unjust or oppressive action. At an early stage in the development of Islamic institutions of government, mazâlim came to denote the structure through which the temporal authorities took direct responsibility for dispensing justice. mbafu: red dyewood, in L u b a (Zaire). mbarma or búlala: local or ethnic leaders (in K â n e m ) . mboma ( a m a n of the B o m a ethnic group): a m o n g the Tio, the word designates a stupid person or anyone in a lowly occupation. mbua: animal skin (in Kikuyuland). meen: maternal family (in Kayor). mercadores (Portuguese): brokers; merchants, tradesmen. mestizo: a Spanish or Portuguese half-caste (Afro-Portuguese . . . ) ; also applied to other persons of mixed blood, such as Afro-Asians, (the) Mfecane (crushing), in Nguni languages and LifaqanejDifaqane (hammering) in Sotho-Tswana: a social and political revolution that took place in Bantu-speaking Southern Africa and beyond, during thefirstdecades of the nineteenth century. mfuka (Kikongo): debt. mfuku (Kikongo): usefulness, benefit. mgami: the land divider (in the Maravi administration). Mgbe: leopard secret society (of the northern Cross river valley and the Cameroon).
977
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
mhondoro ('lion'): in the Mutapa empire, spirit m e d i u m s whose function was to advise the emperor in all matters of state; national ancestor spirits. mifaly: submission (in Malagasy). mihrab (Arabic): i) a niche, chamber, or slab in a mosque, indicating the direction of Mecca; 2) a niche motif of an Oriental prayer rug, resembling the shape of a mihrab in a mosque. mikirello (a honorary title in Ethiopia): a royal counsellor. milambu: taxes payable (to the L u b a mulopwe) in food and local produce. milk: small family holdings; property; possession, ownership. mingilu: unpaid labour (a tribute paid to the L u b a mulopwe by his officials). mMkal (of gold, etc.) (Arabic): the Sudanese mitM¡aI weighs approximately 4.25 g. mitngu: a secret society opened to the rest of the population irrespective of social status (in B a m u m ) . mkomba: the public executioner (in the Maravi administration). mlira (the tnlira cult): the ritual veneration of Mlira, the spirit of the Great Kalonga Chinkhole, an ancestor of the Phiri royal lineages (see Chapter 21). moasy: a priest (in Madagascar). Mogho-Naaba (a title): the Naaba of the Mossi country. mogyemogye ('ceremonial jaw-bone'): an Asante wine jar used for pouring libations on the Golden Stool. mokondzi: chief (in Lingala). Monomotapa: see Mwene Mutapa. montamba: among the Bobangi of the Congo basin, a slave sold by his kin. montonge: a captured slave (among the Bobangi). moyal (literally 'spoliation'): in Takrür, a tax which entitled members of the élite to appropriate wealth wherever possible. moyo: heart, in the Rozvi empire; soul, spirit in Kikongo. mpanjaka: king, chief, ruler (in Madagascar). mpanjaka-bé: title of a king given only to rulers of the great Bara clan (Madagascar). mpanjaka-kely: the Zafimanely kinglets (in Madagascar). mpasi (Kikongo): suffering, poverty, need, calamity or affliction. mphande: shells, among the T u m b u k a of northern Zambezia. mphelo: a T u m b u k a grinding stone. mpifehy: village chiefs (in Madagascar). mpisoro: the chief priest of the Mahafaly kings (Madagascar). mpok: a L u n d a broadsword. m'polio: a catfish (in Bambara). mpungi: the sacred shrine of the Pare of Tanzania. mtemi: see ntemi. muavi: in the prazos, a poison ordeal done to establish the guilt or innocence of a person accused of witchcraft. mubata: see babuta. mubika: see habita. mugabe ('the milker') or mukama (pi. bakama): king (in Bunyoro and Buganda). muhanuro: an annual festival in Burundi, during which royal authority and the drums symbolizing it were renewed, and which celebrated the sowing of sorghum, and determined the most favourable date for this in a country with a long rainy season. muhutu (pi. bahutu): ethnic group in Burundi, R w a n d a and several other states in eastern and central Africa. muidzu: the country's chief justice (in Kongo). mukama: see mugabe. mukanda: institution. mukata'ât (Arabic): financial and administrative unit (in Egypt). mukazambo: in the prazo system, a slave chief having under him a sachikunda and his nsaka. mukisi (Kikongo): evil-spell; witchcraft; crime of poisoning; the poison itself. mukomondera: a cultivation system through which the Shona used to obtain grain during famine. mulatto (Spanish mulato, from mulo, mule): one w h o is the offspring of a European and a Black; also used loosely for anyone of mixed race resembling a mulatto, mulopwe: the title of the L u b a king which signified the indivisibility of power that could not be shared. multazims (Arabic): the bidders w h o collected taxes from the peasants. munaki: a prophetess (in K o n g o ) . Munhumutapa (a title): see Mwene Mutapa.
978
Glossary mupeto: in the Mutapa empire, forcible confiscation. mushtarä (Arabic): rural products. mussitos: in the prazo system, fugitive slave strongholds. mussumba: a capital (town) (among the Lunda). Mustahfizän: one of the components of the Ottoman imperial troops or odjaks. Müteferrikas: the personal guard of the vice-regent of Egypt; the personal guard of a sultan. muud al-hurum or tnuudul horma: in the Senegal Futa, an annual tribute payable in grain (grain tax) to the M o o r s . mvila: clans (in Kikongo). mwami (pi. bamt): the royal title of the former kings of R w a n d a and Burundi. maangana: chief (in Lunda). mwana Mwilamba: the head of the (Luba) army. Mwant or Mwaant: the chiefly title to which the n a m e of thefirstLuba king (Yav or Yaav) was added to become the imperial title Mwant Yav. mwant a ngaand: a Lunda district headman. Mwant Yav: the highest L u b a / L u n d a title meaning 'Lord Yav', 'Lord of the Viper', referring to the distance between king and mortals: emperor. mwembe: traditional maize (in Kikuyuland). Mwene Mutapa or Monomotapa ('lord of metals', 'master of pillage'): a title borne by a line of kings w h o ruled over a country rich in gold, copper and iron, whence the title 'lord of metals'. This country lay between the Zambezi and L i m p o p o rivers, in what is n o w Z i m b a b w e and M o z a m b i q u e , from the fourteenth to the seventeenth century. It was often called the empire of the Mwene Mutapa, and is associated with the site k n o w n as Great Z i m b a b w e in south-western Z i m b a b w e . mwine Lundu: the keeper of the Luba tradition and particularly of the unwritten constitution. Mwine Munza: a L u b a title meaning 'master of M u n z a ' . mwisikongo: the nobles, one of the strata in K o n g o society. naaba (a Mossi title): chief. naabiiga (pi. naabiise): Mossi chiefs son. naabiise: see naabiiga. naam (Mossi): power; those w h o held the power. nabanza: the keeper of the regalia and supervisor of rituals at the court of the L u b a king. nagado: the merchant caste (in Ethiopia). nâ'ib (literally 'substitute, delegate, deputy'): the term applied generally to any person appointed as deputy of another in an official position, and more especially, in the M a m l u k and DihlT sultanates, to designate: a) the deputy or lieutenant of the sultan and b) the governors of the chief provinces. In its most c o m m o n form, in Persian and Turkish as well as later Arabic, nâ'ib signified a judgesubstitute, or delegate of the iâdï in the administration of law. nakib al-ashrâf (Arabic): a representative of the Prophet's descendants. nakombga: see nakombse. nakombse (sing, nakombga) (Mossi): princes of the blood; sons or descendants of sons of princes w h o had not become chiefs; the royal nakombse = the royal lineage. nalle: henna (in Kanuri). nanamse: Mossi princes. nangatoobe: the upper caste (in Takrür). napogsyure: see pogsyure. napoko (literally, 'chief w o m a n ' ) : the eldest daughter of a Mossi chief or king. O n the death of a Mossi chief or king, between the official announcement of his death (not to be confused with the actual time of his death) and the appointment of his successor, his position is temporarily assumed by his eldest daughter, w h o is given the title of napoko; the napoko is a substitute for her father, whose clothes she wears. napusum: Mossi ceremonies of greeting the king. navetaan: serfs (in Takrür). nawab: king. ncariampemba (Kikongo): see nkadi ampemba. ndalamba: queen mother with ritual role (among the Luba). ndoki(p\. bandoki): worker of spells, sorcerer (in Kongo). ndulu: a Kikuyu green vegetable. nduma: the arrowroot plant of the inland water holes (in Kikuyuland). neftenia: landed élite, landed nobility.
979
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century nere: an African tree whose roots and seeds are used in traditional medicine. nesomba: see nesomde. nesomde (pi. nesomba) (Mossi): honest m a n ; high-ranking dignitary at the head of groups of royal servants. nevanje: a prince and heir-apparent in the Mutapa empire of Southern Zambia. nguailiino (Tio): in K o n g o , the official responsible for collecting tribute and heading the administration. ngabi: bush-buck taboo, usually associated with the dynastic clan of the Habito. nganga: in Bantu languages, healer; sorcerer; medicine m a n ; in K o n g o , the recognized term for a religious expert, especially in nkisi. nganga ngombo: diviners (in K o n g o ) . ng'anjo: iron-smelting kiln. ngiri: a secret society for princes only (in B a m u m ) . Ngola: a title born by the king of N d o n g o , a state to the south of K o n g o . nguri: mother (in Kikongo). Nifa: the Right wing of the A k w a m u state and metropolitan Asante. nikpelo (Mossi): the eldest m e m b e r (e.g. of a lineage). nizâm (from Turkish nizâm, order, disposition, arrangement): the hereditary title of the rulers of Hyderabad, India, belonging to the dynasty founded by Asaf Jâf, Subahdar of the Deccan from 1713 to 1748. njaki: a c o m m o n Kikuyu bean. njemani or chemma: in Southern Zambia, an intoxicating wine m a d e from the mahanga or ilala palm. njoldi: symbolic payments attaching to the master of the land; annual ground rent. nkadi ampemba or ncariampemba (from nkadi, a dangerous ancestral spirit, and mpemba, the hereafter): the d e m o n (in Kikongo). nkangi ('the saviour'): in K o n g o , a crucifix which was the emblem of the judicial power. nkanyi: see marula. nkende: a grey cercopithecus (a genus of long-tailed African monkeys comprising the guenons and related forms) used as a taboo by the kings of Bujiji. nkisi: the term, which means 'initiation; magic power; mystic powers; spirit; ancestral force; sacred medicine; idol; fetish', designates, in K o n g o , the ideology of royalty derived from religious conceptions in general, in which three important cults played a role: ancestor worship; the worship of territory spirits and the worship of royal charms. nkobi: a talisman (in Kikongo). nkoron: deep-mining (in Akan). nkuluntu ('old one'): the elder; hereditary village chiefs (in Kongo). noguna: the mat's court (in Borno). nona: in Kanuri, respectful visits rendered by a social inferior to the house of his social father for w h o m he was supposed to run any errand required of him. Nono (a title): in Kebbi (Hausaland), the dignitary w h o collected the milk and butter intended for the sovereign. nsaa: blanket (among the Akan). nsaka: in prazos, a unity of the chikunda army, comprising ten m e n , under a sachikunda. ntemi or mtemi: a chiefship consisting of a small group of villages and neighbourhoods ruled by a single chief w h o m the villagers appointed from the ruling lineage (in Tanzania). nthlava: the sandy soils where the Hlengwe used to build their homesteads. ntufia: the sacredfirelit at his coronation by each king (maloango) of Loango, and which was to burn until his death. numa-n-bolo (Bambara): the left a r m of Segu's army. nyamankala: the caste system (in M a n d e ) . Nyarubanga (the L u o word for 'sent by G o d ' ) : in Northern Uganda, the period of droughts and famines that ended with the Great Famine of 1617-21, accompanied by a disease which wiped out the cattle herds. nyia: the Kanuri marriage contract. Nzambi mpungu ('Supreme Creator', 'superior spirit'): the w a y the King of K o n g o was addressed. nzavi: a Kikuyu preservable bean. nzimbu (shells of Olivancilaria nana): shells used as currency in the K i n g d o m of Kongo. nzo longo (association in Kongo): an initiation cult for boys. oba (in Edo): the title of the founder of the ancient K i n g d o m of Benin, holder of religious and political powers. obeah (or obi): an African religion, probably of Asante origin, characterized by the use of sorcery and
980
Glossary magic ritual; also: a charm or fetish used in obeah and: the influence of obeah (e.g. put obeah on a person). obi: an Igbo term, of probable Yoruba origin, for king or chief. T h e obi was appointed by the oba of Benin. obuotoyo: rock salt (in Yoruba). odjal;: a corps of imperial troops introduced in Egypt by Sultan Selim I; also Turkish fortresses and garrisons. ogendini: sub-ethnic groups (among the Luo). ohene: the king of the Kumasi state. ôkoo (makoko): king (among the Tio). okro or otra: a tall annual plant (Hibiscus or Abelmoschus esculentus) indigenous to Africa, and its green seed-pods, used for soup, salad and pickles (also called gumbo), omanhene: the king of the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires. ombiasa: often translated as 'sacerdotal person'; priest; medicine m a n ; doctor, etc.; ombiasa encompass a number of functions and have a number of categories into which they are subdivided a m o n g the Malagasy. ompanghalalan: royal messengers (in Malagasy). omukama: king. oni: king (e.g. the oni of Ife). ondaty-bé: high councillors of the Mahafaly clans (in Madagascar). onjatsy: earlier newcomers (on a land) (in Madagascar). orin-tany: n e w lands (in Madagascar). Oranmiyan: title of Oranyan, a son of O d u d u w a (the founder andfirstoni of Ife) and the legendary founder of the Yoruba kingdom of Q y o , w h o is stated to have reigned at both Ife and Benin before moving to Q y o ; now the title of a god. orkoiyot (pi. orkoik): a spiritual leader (among the Nandi); also, a traditional leader (in Kenya). osafohene: war leader in the A k w a m u and Denkyira states. othen (pi. otheme): in Labwor (Great Lakes region), multi-clan ritual grouping. ovimbali or quimbares: the Afro-Portuguese (in K o n g o ) . ozo: a high-ranking person (in the Igbo hierarchy). panga (Swahili): a large broad-bladed knife used in Africa for heavy cutting (as of brush or bananas) and also as a weapon (machete). pasha (Turkish): honorary title attaching to senior office, particularly of military commander and provincial governor, in the Ottoman empire. pastas (Portuguese): 1000pastas = 8ooooo cruzados (c. 1756-7) - see cruzado, pinje: see piny. piny (pi. pinje): the territory of a L u o sub-ethnic group, (the royal) pogsyure (napogsyure) system: a system of capitalizing and distributing w o m e n (among the Mossi). pombe (Swahili): in Central and East Africa, a (possibly intoxicating) drink m a d e by fermenting m a n y kinds of grain and some fruits. pombeiros (in Portuguese): agents from pombo; barefoot mulatto merchants. pombo: the Kikongo name for Pool people. prazeros: in the prazo system, a dominant class, holder of the crown lands (prazos); estate-owners. prazos (Portuguese): crown lands; agricultural estates; the prazo was also a Portuguese land-tenure system. prazos da coroa (Portuguese): crown land estates. presidios (Portuguese): towns. pumbo ('market'): slave market in P u m b o , in Stanley Pool region. quimbares: see ovimbali. Quojabercoma: the country of the Quoja (Sierra Leone and Liberia). raia (from Arabic ra'iyah, flock, herd, subjects, peasants): a non-Muslim subject of the Sultan of Turkey, subject to payment of such taxes as the djizya (poll tax) and the kharadj (land tax). (See the dhimml of Vol. III). rainitsy ny mpanjaka ('royal friends'): the heads of the Mahafaly clans (in Madagascar). rals (or reis): a Muslim chief or ruler; a Muslim ship's captain. rakire: joking relationship (in Mossi). Ramai'an the ninth month of the Muslim lunar calendar, during which Muslims observe a fast (saum).
981
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
Rangahy (Malagasy): a royal official (at Ambilobe, Antankara capital, Madagascar). ras (Amharic ras, head, chief, from Arabic rals) (a title): an Ethiopian king, prince, or feudal lord; also, the ruler of an Ethiopian province. rasa or erasa (from the Amharic ras): head or chief. Rasam-Naaba (a Mossi title): see Bin-Naaba. al-RasKd (Arabic): an honorific title meaning 'the Just'. real-politik: a G e r m a n word used to denote the notion of realism in politics, (the) Reconquista: the process of Christian resistance to Muslim domination and the wars to eliminate Islam from the peninsula, covering the period between 722 (the battle of Covadonga) and 1492 (the fall of Granada). refo rekk: serfs, in Sereer. Regimentó (Portuguese): instructions from the King of Portugal, granting privileges, especially to missionaries. reis: seerils. remoru: serfs, in S a m b a . renilemy: the privileged, in Mahafaly society (Madagascar). restvolker (German): refugees. reljr. king, in Shillukland. ribat (or rabila): (from the Arabic rabata, to link, to tie): a link, a tie, a connection; an outpost that is fortified (against external threat); a fortress, a hermitage; a fortified centre devoted to religious and ascetic practices and/or to propagating the faith; also a body of Islamic precepts (da'mat al-hakk). rima (a Mossi title - from ri, 'to absorb or eat food that is not chewed'): king. rimaybe or bellah (Mossi): prisoners tied to working the land; captives and serfs. rimbe: see dimo. ringu (from ri - see above, under rima): enthronement. riyäsa (Arabic): leadership. Rohandrian: the n a m e of the highest Zafindraminia estate in Madagascar. rola: turtle-dove (in Shona country). rugga: see ardo. Rukonkesh or Lukonkeshia (Luba/Lunda title): the queen-mother and head of the logistics for the court. runde: slave villages (in Futa Jallon). ruoth or wuon piny: the chief of the L u o buch piny. Saburu (a title in Hausaland): the official responsible for security on the roads. sachikunda: in prazos, the head of a chikunda army. Sachiteve: a title (in Uteve). saff (pi. sufuf) (Arabic): a confederation formed by alliances between kabilas. saka: the section, thefirstlevel in the Mossi patrilineal and patrilocal society. sakke: in Kebbi (Hausaland), the representative of the coopers, appointed by the sovereign. sakkeebe: cobblers (in Takrur). saläm: Ethiopian sacred h y m n s (see deggwa). saliyane (Arabic): annual salaries. samba remoru: in Kebbi, farmers w h o have turned back to the land; poor peasants of Takrür. sampy: the royal divinity guaranteeing the well-being of the Imerina state (Madagascar). Sanaahene: the Minister of Finance in the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires. sanankunya: joking relationship. sandjak (from Turkish sanjak, literally, flag, standard): in the former Turkish empire, one of the administrative districts into which an eyalet or vilayet (province) was divided. Sandjak Bey (a title, in Egypt): the governor of a sandjak; the highest military and administrative personnel of a district. sandjak-beylik: the most important and fundamental military and administrative unit of the Ottoman empire grouped, regionally, under the authority of a beylerbey. san'dyon: trade slaves (in Bambara). Sango: the thunder cult (in the Q y o religious system). sanjag: see sandjak. santu (Kikongo): a type of cross; a crucifix, but also a saint. Santuraki (a title in K a n o ) : a court dignitary. sarakunan noma: a title meaning 'master of the crops' (in Hausaland). sarakunan rafi: in Zamfara (Hausaland), grazing-tax collectors. sarauta: kingship (in Hausaland).
982
Glossary sarki (pi. sarakuna) (a title): head of state; chief; king (in Hausaland). Sarkin (a title): chief; king (in Hausaland). Sarkin bayi (a title in Hausaland): the king of slaves. Sarktn dawaki (a title in Hausaland): a general in the cavalry division. Sarkin fullani: a title in Hausaland. Sarkin lifidi (a title in Hausaland): a general in the heavy cavalry division. Sarkin poma (a title in Hausaland): chief, master of the crops. Sarkin rafi (a title in Hausaland): Governor of the Valleys. Sarkin shanu (a title in Hausaland): livestock tax-collector. Sarkin tudu (a title in Hausaland): Governor of the Hills. satala (Bambara): a kettle; prayer beads. Satigi (a title in Futa Toro, meaning 'the Great Ful'): ruler. saum (Arabic): compulsory dawn-to-dusk fast during the month of Ramadan, with abstinence from all physical pleasures (food, drink, sexual relations, etc). Sax-sax: in Kayor, administrative officers appointed in villages by the central government. Sayh: an Ethiopian religious chief. ¡ebbe: see ceddo. Sekiapu: see Ekine. sen (literally 'foot' in Bambara): the basic unit of the faama of Segu's army. Serdar. the commander of the military operating within or beyond Egypt's borders. Serin Jakk (a title in Kayor): the Serin Jakk devoted themselves to religious activities and teaching. Serin Lamb: agents of central government (in Kayor) responsible for the defence of the frontiers. Shango: a Yoruba divinity. skangwa: famine (in Shona). Shantali: a protocol officer in Katsina (Hausaland). sharTa (literally 'way', 'good road' in Arabic): detailed code of conduct; the sharTa comprises the precepts governing the ritual of worship, standards of behaviour and rules ofTiving. It consists of laws that prescribe, permit and distinguish between true and false. T h e Kur'anic prescriptions it covers are complemented by prohibitions and explanations contained in the law (fikh). T h e sources of the Islamic sharTa are the Kur'ân and the hadtth. shârïf( Arabic pi. shurafà'): literally 'noble'; an honorary title given to all the descendants of 'AIT and of Fätima. shaykji (Arabic pi. mashiyikh): old m a n ; chief of an Arab kablla; spiritual master; title given to the founders of mystical brotherhoods, to great scholars and to teachers. Shaykh al-Balad (Arabic): an unofficial honorary title, only indicating a senior a m o n g the Egyptian beys (senior grandee). slba (Arabic): dissident blocks. Siddi: one of the terms used to denote blacks or African slaves in Asia. silamos (from Islam/Islamos): Muslim converts (in Malagasy). siso: see gabir. soba: petty chief; leaders (in Angola). sofa (Bambara): the infantry corps (in theyaama's army). T h e sofa were in theory grooms, but did not necessarily practise this occupation; they were part of the faama's household. Sometimes, to secure the undying devotion of the 'young m e n ' the faama presided at their 'birth' to m a n h o o d through circumcision, making sure some of his o w n sons were involved in it too. sojabe: a m o n g the Sakalava of Madagascar, the village elders, concerned with the minutiae of social life. soldo (Portuguese): the payment of the capitäos-mores. sombili: (ongoing) custom; prerogative (practised by the Zafirambo in Madagascar) to slaughter domesticated animals. sonda (sing, sondre) (Mossi): collective names or mottoes. sondre: see sonda. sorabe (or volan'Onjatsy) (in Malagasy): Arabic script used to transcribe the Malagasy language; ArabicMalagasy characters; manuscript in the Antemoro language written in Arabic characters. These are katibo's (scribes specializing in the writing and interpretation of the sorabe) traditions. sorondamba (Mossi): young servants. spahi (from Turkish sipâhl, horseman, mounted soldier): a horseman forming one of a body of cavalry which formerly constituted an important part of the Turkish army and was to some extent organized on a feudal basis. stifi (literally 'dressed in wool', from the Arabic root, sûf, meaning 'wool' to denote 'the practice of
983
Africa front the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
wearing the woollen robe' (labs al-sûj), hence the act of devoting oneself to the mystic life on becoming what is called in Islam a süß: an adept of Muslim mysticism (Süßsm or ta$awwuj). süß tarifas: see tarlka. Süßsm (tasawwufin Arabic): ascetic Islamic mysticism originating in the eighth century and developing especially in Persia into a system of elaborate symbolism of which the goal is c o m m u n i o n with the deity through contemplation and ecstasy. sugedi: grass matting (in Kanuri). sût;: an Arab market or market-place, a souk, a bazaar; shops grouped by corporations. sulke: coats of mail (in Hausaland). sultan: the sovereign or chief ruler of a Muslim country; especially (formerly) the sovereign of Turkey; also formerly, a prince or king's son, a high officer. Sunankwaahene: the Minister of Religious Affairs in the A k w a m u and Denkyira empires. surga or dag: in Takriir, in the context of clientship, the relationship between the pastoralists (the donors) and the agriculturalists (the recipients) of one w h o agreed of his o w n free will to be maintained by a rich m a n or an influential political leader for his o w n benefit. svikiro: the word svikiro is derived from the verb tusvika meaning 'to arrive at or reach a place'. Svikiro literally means the person, vehicle or instrument through which gods and spirits communicate with the people. T h u s a priest, rabbi and prophet in western culture and a caliph and mallam in Muslim culture could be a sviriko in the Shona society. T h e sviriko should not be confused with a medical practitioner, nganga, or with a fortune-teller. T h e sviriko was a priest, an intellectual, an educator, and a leader, wrapped into one person. Swana Mulunda: see Swan Murund. Swan Mulopwe: heir-presumptive and c o m m a n d e r of the L u n d a army. Swan Murund or Swana Mulunda (a L u b a / L u n d a title): the symbolic mother of the society; symbolic queen-mother n a m e d Rweej. tabula (Bambara): in Segu, a drum associated with each ruler and which announced war. tabaski ('sacrifice'): a Muslim religious festival in which the Bambara kings used to take part. la/sir (Arabic): commentary of the Kur'an; exegesis. tala'a: the commoners, one of the classes in Kanuri society. talakawa (sing, talaka): the ruled; in Hausa society, serfs; free commoners; the poor; poverty-stricken farmers and herdsmen of Hausaland and the Niger-Chad area. Talba: head of police and magistrate (in Borno). Talempihitry: in the Sakalava kingdoms of Madagascar, officials acting as overseers of the dady cult. talia: commoners in the Kanuri society (in Borno). talse: Mossi commoners. Tandonaka: councils of ministers (among the I m a m o n o of Madagascar). tangomâos: see laucados. Tara (a Hausa title meaning ' T h e Council of Nine'): in Zamfara, Gobir and K a n o , designated an electoral college responsible for the appointment of the successor to the throne from a m o n g the princes. tank a (Arabic pi. turul;): literally 'way'; association or brotherhood (each tarifa bears the n a m e of its founder); congregation, Süß religious brotherhood; local centre of a religious brotherhood; lodge of brotherhoods. ta'rlkh (Arabic): history in general, annals, chronicles; usually synonymous with 'historical account'. It is the title of a great m a n y historical works, like Ta'rlkh al-Südän (the history of the Sudan, or Negroes of West Africa - see Bilàd al-Südän); Ta'rikh al-Andalus (the history of Andalusia), etc. tariki: subgroups (in Malagasy). Tasoba (a title): war chief; general-in-chief. tasobnamba ('masters of war' in Mossi): war chiefs. tata: a fort (in Bambara). tatibato: method of periodic tax collection used by the Antakara of Madagascar to finance the state. Teen: a title (in Kayor). tè'gg: M a n d e blacksmiths. tellek saw ('great m a n ' ) : designates the ideal of greatness in Ethiopian society. tengsoba ('the master of the land' in Mossi): earth priest. tenzi: epic poems (in Kiswahili). terras da coroa: in the prazo system, a Portuguese crown property. teskere: an export permit, tiido: an altar (in Mossi).
984
Glossary timar (Arabic): fiefs. Tingimaro: title of a ruler (in Madagascar). tobe (Kanuri): large open cotton gowns either plain or dyed blue. Togo-Naaba (a Mossi title): the chiefs spokesman w h o was responsible for ritual ceremonies. tompon-menakely (a Malagasy title meaning 'masters-of-the-fief ): chiefs of village fiefs. tompon-tany ('masters of the land'): original inhabitants (in Madagascar). ton (Bambara): an association of boys circumcised at the same time; political association. ton-den (Bambara): association members. ton-djeli (Bambara): the ion's griot. ton-iyon ('captives of the ton1, in Bambara) mostly captives or former captives taken in war. tonjon: crown slaves (at the mansa's court). ton-koro-boh (Bambara): in Segu's army, a reserve corps of experienced ton-dyon behind the disi. ton-masa: leader (in Bambara). ton-tigui (Bambara): chief; in the cavalry, quiver-bearers. too: millet paste that forms the staple diet a m o n g the Bambara. too-daga: too pot (in Bambara). Torodo: the Torodo revolution of 1776 in Futa T o r o was begun by the Torodo marabout movement which took m u c h of its inspiration from the success of the djihâd in Bandu and Futa Jallon at the beginning of the eighteenth century. It was a revolt of the small peasants against both the muudul horma, imposed by the Moorish kabilas, and the oppressive eastern Muslim tax system introduced by the Islamized Denyanke aristocracy. torwe: in Borno, specially designated title-holders. trano-vato: a fort (in Madagascar). Trek (the Great Trek - 1834-9): an emigration movement of the Cape Boers towards the Vaal and the Orange following the British thrust in South Africa. trekboer: the trekboers were the Boer immigrant farmers w h o went across the Orange river in search of land before the Great Trek. T h e y settled m o s d y in the south of what later became the Orange Free State. tsare: seegaisuma. tshidie: a general council (at the court of the L u b a king). tshihangu: the court of the Luba king. tsi-mihety: the collective n a m e adopted by the Tsimihety (Madagascar) to indicate, by refusing to cut their hair, non-submission to Maroserana authority. tsimiompy: famine (in Malagasy). tsovolo: n a m e given by the Hlengwe to the basalt soils. tubung ('masters of the land'): heads of small political units (among the L u b a / L u n d a ) . Tufenkfiyin: one of the components of the Ottoman imperial troops or od¿al¡s. tukwata: see kakwala. tumba: blessing (in K o n g o ) . tumbili: monkey (in Kiswahili). tunka (a Soninke title): king. Turaki: a protocol officer in Katsina (Hausaland). turndala ('through the sand', in Bambara): derived from the arabic al-tareb, the land, and designates the divine, the consultant. turui¡: see tañía, tweapea: (Akan) chewing-sticks. twite : the officer w h o represented the L u b a king in secular contexts; military chief. Ubandawaki (a title): a military leader (in Zamfara and Gobir, Hausaland). ubuhake: in R w a n d a , a type of clientele link (see buhake). ubugabire: a type of clientele link (in Burundi). ubtpiru: in R w a n d a , the sacred code establishing royal rituals and the dynastic genealogy. ubwoko: see umuryango. uki: a type of beer m a d e by the A k a m b a ; it is fermented for longer than that of neighbouring communities. ukisi: in Kongo, holiness; divinity; divine will. ukoo: lineage, descent. 'ulamä' (sing. 'Him) (Arabic): Muslim scholars, erudite persons, doctors of law or theologians. umboli: trader (in K ä n e m - B o r n o ) . umerâ-i-sherikise: Circassian amirs. Umm Laham: the Great Famine of 1684 in Shillukland.
985
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century
umuheto ('of the bow'): tax-gathering (in Rwanda). umuryango, in Kirundi and Giha; ubwoko, in Kinyarwanda; uruganda, in R u n y a m b o and Ruhaya: clan. unguri ('the mother principle' in Kikongo): maternal, matrilineal relationship; matriarchy. unguri ankama: seigniory (a Kikongo title still in use a m o n g the southern Suku about 1900). 'urf: customs. uruganda: see umuryango. uthlanga: reed (in Zulu). uval a: rusticity (in Kikongo). vaha: a m e d i u m . valohazomanga: the commoners in Mahafaly society (Madagascar). vashambadzi: traders; African merchant class, in the Zambezi region. vata: to cultivate (in Kikongo). veli: governor of a province (see mili). Veybercoma: the country of the Vai (Sierra Leone and Liberia). vidye: spirit (in Luba). vilipate: royal gifts (in Malagasy). visitador (Portuguese): inspector. voandzeia subterránea (from Malagasy voandzou): a genus of tropical creeping herbs (family L e g u minosae) with trifoliolate leaves and small axillary flowers, commonly called 'ground nut'. vodun: an African religion. vohitsy mañanita (Malagasy): see longon'mpanilo. (the) Volafotsy ('white silver'): in Madagascar, the collaterals of the ruling Maroserana, descendants of white silver, sons of non-Maroserana w o m e n and Maroserana royals. volamena ('red silver', i.e. gold): in Mahafaly (Madagascar), the tombs of the Zafivolamena (sons-ofgold), the ruling Maroserana branch among the Sakalava. mayazi: sermons (in Hausaland). rVak'at al-sanadjik ('Clash of the Sandjak Beys'): an Egyptian treaty dealing with the revolt of the Fakariya beys in 1660. makf (Arabic pi. amkâj): 1) an Islamic endowment of property to be held in trust and used for a charitable or religious purpose; 2) a Muslim religious or charitable foundation created by an endowed trust fund; 3) a juridical-religious measure taken by the owner of land or other real estate to vest its ownership in a religious institution (a mosque) or some public or social facility (a madrasa, hospital, etc.), and/or his or her descendants. mâli (pi. mulât) (from Turkish vali): governor or vice-governor of a province (milâya). mamagi: district chiefs, in the U g w e n o state (Tanzania). Wambai: a K a n o title. mark: gold (in Amharic). mashambadzi: see vashambadzi. masili: North African traders (in Borno). masiliram: in Borno, a special quarter assigned to wasili. matan: fatherland; homeland; ancestral land. mayilbe: blacksmiths (in Takrûr). mazir (Arabic) (title of the successors of Shaykh M u h a m m a d A b u Likaylik): in the Ottoman empire, title of high-ranking state officials or ministers and of the highest dignitaries; holders of positions analogous to that of Muslim viziers; vice-regents, viceroys. meg-piny: land-owning clans (among the L u o of Kenya). Weranga-Naaba (a Mossi title): a dignitary w h o looked after the horses. Widi-Naaba (a Mossi title): the political spokesman. milâya (pi. milâyât) (Arabic): one of the chief administrative divisions (provinces) of the Ottoman empire having as its head i wait w h o represents the government and is assisted by an elective council, and being subdivided into cazas (districts). moloso ('born in the house', in M a n d e ) : the status acquired by a w o m a n purchased by a community, as soon as she produced a child. A m a n could also acquire the same status as soon as his master had sufficient confidence in him; house-born slave. morma: obligations of fealty. Worma introduced the idea of allegiance or fealty into Takrür languages where such a bond did not exist; bond of fealty. muon piny: see ruoth. Xaadi: a title (in Kayor).
986
Glossary Yav: see Mwant Yav. Yadega-tenga: the land of Yadega (Yatenga), in Mossi country. Yatenga-Naaba (a Mossi title): the king of Yatenga. yerima: the governor of the northern provinces (in Borno). yial: hunting grounds. yiiri (pi. yiiya): the household, the second level in the Mossi patrilineal and patrilocal society. yiir iasma (Mossi): the head of the yiiri. yiiya: see yiiri. zabyuya: a ritual announcement at the ceremonial investiture of Mossi chiefs. zaka (pi. zakse): the smaller unit in the Mossi patrilineal and patrilocal society. zakât (Arabic): compulsory alms-giving that, for any M u s l i m enjoying a certain income, consists of distributing a proportion - ranging from 2.5 per cent to 10 per cent - to the poor and to a specific category of the needy. T h e zakat is the fourth pillar of Islam. zakse: see zaka. zalunci: injustice (in Hausaland). Zanna Arjinama: a titled official (in Borno). zawiya (pi. zamâyâ) (Arabic): religious brotherhood; brotherhood seat (and funerary sanctuary of the founding saint); cultural centre; w h e n fortified and m a n n e d by defenders of the faith, it is called ribât. zombi or zombie (of Niger-Congo origin; akin to K o n g o and K i m b u n d u and Tshiluba nzambi, god, K o n g o zumbi, good-luck fetish, image): 1) the deity of the python in West African voodoo cults; the snake-deity of the voodoo rite in Haiti and the southern U S A ; the supernatural power or essence that according to voodoo belief m a y enter into and reanimate a dead body; a will-less and speechless h u m a n in the West Indies capable only of automatic m o v e m e n t held to have died and been reanimated but often believed to have been drugged into a catalepsy for the hours of interment; 2) a person thought to resemble the so-called walking dead; a person markedly strange or abnormal in mentality, appearance, or behaviour. zumaya or insilimen: Berber or Sudanese marabout groups. Zmayiya (the Zwayiya marabouts): a branch of the marabout movement.
987
Index Notes: i. Identical names for peoples, areas, kingdoms and languages have been combined.; 2. Page references for maps are in italics.; 3. Titles and qualifiers have been omitted, except where there may be problems of identification.; 4. Footnotes are referred to by the suffix n after a page reference.; 5. Sub-entries are in alphabetical order, except where chronological order is significant.
Aba, $22 'Abâbda,i83 Abagusii, 828-9, 832-3, 835, 838 Abakulo, 418 Abakuria, 828, 834 Abaluyia, 828 A b a m , 450 Abankieso, 415, 416 Abba Malo, 742 Abbasids, 231, 493 Abbay river, 741 Abbaya, Lake, 742 Abbebe, B . , 707n 'Abd al-'Azïz b. Ya'küb, 493 'Abd al-'Azïz al-Fishtäu", 210, 30on, 3 0 m , 303n~4n, 3o6n 'Abd al-Kâdir al Djïlânî (Baghdad, 1077-1166), 179 'Abd al-Kâdir, Amir (Futa Toro, 18th century), 295, 324 'Abd al-Kâdir K a n (Futa Toro, 1776), 296-9 'Abd al-Kâdir, Sultan (Sudan, 1554), 177-8 'Abd al-Karûn b. Jame, 511 'Abd al-Karîm ibn Abu Bakr al-Shbânî (Karrum al-Hâdjdj), 215 'Abd al-Kuwwata, A h m a d b., 493 'Abd al-Mahman al-Barnâwî, M u h a m m a d b., 489 'Abd al-Mâlik, Mawlây, 204-9, 212, 230 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Humaydï(d. 1587), I56n 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Rashïd (Dârfûr, 18th century), 189-91 'Abd al-Raljmän, Kähya (Egypt, 1757), 160 'Abd al-Rahmân (Morocco, 1550), 201 'Abd al-Rahmân Zagaiti, Shaykh (Hausa states), 487
'Abd N u r , Ibn Dayf Allah M u h a m mad, 173, 174J1, i8on, i97n Abda, 202 'Abdalläbi state, 172-5,185 'Abdallah bin 'AIT bin Näzir, Sayyid, 771 'Abdallah Djammâc (Sudan, 15th century), 172 'Abdallah, Mawlây (Sudan, 18th century), 231 'Abdallah (Morocco, 1550), 201 'Abdallah, Sayyid (Pate), 775 'Abdallah, Ulad (Senegambia, 18th century), 296 'Abdallah, Yohanna B . (19:9), 6i2n, 633-4 Abdulay Bademba, 293 'Abdullah b. Lubetko, 504 'Abdullah! ( 1499-1507), 457,466 'Abdullah! dan Fodio (18th century), 489, 905 'Abdullah! of Kano(i499-iso9), 494 Abdussalami, Shaihu, 486 Abe, 401, 418, 421 'Abe' families, 296 Abeche, 34 Aberadze see Atwea Abidji, 421 Abilema, 611 Abinal, A . , 8s6n Abiriba, 450 Abitbol, M . , 907; on Songhay empire, 300-26 Abla Poku, Queen, 418 Aboh, 448 Aboisse, 401, 418 Abok, 783, 785 Abolía (Alombe), 532 abolition of slavery, movements for, 115,121-2,125,129,892-3; see also free slaves
Abomey, 44, 401, 438-9 Abonse, 413 Abraham, D . P . , 646n Abramsz, Heerman, 106 Abripiquem, 415 Abron see Bron Abü al-'Abbäs A h m a d ibn Muliammad al-Shaykh ibn Zaydân, 215 'Abü 'I-'Abbâs see al-Mansür, A b ü 'I'Abbâs Abü 'Abd Allah (al-Kâ'im bi-'Amr Allah), 200 Abü 'Abdallah Muhammad al'Ayyâshî, 214-15 A b ü 'Abdullah! b. Masan! b. M u h a m m a d al-Barnäw! al-Kashinaw!, 489 Abü Bakr b. A h m a d al-Dar'i, Pasha (d.1815), 308, 314 Abü Bakr b. Sa'îd, Käld, 310 Abü Bakr bin Sälim, Shaykh, 771 Abü Bakr (first Caliph of Egypt), 158 Abü Bakr ibn 'Abd al-Karïm (Morocco, after 1668), 215 Abu Bakr ibn Karrüm al-Hâdjdj alShabânî (Marrakesh, 1668), 219 Abü Bakr Kado, 458, 486 Abu 'l-'Alï, A h m a d b. al-Hâdjdj, I37n, I74n, I77n-9n, "8sn Abu '1-Dahab, M u h a m m a d Bey, iS8n, i6on, 164-7 Abu 'I-Kâsim b. A h m a d Bukr, 188-9 Abu Likaylik, M u h a m m a d , Shaykh, 178, 185, 189 Abu '1-Mahâsin Yüsuf al-Fâsî, 205, 207 Abu '1-Su'ûd al-Fâsï, al-Islâm, Shaykh, 226 Abu M u h a m m a d 'Abdallah (al-Ghâlib Billâh), 203-4 Abu Nasr, Mawlây, 230
989
Index Abu Nasr MuzafTar Shah, H a m s - u d dln, 131 Abu Shanab, Ibrahim Bey, 153 A b u Yûsuf see Barbarossa Abu Zayd al-Kayrawânï, 179 Abudhok, Queen, 196 Abure, 418, 426 Abutia, 402 Abwor, 777, 789, 791 Aby, Lagoon, 418 Ac, 296 Acanists, 414, 428 Accra, 4, 44, 401, 406, 427, 903; economy and trade, 3, 12, 19, 400, 412, 413, 414; politics and military activities, 416 Acer Paluo, 798 Acholi: cattle, 795; politics and military activities, 776-7,779,781,788— 9. 791. 793. 797-8, 800; population mobility, 786; Sudan, 192 Ada, 399, 400 Adaklu, 402, 416, 421 Adal: politics and military activities and society, 44, 708, 710, 7 / / , 712I3> 7 ' 9 , 7 22 > 7 2 5-7; population mobility, 720 Adamawa, 517, 520 Adams, W . Y . , 6sn A d a m u , M . , 453n, 454n, 476n, 482n Adangbe: economy and trade, 412, 415; population mobility, 399-400, 402-3; society and culture, 426-7 Adansi, 399, 412-13, 415, 420, 428 Adanudo, 429 Adar, 456, 462-3, 464, 489 Addo-Fening, F . , 42on Adefuye, A . , 797n Adeleye, R . A . , 456n, 458n, 46on, 4Ô5n, 486n Aden, Gulf of, 862-3 Adhola, 784, 785-7 Adioukrou, 421 Adisi, 402, 413 'Ad jib I, jShayJth, 174,180 administration see political Adoe, 120 Adorn, 412, 413, 414, 415 Adrar, ^ , 257,313,321,499 Aduana, 403, 413, 415 Adwa, 729 Afar, 710, 7 / / , 719 Afema see Sanwi Afife, 402 Afigyaase, 415 Afikpo, 447 Afillo-Busase, 741
99°
701-2; Southern Zambezia, 640, Aflao (Flawu), 402 646, 661-7, 671, 675, 682; Sudan, Afonso I, 555-7, 571, 575, 904 193, 198; Upper Guiñean coast, Afrikaans, 64 372, 382-3, 386-7; see also famine; Aftîh, I46n land; plantation Agabba, Sultan, 456-7, 462 Aguafo, 410, 412, 419 Agades, 25, 33, 302, 321; and Hausa Aguekaza, 532 states, 456, 458,4S9, 478, 479, 480, A g w a , 402, 413, 417-18 494-6; and Känem-Borno, 512,5/4 Agwano, 414 Agadir (Santa Cruz du Cap d'Aguer), 2 Agyeman, E . A . , 415n . 4, 35-6, 201, 202, 204, 217,302 Ahafo, 400, 403, 404 Agaja, 437-8 Ahanta, 402, 404, 412, 422, 426 Agave, 402 Ahenakwa, John, 426 A g a w , 707, 731 A h m a d b. 'Abd al-Kuwwata, 493 Agba, 418 A h m a d b. al-Hädjd[see A b u 'l-'Alï Agbala, 448, 449 A h m a d b. Shârîf, K â l d , 308 Aghafi, 497 A h m a d Baba, 304 Agnew, S., 6i7n, 686n A h m a d Bey Boshnagï, 149 Agni, 70 A h m a d , Bey of Tripoli, 258 Ago, 497 A h m a d Bukr b. M ü s ä , 188-90 Agokoli, 400 A h m a d al-Dhahabî, Mawlây, 230 Agona, 403, 412, 415, 416, 419-22 A h m a d Gran see Gran, A h m a d Agoro, 778, 783, 784, 785, 788-9, 827 A h m a d ibn Muhriz, 220, 222 Agotime, 402, 416, 421 A h m a d ibn Zunbul, 156 Agoulamba, 532 A h m a d Karamânlï, 246, 258 agriculture and food: Americas see A h m a d al-Manssür see al-Mansür, plantation; Cameroon-Upper Nile Abu region, 517-18, 523-4, 527, 529, A h m a d , Mawlây (Morocco, 1570s), 531, 541, 544; decline, 108, u o & n ; 204-5, 2 0 7 East African coast, 751, 753, 757, A h m a d , Mawlây (Morocco, 1658) see 770; East African interior, 820-41 al-Mansür, A b u 'l-'Abbäs passim, 847; Egypt, 138, 145, 151, A h m a d , Mawlây (Morocco, 1678), 222 152-3, 164; Great Lakes region A h m a d Pasha (Egypt, 1524), 140,142, (north and central), 777, 781-2, 147 787-8, 790-2, 795, 800; Great A h m a d , Sultan (Anjouan, 1736), 891 Lakes region (south), 808, 811-12, A h m a d , Sultan (Malindi, d.1609), 822-4; Hausa states, 453, 454, 475, 477, 479, 481, 484; Horn of Africa, 762, 765 712,746; Indian Ocean islands, 866, A h m a d , Sultan (Morocco, 1527), 201 892-3; and industry, 34, 38; irriAhmadïya, 158 gation, 50, 499, 663, 712, 876; A h m a d u , Kanta, 457 Känem-Borno, 499; Kongo A h m a d u Mùssâ, Sïdï, 203 kingdom, 547, 557, 563, 580-1; A h m a d u Shaykhü, 307, 313, 315, 325 Lower Guiñean coast, 403, 425; Ahnet, 322 Luba and Lunda, 589, 592, 595, Ahwea see Atwea 603; Madagascar, 855, 859, 863, Ahwiaa, 430 866-7, 871, 874, 876, 882, 884-5; Air, 25, 44, 68,302, 312, 324-5 Maghreb, 234-5, 240-1, 249, 251, Aissata, H a m m â d ï , 298 253; Morocco, 230; new crops from Ait'Atta, 222 N e w World see crops; Niger delta Ait Awari, 325 and Cameroon, 447-8, 452; NigerAitu, 418 Volta region, 332, 334, 359; northAja, 57, 434, 435, 437-8 ern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, Ajayi, J.F.A., 453n, sogn 612, 633; and population mobility, Akamba (Kamba), 63, 478, 828-9, 46,48,50, 53,55,68-9,71-2; Sene830, 831,833, 837-40, 841-2 gambia, 266, 273, 288, 294; Akan, 898; economy and trade, 40, Songhay empire, 316-18, 323; 404-8, 410; and Känem-Borno, Southern Africa, 687-8,690-3,695, 494; and Niger-Volta region, 356;
Index politics and military activities, 44, 412-13, 414, 415, 419, 422, 424-5; population mobility, 399-400, 401, 402-3; society and culture, 426, 428—31; and Upper Guiñean coast, 369. J7". 3 7 ' . 3 8 1 , 3 8 s Akanny see Asante Akbar, Mughul Emperor, 132 Akele, 525 Akinjogbin, A . A . , 437, 442n Akka, 162, 164, 321 Aklé, 318 Akoefe, 402 Akoviefe, 402 Akpa, 450 Akpini, 402 Akrokyere, 412 Aksunkur, 144 Akuapem, 402, 413 A k w a Boni, 418 ' A k w a King', 532 A k w a m u , 408, 421, 426, 898; politics and military activities, 412, 413, 415, 416, 417, 419-23, 425; population mobility, 70, 401, 402 Akwamufie, 410, 420 A k w o n o , 423 A k y e m , 404,430; politics and military activities, 416, 417, 419, 421, 423; population mobility, 400, 401, 403 A k y e m Abuakwa (person), 412, 420 A k y e m Kotoku, 412, 420 Alagoa, E.J., 907; on Niger delta and Cameroon, 434-52 Alagwa, 841 Alanguira Baule, 418 Alaotra, Lake, 852, 878 'Alawite dynasty, 211, 215-16, 277, 218-19,223,232,315,319 Alawoma see Idrïs b. 'Ali Alawoma Mays, 177 Albert, Lake, 198, 803, 830 Albreda, 40, 269, 392 Albuquerque, 86on Alcacova, Diogo de, 6s6n, 669 Alcaudete, Count of, 203 Alcazarquivir see Three Kings, Battle of alcohol manufacture and trade, 12, 19, 77; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 536, 540-1; East African interior, 837; Kongo kingdom, 557, 580-1, 586; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 632; Senegambia, 271, 273 Alego, 786, 846 Alego L u o , 845
Alero, 783, 798 Alexander V I , Pope, 5 Alexandre, P . , 54n, 66n, 532n Alexandria, 146-7, 150, 166 Alfa b. Masik, K â l d , 308 Algeria and Algiers, 237; 16th century crisis and Ottoman solution, 23340; 17th century search for equilibrium, 240-51; 18th century, 25160; economy and trade, 2, 4, 35-6, 302; and Känem-Borno, 503; and Morocco, 201-2, 203-4, 218, 229, 232n; Ottoman Regency, 255-7; politics and military activities, 43, 232n-6, 237, 239-49, 252-61; and Songhay empire, 304 Algoa, 684, 68s 'All b. ' U m a r (1639-77), 5o8n, 512 'AIT Bakary, 364 'AlIBâshâ, 253 'All Ber, Sonni, 47on 'All Bey al-GhazzâwI (Egypt, 1757), 160 'All Bey, Amïr (16th century), 498,766 'AlïBey (Egypt, 1660s), 149,160,1624,253 'All Bey, Mir (Turkey), 761 'AlïBey (Tripoli, 1754-93). 258 'AlïBurghul, 258 'AlIDundu, 296,298 'All Gaji, M a i see 'Alï ibn D u n â m a 'All, Husayn b., 253 'All ibn 'Abdallah al-Rïfî, 223-4 'All ibn D u n â m a ('All Gaji), 492-3, 495, 512 'AIIKhödja, 257 'AlïMamadu,296 'Alï,Mehmed, 168 'Alï Pasha, M u h a m m a d , 184,198 'All, Said A h m a d (1927), 886-8n, 891 'Ali al-Shârïf, Mawlây, 216 'Ali Sïdï Yirlabe, 296, 298 Aliba, 783 Alichandora, 280, 283 Alima river, 534, 536, 538-9, 541,542 Aliyu of Zamfara, 462 Alkalawa, 462, 478 Alkali, M . : on Hausa states, 453n, 455n-6n, 4 6 m - 2 n , 4 6 5 ^ 4Ö7n, 475n, 479n; on Känem-Borno, 498n-9n, 502n, sogn Aliada, 435, 436, 438-9, 899 Alladian, 402, 421 Aliaga, Wâdï, 32 Allan, J., 5on Allen,), de V , 3 m , 754, 764^ 77on Allen, Richard, 123
Almeida, Alvarez d', 115 Almeida, D o m Francesco d', 39, 757 Almeida, Francisco Figuira de, 674 Almohads, 211, 215, 225 Almoravids, 211-12, 225, 277, 325 Alombe see Abolia Alonroba see Anyi Alosara, 876 Alpers, E . A . : on East African coast, 75on-2n, 758n, 7Ó2n, 77on, 772n4n; on East African interior, 828gn, 848n; on northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 6i2n, 6i7n, 6i9n-2in, 624n-5n, 63on-3in, 633n-4n Alur, 777, 785, 797-8, 827 Alvarado, 117 Alvares, Francesco, 705n, 706, 7ogn, 714-151 'Aiwa, 172,186 Alwâlï, M u h a m m a d , 481 Alwâlï, M u h a m m a d u (c. 1781-1807), 489-90 A m a c , 789 Amadi, 522 A m a k o m , 412 Amanse, 399 Amar-Adel, 889 Amari Ngoone, Darnel of Kayor, 267-8 Amari Ngoone Ndeela, 297 Amarro see Amhara A m b a h y , 886 Ambaka, 572 Ambaky, 884 Ambar, Malik, 134-6 Ambatosahana, 873 ambergris trade, 755, 760, 860 Ambilobe, 852, 873 Ambohidratrimo, 877 Ambohimanga, 877 Ambohitrabiby, 876-7 A m bolo, 885 Ambriz and Mosul, 536,57g, 580,582, 584 Ambrizette, 536,579 Ambusitra, 881 A m d a Seyon, Emperor, 738 A m c n u m e y , D . E . K . , 424-5 Americas, 901-2; crops from see crops, new; trade with see Atlantic trade; see also Central America and Caribbean; North America; South America Amhara: politics and military activities, 723-5, 727, 729, 741-2, 745;
991
Index Amhara - conti. population mobility, 704, 716, 719, 720, 721, 724; social structures, 706-7, 708, 711 Amihere II, 419 al-Amîn, M u h a m m a d (1715-85), 513 A m m a ag A g Shaykh, 314 A m o Aseman, 417 A m o r , 784, 786 Ampandrana, 876 Ampatres, 886 Amselle, J.L., 80411 amulets, 181 Anabula, 417 Anacletti, A . O . , 82211 Anakandriana, 880 Anakara, 851, 853 Analalava, 870 Analamahavelona, 858 Analavelona, 85811 Anambra, 448 ancestor worship see spirit cults Andil, Amir-ul-Imona Malih, 131 Ando, 418 Andoni, 450 Andrade, A . E . , 643n, 65311, 655n, 662n, 68on Andrantsay, 877 Andrevola, 859, 870 Andriamamohotra, 880 Andriamampiandry, 877 Andriamanalina I, 875 Andriamandazoala, 856-8 Andriamandresi, 883 Andriamanelo, 876 Andriamaro, 867 Andriamasinavalona, 876, 878 Andriambaventy, 879 Andriamenely II, 875 Andriamisara (Ndriamboay), 868-9 Andriana, 876 Andrianalimbe, 856, 858 Andrianampoinimerina, 871, 878, 880 Andrianbaga, King, 870, 873, 883 Andrianbelomasina, 877 Andriandahifotsy, 866, 868-70, 884 Andrianinevenarivo, 870 Andrianjafy, 877 Andrianjaka, 876, 877n Andrianonindranarivo, 874 Andriantompokoindrindra, 877n Andriantomponimerina, 877 Andriantsileliky, 859 Andriantsirotso, 873 Andriantsoli, 891 Andriapanolaha, 854 Anfä (Casablanca), 202
992
Antemoro, 849-51, 852, 853-6, 868, Angal,785 875, 879-80, 884 Angediva, 675 Anteony, 851, 854, 879, 885 Angoche Islands, 624, 751, 758, 759 Angola, 896-^7, 899, 904; in 18th Anterotri, 851 Antesaka, 849, 852, 856-7, 880, century, 584-7; African diaspora, 118, 120; and Cameroon-Upper 883-4 Nile region, 536; economy and Antevatobe, 884 Antilles, 893 trade, 12-13; 4°; 4", 5*9, 547. 558, 560, 561-3, 566, 569, 576, 580, Antivondro, 880 584-7 (see also slave trade below); Antongil Bay, 552, 863-4, 866, 882 and Kongo kingdom, 550; and Antonianism, 566 Madagascar, 883; politics and Antonio I, 564-5 military activities 43; 45; 559, Antsihanaka, 879 564, 655 (see also under Luba); Anttila, R . , 64n population mobility, 57, 61; and Anwhiaso, 415 Senegambia, 271; slave trade, 8,16, Anwianwia, 400, 415, 417-18 19, 103-4, 106; social structures, Anyi (also known as Anona, Alonroba, 572; and Upper Guiñean coast, Nvavile, Oyoko, Dwum or Dwimina), 371, 400, 401, 402-3, 384 417-18, 420, 421, 424 Angot, 708, 719, 721, 724 Anywa, 191-3, 781, 789 Angovi, 843 Anywar, R . S . , 777n, 7 8 m , 786n Angwa, 679 Anzikos, 536 animal husbandry see livestock Anzuani see Comoro Islands Anka, 487 Aouaki, 322 Ankay, 879 Aowin, 426, 898; politics and military Ankobra river region, 401, 406, 415, activities, 415, 416, 417, 419-20, 419 421, 422-3; population mobility, Ankole, 845 400, 401, 402 Ankoni, M u h a m m a d , 757-8 Apecu, A . , 785n Anlo, 402, 416, 421, 424 Apollonia, 419, 422 'Annâba, 237, 255 Apomande, 529 Annobón, 527 Aptheker, H . , I20n Annor Blay Ackah, 419 Apule river, 790-1 Anomabu, 105, 410, 426 Anona see Anyi Aqua, 414, 418 Anorontsanga Bay, 860-1 Arababnï (Ar'en), 710 Anorontsangana, 870 Arabaja (Rabai), 765 Anozie, F . N . , 446, 447 al-Arabî al-Fâsï, 216 Anquandah, J., 427-8, 430 Arabia and Arabization see Islam; Ansongo, 322 Near East Anstey, R . , 8on, 4o8n Arada, 437 Antalaotra, 8 5 m , 853 al-A'radj, A h m a d , 201 Antambahoaka, 849, 5j2, 853, 884 al-'Arakí, M a h m ü d , 179 Antanala, 879 Aram Bakar, 281 Antananarivo, 876-7, 869n Aramanik, 841 Antandrano, 877 Arawân, 25,302, 3 0 4 ^ 315, 322, 480 Antandroy, 849, S52, 856, 866-8, 880, Arbâb al-Khashin, i8on 885 Arbadji, 173, 177 Antankara, 849, S52, 872-3 Arcania/Arcany see Asante Antanosy, 849,852,855,862,864,866, archaeological evidence: Atlantic 880, 885-6 trade, ioo-i&n; Cameroon-Upper Antatismo, 883 Nile region, 515, 516, 520, 534-5, Antavaratra, 852, 882 538; East African interior, 828,834Antefasy, 849, 852, 880, 883-4 5; Great Lakes region, 803, 813; Anteisambo, 851, 853-4 Lower Guiñean coast, 400, 427; Antemahazo, 851, 853 Niger delta and Cameroon, 440, Antemanampatra, 853n 446-7; northern Zambezi-Lake
Index coast, 403, 425; and Madagascar, 856-7,862,866,882; and Morocco, 205; and Senegambia, 270; and Southern Africa, 683-4, 693-5, 701-2; and Southern Zambezia, 652, 662, 675, 682; Upper Guiñean coast, 390; see also Indian Ocean islands 75°. 754-5, 763. 773; Egypt. '44, Asila see Arzila 158-61,165; Hausa states, 453,463, Asinodze, 402 484-5; Horn of Africa, 712, 725, askiyas, 31, 495; Hausa states, 455-6; 733-4; Indian Ocean islands, 887, and social structures, 23, 28-9, 30; 890, 893; Känem-Borno, 498, 505Songhay empire, 300-1, 303-4 6; K o n g o kingdom, 574-5; Luba Asogli, 402 and Lunda, 589; Maghreb, 259; Asomani, 426 Morocco, 204,210,219,229; NigerAssab, 710 Volta region, 333; Senegambia, 291; Assabu, 418 Southern Zambezia, 640, 642-3, Assiga, 532 651-2, 655, 658-9; see also arts and Assim, 439 crafts Arda, 12 Assin, 401, 402, 415, 416, 418 Ardener, E . , 525n, 528n Assini, 400, 415 Arruma, 721 Aregay, W . , I78n Assinie,^, 355, 391,393 Ar'en (Arababnî), 710 Arusha Maasai, 829 Astley, T . , 407n Arusi, 719, 720, 725 Asumenya, 420 Arewa, 463, 464, 472 Aruwimi river, 520, 524 Argobba, 710, 711, 712 Aswa river, 798 Arzew, 237, 255 Aswan, 145, I46n, 147, 175 Arguin, 315; economy and trade, 4, 2 I A Asyüt, 142-3,146n, 147,181,182,183 263, 268, 269, 279-80; and Upper Arzila (Asila), 200, 202, 206-7, Ata, 449 224 Guiñean coast, 383-4, 386 Asakyiri, 403 Arhin, 420 Atakpa (Duke T o w n ) , 450 Asamangama see Atwea Atbara river, 181,182 Ari, 739 Arianoff, A . d \ 8i8n Asamankese, 413 Atebubu, 405, 422 Arindrano, 874-5, 880 Asante, 19-20, 44, ios, 898, 904; Atekok, 793 al-Arîsh see Larache Athakong, 197 economy and trade, 404-6,408; and Athi, 831 aristocracies see ruling élites Lower Guiñean coast, 400, 401, Arkiko, 733 402-6, 408, 416, 417-25, 427-30; Athi Kikuyu, 837 Arku, 483 and Niger-Volta region, 339, 354, Atiko, 797-8 A r m a (Songhay-Arma), 20,305, 3 0 7 356, 361, 362; politics and military Atkinson, R . R . , 793n, 797n activities, 416, 417-20, 421, 422-5; Atlantic trade, 1-22 passim, 4 0 - 2 , 77, 8. 3 J 2. 3137IS. 318-19. 322, 334 population mobility, 60, 70, 400, 896-7, 899, 901-2; Cameroonarmies see political and administrative 402-3; social structures and culture, Upper Nile region, 515, 527-9, structures 24, 427, 428-30; and Songhay A r m o , Anton, 125, I26n 535-41; economic order (Americas, empire, 322-3; and Upper Guiñean arms see firearms Europe and Africa), 74-112; Hausa coast, 383 Arnaud, Robert, 333n states, 484; Indian Ocean islands, Arnoux, A . , 8o8n Asanwule (Ekoona), 403 894; Lower Guiñean coast, 399, Aro, I07n, 449-50,452 Asebu, 410, 412 403, 405-6, 408, 410, 425-6, 430; Niger delta and Cameroon, 436, Arochuku, 71,105, 43s, 450, 451, 453 Asembo, 846 Arochukwu, 448-9 439, 445, 447-8, 451; in slaves see Asenee, 403 'Arrudj see Barbarossa slave trade; Songhay empire, 319— Asia, I. de, 7n 21 ; Upper Guiñean coast, 379; 382— arts and crafts (including archiAsia (mainly trade connections), 1,3,5, 98 passim; see also Americas; diastecture), 30-1; African diaspora, I I - I Î , 39, 74, 78, 112, 896, 902; pora; economy and trade; Sene132-3; Cameroon-Upper Nile African diaspora, 128-9, 7 J ° , I31~ gambia region, 521, 524, 526-7, 530, 533, 6; and East African coast, 755-8, 535. 537-8, 540-1; East African 760-1, 763, 767, 772; and East Atlas Mountains, 202, 214-16, 218, coast, 750, 754-5, 763, 771, 773; African interior, 83,837; and Hausa 241 East African interior, 834-5, 8 3 7 states, 484; and Horn of Africa, 709, Attie, 401, 418, 421 8, 842; Egypt, 141, 144, 158-61, 715, 728, 735; and Indian Ocean Attucks, Crispus, 122 165; Hausa states, 453, 463, 481, islands, 892-3; and Lower Guiñean Attyak, 781, 783, 785 Malawi region, 610, 61511, 626; and population mobility, 65-6; Southern Africa, 690; Southern Zambezia, 643, 646, 669; Upper Guiñean coast, 371, 373—4 architecture, 30-1; and African diaspora, 132-3; East African coast,
484-5; Horn of Africa, 709, 7 1 2 13. 725, 733-8, 743; Indian Ocean islands, 887, 890, 893; K ä n e m Borno, 498, 505-6; Kongo kingdom, 547, 549, 554, 565, 567, 574-5; Lower Guiñean coast, 4 0 4 6,408-9,419,425-30,432-3; Luba and Lunda, 589, 591, 596-8, 600, 605; Madagascar, 878, 881; Maghreb, 242-5, 252, 254, 259; Morocco, 204, 210-11, 219, 229; Niger delta and Cameroon, 437, 440-1, 443-9; Niger-Volta region, 331. 333. 346, 358; Senegambia, 291; Songhay empire, 317, 319; Southern Zambezia, 640, 642-3, 651-2, 655, 658-9; Upper Guiñean coast, 383-5; see also architecture; industries; literature; masks; metallurgy; music; pottery; sculpture; wood
993
Index Atwea (Aberadze, Asamangama, Ahwea), 403 Aubigné, Agrippa d', 205 Aujas, L . , 88711 Aurès (Awrâs), 241 Austen, R . A . , 7411, 83, 43911, 52811, 80411 Australia, 683, 695, 697 Austra, 220 A u w a , Madaki (Queen Mother), 457, 466 Avaro, J.A., 5250, 532n Avatime, 416, 421 Ave, 402 Aveline, F . A . , 248 Avelot, R . , 7Ó2n Avenori, 402 Avikam, 378, 401, 402, 421, 426 Awdághust, 25, 30 Awdjïla (Awjüa), 237, J02, 322, 480 Awka, 448 Awläd M'bark Moors, 313 Awlâd Sulaymân, 54-6 Awllimiden (Kel-Dinnik), 314, 464 Awrâs (Aurès), 241 Awsa, 710, 711, 719, 726 A w u d o m e , 402 Awurade Basa, 412 Awutu, 413 Axelson, E . , 62on, 6 3 m , 6 4 m , 644n Axim, 3 A x u m , 30, 706, 70S, 713, 724 Ayas, J02 Ayawaso, 400, 401, 403, 412 'Aydhâb.177 Ayera, 781 AywazBey, 152, 153 Aywazide, 153 al-'Ayyâshï, A b u 'Abdallah M u h a m mad, 214-15 Ayyüb Bey, 152 Ayyubids, 184 Azabs, 140, 149, 154 Azais, F . , 7ion Azande, 191, ig4 Azawad, 302, 322, 475n Aza wad Kunta, 312 Azbin, 454-7,461-3,469-70.479,499 Azbinawa, 475, 479 Azebo, 721 A z e m m ü r , 35-6, 201, 202, 217 Azevedo, C . de, 66on; on East African coast, 75on, 755n, 76on, 763^ 768n Azevedo, W . L . d', 375n, 378 al-Bâ-'Alawï, 756,770 Baar, 776-7, 779-80, 782-3, 785, 789
994
Baba, A h m a d , 304 Baba, J.B., 778n Baba Musa, 283 Babârï, Ibrâhïm, 463 Babba, 487 Babba Zaki, 489 Babibe, 82 t Babinza, 776, 778 Babito, 777-8,783,794,797,799,810, 815 Bachwezi, 776, 805-9 Bacri, 251 Bacyaba, 811 Badagri, 19 Badanco, King (Zamaryam), 727 Badanda, 811 BadankarT, Ibrahim, 458 al-Badawï, A h m a d , 158 Bademba, Abdulay, 293 Bâdï I, Sultan, 178 Bâdï II Abu Dikn, Sultan, 177 Bâdï III, the Red, 177 Bâdï IV A b ü Shullükh, 178-9, 185, 189 Bâdïs, 202 Badr, Sïdï, 131 al-Badrî al-Hidjazï, Hasan, 156 Badyaranke, 266, 379 Baer, G , io3n Bafoussam, 519 Bafuriru, S/6, 821 Baga, 69, 262,264, 266, 299, 369,371; population mobility, 373-4, 37980, 388 Baga-Fore, 369 Baganda, 807, 818-19, 830 Baganwa, 818, 821, 823 Bagemder, 719, 724, 731 Bagesera, 811, 817 Bagesera Bazirankende dynasty, 807, 817 Baghdad,231 Bagirmi (Baghirmi), 44; and Hausa states, 480,486, and Kânem-Borno, 494, 497, 499, 500, 501, 504, 511, 513;and Sudan, 172 Bagisu, 787 Bagodo, O . , 454n Bagomoyo, 773 Bagweri, 787 Baha, 810, 819 Bâ-Haddu b. A b u Bakr al-Dar'i, Pasha, 308, 310, 314 Bahamba, 811 Bahanza, 811, 821 Bahavu, 816, 820-1 Bahaya, 804, 810-iin, 823
Bahenduzi, M . , 823n Baheta, 810 Bahima, 778, 788, 795, 805, 822 Bahima-Batutsi, 788 Bahinda, 777-8, 799, 806-7, 810-11, 817, 820 Bahnasâ, 1460 Bahondogo, 810, 817 Bahr al-'Arab river region, 170, ¡82, 187, 198 Bahr al-Ghazâl river region, 170-1, /S2, 184, 187, 192-3, 198-9; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 513, 520; and Hausa states, 479; and Känem-Borno, ¡00 Bahr Nagaá (River Mareb), 705 Bahr Scheluk, 196 Bahräm, Mustafa bin, 132 Bahrey, 730 Bahuma, 792 Bahumbi, 818 Bahunga, 810 Bahutu (Baitira/Bairu), 796, 810-12, 820, 823, 825 Bailo, 330 Bainuk (Banhun): Senegambia, 263, 264, 266-7, 299i Upper Guiñean coast, 372,373,378-9,389,392,396 Bairu (Bahutu), 792, 796, 823 Baishekatwa, 817 Baitira see Bahutu Bajaranke, 286, 288 Baje, 477 Bajiji, 811-12, 818, 821 Bajun Islands, 57 Bajuni, 764 Baka, 55 Bakary, 'All, 364 Bakel, 480 Bakhunu,334 Bakiga, 810, 827 Bakiko, 81 on Bakimbiri, 810, 817-8 Bakir Pasha, 153 Bakkära Arabs, 171-2, 193, /04, 196 Bako, 789n,789-91 Bakono,810 Bakonzo, 776 Bakpa, 402 al-Bakrï family, 158 Bakrïya, 158 bakt, 184 Bakuma, 810 Bakunde, 523 Bakura, 468 Bakwe, 382 Balangida, Lake, 839
Index Balante, 266, 372, 373, 378, 389, 392 al-Balbali, 488 Balboa, Vasco N u ñ e z de, 117 Baleng, 519 Balfîya, 152 Bâlï, 70S, 710, 711, 713, 716, 719 Balisa, 778 Ballapeceola, A . L . , 13211 Balogun, S.A., 48611 Balowoka, 610 Balta, 742 Baltic countries, 5, 390, 406, 527, 576 Bamako, 355 B a m b a , 304, 308, 322, 4159 Bambadawa, 476 Bambala, 869-70 Bambara: economy and trade, 286, 293- 327&n. 328, 343-4, 356, 3 6 2 3, 899, 905; politics and military activities, 44,305, 329-38; religion, 366-7; and Songhay empire, 304, 307-13 passim, 316-18, 321, 324, 326; and Upper Guiñean coast, 391-2; see also Kaarta; Segu B a m b u k river region, 264, 265, 302, 3i5,334.3 8 3-4,388 Bamenda, 517 Bami, 821 Bamileke, 519 Bamooli, 798 B a m u m , 517-18, 519 Banale, 784, 785 Banamba, 302, 321 Banankoro, 333, 335 band migration, 53, 60-1, 64, 66, 6 9 -
7° Banda, 69, 786; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 520, 522; K ä n e m Borno, ¡14; Lower Guiñean coast, 405; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 610, 6 / / , 617, 618, 623, 630; Sudan, 199 Bandama river, 356,391; economy and trade, 406,411; politics and military activities, 418, 424; population mobility, 374-5, 378, 381-2, 402 Bandeng, 519 Bandha, 787 Bandia, 523 Bandiagara, 70, 304, 310, 322 Band ire, 679-80 Banga, 824 Banhun see Bainuk Bani river region, 318, 321, 358, 361 Banifin river, 358 Bankango, 806, 819 Banneker, Benjamin, 125
Bannerman, J . H . , 663n-5n Bantu: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 516-17, 519-20, 523-5, 534; East African coast, 754, 770; East African interior, 832, 834, 841, 847; Great Lakes region, 781, 786-7, 793, 797, 801, 803, 812; Horn of Africa, 722; Indian Ocean islands, 886-8; Kongo kingdom, 547; Madagascar, 861, 869-70; Niger delta and Cameroon, 434, 450, 451; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 608, 610-12; politics and military activities, 43; population mobility, 46n, 48, 56, 64; Southern Africa, 693, 699; Sudan, 192-3 Banü 'Abbäs, 237,302 Banü 'Abd al-Wadids, 235 Banü Amir, 238 Banü'Ayyâd, 252 Banü Hilâï, 58, 59, 68 Banü Maghfar, 274 Banü Mazghawa, 232n Banü Râshid, 238 BanüSa'ád,36 Banü Sulaym, 58, 68 Banü Wattäs, 224 Banyamwezi, 8o4n Banyangoma, 776 Banyarwanda, 823 Banyiginya, 810, 817, 820-21, 825 Banyo, 517 Banyoro: politics and military activities, 776, 778, 799, 801-2, 813, 815, 817-19; population mobility, 782, 784, 788 Bapi, 519 Baptista Moutaury, J., 662n Baptista, Renato, 679^80 Bara, 30s, 318, 849-50, 856, 875, 880-3 Bara-Issa river, 318 Bara-be, 880 Baraguyu, 829, 838 baraka, 180 Baram Mansa, 286 Baramangolo, 330, 332 Baranyanka, Chief Pierre, 804, 8o5n Barassin, Father J., 8g2n-3n Barâwa see Brava Baraytu see Barentu Barbarossa, A b u Yüsuf, 36 Barbarossa, 'Arrúdj ('Urüdj), 238 Barbarossa,Khäyral-DTn/KhayruddIn (Khidhr), 36, 238 Barbary states, 240, 406, 408, 410 Barber, W . J . , 661, 667n
Barbot, J., 428 Barentu (Baraytu), 717, 719, 720 Bari, ig2, 778, 784 Baringo, Lake, 834 Barka, 57 Barkindo, B . M . , 453n, 907-8; on Känem-Borno, 492-514 Barongo, 811, 819 Barrago, 479 Barreto, Father Manuel, 62on, 665, 672n, 861 Barros, J. de, 7n, 647, 888n Barry, B . , 3i5n, 386n, 907; on Senegambia, 262-99 Barry family, 291 Barry, Sekou A h m a d u , 365 Barter, 427 Barth, H . , 32in-2n, 493n, 497n-8n Bartholome do Las Casas, Pierre, 114 Barundi, 823 Barwe, 641, 675 Basa, 525 Basankusu, 539 Bäshä, 'All, 253 Bashambo, 817 Bashi, S/6, 820-1, 826 Bashïr, SIdï, 133 Bashubi, 811, 821 Basindi, 810-11 Basinga, 811 Basita, 808, 810, 812 Basketto, 742 basketwork, 476, 574 Basoga, 776, 786-7, 797, 800-1, 830 Bassa, 374, 381, 398, 420, 422 Bassam, 356 Bassana, 333n Bassari, 266, 286, 288, 293, 374, 379 Basset, R . , 7i2n-i3n, 729n, 732n Bassikunu, 302, 321 Bastide, R . , i2on Basu, K . K . , i32n Basua, 423 Basukuma, 819 B a s u m b w a , 816 Bataka, 799-801 Batara, 720 Batavia, 695, 863 Bateke, 546, 550, 557 Bathily, A . , 286n, 287n-8n Batie, 328, 355 Bato, 402 Batsobe, 811 Ba-Tunashe, Shaihu, 486 Batundu, 778, 810 Batutsi, 788, 810-12, 823, 825 Batwa, 610, 810, 812
995
Index Bekwai, 415, 416, 420 Bauer, P . T . , 75-6 Bela family ('King Bell'), 532 Baule, 356, 404, 427, 904; politics and Belasa, 726 military activities, 416,417-18,421, 424; population mobility, 70, 400, Beledugu, 313, 333-4 Bello, M . , S04n, 5o8n 401, 402 Beitran, G . A . , i2on Baumann, 48 Bemba/Buricimba/Buricima, 350-1, al-Bâ'ûniya, Ä%ha, 1 son 609, 633-4 Bawa, 489 B e m b e , 557, 821 Bawâkhir, 225-31 Bena, 70, 380, 830 Bawol (Baol), ¡05, 262, 264, 267-9, Benadir, 752, 753, 759, 771 278-^, 297, 299 Bende, 830, 834 Bayango, 806, 808, 810-12, 820 Bendugu,318 Bayotte, 368 Benefali, 332 Bayoza, 811 Benghazi, 129, 237, 246, 302 Bayûda Desert, 181, 182 Benguela, 705; economy and trade, Bayuma, 789 54°> 55°. 560, 569, 572. 579, 584. Bayyûmïya, 158 585, 586-7; politics and military Baza, 523 activities and society, 546, 550 Bazai, 469 Beni,3 S 8 Bazanfanc, Hashimu, 489 Benin (region and city) and Gulf of, Baziba, 819 Bazigaba, 811, 817 44, 433; African diaspora, 123; Bazinza, 804, 826 economy and trade, 11, 12, 18, 33, 39, 103-4, I 0 0 > 406-8; and Kongo Bazirankende, 817 kingdom, 557, 613; and Lower Be, 416, 421 Guiñean coast, 399; and Niger delta Beach, D . N . , 34n; on population and Cameroon, 434-7, 440-2, 444mobility, 52n, 6on, 7on; on 9; population mobility, 55, loon; Southern Zambezia, 64011, 642n, slave trade, 18, 103-4, , 0 5> I Q 6 Ó56n-7n, 66in, 666-gn,676n,682n Benisheikh, A . , 5 1 m Beach, D . W . , 624n Benue river, 51,442, 450 beads, trade in: Cameroon-Upper Benyowsky, M . A . de, 867, 871, 873 Nile region, 519, 536, 540; East Berabich, 303, 318 African coast, 760, 770; East Bérard, E . de, 270, 280 African interior, 839; Great Lakes region, 826; Kongo kingdom, 578, Berba, 351 586; Lower Guiñean coast, 406, Berber (Sudanese town), 181,182 Berberâ, 710 409; Luba and Lunda, 590; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, Berbers and Berberistan, 26, 32, 36, 626, 631-3, 636; Southern 43; Egypt, 145; Maghreb, 232n, Zambezia, 648-9, 675, 676-7, 680 234, 241; Senegambia, 273-4, 277, 287; Songhay empire, 303,316,324; Beafada: Scnegambia, 263, 264, 266Sudan, 175 7, 299; Upper Guiñean coast, 373, Berg, F.J., 753n 378, 389, 395 Berger, I., 8o8n Bcaulicu, General de, 89on Berkoma, 381 Becker, C , 27gn Bernus, E . , 358n Beckingham, C F . , 7i5n Berque, Jacques, 207n, 234 Bedde, 494, 497, 499,512 Bcdja, 171, 172, 175, 177, 184, ii)4, Berthier, P., 201, 30on Bertuchi, A.J., 8g2n 733, 88 7 n Besilau, 874 Bcduins, 140, 225, 242, 246 Betafo, 877 Beecham, J., 4o6n Betanimena, 882-3 Bega, 810 Begho, 355, 356, 383, 415, 428; Betbeder, P . , 8ign Bete, 382 economy and trade, 405, 410, 412 Bete-Dida, 374 Behava, 884 Beti, 66, 5i7>525 Behrens, C , 374n, 37 8 , 3 8 t Betoto, C , 869n, 872n Bekkai family, 364
996
Betsileo, 849, 852, 866, 874-5, 877-9 Betsimisaraka, 849-50, 852, 871-3, 878, 883, 891, 898 Bettie, 417-18 Bewa, 381 Beyla, 380 beys, 2; Egypt, 148-50, 152-4, 158, 160, 164, 166-8, 900; Maghreb, 244-5, 252-7 Bezanozano, 849, 832, 878-9, 883 Bezold, C , 705n Bhila, H . H . K . , 908; on Lake Malawi region, 608-39, 897; on Southern Zambezia, 640-82 Bhila, Pertenia Kwatini, 664n Biafra see Bonny (Biafra) Bidariyya, 194 Biebcr, F . , 7ion, 7 2 m Bifole, 719 Biharamulo, 8o4n-6n Biharwe, 812 B'he, 579, 5 8 7 Biisigi, 343 Bijago Islands, 264,266, 267,373,378 Bikunya, P . , 777n Bilad al-Suian see Kanem-Borno; Sudan Bilanga, 328, 351 Bilate river, 719 Bilma, 302, 321, 479, 480, 498, 512 Bina, 315 Bindji, 588 Binga, 172 Binger, L . G . , 322n, 332n, 334a Bini, 453 Bini speakers, 55 Biram, 25 Biram, Mansa, 392 Biranga, 784, 786 Birbir M a r y a m ( G a m u ) , 737n Birifor,355 Birim river, 420 Birkeli, E . , 8 5 7 ^ 869n-7on Birmingham, D . , 6gn, 527n, 529n, 558-9n, 58on, 587^ 826n Birnin: architecture, 485; economy and trade, 477, 478, 479; politics and military activities, 454n, 461, 463, 470; social structures, 481 Birnin Gazargamu, 493, 498-9, 500, 505,514 Birnin Gwari, 478 Birnin Kebbi, 478 Birnin Lalle, 461, 481 Birnin Yawuri, 478 Bisa, 71, 328, 355, 609, 613, 633-4, 636, 773
Index Bishangor, 266 Bishikwabo, C , 8 2 m Bisina, 792 Biskra, 237, 302 Bissandougou, 380 Bissau, 264, 268-71 Bissei, Austin, 89 m Bito, 792, 794, 807, 813,815 Biton see Mamari Kulibali Bivar, A . D . H . , sosn, 5o8n Biwi, 629 Bizamo, 70S, 741 Blackburn, R . H . , 83 m blacksmiths see iron Blair, A . , 33gn Blaka, 402 Blake, J . W . , ioin Blakeley, A . , i2gn Blis-Kianara, 368 Bloem, 698 Boa A m p o n s e m , 423 Boahen, A . A . , 907; on Lower Guinea, 399-433 Boarigu, 351,352 boats see canoes and boats; ships Bobangi: economy and trade, 105,534, 539-40. 578, 57g, 580; population mobility, 57, 64, 71; social structures, 542-5 Bobi, 445 Bobo, 355, 359, 366-7 Bobo-Dioulasso, 302, 328, 351, 358, 365, 405, 410, 478 Bobo-Fing, 358 Bocarro, Antonio, 642, 644n, 679n Bocha, 657, 670 Boers, 13 Boesch, F . , 8o4n, 8o8n Boeseken, A.J., 695n Boina Bay, 832, 856, 859-62, 863 Bois, G . , 83n Bojador, Cape, 383 Bokora, 789 Bolewa, 494,300 Bolia, 534 Bolowoka, 773 B o m a , 534, 536, 539, 5Ó7n, 576, 579, 582 Bomasa, ¡22 B o m b a see M b u m b a Bombetock Bay, 859-60 Bondu, 302, 315 Bonduku, 44, 405, 410, 415,419, 427, 478 Bonga, 542 Bongandini, 351 Bong-Bagirmi, 172
Bongera, 811, 820 Bongo (Madagascar), 87on Bongo (Sudan), 199 Bonny (Biafra), 103-4,105, 106, 4 3 4 6, 447 Bono, 400, 401, 405, 412, 413, 416, 420, 421 Bontinck, F . , 66n, 54Ön, 555n, 558n, 573 n Bonwire, 430 Bopolou, 375 Borah, W . , 93n-4n Boran, 717, 719, 830 Borana, 717, 720, 738, 839 Borgu, 433; and Hausa states, 454, 464, 465, 479, 481; and Lower Guiñean coast, 440-2; and NigerVolta region, 328, 350, 351; sociopolitical organization, 352-3, 43g; and Songhay empire, 302, 303 Borku, 44, 55 Borno (Bornu), 24, 464; CameroonUpper Nile region, 517; economy and trade, 406, 475n, 479, 480; Maghreb, 250; Niger-Volta region, 352; politics and military activities, 455-8, 4sg, 460-1,463,470-1, 482; social structures, 23, 28, 486-8; Songhay empire, 321; Sudan, 180, 183; see also K ä n c m Borno Borno-Wadai, 181, 184 Boromo, 328, 354 Boron, 355 'Bororo', 620 Bosa, 704, 70S, 720, 721, 727-8, 739, 741, 898 Bosea, 298 BoshnagT see A h m a d Bey Boshnagï Boshnak, A h m a d , 16on Bosnian, W . , 404, 415n, 423, 427-8 Bosnians, 145, 175 Bosphorus, 203 Bosseyabe, 296 Boston, J.S., 63n Botelho.J.J.T., 679n Boto, J., 857n Botswana, 686 Botu, 352 Bouaké, 356, 381, 401, 418, 478 Bouchard, J., 528n Bouet, S.S. and L . T . , 38on Bougie, 35, 235, 236, 237, 304 Bougouni, 328, 356 Boukman, 126 Boulègue, J., 2Ó3n, 2Ó7n-8n, 279n Bouquiaux, L . , I99n, 52cm
Bourbon (Réunion) see Mascarcnc Islands Bourem, 304 Boutlimit, 321 Bovill, E . W . , 405n Boxer, C R . , I34n, 5 6 4 ^ 66on; on East African coast, 750n, 755n, 76on, 7 6 3 ^ 768n Boya, Lake, 592 Bozo, 329, 332, 364 Brain, R . , 5i6n-i7n, 5i9n Brakna, 44,264, 277, 279, 283, 296-7, 302,321 Brako, 415 Brandenburgers, 406 Brasio, A . , ion, 546n, 5Ö3n brassware, 12; East African interior, 842; Lower Guiñean coast, 405-6, 408, 409, 427-8, 430-1; Luba and Lunda, 597, 598; Niger delta and Cameroon, 441, 447; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 631— 632 Braudel, F . , 23Ön, 386n, 683n, 901 Braukamper, U . , 705n, 7i2n, 7i7n Brava (Barâwa), 710, 732, 758, 760, 763, 861 Brazil, 57, 536, 905; African diaspora, 117,118,120; and Angola, 564,566, 569, 576, 584, 586-7; economy and trade, 77; economy and trade (mainly slaves), 7, 8, 9, 20, 77, 81, 87, 95-6, 439, 630; religion, 363 Breja, 217 Brempon, Boadu Akafu, 423 Brenner, R . , 83n Bretschneider, E . , I29n Bretuo (Twidan), 403, 415 Brew, Richard, 427 Britain (mainly England), 903; African diaspora, 114-15, 118, 121-3, 125, • 3°> '33-4; "id Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 527-8; and East African coast, 764, 766-7; economy and trade 11; 41-2; 85-90, 9 m , 111-12, 386, 390-1, 397-8 (see also slave trade below); and Indian Ocean islands, 889-93, 8gon; and Kongo kingdom, 569, 586; and Lower Guiñean coast, 406, 409, 420, 427; and Madagascar, 850, 863-4, 882; and Maghreb, 235, 247-8, 250, 258-60; and Morocco, 220, 223-4; and Senegambia, 262, 268-71, 279, 281, 296; slave trade, 6, 10, 14, 16, 18-19, 74. 80-1, 97, 99n (see also African diaspora
997
Index Britain - conti, above); and Southern Africa, 683, °94_5> 701; and Southern Zambezia, 682; and Upper Guiñean coast, 386, 390-1, 397-8 al-Briza see Mazagân Broadhead, S., 5820 Brock, B . , 83sn, 84on Bron (Abron), 44, 356, 401,402, 4 0 4 5. 415, 419-20 Brong, 428 Brong Ahafo, 404 bronzework, 437, 440, 444-9, 499 Brooks, G . E . , 266n Browne, George William, icon, 190, »97 Bruce, James, 173, I77n, 183, 197 Brué, André, 279-80 Brun, S., 428 Brun-Rollet, 197 Brutsch, J.R., 532n Bryan, M . A . , I72n, 54Ôn Bua Kpanyili, 419 Buali, 527 Buare, 330 Bubakar Sire, 283, 296 Bubangi, 529 Bubi, 451 Buchanan, C , 80911, 8i2n Bûcher, H . , S32n Buchthal, H . , 738n Budama, 784, 786 Buddu, 801 Budola, 784, 785-7 B u d u m a , 498-9 Buduru, 486 Budya, 642, 67S Bugaba, 806 Bugabo, 5/6, 819 Bugabula, 787 Buganda, 845, 898; economy and trade, 822, 826-7; politics and military activities, 792-802, 812, 817; rise of, 796-802; social structures, 778, 787 Buganza, 817, 820 Bugara, 806, 811, 5/6, 820 Bugaya, 467, 481, 787, 798 Bugesera, 808, 812, 815, 5 / 6 , 817, 820-1, 823 Buguendo, 266 Buguriba, river, 355 Bugwere, 793 Bugweri, 787 Buha, 807-8, 810, 812, 814-15, 5/6, 818,821,834,839 Buhärl, M a l a m , 487
998
burial customs: Great Lakes region, 777, 779; Kongo kingdom, 573,582; Madagascar, 875, 881; Niger delta and Cameroon, 441 Buricimba/Buricima see B e m b a Buriya, 291 Buriza, 811 Burja, 'Abdullah, 455,482,483 Burkina Faso, 355 Burnham, P., 69n Burssens, II., 46n Burton, R . F . , 633n-4n Burton, W . F . , s88n Burundi: politics and military activities, 788, 802, 804-5, 807-8, 8 1 0 843 12, 814, 817-18, 820-1, 844; popuBukoli, 787 lation mobility, 63, 5 / 6 ; social Bukono, 787 structures and economy and trade, Bukonya, 811 28, 822-6, 834 Bukr b. M ü s ä , A h m a d , 188-90 Burungi, 841 B u k u m a , 811 Bukune, 839 Burungu Kakindi, King, 818 Bukunzi, 5/6 Buruure Fulbe, 31 al-Büläd ibn Djäbir, Ibrahim, 179 Burwa, 499 Bülák, 146, I49n, 150, is8n Burwi, 811 Búlala, 492-4, 496, 497, 498 Busa, 352-3 Bulamogi, 787, 793, 801 Büsa'idi, 772,774 Buli, 599 Busaso, 741 Bullom, 373-4, 377, 380, 383-5, 389, Bushi, 815 Bushingo, 807, 5/6, 818 394 Bushiru, 811, 5/6 Bulozi, 579, 603 Bulsa,j25, 342, 351,352 Bû-Shlaghîm, 251, 256 Bushnâk, 251 Bulu, 66 Bulungwa, 839 Bushoong, 61 Bushubi, 815,5/6, 818 B u m b e , 559 B u m b o g o , 811 Busigi, 811 Bumbwiga, 811 Busiki, 787 Busoga, 785-7, 793, 797, 800 Buna (Bouna), 322,328,356,405,410, Busongora, 795, 798, 826 478 Busozo, 811, 5/6 Bundu, 262, 264, 278, 285, 287-9, Busu-Darigma, 343 295-6, 298-9,334 Busuma, J2S, 341,342 Bungoy, 297-9 Butina, 172 Bungu, 536 Buto, 819 Bunsuru river, 469, 475 Bunyoro, 42, 784, 792, 801, 845; Butwa, 640, 641, 657, 669, 671, 677, 680-1 decline of, 796-9; politics and miliBuurba Jolof, 267 tary activities, 793-9, 806-7, 810, Buwekula, 801 812-13, 818, 820, 827; social strucBuyaga, 777 tures, 777, 787 Buyogoma, 5/6, 818 Bunyoro-Kitara, 42, 792 Buyungu, 5/6, 818 Buque, 861, 869 Buzaaya, 787 Bur Kavo (Port Durnford), -jfyn Buzimba, 778, 787, 792, 799, 801 Burckhardt, J.L., 183, i8sn Buzinga, 782 al-Burdaynl, A h m a d , 159 Bure river region, 44, 265, 302, 322, Buzinza, 788, 806, 808, 810, 814, 816, 818-19,822,843 377.383-4 Bvuti, 675 Burghül, *Alî, 258 B w a , 359 Burgi, 718
Buhaya, 834, 843 Buhera, 641, 657, 670, 682 B u h o m a , 811, 5/6 Buhweju, 778, 792, 799 Bü-Jbeiha, 302, 315, 322, 324 Bujiji, 807, 812, 5/6 Bujumbura, 8osn Bukari Sette, 286 Bukavu, 8o,n Bukedea, 793 Bukerebe, 810-11, 5/6, 820, 822 Bukerebe Silanga dynasty, 807 Bukishi, 595 Bukoba, 804, 8o5n-6n, 81 in, 819,
Index Bwaba, 343, 354, 355 Bwamu, 358 Bwanacyambwe, 811, 817, 820 Bwanamwali, 811 Bwera, 777, 792, 799, 808 Bwimba, Ruganzu, 817 Bwina, 816 Bwinyoni, Lake, 817 Bwobo, 786 Bwoc, Reth, 196 Bwogi Mpangukano, 819 Bynet, J., 53211 Bynon, T . , 6411 Cá da Mosto, A., 373 Cabinda, ios, 52°. 53^, 576.579, 580 Cacheu and Cacheu river region, 264; economy and trade, 40, 268-71, 389, 391. 392, 395-7; population mobility, 373, 387 Cacunda and Cacunda Velha, 572, $79 Cadornega, O . de, 546n, 6o3n Caetano, X . , 68on Cafres, 861, 869 Cagoano, Ottobah, 126 Cahen, S35n Caillié, René, 3o8n, 32in-2n, 323a, 324, 310, 3i8n-i9n Cairns, T . , 75n Cairo, 33, 146, 147, 215, 772; and Ottoman empire, 140, 142, 148-9, 153. !55, 158-9. 164, «67; and Sudan, 179, 183-4, '88 Calabar, 44, 71, 10$, 435, 449, 451; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 528; economy and trade, 4, 12, 18, 19, 40, 104 Caledon river, 60, 68$, 693 Calixtus III, Pope, 113 Callaway, C , 8s7n Callet, F . , 87on, 875n-6n, 878n Calonne-Beaufaict, A . de, 519, 52on Caltanisetta, Fra Luca da, 543 Cámara, 375, 377 C a m b a y , 760 Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 515— 45, 903; arts and crafts, 521, 524, 526-7, 530, 533, 535, 537-8, 5401; coastal area, 524-34; Congo river axis, 534-45; economy and trade, 11, 517-19, 524. 527-9, 532. 534" 45; languages, 515-18, 520, 523, 534.543; a n d Luba and L u n d a , 406; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 450-1; northern border area, 51624; politics and military activities, 515-19, 523. 525-6, 532, 543-4;
population mobility, 66, 69, 72, 516-20, 522-4, 531-2, 534-5; religion, 517, 518, 526-7, 530, 533; slave trade, 527-9, 536, 539-40, 544; social structures, 517, 541-5; see also Niger delta and Cameroon Canada, African diaspora to, 117-18, 121 canals, 31, I45n Canary Islands, 7, 14, 35, 265 canoes and boats: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 539, 541-2; East African interior, 835; K o n g o kingdom, 581; Senegambia, 266; Sudan, 198; see also ships Cape Coast (Lower Guinea), 401,410, 427, 903 Cape Coloured, 695 Cape peninsula and Cape T o w n : economy and trade and society, 4, 683-4, 68$, 686, 688, 690, 693-8, 699, 701-2, 850, 863; population mobility, 46, 57, 71 Cape Verde Islands: economy and trade, 7, 10, 11, 14, 115; and Senegambia, 265-6, 269-70, 299; and Upper Guiñean coast, 389, 395 Capello, H . , 68on capitalist transformation of Western Europe and Americas see Atlantic trade Capitein, Jacobis, 126, 427 Capron, J., 354n Capuchins, 564, 572-3 Caraccioli, 890 Caribbean see Central America Carrette, E . , 3 2 m Carrodoboe, 394 Carvalho Dias, L . F . de, 6 4 m , Ö47n Carvalho, H . A . Dias de, s88n, 592n-3 carving see sculpture and carving Casa, 388 Casa de Guiñé, 383 Casamance river region, 72,264, 368— 9, 371, 897, 903; economy and trade, 384, 386-7, 389, 391-2, 395; population mobility, 372-3, 378, 382; and Upper Guiñean coast, 395 Cassange, $48, 563, 569, 580, 587 cassava see crops, n e w caste-and-guild society, 31-2, 34, 896 Castile, 2, 5, 8-9, 11 Castries, Count Henry de, 204n, 206, 207n, 2i4n, 30on, 304n catastrophes, 895, 902-3; and popu-
lation mobility, 58, 59; see also diseases; drought; famine Catholicism: dogmatic conflict with Ethiopia, 728—32; see also Christianity cattle see livestock Caulker (Corker) family, 397 Cauneille, A . , 4gn Cavally river, 381, 382, 398 Cavazzi, G . , 546n ceddo, 32, 262-3, 267, 277, 278-87 Central Africa: African diaspora, 116; economy and trade, 31-2, 34; politics and military activities, 42-4; population mobility, 46-50; 53-60 passim; 63,67-72 passim; slave trade 102-3; i°6n; 108,116 (see also under individual countries); social structures, 30; see also Cameroon-Upper Nile region; Kânem-Borno; K o n g o kingdom; Luba; Lunda; Sudan Central African Republic, 69, 198-9 Central America and Caribbean, 83, 864, 901, 904-5; and African diaspora, 113-36 passim; 117-28 passim; 114, 117-23, 126-8, 136; economy and trade, 88; 90; 111 (see also slave trade below); evolution of underdevelopment in, 93-9; and K o n g o kingdom, 569, 576; and Lower Guiñean coast, 406,408; and M a d a gascar, 863-4; religion, 363; and Senegambia, 271, 273, 276, 281; slave trade, 14; 20; 22, 76, 78, 91, 93-9, 103-4 (see "h" African diaspora above) ceramics see pottery and ceramics Cerne, 57 Cerno Samba M o m b e y a , 295 Cerulli, E . , 705n, 7ogn-ion, 7i6n, 7 2 m , 72Ón, 73on, 733n Cesar, Father Julio, 665 Césard, Father E d m o n d , 804, 8o8n, 8i5n, 8içn Césard, P . , 8o7n Ceuta, 113, 200, 202, 212, 232 Ceylon, 134 Chaamba, 27 Chabinga, Katumbi Mulindafwa, 636-7 Chad and Lake Chad region, 896-7, 905; economy and trade, 31, 34, 37, 38, 479, 498; and Hausa states, 479; politics and military activities, 42; population mobility, 55, 56, 58, 68; social structures, 24,26; and Sudan, 181; see also K a n e m - B o r n o
999
Index Chagga, 828,830, 838-9 Chainouqua, 693 Chakwera, E.J., 623:1 C h a m a m a , 273, 277 Chamba, 518, 528 Chambard, R . , 71011 Chamberlin, C , 54n, 6311, 66n Chambonneau, 27411, 275, 276&11 Changamire dynasty, 43, 70, 618; economy and trade, 608, 673, 680; politics and military activities, 43, 640-1,651,656-61; see also D o m b o ; Rozvi Chari-Nile, 192 Chariguriqua, 698 Charles I of Portugal, 114 Charles II of England, 18, 223 Charles V of Spain, 9, 36 chartered companies see companies Chauma, 618 Chaunu, H . and P . , 236n Chaureau, J.P., 418n Chawiya, 202 Cheffaud, M . , 87sn Chelebi, A h m a d , i57n Chelega, 178 Cherchel, 35 Chercher, 713, 738 Chcrif, M . H . , 907; on Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, 233-61 Cherkesï, M e h m e d Bey, 153, i6on Chéron, G . , 342n al-Cherrât, W â d ï , 204 Cherratïn, Madrasa, 219 Cheshme, 162 Chewa: economy and trade, 632, 636, 638, 656; politics and military activities, 608, 609, 610, 612, 6i5n, 618, 628-30, 634; population mobility, 619, 622; religion, 61314, 629-30; see also Maravi Chiadma, 202 Chichawa, 211 Chicoa, 624, 631 Chidima, 641, 642, 67S Chifuka, 622 Chifungwe, 608, 638 Chigoma, 637 Chikulamayembe, 637 Chikunda, 632 Chilima, 610, 611, 612, 625 Chilua river, 618 Chiluba, 6 1 0 , 6 / / , 612 Chilumba, 636, 636-8 Chilundanya Luhanga, 636 Chilver, E . M . , 516 Chimaliro, 622-3
1000
Chimfombo, 622 465-7, 482-3; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 4 9 2 Chimwala, 621 502 passim, 507-11; Kongo kingdom, 550-1, 555-6, 569, 5 7 1 China, 1, 39, 78, 128, 728, 755-« 2, 576; Lower Guiñean coast, 426, Chingoni, 887n 430; Maghreb, 240-1, 244-5, 255> Chingulia, D o m Jerónimo (Yüsuf), 260-1; Niger-Volta region, 338-59, 765-6. 774 366-7; and politics and military Chinsamba, 618 activities, 38-44; Senegambia see Chipeta, 6 / / marabouts; see also ruling élites Chirimba, 681 Claudius, Emperor see Galawdewos Chisi, 633 Clérici, M . A . , 3 8 m , 4i5n, 4i8n, 424 Chiticativa, 68on Cleveland, James and family, 397 Chitipa plain, 612 clientship, 28, 825 Chitomborwizi, 679 Chitonga, 624, 628 climate (especially rainfall): Great Lakes region, 776, 781-9, 791-2, Chittick, Neville, ioon, 834n, 887n 794-5, 803, 822; K o n g o kingdom, Chivampe, 888n 548; Maghreb, 234-5; Niger-Volta Chobi, 834 region, 359; northern ZambeziChojnacki, S., 7ogn Lake Malawi region, 617; and Chokwe (Cokwe), 604, 605, 614 population mobility, 49, 50, 56, 59, Chonyi, 7Ó4n 60, 67-8, 70, 72; Songhay empire, Chorfa Empire, 212 303, 316, 318; Southern Africa, Chrétien, J.P., Ô3n, 909; on Great 686-7, 690-1; Southern Zambezia, Lakes, 776-827 665-7; see "ho drought Christelow, A . , 8sn, 86n, 97n cloth/clothes see textiles Christianity, 23, 30, 39, 67, 903-4; coal, 612 East African coast, 756,765-6,774; Coelho, J., 65 m Horn of Africa see Christianity in Ethiopia; K o n g o kingdom, 554-6, coffee production and trade: Egypt, 560, 564-5, 573-6, 582, 584-6; 145, 151, 152, 154, i66n; Indian Lower Guiñean coast, 427, 430, Ocean islands, 866, 893; Songhay 433; Madagascar, 855n, 860-1, empire, 323 862n, 863, 869, 878; Maghreb, 244 Cohen, D . W . , I93n, 7 8 7 ^ 8o8n~9n, (see also privateering); Morocco, 8i3 205-12, 223; Niger-Volta region, Cohen, R . , 507, sogn 363; and slave trade, 113, 115; Coin, Jan, 88sn Southern Africa, 693; Upper Cole, W . A . , 88n Guiñean coast, 396 Colle, R . , 588n collecting see gathering Christianity in Ethiopia, 178, 705-9, Colombia, 120, 536 748; and art, 709, 733-8; dogmatic Columbus, Christopher, 74, 83-4, 89, conflict with Catholicism, 728-32; and Islam, 710, 713-15, 719, 72393.110 6, 732; mass baptism, 727-8; and Colvin, Lucy, 276n, 27gn, 297n O r o m o , 719; and Somali, 721; in Commissariat, M . S . , I32n, 133 south-west, 741, 746-9 • C o m o e river, 54, 66, 356, 358, 401, Chulu, 608, 6/6, 622, 628 416, 418-20 Ciaabu, 286, 287 Comoro Islands, 40,57,862,871,886Cifinda, 592 92; and East African coast, 752,760, Cilambya, 626 771; economy and trade, 862, 866, Ciluba, 594 888, 890-4; and Madagascar, 862-3 Ciniama, 605 companies, European trading, 16, 18, Cipolla, C M . , 85n 41, 106-7, I I 2 > Indian Ocean Cissoko, S . M . , 372n, 38gn, 3 9 m islands, 892-3; Madagascar, 850, Cisukwa, 626 863, 866; Senegambia, 271; Claessen, John, 426 Southern Africa, 684, 694-5, 698, 700-1; Upper Guiñean coast, 390-1 classes, social: and feudalism, 260-3; Great Lakes region, 779-80,794-6, C o n , 351 809-12; Hausa states, 455-6,461-2, Conakry see Guinea-Conakry
Index cotton production and trade, 34, 38, 40; Americas, 7, 16, 18, 77, 88, 92; East African coast, 755, 760; Hausa states, 475-7, 484; Horn of Africa, 746; Kanem-Borno, 499; NigerVolta region, 359; Senegambia, 265; Songhay empire, 318; Southern Zambezia, 670; U p p e r Guiñean coast, 382, 389; see also textiles Coupez, A . , 589n, 8o8n Coursey, D . G . , 403n Courtois, C , 58n Coutouly, F . de, 37gn craft economy, 31-2, 34; see also arts and crafts; industries Crazzolara, J.P., 777n-8n, 7 8 m , 25S-* 788n Constantinople see Ottoman empire Creek T o w n (Ikot Etunko), 450 Conti Rossini, C , 709n-ion, 726nCreoles, 64, 120, 395, 893, 897 7n,73on Crine-Mavar, B . , 588n contraband slave trade, 95n Croot, P., 83n Cook, S . F . , 93n-4n Cooper, F . , 484n crops, new (maize, manioc, cassava), Cooper, J.P., 83n 22, 28, 901-2; Cameroon-Upper copal see g u m Nile region, 531, 541, 544; East copper production and trade, 12, 33; African interior, 832; Horn of Africa, 746; K o n g o kingdom, 563; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 517, Southern Zambezia, 662, 664-5, 519, 527, 535"°. 540, 542; East 667; see also agriculture African coast, 755; Great Lakes Cross river, 71, 435, 449-51 region, 826; K i n e m - B o r n o , 499; Crouzet, F . , 88n K o n g o kingdom, 547,5^5,557,560, Crowder, M . , 453n 562, 575, 578, 582; Lower Guiñean Cuala, 860 coast, 409, 427; L u b a and Lunda, C u a m a , 679n 589, sgo\ northern Zambezi-Lake Cuanza river region, 61, ¡48, 566 Malawi region, 632-3; Senegambia, Cudjoe, Captain, 118, 121 271; Southern Africa, 684; Cuffee, Paul, 122 Southern Zambezia, 650, 670, 682; Cuffy, 120 Upper Guiñean coast, 382 culture see social structures Coq, 269 C u o q , J . M . , 454n, 4 6 m , 4 6 5 ^ 483n Cordell, D . D . , 55n Currantee, John, 426 Corker (Caulker) family, 397 currency, 32, 36; Cameroon-Upper Cornet, J., 576n, s82n Nile region, 527,529, 536,542,545; Cornevin, R . , 352n cloth as see raffia; Egypt, 151, 153; Cornwall, Captain, 890 Hausa states, 490; K o n g o kingdom, Correia, Francisco, 396 548, 553. 563. 567. 569, 57«i Luba Correia Leitào, M . C . , 6o3n, 6o6n and Lunda, 560; Morocco, 219; Corsa, Hasan, 201, 203 Niger-Volta region, 361 corsairs see privateers Curtin, P . D . : on Senegambia and Cory, Hans, 804, 8o5n, 8ion trade, ioon, 27on-i, 2 7 6 - 7 ^ 288cosmology and population mobility, 9, 529, 902n; imports, 4 m , I07n; 62-3 slave, 7n, 14, i9n-20, 8o-2&n, Cossac de Chavrebière, 2i4n ii7n, 275n, 407-8, 576n, 578n, Côte d'Ivoire, 355, 369, 371, 383; 587n economy and trade, 406, 408; politics and military activities, 415; Cuvelier, J., 546n, 5 6 3 ^ 5 6 9 ^ 574n C w a (Cwamali), 783, 785, 797, 813, population mobility, 374-5, 377-8, 381-2, 399, 400, 401, 402; social 815 C w a 11,788 structures and culture, 426-8
Conçalo da Silveira, Father, 23, 650 Conceicao, Antonio da, 665 conflict see political; revolts Congo and Congo river region (Zaire), 19, 51, 520; African diaspora, 113, 116, 118, 126; and CameroonUpper Nile region, 524, 529, 531, 534-41; economy and trade, 8, 10, 12, 40, 103-4, 1°°, 534-41; and K o n g o kingdom, 547,550,558,566, 580-1; population mobility, 50, 51, 54; slave trade, 8,103-4, 1 0 0 i social structures, 541-5; and Sudan, 192, 198 Constantine, 235, 237, 242, 251,
C w a Nyabongo, O m u k a m a , 783, 785, 788 Cwezi, 777, 799, 801, 806, 810, 826 Cyingogo, 811, 816 Cyirima Rujugira, 813, 817, 820, 821, 825 Cyprus, 709 Cyrenaica, 480 Czekanowski, Jan, 804, 8i3n D a Costa see Rodrigues da Costa D a Silva Correrá, E . , 546n, s86n D a Silva Regó, A . , 5Ó4n Daaku, K . Y . , 407, 409n, 4i2n-i3n, 4i5n, 4i7n-2on, 424n, 426n Dabkare dan Iya, 466n Dabora, 334 Dabou, 381 Daboya, 328, 339 Dabra Birhan, 724, 736-7 Dabra D a m o , 714 Dabra Líbanos, 730-1 Daca, 783, 785 Dadi, 468 Dading, 189 Dädjü, 187, IÇ4 Dafina, 358 Dagbane, 405, 410, 412 Dagboawo (Dzieheawo), 400 D a g o m b a , 24, 44, 328, 339, 340, 356, 362, 365, 405; Lower Guiñean coast, 405, 412, 416, 420, 421; Niger-Volta region, 328, 339, 340, 356, 362, 365 al-Dahabl see Djamâluddin al-Dahabî Dahlak Islands, 710 D a h o m e y , 19-20, 44, 105, 435; African diaspora, 118; Fon, 436-9; and Lower Guiñean coast, 406,425; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 442; politics and military activities, 43; social structures, 24 Daimani, 295, 297 Dakin, 174 Dallo, 720 Dallol, 302, 322 Dallol Boso, 475 Dallol Fogha, 472, 479 Dalrymple, A . , 8 9 m D a m a , 69 Damagaram, 463, 409n-70n, 472n, 490,500,511 al-Damâr, 181, 182 Dambarare, 641, 676, 679 Dambiya, 707, 708, 726, 748 Damergu, J02 D a m o t , 708, 739
1001
Index Dampierre, E . de, 52011, 523 D a n , 375, 381 Danâkla, 183, 190, 194 Danané, 381 Danangombe, 640, 658 dances see music Dande, 562, 641, 678, 681 Dandibi, 485 Danfassari, 332 Daniski, 494 Danki, 267 Dankoussou, I., 45811, 46011, 48911 D a n Marina see al-Sabbàgh al-Kashinawï, M u h a m m a d Dan-Toura, 377 Dantzig, A . Van, io6n-7n, 439n Danyi, 416, 421 Dapper, O . , 12,38on, 394, 525, 54Ón7n,555" Dar ai-Islam, 236 Dar Banda, 199 Dâr Fertît, 199 Dar Kimr, 188 Dâr Silla, 184 Dar T a m a , 189 Dar Zaghâwa, 188 Dará (Horn of Africa), 710, 711 Dar'a (Morocco), 200, 216, 219, 230, 319 Darafify, 853 Darasse, 718 Darb al-'Arbaln, 182 al-Dardïr, A h m a d , 158 Därfür, 44, 177, 180-90 passim, 195, :97, 199, 480, 520 Darling, P.J., 55n Dartmouth, Lord, 223 D a Silva Costa Lobo, A . , 5n Dauda, 471 Daudi Reubeni, 172, 173 Daumas-Chancel, A . , 3 2 m Daura, 457, 459, 463 Dauro, 704, 70S, 720, 898 David, N . , i98n, 199 David, P . H . , 466n Davidson, B . , 387 Davis, D . B . , 900 Davis, R . , 87n-8n Dawaki Magari, Sarkin, 473 Dawaro, 708, 710, 7 / / , 713, 720, 722, 725.741 D a w e Oromo, 727 Dawra, M u h a m m a d , 188 D ä w ü d , Askiya, 456 D ä w ü d , Kanta, 456 Dawuda, Galadima, 483 al-DIyr, 177
1002
D e Constantin, 88gn D e Flacourt see Flacourt Deane, P . , 88n Debo, Lake, 318 Debourou, D . M . , 454n Debrunner, H . W . , 40on, 4o6n Decary, R . , 863n-4n, 8Ô7n, 873n-5n, 878n-gn, 882n,88sn Decce M a r a m Ngalgu, 275-6 Defoort, E . , 868n, 886n Degrandpré, L . , 528n, 546n Delacour, A . , 379n Delafosse, M . , 329n Delagoa Bay, 684, 6S5, 693 Delcourt, A . , 28on, 3i5n ' Delgado, R . , 587n Delgado, Cape, 660, 752, 763 Delobsom, A . D . , 353 ' Dembidollo, 741 D e m b o , $48, 55°. 55', 56° D e m e a w o (Numeawo), 400 • Demesse, L . , 4gn Demirdàshïya, 158 Demnât, 202, 216 Dendi, 303-4, 310-13, 47"> Denevan, W . M . , 93n Deng, F . M . , 191 D e n h a m , D . , 5o6n-7n, 510 Deniba B o , 334 Denis, P . , 523n
see also under industries Dévisse, J., 56n deys: Maghreb, 244, 245, 253, 256-7 al-Dhahabt see al-Mansür, A b ü '1'Abbas Dhâr, 321 Dhokoth, Reih, 196-7 D h û 'l-Faklr, 'Uthmän Bey, 153-4 Dia, 328, 364 Diabaté, H . , 402, 4i5n, 4i8n Diabé, 416, 417-18, 421 Diagne, P . , 47411, 906; on political, economic and social structures, 2 3 45, 896 Diagne, S., 288n Diala, J02 Diallo, T . , 29 m , 3Ó3n Diamarang Diamera, 885 diamonds, 15 Dian Manhelle, 868, 880 Dian Ramack, 866 Diara, 321 Diarrasouba, 356 Dias de Carvalho, 588n, 592n-3 Dias de Novaes, Paulo, 558 diaspora, 56-8, 64, 72, 113-36; maps of, 119, /jo; to Asia, 128-36; to Europe and Americas, 113-28; see also population mobility; slave trade Dickson, K . B . , 403n Dicorato, M . , 533^ 5 5 6 - 7 ^ 5Ó3n Denkoro the Bloodthirsty, 333, 364 Denkyira, 898; politics and military Dida, 374, 382 activities, 393, 413, 415, 416, 417Didaa, 720 20, 421, 422-3; population Didinga, 780, 788 ' mobility, 400,402; social structures Diego-Suárez, 852, 864 Digil, 723 and culture, 428, 430 Digo, 764^ 764, 770 Denmark, 231, 390, 406, 527 Denne,, 777n Dike, K . O . , ioon, 447n Denolf, P., 588n, 594n Dila, 214, 216, 218 Denoon, D . , 908; on southern Africa, Dilâwïyya, 216, 2/7 683-702 Dinar, Ibn Abl, 236n Densu river, 420 Dindera, 178 Denyanke, 326; economy and trade, Dinka see Jieng Diogo 1, 557 32, 39; and Portuguese monopoly, 262, 263, 267-8; and slave trade, Diomande, 355, 377 ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 283, Dion Kolo, 364 Diop, Abdoulaye Bara, 27gn 285, 287, 296, 299 Diouf, M a m a d o u , 276n, 27gn, 299n Denyasi, 420 Dioula see Juula dependency see underdevelopment Dioulasso see Bobo-Dioulasso Dervish orders, 156, 157 Deschamps, H . , 128, 8 5 m , 853n, Diré, 322 Dirkou, 483 855n, 8 5 7 ^ 864n, 8 7 m , 876, 877nal-Dirr, 175 9n, 884n-5n Desekoro, 313 diseases and epidemics, 20; Americas, desert: desertification, 234-5; see also 94; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, drought; Sahara 529, 531, 532; East African coast, developed economies concept, 79-80; 758; East African interior, 841;
Index Döka, 178 Dokaji, A . A . , 453n D o k o , 742 Doliveira, José Gonçalves, 397 D o m a , 382 D o m b o Changamire, 641, 656-7,660, 680-1 domestic slavery see slave societies Domingos (Mamvura), 651 Dominicans, 651 D o m o n i , 862, 888, 891 Dongola, 57 Dongotono-Murle, 780 Donkouna, 333, 335 Don, 328, 351 '94 Doria, Andrea, 203 Djabal Marra, 187-8, 190 D'Orjo de Marchovelette, E . , s88n Djabal Nafusa, 241, 259 Dorobe, 278, 355 Djabal Saghru, 222 Dorobo, 831 Djabal Tukyï, 198 Dorze, 741 al-Djabarti, 157 Douala, 43s, 527, 528, 532 al-Djadlda see Mazagân Douentza, 302, 322 Dja'far Pasha, 301 Dragut (Torgut), 238 Djalalud-ud-dln Yakut, 131 Drakensberg, 687, 693 djalläba, 171, 183, 189, 196 Dramani-Issifou, Z . , 456n Djallulï, 252 Drewin, 398 Djamâluddin al-Dahabï, I59n, 161 drift migration, 52, 55, 59, 69 al-Djâmî, 'Izzal-DIn, 190 drought: East African interior, 831; Djanet, 302 Great Lakes region, 776, 781-9, Djarïd, 302, 323 791-2, 794-5, 822; Luba and Djawda, M u h a m m a d , 188 L u n d a , 589; Maghreb, 234-5; Djazîra, 172-3, 177, 180, 185 Niger-Volta region, 359; and popuDjazülite, 205, 207 lation mobility, 49, 50, 56, 59, 60, Djerba, 237, 238, 258 68, 72; Songhay empire, 303, 316, Djibouti, 710 318; Souther Africa, 687, 691; Djibrïl dan 'Umaru, Malam, 489,90s Southern Zambezia, 665-7 Djidda, 162 Djidjellî, 36 Drury, R . , 87on djihâds, 24, 28-9, 36; Hausa states, D u Bois, W . E . B . , 87on Duala (Douala), 44, 71, 451, 524, 525 490; Horn of Africa, 703-4, 712, Dubois, H . M . , 874n-5n 7!5> 710, 721. 723-5; K ä n e m Duekoue, 369 Borno, 512-13; Morocco, 201; Dufeil, M . M . , 546n Senegambia, 274, 288, 291-2, 299; Songhay empire, 300, 325, 326; Dugazawa, 460 Dugui, 468 Upper Guiñean coast, 379 Dugurti, 496, 497 Djougou, 480 Duisburg, A . von, 504n Djüdar Pasha, 2, 36, 301, 303-4, 306 D u k e T o w n (Atakpa), 450 Djulffya, 152, 154 Dukkala, 202 D o Couto, 860,888n Dulugu, Naaba, 365-6 Dodos, 788, 790-1» 793 D u m a , 657, 666, 670 Dodoth, 790-1 Dodze, 402 D u m a s , General Thomas Alexandre, Dofo, 402 116, 117 D u m i , 463 D o g N a m , 777 D u n â m a b. M u h a m m a d , 496 Dogo, 394 Dunbar, A . R . , 8i5n Dogon, 70, 328, 334, 344, 348, 350, Duncan-Baretta, S.R., 698n 354 Duncan-Johnstone, A . , 339n Dogtenga, 351 Egypt, 167; Horn of Africa, 719, 726; K o n g o kingdom, 555, 563,584; Madagascar, 885; Maghreb, 235, 240, 253, 258; and population mobility, 59; Songhay empire, 303, 316; Southern Africa, 687; Southern Zambezia, 668 Diu, 133, 679 divination see oracles Divo, 378 diwân, 140, 239, 244-5 Dlwânate, 770 Dizi (Magi), 739, 742-3 Dja'aliyyun 174, 180, 183, 185, 190,
Dundas, General, 701 D u n d u , 'Ali, 296,298 Dünküla, 33, 44, 174, 181, 182, 183, 185, 193 Dunkûlaal-'Urdï, 185 D u n n , R . S . , 96n D u p o n , J.F., 892n Dupré, G . , son, 54n Dupuis-Yacouba, A . , 3ign Durbi, 466 Dürer, Albrecht, 737-8 D u r u m a , 7Ö4n Dutch see Netherlands Dutch East India Company, 13, 684, 694-5, 698, 701-1, 850, 863 Dutch West India Company, 106-7, 271, 390 Dutse, Farin, 468 Dutse, Sarkin, 468, 474, 483 Duveyrier, H . , 3 2 m Duysters, L . , s88n D w a b e n , 415, 416, 420, 432 D w i m i n a / D w u m see Anyi Dyallonke, 373-4, 379 Dy¡m, 355 dyes and dyeing, 38; Hausa states, 467, 475-7; Känem-Borno, 499; NigerVolta region, 359; Senegambia, 263, 265-6; Songhay empire, 318-19 dyewood see wood Dyola see Joola Dyula see Juula Dzieheawo see Dagboawo Dzivaguru, 646 East, R . M . , 453n, 4 6 7 ^ 473n, 49on-
49m East Africa: African diaspora, 116, 118, 126, 128-34; economy and trade 2-3; 13; 31, 34, 37, 39-41, 1 0 m (see also slave trade below); politics and military activities, 4 3 5; population mobility, 46, 53, 5673 passim, ioon; slave trade, 20; 83; 100, 103, io6&n, 108 (see also under individual countries and African diaspora above); social structures, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30; see also East African coast; East African interior East African coast, 750-75; AngloDutch and, 766-7; economy and trade, 750-8, 75% 760-75; and Egypt, 761, 772; and Indian Ocean islands, 752, 760, 771-3, 775; and Madagascar, 849n~50, 853, 858; O m a n and, 771-4; politics and military activities, 751.753.756-8,774-
IOO3
Index East African coast - contä. 5; population mobility, 105, 752, 753. 760-1. 764-5; Portugal and, 756-66; Portuguese rule ends, 7 6 7 70; social structures, 750,753-6; see also East Africa East African interior (Kenya and T a n zania), 828-48, 896; arts and crafts (including architecture), 834-5, 837-8, 842; and East African coast, 764; economy and trade, 831-40; and Great Lakes region, 779, 7 8 5 6, 789, 797; and Horn of Africa, 716-17, 746; and northern Z a m bezi-Lake Malawi region, 619, 637n; politics and military activities, 840-7; population mobility, 56, 57, 59. 63, 67-9, 70, 626, 829, 831, 838-45, 848; religion and ritual, 843, 845, 847; social structures, 28, 828-g, 833, 840-8; and Southern Africa, 693; see also East Africa East India Companies see companies East Indies, 11, 57, 889 Ebri M o r o , 419 Ebrie, 401, 402, 421 Echard, N . , 453n, 4Ó3n economy and trade, 31-42, 33, 77, 896-8; Algeria, 2, 4, 35-6, 302; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 11, 517-19, 524. 527-9. 532, 534-45; craft economy and caste-and-guild society, 3 1 - 2 , 34; East African coast, 750-75 passim; East African interior, 828, 830-40; economic development defined, 78 (see also Atlantic trade); Egypt, 32, 34, 37, 38, 138, 145, 151-2, 154, 160-8; entrepot/trading-post economy, 40-2; European see under Britain, France, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain; Great Lakes region, 800, 826; Hausa states, 31, 34, 38, 406, 410, 453-5. 458, 469, 472, 474-9, 480, 481-2, 490; Horn of Africa, 709-10, 733; Indian Ocean islands, 37, 39-40, 102,862, 866,888, 8 9 0 4; interdependence in Sudan, 1 9 5 6; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 492, 494-503, 512; K o n g o kingdom, 362,392,405, 410, 546-7, 548, 553, 555-63, 560, 561-3, 566-9, 576, 578-81, 587; Lower Guiñean coast, 399-400, 403-11, 414, 415, 419, 422, 424-7, 430; Luba and Lunda, 570, 58990,59°, 592,594,603; Madagascar, 850, 859, 861-4, 866, 878, 884;
IOO4
Maghreb, 1-2, 9-10, 20, 22, 31-8, Ehinger, Heinrich, 9 42, 75, 233, 235, 241-53 passim, Ehret, G , 1 9 m , I98n, 77gn, 8i2n, 260-1; Morocco, 201, 205, 210-12, 828-gn 219, 230-1; Niger delta and Eilu, A . B . , 7 9 m Cameroon, 436-9, 44*, 445, 4 4 7 - Ekadu, J . E . , 7 9 m 52; Niger-Volta region, 330, 352, Ekiti, 435, 442 355-6,359-63,365,367; Nile counEkoona (Asanwule), 403 tries and Indian Ocean, 39-40; Ekpo and Ekpe, 450-1 northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi Ekuebo, 418 region, 610, 617, 619, 622, 625-6, El Fasi, M . , 906-7; on Morocco, 2 0 0 629-39; peasantry and decline of 32 countryside, 37-9; and population El Mina: economy and trade, 3, 4, 6, mobility, 51-2, 54, 56-7, 61-2, 7 1 10, 12, 19, 40, 41, 44, 383, 401, 2; predatory economy, 34-7; Sene407, 410, 903; politics and military gambia, n - 1 2 , 4 0 - 1 , toon, 263activities, 44,423,486; social struc73, 278-99, 387, 389, 39«; Songhay tures, 427 empire, 31, 32, 300-3, 310, 3 1 5 ElMolo.Sjo 24; Southern Africa, 683-90, 6 9 3 Elem Kalahari ( N e w Calabar), 447 7, 701-2; Southern Zambezia, 648Elgon, M o u n t , 786, 793, 827 50, 652, 654, 655-7, 661-82, 678, El-Hasanwi, H . W . , 453n 679-82; Sudan, 2 , 22, 31-2, 3 4 - Eli, 741 8, 179, 181-5, 187, 189-90, 195-7, élites see ruling élites 384, 386, 389-92; Upper Guiñean Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 36, coast, 371-2,374-5,378-9,382-98; "4 see also agriculture; arts and crafts; Ellis, William, 879 Atlantic trade; currency; finance; Ellison, R . E . , 5o6n~7n fishing; gathering; gold; hunting; Elphick, R . , 684n, 686n, 687, 688n, industries; ivory; salt; slave trade; 69on, 693n trade Elsami, 4Çi8n Edda, 450 Eltis, David, 80-1 Ede, 442 Ely Kowri, 297 E d o , 434, 440, 442, 445 E m i n Pasha, 804, 8o7n, 81 in education see scholarship E m m a n u e l , King of Portugal, 675 Edward, Lake, 830 E n b a k o m (Habakuk), 730 Effah-Gyamfi, C K . , 412n Enchi, 417 Efik,7i,434, « 5 , 4 5 0 - 1 Encoge, 579, 580 Engels, F . , 900 Egba, 43S, 442 Egbado, 442 England see Britain E g u n (Gun), 437 E n n a m o r , 739 Egypt, 137-69, 896-7, 903, 905; Ennedi, 25, 44 African diaspora, 116; arts and entrepôt economy, 16, 4 0 - 2 , 43, 45; a s0 crafts, 141, 144, 158-61, 165; and Senegambia, 268-73; see ¡ East African coast, 761, 772; economy and trade economy and trade, 32, 34, 37, 38, Enyini N s u , 415 138, 145, 151-2, 154, 160-8, 480, Eotile, 402, 418, 426 514; and Great Lakes region, 782, epidemics see diseases 805; and Horn of Africa, 709, 715, Equatorial Guinea see Guinea 733; and K â n e m - B o r n o , 495, 499, Equiano, O . , 107 512, 514; languages, 455-6; and Eritrea, 44, 705 Maghreb, 234n, 249; politics and Esan see Ishan (Esan) military activities, 42, 140-55, 162, Escravos river, 445 164, 166; population mobility, 50; Esigie, 448-9 slave trade, 103; social structures, Essawira see Mogador 27, 155-60; and Songhay empire, Essouma, 426 322; and Sudan, 173, 175, 178-9, Estevanico, 117 181—5, 188-90, 198; see also Etche, 448 Ottoman conquest of Egypt Etesot, 793
Index Ethiopia see Christianity in Ethiopia; E w e : economy and trade, 404-6, 408, Horn of Africa 410; politics and military activities, ethnography, 66 417, 424-5; population mobility, 399-400, 401; social structures and Etsi, 413 culture, 426, 428-9 Europe/Europeans, 58, 59, 895, 897; E w o a m a see Saiklripogu and African diaspora, 113-29, 130, Ewotre, 402, 413 131-6; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 524-5, 527-9,532, 534,536, exports see trade 540, 543-4; capitalist transEyasi, Lake, 834, 839 formation of, 83-93; an<J East Eyongetah, T . , 5i6n-i7n, sign African coast, 750-1, 756-75; and Eyre-Smith, S.J., 339n East African interior, 832; and economy and trade, 1-6; 11—13; 34— Faafuwe, 418 6,39-41, 77, 110-12,382-98 passim fabrics see textiles (see also slave trade below; and Facobli, 368 regions above and below); and factories see industries Egypt, 138, 145, 151, 153, 167-9; Fada N ' G o u r m a see N u n g u and Hausa states, 479,484,490; and Fadiman, J.A., 63n Horn of Africa, 703,706, 709, 7 1 4 al-Fadl, Sultan M u h a m m a d , 190-1 15, 723—38, 746; and Indian Ocean Fage, J . D . , ign, 377, 3 9 m , 4ogn, 424, islands, 888-90, 892-3; and 534". 844 K a n e m - B o r n o , 496, 499, 503; and Fagering, E . , 87on K o n g o kingdom, 550; 555-76 Fagnan, E . , 3 0 m passim; and Lower Guiñean coast, Faguibine, Lake, 30s, 319 399-413 passim; 419-30 passim; and Fahai, 477 Luba and L u n d a , 602, 603; and Fairley, N . , 595n, 599n Madagascar, 849, 850, 851, 855, al-Fakârî, Ridwän Bey, 148-9 858-Í3, 864, 866-7, 870, 873, 885; Fakârïya, 149-50, 152, 153-4 and Maghreb, 233; 236; 238-61 faki, 180 2I passim; and Morocco, 200-13, S» Falaba, 380 220, 223-4, 232; and Niger delta Falasha, 707, 726, 731 and Cameroon, 436, 438-9, 442, Falémé, 288, 289, 388 445,447-9,451-2; and Niger-Volta Famaghan Wattara, 312, 358 region, 329, 367; and northern famine, 36; East African interior, 8 3 1 Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 6 1 7 2; Great Lakes region, 776, 781-9, 20, 622, 624, 629-34, 637, 639; and 791-3,822; Hausa states, 491; Horn politics and military activities, 43, of Africa, 719, 725; K o n g o 45; and population mobility, 57; 61; kingdom, 559; L u b a and Lunda, 71, 372-9 passim (see also African 594; Madagascar, 876, 885; diaspora above); religion see ChrisMaghreb, 235,240,253,258; northtianity; and Senegambia, 262-73, ern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 276-7, 279-81, 284-6, 293, 296, 634; and population mobility, 49, 299; slave trade 6-10; 14-22; 7 4 50, 72; Senegambia, 277; Songhay 93,94,97,99,101-2,106-8 (see also empire, 303, 316; Southern Z a m African diaspora above); and social bezia, 665-6; Sudan, 196 structures, 23—4, 26; and Songhay Fang. 54, 56, 62, 64,66, 517, 528, 530, empire, 300-1,303,315,322-3; and 532 Southern Africa, 683-4,&93 _ 5. 701; Fankui, 481 and Southern Zambezia, 648—79 Fantara, 415 passim; and Sudan, 190, 194, 196; Fante: economy and trade, 407, 453; and Upper Guiñean coast, 369-75 politics and military activities, 356, passim; 378-9; 382-98 passim; see 413. 4'6, 417, 419-20, 421; popualso Atlantic; Britain; France; lation mobility, 401, 402-4 Netherlands; Portugal; Spain Far East see Asia Evans-Pritchard, E . E . , 4gn, 191,523n Fara K u m b a Mbodji, 275 Evrard, E . , 5890 Farafangana, S52, 884 Ewald, J., I77n Faraony, 879
Farb, P . , 686n al-Färid, Ibn, 156 Farim, 392, 396 farinya, 43&n farming see agriculture Farfüwa see ibn Fartüwa, A h m a d al-Fâshir, 190 Fashoda, 197 al-Fâsî, A b u , '1-Mahâsin Yûsuf, 205, 207 al-Fïsï, al-Arabï, 216 al-Fâsî, Shaykh ai-Islam, Sîdl M u h a m m a d , 227 Fasiladas, Prince, 725, 732 Fâsls, 218, 242 Fatagar (Fatadjar), 708,710,711, 719, J20 Fatatenda, 269 Fati (people), 372 Fati Lake region, 30s, 318 Fâtimids, 184, 215 Fatrapaitanana, 853 Faublée, J., 85on Faulkner, H . U . , Ç2n Faz, W â d ï , 218 Faza, 751, 761, 762, 766, 768, 769 Fâzâz, 218 Fazûghll, 177 Fedâla (Mohammedia), 202, 204 Feierman, S . , Ô3n, 83in-2n, 84cm, Q02n Feira, 621 feiras, 631, 671, 674, 677, 678, 67982 Feiner, A . de, 54Ôn Felup see Flup Fenerive, 882-3 Fergusson, James, 132, 133 Fernán-Vaz, 525, 532, 561 Fernandes, A . , 675n Fernandes H o m e n , Vasco, 6 4 m , 644n Fernandes, V . , 373, 383 Fernando de Sarria, D . , g5n Fernando, Sittel, 396 Feroge, 172 Feroobe Fulbe, 363 Ferrand, G . , 8 5 m , 8s3n Fétu, 410, 412, 415, 419, 422, 426 feudalism, 26-30, 647; Egypt, 142-3; Horn of Africa, 707, 709 Fez, 202-5, 2 0 7 . 2 I ° . 2 I 3 . 216-19, 222, 224-6, 228; maps showing, 33, 202, 217, 237,302, 480 Fezzân, 49, 55, 237, 242, 246, 258-9; and K a n e m - B o r n o , 50, 492, 502; and Niger-Volta region, 363; and Songhay empire, 301, 302; and
IOO5
Index Fezzân - contd. Sudan, 183; and Upper Guiñean coast, 389 Fievie, 402 Figueira, Luis, 85 m Figueroa, F . B . , i2on Fiherenana river region, 8s2, 858n, 859,868,870 Fililí, 216 Filesi, T . , 546n finance see currency; revenues; taxation Fipa, 63, 609, 830, 838, 844-5 fire cults: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 526; Great Lakes region, 779-80, 818; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 627; Southern Zambezia, 644 firearms trade and manufacture, n , 18, 19; arsenals, 32; CameroonUpper Nile region, 540; Hausa states, 481; K o n g o kingdom, 562, 578, 586; Lower Guiñean coast, 408, 409, 423; Madagascar, 850, 864, 874, 876; Maghreb, 234, 239, 249, 251; Niger-Volta region, 355— 6, 3 02 > 376; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 630, 633; Senegambia, 277, 285; and slave trade, 106-7; Songhay empire, 301, 303, 323; Sudan, 181, 190; U p p e r Guiñean coast, 390 Firinga, Sgt., 8s8n al-Fîrûzabâdï, 157 fiscal arrangements see revenues Fisher, A . G . B . , 24n Fisher, H . E . S . , 24n, 97n Fisher, H . J . , 453n-4n, 4s6n, 476n, 479n, 486n, 4gon fishing: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 535» 541. 5 4 3 - 4 ; E a s t African coast, 753; East African interior, 834, 838; Great Lakes region, 790; Hausa states, 475; K a n e m - B o r n o , 498, 499; K o n g o kingdom, 547, 548,578,580; Lower Guiñean coast, 403-4; L u b a and Lunda, 589; Niger delta and Cameroon, 447; Niger-Volta region, 338; and population mobility, 48, 51, 57; Senegambia, 266; Southern Africa, 684, 688; Southern Zambezia, 661, 663-4, 667; and state, 32, 38; Sudan, 195; Upper Guiñean coast, 382 al-Fishtâlï see 'Abd al-'Azïz al-FishtàïI Fittuga, 30s
IO06
Senegambia, 262, 268-71, 273, 276-7, 270-80, 284-5, 3 ! 5 ; s ' a v e trade, 6; 14; 16, 19, 81 (see also African diaspora above); and Songhay empire, 323n; and Southern Africa, 683, 694, 701; and Southern Zambezia, 652, 656; and Upper Guiñean coast, 386, 390 Franceville, 580 Francis I, King of France, 10 Francis Xavier, Saint, 728 Franklin, J . H . , n 8 n , i25n free slaves, 154, 362, 892-3; and African diaspora, 114-16, 120-2, 126 free slaves see also abolition Freedman, J., 8i8n Freeman-Grenville, G . S . P . , 34n, 63411, 66on; on East African coast, 756n, 7 6 m , 7Ô4n, 766n, 773n Fremona, 729 French East and West India C o m panies, 271, 850, 866, 892-3 Frescobaldi, Aifaitati and Fuggers, 6 Freund, W . M . , 698n, 70 m Frobenius, L . , 48, 342n, 3 6 m , 440 Froberville, E . de, 862n, 87 m Froidevaux, H . , 864n F u g u m b a , 291-2 Fuladugu, 312, 328, 333, 334 32' Fulakoro, 312, 332-4 Fort St George, 407 Fulakunda, 286 Fort St James, 264, 268-9, 27>> 39 2 Fulbe (Fulani), 4 6 & n , 49, 56, 68, 904; Fort Saint-Louis, 321 and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, Fort Santiago, 39 517,518-19; and Hausa states, 4 6 7 Forty-Days Road, 187, 190 Fosse, Eustache de la, 374 9. 4 7 2 , 475. 4701. 482, 484; and Fouché, L . , 54n K a n e m - B o r n o , 499, 513; and Foulpointe, 552, 867, 882-3 Niger-Volta region, 329, 332-4, F o u m b a n (Mfomben), 518 337-8, 341,343,345, 347,351, 361, France, 71; African diaspora to, 114363-5, 367; and Senegambia, 262, 18, 122, 126, 130, 133; and 263,264; and slave trade, ceddo and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 5 2 7 Muslim revolutions, 288-90, 2 9 2 8; and East African coast, 772-3; 4; and Songhay empire, 304, 30s, economy and trade, 11; 16; 41-2, 306-7, 310, 312-13, 318, 324, 326; 86-9 (see also slave trade below); and and Sudan, 172, 181; and U p p e r Indian Ocean islands, 89on, 892-3; Guiñean coast, 371, 373-4, 376, and K o n g o kingdom, 569, 580,586; 377, 379-80, 391-2 Fulfude, 24, 29, 295, 517 and Lower Guiñean coast, 406; and Fulirwa, 638 Madagascar, 850, 855, 864, 866-7, Fulse see K u r u m b a 870, 873, 885; and Maghreb, 235, 239, 248, 250, 255, 257, 258-60; Fumesua, 430 and Morocco, 203-4, 2 0 0 > 2 2 ° , ar"l Fund] sultanate: decline of, 185-7, Niger delta and Cameroon, 439; and 197; described, 173-4; extension of, northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi 174-9; a n d Horn of Africa, 705; and region, 630, 634; and Ottoman K â n e m - B o r n o , 495; politics and empire in Egypt, 167-9, >90> a n d military activities, 170-4,186, 189,
Flacourt, Etienne de, 8son, 8 5 4 ^ 5 , 862, 864-8, 874n, 880, 884-5 Fiad, J . M . A . , 726n Flawu (Aflao), 402 Flup (Felup), 368, 389 Fode Haaji, 291 Fodio see 'Abdullah! dan Fodio; ' U t h m a n dan Fodio Fodzoku, 402 Fogha, 475 Fogni, 388 Fogo, 42 Folgia, 394 Folona, 358 Fombina, 497, 513 F o m b o n y , 889 Fomena, 412 Fon, 31,434, 436-9 Fontaine, P . M . , I26n Fontoynont, M . , 884n, 887n, 8 9 m food: crops see agriculture; crops; lack of see famine; other sources see gathering; hunting Fooni, 368 Forcados river, 445 Formosa, 527 Fort Dauphin, S52,855-6,864-7,870, 874, 885, 892 Fort Jesus, 660, 763, 766, 768 Fort Saint-Joseph, 264, 269, 283, 315,
Index 193, 196-8; trade, 181, 183, 184, 195-6, 897-8 Fundjistân, 175 Fung, 780 Für, 170-1, 178-92 passim, 186, ig4, 196, 199, 897-8 Futa Jallon, 44,264,899; economy and trade, 39, 387, 392-4; population mobility, 69, 373-4, 377, 379, 380; and slave trade, ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 286-7, 288-95, 2 °6, 298-9; social structures, 24, 29; and Songhay empire, 313; and Upper Guiñean coast, 368, 373~4, 377. 379-80, 387, 392-4 Futa Toro, 44, 262,264; economy and trade, 39; and partition of coast and Muslim reaction, 2 6 8 - 9 , 2 7 4 - 8 ; and Portuguese monopoly, 263, 266-8; and slave trade, ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 278-9, 281, 283-5, 287-9, 2 95~9; social structures, 24, 29; and Songhay empire, 315, 3256; and Sudan, 181 Futanke, 297 al-Futâwï, Mâlik, 190 Fyfe, C , 373-4, 375n, 38on Fynn, J . K . , 4i3n, 4ign, 42on, 424n
G a , 898; economy and trade, 405-8, 410; politics and military activities, 412-15, 416, 419-20; population mobility, 399-400, 401, 402-3; society and culture, 426, 428 Gabarti, IsmäTl, 722 Gabès, 237,302 Gabon: arts, 576; and CameroonUpper Nile region, 524-5, 527-8, 531—2, 533; economy and trade, 12, 561-2; population mobility, 50, 54, 71; slave trade, 104; see also Kongo kingdom Gabra, 723 G a b u see Kaabu G a b y , 274n gada system, 717-19, 721 Gadab, 720 G a d o , B . , 4 6 3 ^ ^(>$n Gafat, 708, 711 Gafsa, 237,302, 321 Gagare river, 469, 475 G a g u , 375, 381 Gahaya Rutindangyezi, 817 Gaidy, 283 Gajaaga, 283, 285-6, 287-8, 298 Gaji, M a i ' A H , 492-3,495
Gautier, E.F., 864n Gauze, A . L . T . , 374, 375n Gay, 375n Gaya, Sarkin, 468, 474, 481 Gayibor, N . L . , 40on Gayla, 742 730, 739 Gbanzili, 522 Galla see Oromo Gbaramatu, 445 Galloway, W . F . , 372n Gama, Cristóvao da, 715 Gbaya and Gbaya-Manga, 69, 520, 522 Gama, Vasco da, 675, 683, 715, 751, Gbin, 415 7S3n, 756-7 Gbugbla, 399 Gambaga, 25,328, 365, 478 Gambaru, 505-6 Gealeka, 699 Gambia and Gambia river region, 264, Geba and Geba river region, 388,389, 369; economy and trade, 11,18,383, 392. 395, 396 384, 387. 389, 395-6; population Gebbe, 394 mobility, 372-4, 378-9, 382; slave Gedi, 761 trade, 104; see also El Mina; Sene- Geej, 278-9, 281 gambia Geenlendonck, 427 Ge'ez,726 Gamergu, 497,500, 504 Geidam, Usman, 5o6n Gamitto, A.C.P., 6o3n, 634n G e m , 786 G a m o , 704, 711, 720, 738-9 gems and jewellery, 15, 181, 323,476, Gamo-Gofa, 738 Can, 355 578, 709 Gana river, 493, 499 Genovese, E . D . , i2on Ganadugu, 334 Geralta, 733 Ganda, 819 Geraud, F., 8o8n, 8i8n Germany, 13; and Kongo kingdom, Gangero, 710, 741 Gannibal, Abram Petrovich, 129 576, 58on; and Morocco, 209 Ganum, A., 3ion Getso, 486 Ganz, 711 Gevrey, A . , 886n-9n, 8 9 m Gao, 24,33,44,302; and Hausa states, Gezo, 438 Ghadämes, 33,237,259,302,321,480, 479, 490; and Kanem-Borno, 514; and Niger-Volta region, 327, 329, 5'4 356,363; an d Songhay empire, 303, Ghalâm Allah ibn 'Ayd, 179 304, 308, 310, 313-15. 319, 3 " Ghâlî-Mûsâ, J05, 318 Garaya, 473 al-Ghälib Billäh (Abu Muhammad Garbett, G . K . , Ó46n 'Abdallah), 203-4 Garcia II, 561, 564, 570, 573, 575 al-Ghamrl, i57n Garlake, P. S., 3 m , 52n; on Southern Ghana see Gold Coast Zambezia, 64on, 668n, 67on, 676- Ghanäte, 215 7n Gharb, 315 Garrard, T.F., 402n, 404n, 428n, 43on Ghät, 33, 237,302, 321, 480, 514 Garry, A . M . , 777n, 797n al-Ghazi, A h m a d ibn Ibrahim see Garu Kime, 499 Gran, A h m a d Gaskeru, 511 al-GhazzäwI, 'All Bey, 160 gathering: Cameroon-Upper Nile Gibbon, Edward, 709 region, 528; East African interior, Gibe river, 710 829, 831; Great Lakes region, 790; Gidaya, 711 and population mobility, 48-9, 50, Gidim, 711 55-6; Songhay empire, 318-19, Giha, 803, 809 322-3; Southern Africa, 684,686-7; Gihanga, 807, 820 Southern Zambezia, 661, 663, 667; Gihumbi, 818 Sudan, 195; see also kola Gikuyu, 63 Gatsi Rusere, Munhumutapa, 624, Gile, 721 Giliomee, H . , 70on 649-51 Gaudebout, P., 8sgn Gimballa, 30$ Galam, 44, 264, 285, 296, J02, 315, 321, 383 Galandu, 47on Galawdewos, Emperor (Claudius), 7ogn, 714, 7i5n, 719, 725-6, 728,
IOOJ
Index of Africa, 746; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 494, 499; Lower Guiñean coast, 400, 403-8,415,419,422-3,425-8,430, 432; Madagascar, 858, 862; Maghreb, 249; Niger-Volta region, 333,335-6,359; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 624, 629, 632, 634; Senegambia, 262-3, 265, 293, 299; Songhay empire, 300, 318, 322-3; Southern Africa, 694; Southern Zambezia, 647, 650, 653, 669, 671-5, 680-2; Sudan, 181; Upper Guiñean coast, 372, 383-4, 387, 389-90, 398 al-Golea, 237,302, 321 Goli, 419 G o m a , 628 G o m a r see Kaffa G o m e s , Antonio, 624n; on Southern Zambezia, 665,669~7on, 67 m , 672, 674n,676n G ó m e z , Sebastián, 114 Gomitigo, 308 G o m u a , 402 Gonaqua see Griqua Gonçalves, A . C . , 566n, 574n Gonçalves, Lope, 527 Gondar, 30-1, 44, 178, 709, 724-5, 732-8 G o n d o , 344 G o n d w e , Kakalala Musawila, 635-6, 638 Gonga, 721, 741 Gonja, 44, 328, 339, 340, 351, 365, 420, 421; politics and military activities, 416; population mobility, 70 724,731,74« G o o d Hope, Cape of, 766 Golberry, A . , 3 2 m Goody, J., 339n, 3s8n Gold Coast (now Ghana), 24,270,354; African diaspora, 118, 120, 121, Gordon, 427 Gorée: economy and trade, 10,12,41, 125-6; economy and trade, 10; 11; 263, 264, 297,386, 391; politics and 12, 382-3, 391-2, 403, 406-9 (see military activities, 43, 267; popualso slave trade below); m a p of 1629, lation mobility, /05 414; and Niger-Volta region, 352, Gorju, Father Julien, 804, 8osn, 8i2n 363; politics and military activities, Gorowa, 828, 841 413, 414, 415-19, 424; population Gosa, 722 mobility, 56, 372-3, 399-400, 401; Gosanaa, 742 slave trade, 18, 19, 104, 106; social G o s w a m y , B . N . , I32n structures and culture, 24, 426-8; Gould, J . D . , 85n and Songhay empire, 303, 322; and Upper Guiñean coast, 369, 372-3, Goulette, 236 382-3, 391-2 Goulimine, 302, 319 gold production and trade, 2, 3, 6, 9 Gourou, P . , 8o3n Gouvenet (Castile), 9 «3, " , 33, 36, 40; Atlantic trade, 84-7, 95, 96, 101, 107, 112; East Goveia, E . V . , i2on African coast, 750,755,757-8,774; government see political Hausa states, 453, 472, 479; Horn Gozaki, 484
Gimirra, 739 G i m m a , 721, 741 Girard, D . , 49611, 51211 Girgá, 146, 147 Giriama, 76411 'Giriboma', 5670 Gisaka, 807, 811-12, 814-15, 816, 817-18, 820, 825 Giwa, W a m b a i , 47311, 483 Giza, 147 glassware, 34, 323,479, 626, 649, 755, 826 G o a , 57, 134; and East African coast, 760-1, 765-6, 768-9; and Horn of Africa, 715, 734; and Kongo kingdom, 586; and Madagascar, 864; and northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 631-2; and Southern Africa, 684, 693 Gobawoin, 722 Gobe, 742 Gobir, 68, 464, 468, 489; politics and military activities, 326, 455-7, 459, 461-3, 465-7, 468, 469-71, 489, 513; social structures, 24, 481-2 Gobnangu, 351 Godard, L . , 323n Godie, 382 Godinho see Magalhàes Godinho Godiya, 486 Godjam see Gojjam Godlouton, W . A . , 675n Goetzen, G . A . von, 804 Gofa, 738, 742 Gogo, 828, 830 Gojjam (Godjam/Gojam), 44, 708,
IO08
Gozza, 742 Gqunukhwebe, 688 Graaf Reinet, 700 Gräberg, J., 323n Graham, D . H . , 96n Grain Coast, 377, 381, 391, 398 Gran, A h m a d , I m a m (Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi), 23,67,703,712, 714-15,719,721-2,725 Grand Foul, 392, 899 Grand Kabylia, 241 Grand Lahou, 41, 378, 383 Grand Popo, 425 Grand-Bassa, 381 Grand-Béréby, 382 Grand-Cess, 381 Grandchamp, P., 247n Grande Comore see C o m o r o Islands Grandidier, Alfred, 8son-in, 853n, 855n-6n, 859n-Ô3n, 8Ô7n, 872n, 874n-5n, 877n-gn, 882n, 88sn Grandidier, Guillaume, 85911, 8Ó4n, 873n-4n, 878n, 88sn, 887n-9in Grand-Morie, 418 Grant, C , 866n, 884n, 8g2n-3n Gray, J . M . , 668n Gray, R . , 527n, 529n, 646n, 649n, 8z6n Great Incassa, 413, 414 Great Island (Madagascar), 860 Great Lakes region, 28,316,354,776827, 903; economy and trade, 800, 826; languages, 777, 779-80, 7836,788-91,793,803,805; and NigerVolta region, 354; north and central areas, 777-802; politics and military activities, 776-8, 781-3, 784, 787, 791-802, 806-^, 811-15, 5/6, 8 1 7 21, 825-7; population mobility, 63, 72, 776-83, 784, 785-91, 793-4, 804,816,820-1; religion, 777, 7 7 9 80, 808-11, 823-4, 826-^7; social structures, 777-81, 792-6, 806, 809-12; and Songhay empire, 316; southern area, 802-27; and Sudan, 777, 779-81, 786, 789-90, 798, 812 Great Zimbabwe, 66, 640, 641 Great-Lord-'Alï (Andrianalimbe), 856-7 Grebo, 374, 381 Greece, 27-8, 239, 395 Greenberg, J . H . , 191, 3 6 9 ^ 534 Gregory the Great, Pope, 74n-5n Grey, E . , I34n Grigg, D . B . , 8 3 n Griqua (Gonaqua), 60, 685, 688-9, 698, 699, 702
Index Gross, 418 Grottanelli, V . , 72211, 7 4 m , 76411 groundnuts, 318, 359, 563, 662 Guan, 401, 402, 405, 413 Guber, 486 Gudela, 739 Guelke, L . , 695, 697n G u e m u , 313, 334 Guerre, 382 Guerze (Kpelle), 375, 377, 380 Guidimakha, 313 Guiglo, 381 guilds, 27,31-2,34,677; Hausa states, 467. 472, 476 Guillain, G , 8s6n, 857, 87cm, 873n, 876n, 87gn Guillot, C F . , n o n Guinea and Gulf of Guinea, 271,315, 897-9, 9°3~4¡ African diaspora, 116, 126; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 524, 528; economy and trade, 11, 40, 41; and Niger-Volta region, 354, 355; politics and military activities, 43; population mobility, 50, 69; social structures, 30; see also Lower Guiñean coast; Niger delta and Cameroon; Upper Guiñean coast Guinea river, 897 Guinea Spine, 368, 374 Guinea-Bissau, 369; economy and trade, 384, 387, 395; population mobility, 372-3, 378 Guinea-Conakry, 371; population mobility, 373-4, 375, 379-80 Guish, 306 Gula, 172 Gulbi Maradi, 461 Gulbin Kebbi, 475 Gulbin Tarka, 461 al-GullT, 251 Gulli, 466 Gulma (Gulmance/Gurma), 2$, J05, 328, 343n, 366, 464; and Hausa states, 462, 47on; socio-political organization, 349—52 Gulmanceba, 327, 350, 351, 352, 367, 463 Gulmancema, 484n g u m (copal) trade, 40; CameroonUpper Nile region, 540; East African coast, 755, 760; East African interior, 839; Senegambia, 271,279,281,299; Songhay empire, 318-19, 324 G u m a n , 708, 721 Gumbu, 321
G u m m a , 721 Gun (Egun), 437 Gundam, 304n, 319 guns see firearms Gunza-Gumuz, 721 Gur, 403, 405 Gurage, 708, 711, 717, 720 Guran, 503 Gurära, 301, J02 Gurma see Gulma Gurmanche, 304 Guro, 375, 378, 381, 418, 419 Gurra, 723 Gursi, 328, 340, 342, 361 Gurunsi, 328, 353, 3548m, 359 Gusii, 830 Guthrie, M . , 534, 588-9^ 803 Guy, J., 668 Guyanas, African diaspora to, 117, 118,120 Gwani, al-Mustafä, 489 Gwanja, 455, 458, 472, 479, 481-2 Gwaran R a m a , 462 Gwarandume, D a n , 486 Gwari, Birnin, 470, 479 G w e y , 286 Gwiriko, 327, 358, 366, 905 Gwiwa, 469 G w y n n e , M . D . , 832n Gyaaman, 401, 402, 404, 405, 415, 416, 421 H a , 830, 838, 843 Habakuk (Enbakom), 730 Habäniyya, 188 HabatTt, 314 Haberland, E . , 908; on Horn of Africa, 703-49 Habesh Khan, 131 Habesh (province), 145-6, 175 Habesistân, 175 Habîbullâhi, 487 al-Habshî Sultani, Shaykh Sayyid, 132 Habshï, Yakut Sabit K h a n , 132 Habt, 202 Hadäriba, 177, 184 Haddü, Ibn, 220, 224 Hadiyya, 708, 710, 711, 713,717, 720, 722. 738 Hadjaral-'Asal, 174 al-Hädjdj 'All (Morocco, 1576), 204 al-Hädjdj al-Diläl, Muhammad (Morocco, 1668), 218 al-Hädjdj, Karrüm, 'Abd al-Karïm ibn Abu Bakr al-Shbânî, 215 al-Hädjdj, M u h a m m a d , 303
al-Hädjdj Muhammad Tamlm (Morocco, 1670s), 220 al-Hâdjdjî (Morocco, 1670s), 460 Hadramaut, 130, 771, 772 Hadrami, 771 Hadzapi, 829, 842 Häfid, Mawläy, 230 Hafkin, N.J., óign, 630 Hafsids, 235, 236, 238 Hagenbuchcr Sacripanti, F . , 58 m Haha, 202, 306 Hailey, Lord, 662 Hair, P . E . H . , 47n, 48, 4o8n Haissa, 888n Haiti (San Domingo), 118, 126-7, 904-5 al-Hajj, M . A . , 453n, 4 8 7 ^ 49on, 502n-3n Halaba, 739 Haifa, Wadï, 145 Halfäyat al-Mulay, 181 Hall, G . M . , 69on-i Hall, Prince, 123 Hallet, R . , 3i5n, 3 2 m Hallpike, C R . , 7i8n H a m a , B . , 453n, 4 6 3 ^ 475n Hamad], 185 Hamana, 382 Hamani, D . M . , 453n-4n, 456n, 4 6 m 3n, 483n, 48gn H a m d ü n al-Mazwär al-Kädl, 218 H a m d ü n , M u h a m m a d b., 50511 Harnet, Ismail, 274n Hamilton, Alexander, 888, 890 Hamilton, E.J., 8sn Hamilton, R . A . , 6i5n-i6n, 6 2 m Hamitic people, 32gn, 812, 821 Hammäd ibn Muhammad alMadjdhüb, 180 H a m m ä d ! Aissata, 298 H a m m ä d ! Pasha, 253 Hammerschmidt, E . , 738n H a m m i y u k , 314 Hams-ud-dîn A b u Nasr Muzaffar Shah, 131 Hanafite, 242 Hannîk, 175 Hansberry, W . L . , n 6 n , I26n Harar and Harari, 44, 710, 711, 712, 717. 719, 7 " , 726, 746 Hargaya, 711 Harms, R . , 57n, 535n-6n, 539n, 5 4 m , 543".58on Harmufa, 719 al-Harrän, Mawläy, 222 Harris, J.E., 906; on diaspora, 113-36, 901
wog
Index Hartnoll, M . M . , 80511, 8ion Hartwig, G . W . , 80711, 80911, 82011 Harwitz, M . , 19 Hasan al-Badrï al-Hidjâzï, 156 Hasan Corsa, 201, 203 Hasan/Hasanî, 888 Hasan Ibrâhïm, Sultan of O m a n , 774 al-Hasan of M o m b a s a , 765, 766 Hasan Pasha, 166-7, I Q 8 Hasan, Y . F . , 906; on Sudan, 170-99 Hasaniyya, 274, 276-7 Häshim, Mawläy, 222 Häshim, Sultan of Kordofán, 189 Hashimu Bazanfane, 489 Hassan, A . , 4ç6n Hassan I, Mawläy, 211 Hassan (people), 27 Hassanite, 888, 891 Hassaniyya, 794 Hatcher, J., 83n Hausa States, 453-91,899,904-5; arts and crafts, 476-7, 481, 484-5; culture and religion, 484-9; economy and trade, 31, 34, 38,406, 410, 453-5, 458, 4 K 472» 474^7, 478, 479.480, 481-2, 490,514; and Känem-Borno, 494-5, 497, 499, 501-2, 512-13, 514; and Lower Guiñean coast, 403, 405-6, 410, 425, 427; maps of, 24, 44,302,464, 468, 480; monetary resources, 4 7 2 4; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 440; and Niger-Volta region, 32gn, 351, 352; political and administrative structures and military activities, 425, 427, 454-74, 459, 482-4, 490; population mobility, 68, 71, 403, 405, 461-2; religion, 465-6,475,484-9; social structures, 24, 26, 29, 30, 481-9; and Songhay empire, 313, 321-2, 326 Hauz, 202, 222 HawaS river region, 719, 726 Hawazima, IQ4 Hawiyya, 723 Hawkins, William, 114 Hawwära, 142, 145-6, 164 Haya, 804-8, 810-11, 815, 831 Haye, M . de la, 88sn healing cults: Great Lakes region, 808; Kongo kingdom, 573, 582-4 Hebbyabe, 296 Hehe, 70, 828, 831, 834 Heintze, B . , 555n, ssgn, 5Ô2-3n Helena, Empress, 705 H e m b a , 589,590, 591,594 Henga river, 612, 637-8
IOIO
Henige, David, 813, 8i5n Henrique, 555, 904 Henry, Prince of Portugal, 756 Herbert, T h o m a s , 88gn herders see livestock-raising Herero, 69, 684, 68s Herring, R . S . , 777n-8n, 788n, 7gon, 822 Herskovits, M . J . , 19 Hertefeld, M . d \ 8o9n, 81 in Heru, 807, 816, 818 Heusch, L . de, s88n, 8o2n, 8o6n, 8o8n-9n, 8i5n H e w e , 636-7 hides see leather Hidjäz, I43n, 143, 162, 167, 179, 180, 181, 190, 772 al-Hifnäwi, Yusuf, 156 Hilâlian nomads, 234 Hill, A . , I23n Hillelson, S., I72n, I73n Hilton, A . , 553, 558a, 570-2n, 572 Hima, 803, 809, 811-12,817, 819, 824 himâye, 148 Hinda, 806-7, 81 in, 818-19 Hinnaro see Inariya Hisatau, 461, 467 Hiskett, M . , 453n, 483^ 486n, 488n9n Hlengwe, 661, 663-5 H o , 401, 402, 416, 417 Hoben, A . , 28n, 707n H o b s b a w m , E . , 87 Hodgkin, T . H . , 453n H o d h , 302, 321 Hodzo, 402 Hofmay, W . , 191 Hofrat-en-Nahas, 198-9 Hoggar, 302 Hoja (Oja/Ungwana), 758 Holsoe, S . E . , 375 Holt, P . M . , i72n-3n, I75n, I78n, i83n, i87~9n Holy Wars see djihads Hondo, 394 Hoover, J.J., s88n Hopke, 402 Hopkins, A . G . , icon, 666, 668n Hopkins, J.F.P., 5ogn Hormuz, 714, 761, 767 Horn of Africa (mainly Ethiopia), 128, 703-8, 708, 709-48, 896-8, 903, 905; African diaspora, 116, 126, 129-30, 131-3; arts and crafts, 709, 712-13, 725, 733-8, 743; and East African interior, 832; economy and trade, 709-10,733; and Great Lakes
region, 778-9, 789, 804-5, 821; and Indian Ocean islands, 710,714,716, 719; and Islam, 710-15, 719, 7226 > 73 2 , 738; languages, 706-7, 710, 722, 726, 729-30, 739; and NigerVolta region, 329n; O r o m o , 704, 707, 7 " , 716-28, 731-2, 741, 747, 762, 764, 770-1, 775; and Ottomans, 174-5; politics and military activities, 42, 703-4, 709, 7 / / , 712-19 passim, 723-33, 738-42; population mobility, 46, 57, 67, 68, 704, 716-19, 720, 721-2, 724, 741; and Portugal, 703, 706, 714-15, 723-38, 746; religion see Christianity in Ethiopia; social structures, 23, 27-8, 30-1, 704, 706-7, 712, 717-18, 722-3, 726, 739, 7 4 2 4; Somali, 704, 712, 716, 717, 7 2 1 3; south-western states, 738—49; and Sudan, 177-9, 183, 184, 1923,705,7I5,72>,746 Hornell, James, 887n Horombe Plateau, 880, 884 Horowitz, R . A . , 4i8n 'Hottentot', 698, 700-1 Houdas, O . , 300n, 307n-8n, 3i2n, 3i4n-i6n, 3i8n, 32in-2n Hova, 8 7 5 n , 875-Í, 878 Hrbek, I., ig3n Hubat, 7 / / Huet, G . , 853n Huffman, T . N . , 6sn, 640n Hulstaert, G . , 543n H u m ä m , Shaykh, 162 al-Humaydl, 'Abd al-Rahmän, is6n Hungaan, 71 Hungu, 579,5*5, 587 hunting: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 523, 528, 54°-i; East African interior, 829, 831, 834; Great Lakes region, 782, 787, 790; Hausa states, 467, 475; H o r n of Africa, 718; Lower Guiñean coast, 403, 404; Luba and Lunda, 589, 605; and population mobility, 4 8 9, 5°, 55-6; Southern Africa, 684, 686-7, 689-90; Southern Zambezia, 646-7, 661, 663—4, 667; and state, 32, 38; Sudan, 195 Huntingford, G . W . B . , 7ion, 7i2n, 7151, 738n Hunwick, J . O . , 456n, 458n, 4 8 7 ^ 495" Hurel, E . , 81 in, 82on Husayn b. 'All, 253 Husayn Bey Kashkash, 162
Index Husayn Bey SábundjI, 160 husayniya, 253 Hutereau, A . , 519 Hutu, 809, 8 i m , 812, 821, 824-5 H y m a n , L . , 19911, 52on Ianstsantsa, 880 Iavy, 883 Ibádites, 241 Ibara, 857, 866, 874-5, 880, 884, 886 Ibariba, 440 Ibeno (Ibuno), 450 Ibibio, 434, 435, 450-2 Ibini Okpube (Long Juju), 448 Ibn Battüta, 129, 45411, 4 6 m , 47011, 751, 754 IbnDayf Allah M u h a m m a d ' A b d N u r , 173, 17411, i8on, 19711 Ibn al-Fârid, 156 ibn Fartüwa, A h m a d , 495, 496, 497n, 5°3n, 509 Ibn Haddü, 220, 224 Ibn Hassün, 216 ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi, A h m a d see Gran, A h m a d Ibn Ishâk, Khalî, 179 ibn Ishäku, M . S . , 499n Ibn Iyâs, 157 ibn al-Kasim 'AlHish, M u h a m m a d , 225-6 ibn Kaslm, M u h a m m a d see Ismail, Mawlây Ibn Khaldûn, 45411 ibn M ' H a m m a d ibn A b u Bakr alDalâl, M u h a m m a d , 214 ibn Muhriz, Ahmad, 220, 222 Ibnou Bentsi, 4 7 m Ibo Island, 57, 636, 862 Iboina, 850, 868, 870-3, 878, 883,891 Iboko, 542 Ibolo, 442 Ibom, 450 Ibrahim, Agha, 144 Ibrahim Badankarl, 458 Ibrahim Bey A b u Shanab (Egypt, 1710), 152-3 Ibrahim Bey (Egypt, 1680s), 150,160, 166-7 Ibrahim Gran see Gran, A h m a d Ibrahim Kähya, iöon, 166 Ibrahim, Shaykh (Kilwa, 1501), 757 Ibrahim Sura, 458 Ibrahima Sambegu see Karamokho Alfa Ibrahima Sory, 292-3 Ibrâhimïya, 158 Ibrlm, 145, 175
Ibuno (Ibeno), 450 Idah, 448 Ida-u-'AlI,325 Idjfl, 302 al-Idkâwï,'Abdullah, 156 Idowu, H . O . , 387n Idris b. 'All Alawoma (1564-96), 301, 457, 494-5°4> 5 0 9 ^ 5 " Idris b. ' A h Katakarmabe ( 1497-1519), 457, 493-° Idris b. ' A H , Mai (1677-96), 509 Idris, Musi, 454 Idris wad al-Akbar, Shaykh (1612), 174, 180 al-ldrlsl, 129 Idrissou, M . , 475n Iduwini, 445 Ifara, 884 Ifät, 708, 710 Ifc, 435, 438, 440-2, 444, 447-8 Ifrandj Ahmad, Bashodabashi, 152 Ifrlkiya, 238 Igaba, 806 Igala, 63, 435, 436, 448, 449 Igbo, 55, 7 2 , 1 0 m , 434, 435,440,445, 447-52, 903 Igbo-Ukwu (place), 448 Igboho, 442 Igbomina, 442 Ighchae, 441 Ighil, 2/7, 219 Ignace, E . , i2on Igoria, 789 Igwe Kala (person), 448 Igwira, 400, 412-13, 414 Ihangiro, 797, 806-7, 811, 813-15, 816, 819 Iharana, 859-60 Ihaya, 819 Ihosy river, 880 Ijaw, 453 Ijebu, 435, 442, 445 Ijesha, 442 Ijo, 434-5, 435, 445 Ijwi Island, 821 Ikara, B . , 50911 Ikarebwok (Okarowok), 780, 788, 793 Ikhshidids, 184 Ikelemba river, 534 Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk, 132 Ikima, 497 Ikime, O . , 453n Ikombagulu, 834 Ikongo, 855, 879-80 Ikot Etunko (Creek T o w n ) , 450 Ikoyi, 442 iktà' system, 28,29,139, 235
Hays, 171 'Ildj ' A U , 238 Ile-de-France (Mauritius) see Mascarene Islands Ile-Ife, 438 Iliffe, John, 829, 83i-2n, 838n-9n Ilogir, 780 Ilorin, 478, 479 iltizams, I43&n, 151 Ilubabor, 721, 738 Cibinda Uunga, 592 I m a m , I., 5o6n-7n I m a m o , 852, 877 Imamono, 880, 882 Imandwa, 826 Imbangala, 60-1, 65, 559, 587, 588, 602-3,604 Imerina, 850, 855, 870-1, 874-8, 898 imports see trade Inariya, 704, 708, 711, 720, 721, 7278, 733, 739 'Inât, 771 Incassa, 413, 414 Indabo and Indabawa, 473, 483-4 India, 3, 145, 735; and African diaspora, 129, /30, 131-6; and East African coast, 757, 758, 760, 761, 763, 767, 772; economy and trade, 1, 3, 5, 1«. !3, 39, 4 ' ; and Horn of Africa, 709, 715, 728, 734-5; and Indian Ocean islands, 892—3; and Madagascar, 856-7, 862, 866, 882; and Southern Africa, 693-4; ar"ä Southern Zambezia, 652, 662, 675, 682; and Sudan, 184; and Upper Guiñean coast, 395 Indian Ocean region (mainly islands), 1, 83, 102, io6n, 896; African diaspora, 128, 130-1; arts and crafts, 887, 890, 893; and East African coast, 752, 760, 771-3, 775; economy and trade, 37, 39-40, 102, 862, 866, 888, 890-4; and Egypt, 145; and Horn of Africa, 710, 714, 716,719; and Madagascar, 803,826, 834, 850, 859-60, 862-3, 866-7, 878, 891; and northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 634; and Ottoman empire, 138,145; political and administrative structures and military activities, 886-91; social structures, 32; and Southern Africa, 694; and Southern Zambezia, 652, 656; and Sudan, 174; see also Comoro Islands; Madagascar; Mascarene Islands IndU K h a n , 131
IOII
Index individual mobility 51-2801, 53 Indonesia, 695, 887 industries, 31-2, 34, 37-8; developed economies, 798m; 84; 88, 93, 97, 99, 110-11 (see also Atlantic); East African coast, 760; Morocco, 21011 ; prevented in Latin America, 97; Senegambia, 269-70, 279-80, 299; Upper Guiñean coast, 390; see also arts and crafts In-Gall, 475n Ingawa, 475 Inikori, J.E., 4o8n, 409, 426, 906; on slave trade, 74-112, 117, 900-1 Inkisi river, 549-50 In-Saläh, 237,302, 321 insurrections see revolts international trade see trade Ionaivo river, 880 Ira, 442 Iramba, 828, 830, 838 Irarak, 793 Irebu, S42 ironworking and trade, 12; CameroonUpper Nile region, 516, 517, 519, 523-4, 526, 529, 537-8, 541; East African coast, 770; East African interior, 834-6, 838-9, 843, 8445; Great Lakes region (north and central), 777, 780, 795, 800; Great Lakes region (south), 811-12, 819, 826; Hausa states, 453, 476, 479, 481; Känem-Borno, 499; Kongo kingdom, 547, 557,562,581; Lower Guiñean coast, 404, 405; Luba and Lunda, 589, 590, 592, 594; M a d a gascar, 876; Niger delta and Cameroon, 437,447-8; Niger-Volta region, 361; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 612, 623, 631, 633. 635; Senegambia, 263, 265, 271; Songhay empire, 318; Southern Africa, 684, 690; Southern Zambezia, 650, 670, 682; Upper Guiñean coast, 382 Irriganaten, 314 irrigation, 50, 499, 663, 712, 876 Iru, 809, 812, 824 Irungu, 807-8 Isaacman, A . F . , 629n-32n, 634n, 65in-2, 655n Isalo, 87on Isandra, 874-5, 8 77 Isandrananta, 879 Isangele, 450 Isansa, O m u k a m a , 797-9, 801 Isaqa (later Mopti), 318
1012
Isera, 784, 788-90, 792-3 Ishâk ibn Tayrâb, 189 Ishâk II, Askiya, 303-4 Ishäku see Ibn Ishäku Ishan (Esan), 434 Ishemurari, 817 Isimbwa, 807 Isingiro, 816 al-Isläm 'Abd al-Kädir, Shaykh, 216 al-Isläm A b u '1-Su'üd al-Fäsi, Shaykh, 226 al-Isläm S ï d ï M u h a m m a d ibn 'Abd alKädir al-Fäsi, Shaykh, 225n, 227 Islam/Muslims and Arabs: African diaspora, 128-33; East African coast, 751, 754, 756-8, 765, 766, 770, 772,774; East African interior, 829, 837, 839, 847-8; economy and trade, 13, 20, 34, 35, 39, 475, 479, 482; Egypt, 168 (see also Ottoman conquest); and Great Lakes region, 771; Hausa states, 475, 479, 482; Horn of Africa, 703-4,710-15,719, 722-6, 732, 738, 741, 746, 903-5; Indian Ocean islands, 886-90; and Indian Ocean islands, 888-91; Lower Guiñean coast, 410, 427, 433; Madagascar, 850-1, 859-01; and Madagascar, 850, 858-62; Morocco, 231; Niger-Volta region, 358, 363-6; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 626,630; politics and military activities, 42-3; population mobility, 58, 67, 129; Senegambia, 262-3, 268-99; social structures, 23, 24, 26, 28-30; Southern Zambezia, 649, 651, 655, 666, 670, 675-7, 682; Sudan, 172, 179-80; Upper Guiñean coast, 37981; see also Near East; Hausa states; Känem-Borno; Kur'än; Mecca; Moors; Morocco; Ottoman empire; Songhay empire; Sudan Isles de Los/Islands of Los, 105, 377 Ismail Bey, son of Aywaz Bey, 153 Ismail Gabarti, 722 Ismail, Mawläy ('Alawite Sultan, 17th century), 212, 220-31, 315, 319, 323; armies, 225-9; campaign to recover towns occupied by Europeans, 223-4; sons appointed as viceroys, 229-31; successors, 231-2 Ismail, Sandjak Bey (Egypt), i6on, 164, 166-7 Isna, 181-3 Isoka, 638 Isoko, 434, 43S, 445
Isolata, 793 Isoro, 884 Issa, 723 Issa-bar river, 318 Issafay, 304 Istanbul see Ottoman empire Isuwu, 451 Italy, 87, 116, 904; and East African coast, 763; and Horn of Africa, 709; and K o n g o kingdom, 575; and Maghreb, 239, 245, 249, 251, 255; and Morocco, 208 Itandala, B . , 778n Itengor, 789 Itesan, 468, 475 Iteso, 776, 779, 787-9, 791, 793, 827 Itsekiri, 71, 43s Itsororobola, 858 Ituri, 49 Ivato, 85 m Ivens, R . , 68on Ivindo river, 66, 524 Ivory Coast see Côte d'Ivoire ivory products and trade, 3, 10, 77; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 5279. S36, 539-40, 544; East African coast, 751,757-8,760,769-70,772; East African interior, 830, 839; Känem-Borno, 499; Kongo kingdom, 555, 561, 569, 575, 578, 581, 587; Lower Guiñean coast, 404,406, 408,419, 425,427-8,430; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 619, 622, 625, 631-4, 636, 637-9; Senegambia, 262-3, 265, 293, 299; Songhay empire, 323; Southern Africa, 694; Southern Zambezia, 652, 661; Upper Guiñean coast, 383-5, 390, 398 Ivuna, 839 Iwo, 442 Iworopom, 789, 791, 793 Iya Lamis, 467 Iyasu I, 733 Iyasu II, 178 Izard, M . , 907; on Niger-Volta region, 327-67.905 'Izz al-DIn al-JDjâmï, 190 Jaba/Jaba L o m p o , 350, 351-2 Jabwe, 821 Jackson, J . G . , 315 Jackson, K . , 63n, 838n Jackson-Haight, M . V . , 6g3n Jacobs, K . , 528n Jadin, L . , 533n, 546n, 5 5 6 - 7 ^ ssgn, 56311» 573-4"
Index Jado, 503 Jaga,46&11,60-1,65-6,536,55/, 5579.570 Jäger, O . A . , 70511, 73611, 73811 Jahanka, 57, 71
M ¡ , 779. 783. 78S Jakin, 436 Jakobsen, D . , 86711 Jakpangu, 351 Jal Joop, 299 Jallonke, 288-94 James, C . L . R . , 12611 James II of England, 220 Jan Hazo, M u h a m m a d , 460 Janissaries: Egypt, 140-2, 149-52, 154, iôon; Maghreb, 238-9, 245-6, 252-3, 255-7; Morocco, 231 Janzen, J . M . , 532n, 584n Japan, 1, 728 Jata, 477 Java, 632 Jawambe (Jogorame), 476n Jawara, 534 Jawda, 513 Jaxanke, 288, 289-90 Jean Ango of Dieppe, 10 Jelgoji (Jibo), 343, 361 Jelgoobe, 363 jfengu, 451 Jenne, 24, 30, 33; and Hausa states, 4S9< 47°n> 478, 480; and Lower Guiñean coast, 405; and NigerVolta region, 328, 334, 358, 364; and population mobility, 52n; and Senegambia, 295; and Songhay empire, 302, 303-4, 308, 310, 3 1 2 14,316,318,321-3 Jensen, A d . E . , 7i8n, 745n Jesuits: Horn of Africa, 728, 731-2; K o n g o kingdom, 586-7; M a d a gascar see Mariano jewels see gems Jews: Horn of Africa, 707, 724, 726; Maghreb, 249, 251 Jhujhar K h a n , 132 Jibana, 7Ö4n Jibo (Jelgoji), 343, 361 Jie, 48, 776, 779n, 788-9, 791, 793 Jieng (Dinka), 170, 171, 191-3, 194, 196-7 Jii, 196 Jimara, 286 Joal, 4, 10, 269 Jobson, Richard, 11 Jogorame (Jawambe), 4Ô7n Johanna (Anjouan), 890 John of Austria, D o n , 236
John II, King of Portugal, 3, 5 Johnson, J . W . , n 8 n Johnston, H . H . , 804 Joka Jok, 785-86 Jolof, 44,264; economy and trade, 31, 279, 297; and partition of coast and Muslim reaction, 274-6; population mobility, 69; and Portuguese m o n opoly, 262-3, 265, 267-8 Jomoro, 419 Jonam, 785 Jones, A . H . M . , 73in-2n Jones, G . L . , 447n jonya system, 24, 26 Jonzo K a w a d a , 342 Joola (also known as Dyola, Diola or Jola): economy and trade, 382, 386, 389, 392; Lower Guiñean coast, 419; population mobility, 57, 71, 373, 378; Senegambia, 262, 266; Songhay empire, 312, 318; Upper Guiñean coast, 3 6 8 - 9 ^ 373, 378, 382-3, 386, 389, 391-2 Joos, 279, 281 Jordào, L . M . , 546n Joussaume, R . and H . , 7ion Jowol, 285 Juba river, 704, 722 Jukun, 450 Julien, Gustave, ion, 850-in, 850 Jully, A . , 875n J u l y . R . W . , 832n-3n, 8 4 m Junju, 801 Juru, 820 justice see law Juula (also known as Dyula, Diula, Dioula, Mande/Malinke or Wangara), economy and trade, 476, 899; Hausa states, 476; Lower Guiñean coast, 419; Niger-Volta region, 329-30, 332, 3 35n, 355-«, 358-9, 365-7; population mobility, 372-3. 378; Senegambia, 262-3, 264,266,270,290; Songhay empire, 306, 322-5; Upper Guiñean coast, 369, 372-3. 378, 382-3. 386, 389, 391-2; 899
Kaarta, 264, 327, 328, 367, 392, 899 Kaasa, 412 Kaba Seyon, 741 Kabâbîsh, 49, 194 Kabaka, 794, 798, 801-2, 818 K a b a m b o , 808, 819 K a b a m b o Kinwa, 819 Kabara, 304, 313 Kaberamaido, 784, 786 Kabes, John, 426 Kabi, 486 Kabi, al-HädjdjI, 463 tabllas: Egypt, I46n; Maghreb, 2401, 245; Morocco, 220, 222, 226; Sudan, 172, 180, 240-1 al-Kabïr, M a h m û d Bey, 152 al-Kabïr, M u h a m m a d b. 'Uthmân, 256 Kabkäbiyya, 188 Kabongo Mukendi, 594n Kabowei, 445 Kabuga, C . E . S . , 778n Kabunduli, 608, 622-3, 628 Kabyles, 43, 239, 255 Kabylia, 252 Kachali, 612 Kachulu, 637 al-Kaddal, i8on Kade, 413 Kadella, 501 Kadilo, 599 Kadimo, 786 al-Kädir see ' A b d al-Kâdir Kädiriyya, 158, 179-80, 321, 325 Kado, A b ü Bakr, 458, 486 Kaffa (Gomar), 44,704,708,710, 721, 727-8, 738, 742, 898 Kaffir, 861 Kafu, 289, 292 Kafula, 610 K a g a m e , Alexis, 804-5, 8 u n , 812, 8i3n, 8i5n, 8i8n, 8 2 m , 826n-7n Kagera river and plateau regions, 803, 806, 815-18, 5/6, 822-3 Kaggwa, Apollo, 778n, 804 Kagho, 456 Kagoro, 808 K a h a m a , 839 Kahigi, 819 Kahigi Kasita, 819 Kaabu (Gabu): economy and trade, Kahya, 154, 160 321, 362-3, 387, 388, 389, 392-4, Kaiama, 353 3Ç3, 899; politics and military activities, 264, 312-13. 3 2 9 . 332. al-Kä'im bi- ' A m r Allah (Abu ' A b d Allah), 200 338; population mobility, 372, 378; Kaira, O . Y . , 638n and Senegambia, 262-3, 266-7, Kajurunga, 819 286, 298; and slave trade, ceddo and Kâkâ, 197 Muslim revolutions, 286-7, 289, Kakaira, A . , 8o6n 299; social structures, 338
IOI3
Index Kakaire, 785, 797 Kakaraza, 818, 819 Kake, I.B., n 6 n Kaket, 784, 786 Burungu Kakindi, 818 Kakissa, 369 Kakongo, 44, 529,551, 581 Kakwa, 776, 778-80, 783 Kalabât, 178 Kaladian Kulibali, 330, 332 Kaladua, 785 Kalahari, 49, 50, 69 Kalala Ilunga, 592 Kalambaina see Sokoto Kalanga, 632, 659 Kalck, P., si6n Kalenjin, 779, 784, 789, 793, 828-9, 833, 846, 896 Kalimanjira, 6/7 Kalindawalo (Mundikula), 621-2 Kalinga, 820 Kaiinga, O . J . M . , 908; on Lake Malawi region, 608-39 Kallaline, 243, 254 Kalonga, 6/6, 617-18, 620-1, 624, 629-30, 760 Kalonga chidzonzi, 617 Kalonga Chinkhole, 618 Kalonga Muzula, 624 Kaloum, 379 Kaluluma, 608, 622, 628 Kalundwe, 589, 590, 592-3,594 Kamalu, 448 Kamanya, 801, 818 Kamanzi, T . , 8o8n K a m b a see Akamba Kambarin Barbari, 482 Kambat(a), 711, 739 K a m e m b e , 637 K a m e m e , 626-S Kamite, 364 K a m m c r a , 286 Kamonga, 593 Kamseongo, 351 Kamugungunu, L . , 777n Kamuhangire, E . R . , 777n, 798n Kanajeji, 483 Kananiya, 497 Kanawa, 473-4 Kandi, 353 Kane, O . , 283n-5n, 296n Känem-Borno, 24, 492-514; foundation of Califate (1465-97), 4923; expansion problems and opportunities (1497-1564), 493-6; economy and political system and emergence of Kanuri (1564-77),
IOI4
496-502; economy and trade, 44; and Egypt, 495, 499, 512, 514; diplomatic relations with Turkey and Morocco, 502-4; golden age (17th century), 511-12; and Hausa states, 490; crisis of late 18th century, 512-13; economy and trade, 37, 492, 494-9, 500, 501-3, 512, $14; politics and military activities, 43; 454; 45g, 492-513 passim; and Maghreb, 495-6, 499, 501-3, 508, 512, 514, 514; population mobility, 55; social structures, 24, 34, 504-8; and Songhay empire, 302; and Sudan, 180; see also Borno Kânembu, 26, 498-9, 508, 513 Kangaba, 328, 337 Kango, Naaba, 343-4, 347, 353, 355, 361, 362, 366-7 Kani, A . M . , 489n Kaniki, M . H . Y . , 832n-3n Kanincin, 589, 603 Kankan, 24, 480 Kankiya, 458 Kano: culture and religion, 486-90; economy and trade, 32,34,302,474, 476, 478, 479, 481, 500, 514; and Kanem-Borno, 494, $00, 501, ¡14; and Lower Guiñean coast, 405; politics and military activities, 455— 8; 459', 460-72 passim; social structures, 24, 482-3; and Songhay empire, 322, 326 Kano, Sarkin, 481, 483 Kanongesha, 602, 604 Kansala, 267, 392 Kanta, 456-7, 461, 468, 495 Kanta A h m a d u , 457 Kanta D ä w ü d , 456 Kanta I, 456n Kanta, M u h a m m a d u , 495 Kantora, 263, 264, 265, 382, 387 Kânûn Name, 140, 142-3, 167 Kanuri, 899; emergence of, 496-502; and Hausa states, 453, 476, 479, 482, 484n, 487, 489; social and material culture, 504-8 Kanyaru river region, 816, 817, 8 2 0 21
Kanyenda, 608, 622, 623, 628, 638 Kanyenye, 839 Kanyinji, 610, 611, 622 Kanyok, 588, 589, S90, 593, 599, 603, 6o6n Kanyoni, 818 Kapararidze, N y a m b u , 650-1
Kapeni, 610 Kaphwiti, 616, 618-19 Kapirintiwa Hill, 610-11 Kapoche river area, 621-2 Kapoeta river region, 779, 791 Kapunda Banda, 623 Kara, 172 Kara Ibrahim Pasha, 149—50 Karaduwa river, 475 Karagwe: economy and trade, 822, 826; politics and military activities, 801, 806-8, 810-15, 8r6, 818, 820, 843 Karamagi, 819 Käramäntl, A h m a d , 246, 258 Karamo, 65 Karamoja, 776-7, 779, 785, 789-91 Karamojong, 67, 896 Karamokho Alfa, 287, 291-3 Karamokho Sambegu, 24 Karanga, 609, 624, 640, 656, 677 Karapokot, 830 Karâwiyyîn, 231; University, 214, 218, 2jgn Karaye, 460, 468, 487 Karayu, 721 Karemera, 8 1 m , 813, 818 Karemera M w i r u , 819 al-Karlm see 'Abd al-Karïm Karimbola, 868, 886 Karimojong, 788, 790-91 Karimou, M . , 453n, 4Ô3n Karkôdj, 174 Karonga, 608, 610, 612, 625-6, 6 2 8 9.°37n Karou Federation, 380-1,393, 394 Karroo, 68 Karrüm aI-Hâdjd[ see ' A b d al-Karïm ibn A b u Bakr al-Shbânî Karsten, D . , 7i8n Kartala, M o u n t , 888 Karubanga, H . K . , 777n Karugire, S . R . , 8osn, 8i3n, 8i5n, 8i8n K a r u m a Falls, 789 Kasa, 266 Kasai and Kasai river region: economy and trade, 536, 538, 540, 576,579, 580, 587; politics and military activities, 567, 588, SCO, 594-5. 606-7; population mobility, 51, 53, 57. 61, 69, 70, 71 Kasanga, 266, 373, 378, 389 Kasanje, 61, 105, 558-9, 563, 564, 566-7, 587 Kasena, 354n Kashare, 810, 811
Index kâîAif, 145, I7S Kashkash, Husayn Bey, 162 al-Kâsim 'Alilïsh, M u h a m m a d ibn, 225-6 Kasïm, Ibn see Ismail, Mawláy Kâsimïya, 149-50,152,153, i6on, 164 Kasita, Kahigi, 819 Kasitu river, 612 al-Kasr al-Kabïr, 207, 208, 209, 503 al-Kasr al-Saghir, 202 al-Kasr al-Sük, 202 Kassa, 368 Kassi Konare, 338 Kassum, 332, 33311, 335 Kasulu, 80411 Kasuwa Kurmi, 473 Kasyombe, Kyungu, 628 Katakarmabe see Idrïs b. 'Ali Katakarmabe Katanga (people), 610, 634 Katanga (Shaba chief), 603 Katate, A . G . , 777n Ka'ti, M . , 3oon, 303n-4n, 45311, 4 7 m , 49on,5i2n Katobaha, 811, 820, 821 Katoke, I.K., 8isn, 8i8n Katonga, 815 Katong'ongo Mhenga, 637 Katota, 589, 590 Katsekera, 6/6 Katsina and Katsinawa, 326,405,464, 494,468,454n; culture and religion, 486-9; economy and trade, 405, 474-5. 477. 478, 479; politics and military activities, 326, 454n, 4558,459,460-2,464,465-7,468,46972, 494; social structures, 482-4 Katumbi Mulindafwa Chabinga, 636638 Katunga, 442 Katwe, 826 K a u m a , ^6^n K a u w a , 499 Kavatau, 469 K a w a ag A m m a , 314 Kawada, J., 342n Kawâhla, 194 Kawâr, 499, 502 K a w o m b a , 6/6 Kawonga, 637n Kaya, 328, 342, 469 Kayanga, Ruhinda, 805-9 Kayango, 806, 818 Kayes, J02 Kayor, 26, 31, 43, 264, 268; and partition of coast and Muslim reaction, 269, 274-6; and slave trade, ceddo
and Muslim revolutions, 278-81, 287, 295, 297, 299 Kayra sultanate, 187-8, 190-1 Kayrawân, 237, 238, 242 al-Kayrawânï, Abu Zayd, 179 KaytäsBey, 148, 152-3 Kazdoghlu, Kâhya Ibrâhïm, 154 Kazdoghlu, Mustafa, 151 Kazdughlîya, 152, 154, i6on, 166 Kazembe, 70, 587, $94, 601, 603, 60^, 633 Kazobe, 873 K e , 446-7 Kea, R . A . , 4ogn Kebaali, 291 Kebbi and Kebbawa: culture and religion, 487, 489; economy and trade, 472,474-7,479; and K ä n e m Borno, 495-6; politics and military activities, 310, 455-7, 45g, 461, 463, 464, 465, 467, 468, 4 6 9 70, 472; social structures, 24, 483, 4840 Kebu, 777, 798 Keech-Mclntosh, S., 52n Keen, B . , 93n Keeno, 781 Keim, C , 62n Keita, 330, 358 Kel-Ataram see Awllimiden Kel-Awllimiden, 307, 313-14 Kel-Dinnik see Awllimiden Kel-Antasar, 318 Kele, 528 Keledor, Baron Roger, 297 Kel-Ewey, 456 Kel-Geres, 468, 475 Kel-Katwan, 30$, 318 Kellenbenz, H . , 7i4n Kel-Maghsharen, J05, 318 Kel-Oudalan, 30s Kel al-Sük, 324-5 Kel-Tadmekket, 303, 307, 313, 318 Kel-Tegama, 475 Kenedugu, 358, 367 Kent, R . K . , 12on, 909; on Madagascar and Indian Ocean, 849-94 Kente, 429, 432 Kenya see East African interior Kere Massa Wattara, 358 Kerimba Islands, 772 Kerouane, 380 Kerrî, 172, 181,182 Kete, 588,590, 592, 603 Kete-Krachi, 410 Keteso, 415 Ketu, 40, 400, 438
al-Khadr Ghaylân, 215-16, 2¡y al-Khafàdji, 157 Khalîl Bey, 162 Khalîl ibn Ishâk, 179 Khami, 640, 657, 657-8, 669 Khamîs Djunkul, Prince, 178 hharâdi lands, 29 Khärdja, 183 Khartoum, 197 Khassonke, 334 Khâyr al-Dïn see Barbarossa Khäyr Bey, Amir, 137, 138-40, 142 Khayrät K h a n , 132 Khayruddîn see Barbarossa Khidhr see Barbarossa Khödja, 'Ali, 257 Khoi/Khoi Khoi: population mobility» S°i 54> 56, 64; social structures and economy and trade, 684, 685, 687-8, 690-1, 692, 693, 695, 696, 697-8, 700-2 K h o m b e , 618 Khor Tandalti, 190 Khota Khota, 622-3 Khulubvi, 620 Kiambi, $9°, 593.594 Kiawa, 468, 477 Kibi.778.807, 811 Kibiga, 787 Kibira range, 802 Kibondo, 8o4n Kicumbu, Nyarubamba, 815 Kietegha, J . B . , 359 Kigali, 820 Kiganda, 801 Kigeri Mukobanya, 815, 820 Kigeri Ndabarasa, 817, 821 Kigezi, 827 Kigoma, 80411 Kigwa, 820 Kikondja, 589,590, 592, 593,594 Kikongo, 557-8, 574 Kikuyu, 828, 830, 833, 837, 841 Kilak, M o u n t , 781 Kilifi, 762 Kilimanjaro, M o u n t , 835, 838-9 Killi, 30s Killidj, 238-9 Kilole, 719 Kilson, M . , I23n Kiluba, 594 Kilwa: African diaspora, 129; economy and trade, 4, 13, 33, 34, 39, 41, 42. °j6, 675, 750-1, 755, 757-8,770,772-5; politics and military activities, 43,45, 619, 633,634, 751. 752, 753. 75°. 759, 760-2;
IO15
Index Kilwa — conti. population mobility, 57, 70; social structures, 30 Kilwa Kisiwani, 750, 75g Kilwa Kivinje, 759, 775 K i m a m b o , Isaria N . , 83511, 843 K i m b u , 828, 830 Kimenyi Getura, 817 Kimenyi Shumbusho, 817 Kimi, 517 K i m p a Vita, D o n a Beatrice, 566, 5735. 904 Kinana, ig4 King, A . , 8zon, 833n, 8 4 m , 847n Kinga, 609, 636, 839 Kingabwa, 535 kings see ruling élites Kingui, 313, 321 Kinguri, s8on Kinshasa, 535, 539 Kintampo, 405, 478 Kintu, 778, 807 Kinyaga, 821 Kinyakyusa, 626 Kinyarwanda, 803, 809 Kinyoni, 819 Kipkorir, B . E . , 846 Kipsigis, Sjo, 831 Kiranda, 787 Kiranga, 808, 826 Kirango, 337 Kiriba, 823 Kirk Range, 618 Kirkman, J., 761 Kiruji, 787 Kirundi, 803, 809, 823n Kisaka, 798 Kisi, 293, 373, 377, 380, 382, 397 Kisii, 838 Kisindile, 627 Kisoki, M u h a m m a d (1509-65), 455, 457. 466-7. 486, 494
Kissou, J05 Kiswahili, 64, 754, 771, 8o6n Kita, 328, 334 Kitagwenda, 798 Kitami, 817 Kitara: politics and military activities, 778. 783. 788, 794, 797, 799-801, 807-9, 818-19; population mobility, 816; social structures and economy and trade, 792, 794 Kitching, A . E . , 8o7n Kitwara, 44 Kivu Lake region, 802-3, 810, 816, 820-21, 823
Kiwanuka, M . S . M . , 778n, 799n IO16
Kiyanja, 798 Ki-Zerbo, J., 453n, 482,907; on Niger to Volta, 327-67, 905 Kiziba: politics and military activities, 778, 801, 804-5, 807,810-11,81315, 817-19; population mobility, 816; social structures and economy and trade, 822, 826 Kizinza, 803 Klein, H . S . , I03n-4n, s8on, 584^ 587n Klein, M . A . , 283n Kliko, 402 K o , 354n Koarima, 350 Kobbie, 181, 183 Koc, 785, 798 Koc Labongo, 785 K o c Paluo, 785 K o c Ragem, 785 Koc-Pagak,78i, 7 83 Kochia, 786 Kodi Muzong, 5 6 7 ^ 6o6n~7n Koelle, S . W . , 498n, 507a Koi, 784, 786 K o k , 698 Kokki, 287, 295, 297 Kokofu, 415, 420 kola nut production and trade: Hausa states, 453, 479, 481-2; K â n e m Borno, 494; Lower Guiñean coast, 400, 403-6, 422, 425; Niger-Volta region, 355, 359, 365; Senegambia, 263, 265; Songhay empire, 318, 322-3; Upper Guiñean coast, 382, 392 Kole, 830 Kollade, 291 Kololo, 60, 64, 639 Kolungwe, M . W . , 6o3n Kolwezi, 602 Koly Tengella, 263, 266, 267, 283, 288, 379 K o m , Naaba, 342, 365 K o m b e , 7Ó4n Kombisiri, 366 Komboli, 501 K o m e , 8o5n K o m e n d a , 423, 426 Komin-yanga, 351 K o m o , 62, 363 K o m p a , 402, 413 Konde Burama, 292 K o n g see Kongo kingdom Kongo kingdom and town, 546-87, 897-9, 9 0 3-5; a s hegemony (15th and 16th centuries), 550-7; three
states (1575-1640), 558-63; new order (1641-1700), 564-76; northern areas (18th century), 576-84; and Bambara, 333, 337; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 524, 525, 526, 531, 536; Angola (18th century), 584-7; arts and crafts, 547, 549, 554, 565, 567. 574-5; economy and trade, 30; 34; 41, 362, 392. 405, 410, 546-7, 548, 553-9, 560, 561-3, 566-9, 576, 578, 579, 580-1, 587 (see also slave trade below); and Hausa states, 478, 480, languages, 547,550,574; and Lower Guiñean coast, 405, 410; and Luba and Lunda, 606; and Niger-Volta region, 327,329,343,351,367; politics and military activities, 42, 44, 45, 546-66 passim, 569-^70; population mobility, 64, 66, 375, 581-2; religion, 366, 554-6, 564-5, 572-5, 582-4; slave trade, 105; 546; 555-9, 562-3, 567, 569, 576-81, 584-7 (see also economy above); social structures, 553, 569-72; socio-political organization, 355-9; and Songhay empire, 312, 318, 322; and Upper Guiñean coast, 375, 392 Kongolo, 592 Koniagui, 266, 286,288, 293,374,379 Konkise, Naaba, 341 Konkisitenga, 328, 341 K o n k o Bubu M ü s a , 285 Konna, 304, 322 K o n n y , John, 426 K o n o , 373, 375, 377 Konso, 718 Konta, 742 Konto, 742 Konyan, 375, 380 Kooki, 792, 798, 801 Kopytoff, I., 24n, io8n Kora, 68s, 698, 702 Koran see Kur'an Korana, 60 Korau, 458 Kordofan, 44, 177-81, 182, 183-5, 186, 187-9, 520 Korientze, 322 Koriga, 470 Koriuk, 780 Koro, 418 Korobe Hill, 779, 783 Korogho, 356 Kororofa (Kwararafa), 464 Korwakol, 790-91 Kosehirange, 426
Index Koten, M o u n t and region, 788, 790791 Koten-Magos, 790-1 Kotoko, 494, 499, 500, 501 Kotoku, 420 Kottak, C . P . , 822n Koudougou, 328, 353 Kouroussa, 375 Kousounou, 356 K o y a m , 497-8, 501 Koyin, 291 Koysa, 742 KozRadjab, 181,182 Kozlov, B . , 129n Kpandu, 417 K p e , 435 K p e - M b o k o , 451 Kpelle see Guerze Kpenoe, 402 Kpoku, 402 Kpone, 399 Krahn, 381 Krakye, 420, 422 Krapf, J.L., 717a Kriedte, P . , 88n, H 2 n Krinjabo, 410, 418, 419 Krobo, 399 Krofofrom, 430 Kru and Kru-Magwe/Kru-Bete: population mobility, 369,376, 378; social structures and politics, 370, 37'. 374-5. 377-8, 380-2, 398 K r u m p , Father T . , 183 Ktawa, 301 Kuala, 328, 351 Kuande, 353 Kuba: economy and trade, 537-8,563, 57°. 579\ politics and military activities, 594n, 596, 607; population mobility, 56, 61-2, 65, 69 Kubaka, 318 Kubbel, L . E . , 455, 470, 484n Kubi, 304 Kuíía, 741 Küchük M e h m e d , Bashodabashi, 150-1 Kuda, Naaba, 341, 342 K u d u , 486 Kufan Kuturu, 461 Kufra, 302, 480 Kujuabongu, 351,352 Kukawa, 505 K u k u , 778-9 Kukuna, 467, 471, 481 Kukuya, 72, 540, 581, 903 Kukya, 303-4, 315 Kula, 820
K w a h u , 400, 402, 404, 412, 415, 416 Kwale, 835 K w a n g o and K w a n g o river region: economy and trade, 538, 557, 562343. 3S8, 363.364 3. 567, 580; politics and military Kuls, W . , 746n activities, 550,558-9, 567, 587, 588, Kulu, 497 601-3, 607; population mobility, kulü^hlis, 240, 244, 251-3, 255-8, 260 61, 70; social structures, 546 K u m a , Madawaki, 471 Kwanni, 456, 469, 477 K u m a h , J . K . , 4i7n, 424n Kwararafa, 483,489; politics and miliK u m a m , 776, 784, 788, 789, 791-3 tary activities, 454,457.459,4&°, 470 Kumasi: economy and trade, 410,478; politics and military activities, 44, Kwaule, F . , Ö23n Kwianbani, 470 412, 415, 416, 418-20, 421, 422; population mobility, 400, 401; Kwilu river region, 563, 567, 580,587, social structures and culture, 427, 606-7 430; and Songhay empire, 322; and K w o n g o , 71 Mossi kingdoms, 340; and Kongo Kyaggwe, 801 kingdom, 904 Kyamutwara: politics and military K u m a w u , 420 activities, 806, 814, 816, 818-19; Kumbari, Sarkin K a n o , 471,473,474, social structures and economy and 482, 487 trade, 810-11, 822, 826 Kumbetieba see Dogon Kyangonde, 626, 628 K u m b i , 25, 30,33,302 Kyanja, 811, 816, 819 K u m d u m y e , Naaba, 340, 354-5, 366 Kyebambe, 815 K u m i , 793 Kynnaston, 863n, 89on Kumwembe, N . , 6i2n Kyoga Lake region, 777-8, 785, 787, Kunari, 313 789, 792 Kyungu M a g e m o , 627-8 Kunda, 322 Kunduda, 47on Kyungu Mwangonde, 628 Kung San, 49 Kyungus, 625-8, 637n Kunta, 307, 314, 325-6 Kunyi, 527 La, 399, 402, 412 Kuotu, 518 La Calle, 255 Kupela,j25,35i,352 L a Case, 864, 866, 874 Kur'an, 28, 276, 297, 364, 380, 486, Laale, 341 488, 508, 730; see also Islam Labadi, 412 Kuranko, 380 Labe, 291, 379 Kurentsi, Eno Baisie, 426 Labongo, 797 Kurfay, 463 Labongo, Koc, 785 Kuria, 830 labour see slave Kurra, M u h a m m a d , 189, 191 Labourdonnais, M a h é de, 893 Kursiki, Shaihu, 486 Labrecque, E . , 6o3n Kurubari see Kulibali Laburthe-Tolra, P . , 66n, 525n, 532n K u r u m b a (Fulse), 343-4. 348-5 1 . Labwor, 781, 789, 791-3 Lacerda e Almeida, F . J . M . dc, 6o3n 354. 359, 361 Kusayr, 145 Lacger, Canon de, 805 Kushitic, 710, 722, 723, 841, 847 Lacourbe, 275n K u s u , 442, S94 Ladurie, E . le R . , 83n kutama, 65 Lagae, 519 Kutamish M e h m e d Bey, 152 Laghwât, 237,302, 321 Kutamishïya, 152 Lago, 342 Kutlumush, M e h m e d Bey, 153 Lagos, 4, 19, ios, 445 Kutumbi (1623-48), 460, 472, 473 Lagumi (Bagiruri), 486 Kutumbi, Prince Bako dan, 460 Lagunaires, 401, 404, 413, 418, 424 K w a language, 369, 377, 434 Lahe Fonti, 868 K w a river region, 534, 535, 539, 542, Lahou, Cape, 398 Laki, 793 580 Kulango, 355, 356, 400, 415, 419, 425 Kuliak, 192 Kulibali (Kurubari) clan, 312, 330,
IOIJ
Index Lakwar,-¡84,786 Lala, 609, 636 Laiangina, 874-5, 877 ¡amana land tenure, 26-7, 30, 45 L a m b , J., 428 L a m b , V . , 405n, 4o8n L a m b a , 609 Lamboina, 873 L a m b w e g a , Naaba, 342-3, 355 L a m b y a , 608, 609 Lamphear, J.E., 48n, 778n-gn, 788n, 792n,839 Lamta, 225 Lamtüna, 225 L a m u , 34,40, 57, 751, 752, 753, 7 6 0 2, 766, 768, 770 ¡aricados, 266, 395-6 Lancaster, J., 888n, 89cm land and land tenure, 26-30, 348; and population mobility, 6, 48—52; Southern Africa, 694, 697-8, 701; Southern Zambezia, 651-6,659; see also agriculture Landorein, I., 5i3n Landuma, 266, 373-4, 379, 388 Lane-Poole, E . H . , 6 2 m Lange, D . , 454 n "5 n , 4S7 n . 483", 4 9 8 n Lange, W . , 7 2 m , 7 4 m Langi, 65 Langlands, B . W . , 832n Lango and Lango Omiro, 776, 781, 784, 788-9, 78gn, 791-3, 827 languages: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 515-18, 520, 523, 534, 543; East African coast, 754; East African interior, 828, 840; Egypt, '55-6, 9°°; Great Lakes region (north and central), 777, 779-80, 783-6, 788-91, 793; Great Lakes region (south), 803, 805; Hausa states, 488; Horn of Africa, 706-7, 710, 722, 726, 729-30, 739; Indian Ocean islands, 891; Känem-Borno, 506,508; Kongo kingdom, 547,550, 574; Lower Guiñean coast, 402, 406, 427; Luba and Lunda, 594; Madagascar, 863, 869, 870; Maghreb, 241; Morocco, 211 ; Niger delta and Cameroon, 434,436,4456, 450; Niger-Volta region, 352; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 612-13, 619, 624, 626, 628; and population mobility, 48,55,635; Songhay empire, 3o6n; Southern Africa, 684,686; Sudan, 191-2,198; Upper Guiñean coast, 368-9, 371, 373. 375, 377. 395
IO18
Lela, 354n Langworthy, H . W . , 6 1 m , 6 2 m • Lelaba, 47on Laparanat, 793 Lemaire, P., 271, 273, 274n Lapioche, J.B., 8o6n, 8o8n, 822n Lemba, 583, 676 Lapono, 798 Lemprière, G . , 323n Lapukeni, K . , 6i2n Lendu, 777, 780, 798 Lara, A . D . , i2on Lengoabo, 884 Larache (al-Arïsh), 202, 207, 224 Lenje, 632 Laropi, 783 Lenodze, 402 Last, M . , 453n, 454n-5n, 457n Lasta, 705,713, 724, 731,733 Leo Africanus, 235, 405; on Hausa states, 453n, 458, 47on, 476, 486n Lat Sukaabe Fall, 262, 278-9, 281 Leo (town), 328, 354 Lata-Jakpa, 339 Lepanto, Battle of, 236 Latin America see Central America; Leroy, J., 705n, 736n, 737n, 738n South America Leselle, R . , 323a Latino: Juan, 114 Leslau, W . , 707n, 726n Lava, 87on Lethem, G . C . , sogn Lavers, J . E . , 493n, 495n-6n, 4g8n, Levine, D . N . , 89n 502n-3n, 507n, 5 1 m , 5i3n Lévi-Provençal, E . , 207n, 212 law and justice, 29, 341, 493; Hausa Levtzion, N . , 405n, 5090; on Nigerstates, 472-3, 490; Horn of Africa, Volta region, 339^ 3s8n, 365; on 709,718; Indian Ocean islands, 888; Senegambia, 289, 2g2n Ottoman, 138-9, ison, 239; Senegambia, 274, 276, 294, 297; Lewis, H . S . , 779n Lewis, I . M . , 722n-3n Southern Africa, 700; Southern Lewis, W . Arthur, 75, 108, n o & n Zambezia, 652, 672; Sudan, 174, 179-80 Liberia, 69, 369; economy and trade, 383. 394-5; population mobility, Lawrence, A . W . , 406-7 374-5, 377-8, 38c- 2 Laya, D . , 907; on Hausa states, 453Libya, 54-5, 187, 237; 16th century 91 crisis and Ottoman solution, 233Le Barbier, C , 882n 40; 17th century search for equiLe Gentil, 88sn librium, 240-51;18th century, 251Le Moal, A . , 354n 60; economy and trade, 2 , 4 , 3 3 , 3 6 lead, 547, 650 7, 129, 183, 241, 248-9, 302, 480; leaders see political; ruling élites and Egypt, 168; and Kanem-Borno, learning see scholarship 496, 499, 503, 512; and Lower leather and hides, trade in, 1 0 - 1 1 , 3 4 Guiñean coast, 406; politics and 5, 40; East African coast, 770; East military activities, 43, 233, 235-6, African interior, 837-8; Hausa 2J7, 2 38, 244-6, 255-60; see also states, 453, 476, 479; H o r n of Maghreb Africa, 746; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 499; Liele, George, 123 K o n g o kingdom, 561; Lower Lienhardt, G . , 193 Guiñean coast, 406; Senegambia, 262, 265, 290-1, 293, 299; Songhay Likaylik, M u h a m m a d A b u , 178, 185, empire, 319 189 Lebna Dengel, Emperor, 713-14,723, Likuba, 540, S42, 54* Likwala-Massaka river region, 534-5, 7H 538,541,542 Lebu, 299 Lilongwe, 623, 629 Lee, R . B . , 49n Limba, 373, 377, 388, 43s, 451 Lefèbre, T . , 709n L i m m u O r o m o , 721 legal system see law Limpopo river, 68$, 693 Legassick, M . , 6g8n Linden, I., 6i8n, 62çn Legesse, A . , 7i6n, 7i8n Lindgren, N . E . , 615n Leguével de Lacombe, B . F . , 854n Lindi, 636 Lehmann, W . P . , 64n Leitào de Gamboa, Pedro, 765-6 linguistics see languages Leka, Nagajin, 47on Linta, 867-8 Lekpodze, 402 Linthipe river, 623
Index Liptako, 312, 313, 351,367 Lira Paluo, 797-8 Liru, M o u n t , 783 Lisbon, A . H . U . , 65on literacy, 324; Kongo kingdom, 472, 556; Lower Guiñean coast, 427, 433; see also scholarship; writing literature: East African coast, 771; Egypt, 155-8, 900; Hausa states, 486-7; Horn of Africa, 705-6, 713, 718-19,729-30,733,735- 8 ; illuminated books, 735-8; Morocco, 2 1 0 11; Senegambia, 284, 295; see also scholarship Little, K . , 38on Little Popo, 425 Littleton, Commodore, 890 Littmann, E . , 739n livestock-raising a n d trade: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 524; East African interior, 829,831,8334,837,840-1,845,847; Great Lakes region, 787-8, 790-2, 796, 811-12, 821-4; Hausa states, 472, 475, 477, 479,481-2; Horn of Africa, 716-17, 719; Kânem-Borno, 497-9; K o n g o kingdom, 547, 563; Lower Guiñean coast, 403; Madagascar, 855, 860, 868, 870-2, 880-2, 885; NigerVolta region, 332, 345, 356, 367; and population mobility, 46,48,49, 54-6, 59, 67, 234-5, 2 4°-i; Songhay empire, 316, 318, 326; Southern Africa, 684, 686-8, 6 9 0 i, 695-7, 699-700, 702; Southern Zambezia, 652, 661, 667—70; and state, 32, 38; Sudan, 173; 188; 1923 (see also Fundj); see also leather Livingstone mountains, 839 Lloyd, P . C . , 445n Loange river, 606 Loango, 897, 899; culture, 561, 572, 577-8; economy and trade, 4, 12, 105, S27-9. 531, 532, 536, 555. 558. 560, 561-3, 569, 576, 57g, 580-2; politics and military activities, 42, 44, 525-7. 547. 550,551, 556. 566; population mobility, 50, 585 Lobato, A . , 676n, 68on Lobi, 322,328, 355, 356, 383 Lobo, J., 73 m Logan, R . W . , n 8 n Loggar, 279, 281 Logo, 520 Logone, 500 Loi, 539, 542 Loi Bondjo, 542
Loje river, 550 Loko, 377, 380 Lokorikitak, 790-1 Lokoya (Oxoriuk), 780 Lolo, 608, 609, 611, 6/6, 619-20, 624, 629-30 Lolorvor hills, 399 L o m a (Toma), 380 L o m a m iriver,53 Lombard, J., 454n Lomia, 789 L o m p o , 350, 352 Lompotangu, 351 Lomukudit, 782 L o m w e , 608, 609, 611, 632, 636 Long Juju see Ibini Okpube Longiro river, 790 L o n g w e , 610 Lopes, Bartholomew, 861 Lopes de Sequeira, Diego, 85 m Lopes, E . , 573n Lopez de Moura, José, 396-7 Lopez, R . S , 83n Lopez, Cape, 525-9, 532,579 Lopori river, 540 Lorhon, 356 Loro, M . , 778n Los, Isles de/Islands of, 105, 377 Lotuho, 778, 780, 784, 788-9 Lotuxo, 192 Lougnon, A . , 892n-3n Louis X I V of France, 220, 222, 232 Lourenço Ravasco, Ruy, 757 Lovale, 579 Lovejoy, P . E . , 24n; on Hausa states, 4 8 4 ^ 490n; on K a n e m - B o r n o , 494n, 49911, 5 0 m , 5i2n; on K o n g o kingdom, 55711, 576n, 578n, s86n; on slave trade, 82n, io6n, io8n Lovua river, 590, 593, 594, 599, Lower Guiñean coast, 399-433; arts and crafts, 404-6,408-9, 419, 4 2 5 30,432-3; economy and trade, 3 9 9 400, 403-11, 414, 415, 419, 422, 424-7, 430; languages, 402, 406, 427; politics and military activities, 399, 402-3, 412-25, 414, 421, 430; population mobility, 399-403, 401, 412-13, 418-19, 424-5; religion, 403; slave trade, 404-10, 424-6, 430; social structures, 399, 402-3, 425-30; and Sudan, 399, 403-5, 428; see also Guinea lowveld economy, 663-7 Lozi, 587, 588, 603 Luabo river, 631, 662
Lualaba river, 589, 593, 599, 602-3, 604, 607 Luambala river, 6i2n Luanda, 4, 8, 40, 105,585; arts, 565, 567; economy and trade, 529, 536, 540, 553-8 passim, 561-4, 569, 579, 580, 584, 586-7; politics and military activities, 559, 566, 572; population mobility, 61, 71 Luangwa river region, 610, 621—2, 628, 634, 636, 636-8, 680 Luanze, 676, 679 Luapula river region, 587, 593, 601, 603, 604, 607, 633
Luba and Lunda, 588-607; economy and trade, 105, 579, 589-fl°, 59°, 592> 594, 6 °3, 604; emergence of state, 589-93; internal organization and development, 593-600, 601-6; and K o n g o kingdom, 567, 587; and northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 609, 612, 615, 626; politics and military activities, 42, 588-603, 604, 605-7, 632-3; population mobility, 61, 70, 593-4, 599, 604, 607 Luba Lubilanji, 588 Luba Shankadi, 588 Lubilash river, 592,594, 594 Lucas, S . A . , 406, 588n Lucio D e Azevedo, J., 3, i3n Luda, 342 Ludolf, H . , 729n, 732n Luel, 192-3 L u e m b e river, 592 Lugbara, 783, 785 Lugulu, 830 Luguru, 830 Luhanga, 610, 611, 612, 628, 636 Luiza, 651 Lujenda, 611 Lukeni, Nimi, 549 Lukenye river, 580 Lukoya, 779, 789 L u k w a , 616 Lulami, 310 Lulangane, 860 Lulonga river, 534, 538, 539, 540 Lulua river region, 588,590, 594 Luna, L . , i2on Lundazi, 612 Lundu, 70, 616, 618-21, 624-5, 629, 760, 7Ó2n Lungfish, 802 Lungu, 6og L u o , 59, 65, 67-8, igón, 896; East African interior, 828-9, 830, 8 3 3 -
IOIÇ
Index L u o - conta. 5, 838, 845-6; Great Lakes region, 776-81, 783, 785-9. 791-8; Sudan, 192-3 L u r u m , 343, 359 Luso, 862 Lutanzige (Onekbonyo), Lake, 803 Luttrall, A . , ii3n Luuka, 787 Luyi language, 64 Luyia, 830 Lwamgira see Rwamugira Lwango-Lunyiigo, S., 7ç8n L w e m b e , 612 Lwena, 588, 604, 605 Lwindi, 821 L y , A m a d o u , 284 Maalik Sy, 287-8 Ma'aliyya,i88 Maane, 267 M a a n o , 632 Maasai, 54,56,67-8,896; East African coast, 764; East African interior, 828-9, 830, 833, 837-9, 841, 847; Great Lakes region, 784, 787 Mabika Kalanda, 5Q4n Mabrük, 302, 324, 480 Macakoali, 352 Maçèa, 720, 721 Macedo, Father Gaspar, 662, 671, 672n Machicores see Mashicoro Machinda, 888n Macina (Massina): and Hausa states, 476; and Niger-Volta region, 328, 334.358, 361, 363. 3641»; and Senegambia, 289; and Songhay empire, 307, 310, 312-15, 318, 326; and Upper Guiñean coast, 373 Macina Fulbe, 333, 343 M a c k , J., i g m - 2 n Mackenzie, J . M . , 670n McCulloch, M . , 5i7n McDougall, E . A . , 405n Mcintosh, R.J., 52n M c K a y , W . F . , 76sn McLachlan, J . O . , 8sn, 97n M c L e o d , M . D . , 430 Madagascar, 716, 752, 849-86, 898; African diaspora, 116, 118, 130-1; eastern and southern states, 882-6; economy and trade, 850, 859, 8614, 866, 878, 884; and Indian Ocean islands, 803, 826, 834, 850, 85960, 862-3, 866-7, 878, 891; interior states, 873-82; newcomers and
7020
coalitions, 850-9; outsiders and impact, 859-67; political and administrative structures and military activities, 849-86 passim; population mobility, 46, 57, 70, 71-2, 850-1, 853-5, 874, 883-4, 886; religion, 851-3, 855, 860, 8 6 7 9, 871, 875-6, 879; social structures, 850-60, 867-9, 871, 875-6; western and northern states, 8 6 7 -
183, 187, 190; see also Algeria; Libya; Tunisia Maghsharen see Kel-Maghsharen Magi see Dizi Magnes, B . , 872n Magoro, 789, 791 Magos Hills, 790-1 Magume, 486 Magumi, 492, 504, 507 Maguzawa, 483 Magwe see K m 73 Mahadi, A . , 46sn Madanda, 641, 67S Mahafaly (Mahafales), 849,852,856Madeira, 7, 14, 113, 265 M a d i , 192,777,779-81,783,7^, 785, 8, 866-8, 880, 884, 886 Mahajamba Bay, S52, 859-60 798 Mahimid, 246 Madiega, Georges, 350-2, 46sn Mahandrovato, 886 Madi M o y o , 783 al-Mahdalï, 756 Madjâdhîb, 180, 185 Madjdhübiyya, 180 al-Mahdî, Muhammad, 201 Mafaali G e y , 276 Mahdists, 196 Mafamba, 535 al-Mahdiyya (al-Ma'müra), 200, 223 Mafia, 753, 760, 769, 771 Mahe, Rugomora, 818-19, 822, 826 Magadoxo, 861 Mahi, io$ Magajin Kulalo, 47on al-Mahman al-Barnâwï, Muhammad Magajin Leka, 470n b.'Abd, 4 89 Magalhàes Godinho, V . de, 2n-3n, 5n, Mahmud al-'Arakï, 179 M a h m u d b. Zarkün, Pasha, 304 7, i3n M a h m ü d Bey al-Kabïr, 152 M a g a n , Mansa, 329 M a h m ü d , Mansa, 304 M a g a n Oule Wattara, 358 Mahmüd Pasha, 159 Magarshack, D . , I29n Mahoney, F., 387n M a g e m b e Kagaruki, 8i3n Mai Gici, Muhammad, 461 M a g e m b e Kitonkire, 8i3n, 815, Mai Munene, 604, 606 817 Mai-Ndombe, Lake, 535, 538-9 Maghreb (North Africa), 233-61, Maikassoua, L , 455n, 4 6 m , 463^ 896-7, 905; 16th century crisis and 466-j7n solution, 233—40; 17th century Mainga, Mutumba, 6o3n search for equilibrium, 240-51; 18th century, 251-60; African dias- Mais, 23, 28, 454-7, 494-6, 501, 503, pora, 116, 129; and East African 508-13 coast, 756; economy and trade, 1maize see crops, new 2, 4, 9">°, 20, 22, 31-2, 33, 34-8, Maja Kawuri, 499 42,75. '83.233.235,24i-53ias$im, Majumdar, R . C . , 1 3 m 260-1, 302y 480, 514; and Egypt, Majunga, 852, 859, 869-70 23411; and Hausa states, 471; and Maka, 525 Kanem-Borno, 495-6, 499, 501-3, Makanna, 722 508, 512, $14, 514; and Lower Makaranga, 673, 680 Guiñean coast, 399; and Morocco, Makere, 520 201-5, 215, 218, 229, 232n, 233, Makewana, 616, 629-30 237, 249; and Niger-Volta region, al-Makhâzin, Wàdï, 300; see also 363; politics and military activities, Three Kings, Battle of 42. 43, 232n-6, 2J7, 238-49, 2 5 2 Makhzen, 27, 298m, 36,43; Maghreb, 61; population mobility, 46-50, 52, 239, 241; Morocco, 225 54-5, 57-9. 68-9, 72; religion, 239, Ma'kïl,3i9 242, 251, 255; social structures, 2 7 al-Makkarî ibn al-Kidl, 210 8, 29, 30, 240-5, 251-2; and Makoddu Kumba Jaaring, 281 Songhay empire, 301,304,306,316, Makonde, 636 319, 321-3; and Sudan, 179, 180, Makongoba, 363
Index al-Makrïzï, 7ion Makua (Makwa): economy and trade, 10s, 632, 636, 772, 84on; politics and military activities and population mobility, 70, 608, 609, 611, 6i2n, 619-20, 624, 6 2 9 30 Makuluni, D . , 612n M a k w a see M a k u a Mala, Amina and Jakingi, 5o6n Malabar, 767 Malacca, 755 Malagarazi river region, 803,815,816, 818, 821, 823, 838 Malagasy see Madagascar Malakal, 193 M a l a m , Cheffou, 485 Malambo, 637 Malandra, A . , 777n, 7 8 m Malawi, Lake see northern ZambeziLake Malawi region Malay archipelago, 767 Malay, 64 Malebo Pool see Pool Malemba, 105, 529, 576 Malevanov, N . , I2çn Maley, S., 49on Mali, 388, 899; economy and trade, 31,383-4,387,389,392; and Hausa states, 454, 490; and K o n g o kingdom, 495; and Niger-Volta region, 327, 329, 33on, 332-3, 343, 356; population mobility, S2n, 69, 372, 375, 379; social structures, 24; and Songhay empire, 303, 312; and Upper Guiñean coast, 372, 375, 379, 382-4, 387, 389, 392; see also Senegambia Malik A m b a r , 134-6 al-Mälik, M a w l â y ' A b d , 204-9, 2 I 2 , 230
Maliki, 179 Mälikites, 242 Malindi: economy and trade, 4, 13, 39. 633, 755, 758, 759, 760, 862-3; politics and military activities, 619, 751. 752, 753. 756-7, 761-3. 768, 770, 859-60, 888 Malinke see M a n d e Malixuri, 280, 283 Malle, 488 Maloango, 529, 532 Malowist, M . , 906; on international trade, 1-22 Malzac, V . , 8s6n, 876n, 879n M a m a d u , 'AIT, 296 M a m a n Tukur dan Binta, 489
Mamari Kulibali (Biton or Tiguiton), 308, 312-13, 332-6, 358, 362, 364, 366, 392 Mamattah, C . M . K . , 40on M a m b a , 839 Mamelomana, E . , 8s9n, 867n M a m l u k , 28, 900 Mamluks: East African coast, 756, 761; Egypt, 137-40, 142-3, 149, 152-4, 157, i6on, 162, 166, 169; Sudan, 175, 184, 185 M a m p o n g , 400, 415, 416, 420 Mamprusi, 328, 339, 350-1, 365, 405, 412, 416 a l - M a ' m ü n , 302, 324 a l - M a ' m ü n al-Kablr, Mawlây, 230 al-Ma'murä (al-Mahdiyya), 200, 202, 217,
223
mobility,46,60,65,69,375,377,380 M a n e , M . , 287n M a n e - S u m b a , 375 Manfalüt, i4Ón M a n g a , 499,500, 513 Manganja, 608, 600, 620, 625, 631-2, 636 Manganja territories, 656 Mangbetu, 62, 63, 520, 523 Mangoky river region, 858n, 868-70 M a n g w e n d e , 657 Mani (Manon), 380 M a n i Kongo, 30 Mani Loango, 525 Mani Pongo, 525 manioc see crops, n e w Manis, 802 Mankambira, 638 Mankesim, 410 M a n k h a m b a , 617-18 M a n k o n o , 355, 377 Manning, P . , io3n, io8n, 439n Mannix, D . P . , i8n M a n o river, 375, 394 M a n o m b o plateau, 886 M a n o n (Mani), 375, 377, 380 M a n o u , 394 Mansa, 3i,33on mansaya, 438m Mansfield, Lord, 115, 121-2 Manshiya, 242 al-Mansür, Abü'l-'Abbäs («/-
Mamvera (Murchison) rapids, 619 M a m v u r a Mutapa, 642, 651 M a n , 377 Manakara, 852 M a n a m b a o river, 87on M a n a m b o v o river, 862, 870, 886 Manampatra river, 884 Mañanara river, 852 Manandriana, 874, 875 Manandriana Betsileo, 877 Manankarunga, 853n M a n d a , 751, 762, 766, 768 Mándala, E C , Ö2on, Ô3on-in Mandara, 494, 499, 500, 501, 504, Dhahahí), Mawlây A h m a d (1658), 5°8n, 513 30, 36, 209-10, 212-15, 223~5> 2 3o, M a n d e (also known as M a n d e n , 300-1,304,306-7,315 Malinke or Mandinka), 24, 904; al-Mansür the Almohad, 225 economy and trade, 31, 32, 382-3, Mansür b. ' A b d al-Rahmân Pasha, 386-7, 389, 391, 394-6; and Hausa 310,316,319 states, 471, 476n, 484; and Lower Mansür b. Mas'üd al-Za'ri, 308 Guiñean coast, 403-5, 410, 412, 419, 425, 427; and Niger-Volta al-Mansür, Sultan (Morocco, 1583), region, 329-30, 333-4, 335n, 339, 503 al-Mansur, Ya'küb ( 12th century), 215 351-3, 355-6, 359, 365; population Manthimba, 6/6, 617-18, 621 mobility, 57, 69-70, 372-3, 375, Manuel, King of Portugal, 3, 5 377-82; and Senegambia, 262, 263, M a n y a Krobo, 400 264, 266-7, 2 7 ° . 289-90; and Manyanga, 547, 550, 578 Songhay empire, 304; and Upper Manyika, 641; economy and trade, Guiñean coast, 369, 370, 371-3, 654, 662-3, 665, 670-1, 677, 678, 375. 376, 377-83, 386-7, 389, 391, 679-80; politics and military activi394-6 Mandiga Fula, 105 ties, 641, 649, 657, 657; population Mandinka see M a n d e mobility, 70 Mandjara, 198 Manzi, Naaba, 341, 342 Mandjil¡Mandjuluk, 174 M a o , 511 Mandrare river region, 852, 885-6 Mao-Afillo, 721 Mandritsara, 872 Maquet, J.J., 8o2n M a n e : politics and military activities, marabouts: Morocco, 200; Niger-Volta 328, 341, 342n, 396; population region, 363-4; Senegambia, 262,
1021
Index marabouts — contd. 268, 273-8, 287-99; Songhay empire, 325-6; Upper Guiñean coast, 380 Maradi, 462 Maradun, 469 Marahadiassa, 478 Marakwet, 830 Marase, 359, 361 Maravi, 898; economy and trade, 633, 758; politics and military activities, 608, 6i4-i5&n, 6/6, 617-23, 625, 629-31, 638-9, 760; population mobility, 60, 61, 619, 622; see also Chewa Marchand, 857n, 884n Mar-Chioni, Bartolomeo, 5-6 Mardj Dabik, the Battle of, 137, 138 Mareb river, 705 Marees, Pieter de, 12, 409 Maret, P . de, 535n, sgon Margi, 494, 500 M a r T ibn Yüsuf, iS7n Maria Zion cathedral, 713 Marianno, Luiz, 6i8n Mariano, Father Luis, 8$5n, 860-1, 862n, 869, 878 Maringa river, 540 Marinids, 200, 210-11, 215-16 Marion, M . A . , 857n Marka see Soninke Markoff, J., 6g8n Marks, S., 64Ón, Ó4gn Maroantsetra, 852, 873 Marofela, 884 Maroserana: politics and military activities and population mobility, 70, 856-9, 862, 866-70, 8 7 m , 872, 875, 880, 884, 886; religion, 869 Marovatana, 877 Marovoay, 870 Marrakesh: architecture, 210, 219; economy and trade, J J , 204, J02; politics and military activities, 201, 202,
207, 215-16, 2 / 7 , 220, 222,
225,230,301,314-15; and Songhay empire, 301, J02, 314-15 Mars al-Kabïr/Marsa al-Kabîr, 35, 238 Marsa, 2J7 Martin, Pope, 756 Martin, A . G . P . , 3 0 m Martin, B . G . , 502n-3n Martin, E . B . , 75on-2n, 7Ó2n Martin, François, 873n, 878 Martin, G . , ion Martin, P . , 6gn
7022
Martin, P . M . , 527n, 532n, 544n, 5 6 1 2n, 566n, 578n Martin, V . , 27gn Martin de Saavedra, D . , 95n Martinique, 885 Marty, P . , 3i2n, 3i6n, 32 m Maruku, 8o7n, 8 n n , 819 Marwick, M . G . , 6i6n Marx, K . and Marxism, 8on, 900 M a r y a m a , Madaki, 467 Masache, 6/6 Masaka, 808 Masallamiyya, iç4 Masapa, 679 Masbarma ' U m a r b. ' U t h m a n , 493,495 Mascara, 230 Mascarene Islands (Réunion, M a u ritius and Rodrigues), 882, 885, 892-4; and African diaspora, 1301; and East African coast, 772, 773, 775; economy and trade, 866, 8 9 0 4; and Madagascar, 850, 863, 8 6 6 7,878; and northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 634; and Southern Africa, 694; and Southern Zambezia, 652, 656 Maseba, 884 Masekesa, 641, 65J, 671, 680 M a s h a m b a , 797 Mashi/Ga-Mashi, 400, 403, 412 Mashicoro (Machicores), 852, 868 Mashina, 505, 511 Mashina Kabshari, 499 Mashita M b a n z a , 5Ô3n, 567 Maska, 468 masks: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 530, 533; K o n g o kingdom, 576-7; Niger delta and Cameroon, 444, 447; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 614 al-Maslukha, M u h a m m a d al-Mutawakkil, 204-5, 207 M a s m ü d a , 225 mass migration, 53, 58-60, 61, 64-5, 71; see also population mobility Massa, 2 / 7 , 332 Massa M a g h a n Keita, 333 Massasi, 312-13, 332-3, 338, 362-3 Massawa: economy and trade, J J , 184; politics and military activities, 145, 175.705-6.7°9i> 710.714-15.7^6, 732; social structures, 44 Massina see Macina Mas'üdal-Za'riPasha,3io ' al-Mas'ûdï, 129 Matacong Island, 380 Matafuna, 679
Matamba,551, 559,563,566, 572, 580 Matar, 789 Matave, 883 Matendere, 643 Mathew, G . , I3n, 75on, 76on-in, 774n Mathews, T . I . , 6 3 m Mathira, 837 Matikassi, 866 Matitana river region, 850-1, 852-5, 866, 879, 885 Matra, J., 315 matrilinearity: K o n g o kingdom, 551, 553. 570-1; Madagascar, 851, 871; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 613, 624; Senegambia, 279, 281
M a u n g w e , 641, 657, bj8 M a u n y , R . , 74n, 83, 383n Maura, F . , 14 Mauri, 322, 475 Mauritania, 905; population mobility, 56, 58; and Senegambia, 268-9, 27i> 273, 276-7, 279-80, 283, 2 9 5 6; social structures, 27; and Songhay empire, 301, 315, 321, 324 Mauritius (Ile-de-France) see Mascarene Islands Mauro, F . , 8n Mauruka, 62on, 630 Maviamuno, 62on M a w a n d a , Kabaka, 798, 801 Mawläys: Morocco 204-32 passim; Songhay empire, 300-1, 304, 3 0 6 7, 315. 319, 323 M a w u d z u , 610 M a x a n , 286 Maxanna, 286 Maxureja Joojo Juuf, 276
Maxwell, R., 13m M a y Idrïs see Idrîs b. 'Alï Alawoma M a y a , 496, 7 / / Mayalo, 47on M'Ayata see C o m o r o Islands Mayeur, Nicolas, 8 7 2 ^ 3 , 878n-gn, 882n-3n Mayi N d o m b e , Lake, 580, 581 M a y o m b e , 529, 547,545, 579, 581-2 Mayotte see C o m o r o Islands Maysa T e n Wejj, 279 M a y u m b a , 581 Mazagân (al-Djadîda/al-Briza), 201, 202, 203,
212
Mazalagem, 861 Mazrui, 839 M a z u m , Sarkin, 467, 481 M a z u m a w a , 481
Index al-Mazwâr al-Kâdï, Hamdün, 218 Mbailundu, 57g, 587 Mbala, 6o6n Mbale, 608, 612 Mbalo, 402 M b a m river region, 69, 516, 528 Mbamba, 44 Mbande hill, 626-7 Mbangala, 558 Mbanza Kongo (San Salvador): architecture and art, 575. 584; economy and trade, 557, 562; politics and military activities and society, 54950, SS'< 552-3, 566, 582; religion, 573. 584» S85', Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 536 M b a n z a Loango, 525 Mbata, 549,55/, 553,558 M b e , 544 M b e g h a , 834 M b e n , 518 Mbeti, 580 M b e w e , 610, 630 M b o k o Songho, 547 M'Bokolo, E . , 8o4n, 895, 902, 908; on Cameroon to Upper Nile, 515-45, 802 M b o m u river region, 520, s22, 523524 M b o n a cult, 620, 625, 629 M b o n g o , 525 Mbosi, 531, 540, 541, 570, 580, 585, 902 M ' B o w , Amadou-Mahtar, xxiii-xxviii M b o y a , 296 M b u e m b u e , 518 M b u g u , 841 Mbuji Mayi river, 592 M b u m , 517 M b u m b a (Bomba), 584 Mbundu, 61,105 Mbuya, B., 595n Mbwela, 602-3 Mbwila, 564, 566-7 Mbwiliza, J.F., 823n M'Chambara see Comoro Islands Mdoumbe-Moulongo, M . , 525n Mecca, 33, 57; and African diaspora, 129, 131, 132; and East African coast, 771; and Egypt, 138,139,143, 157, 162; and Känem-Borno, 495, 498,502; and Madagascar, 851,853, 854, 861; and Maghreb, 249; and Morocco, 219,231; and Sudan, 180; see also Islam Medina, 138, 139, 142, 157, 771 Mediterranean regions see Italy;
M'heli see Comoro Islands M i b a m b w e Mutabazi, 815, 818, 820 M i b a m b w e Sentabyo, 813, 821 Michel, L . , 882n Michonga, 632, 680 Middle East see Near East Middle Save, 670 middlemen and middle class, 27,41-2, 99; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 532, 540; Hausa states, 467; Lower Guiñean coast, 426; northern Z a m 323 bezi-Lake Malawi region, 633-7; Melanesia, 690 Southern Africa, 683, 694; Melilla, 35, 202, 212, 2/7 Southern Zambezia, 652, 677; Mellafe, R . , 8n, 9, i2on Upper Guiñean coast, 394-8; see Mello Pereira, Manuel de, 765 also economy and trade M ê m e , 779 Midia, 783 Menabe, 852,856,862,866-77, 883-4 Midongy massif, 87on, 875 Menarandrariver,#52, 867-8, 884Miers, S . , 24n, io8n 886 Mende, 64, 380 migration, 47; see also population Méndez, Alphonso, 731 mobility Menelik, Emperor, 706, 717 Miji-Kenda, 67, 764, 765, 769, 770, Meneses, Cristóbal de, 114 828, 830, 831, 839, 841 Mengao, 343n Mika'el, 740 M é o , Dr., 379n Milansi, 844-5 mercantilism, 8o&n, 249; see also Miles, S . B . , 7Ô7n economy and trade under Europe military power seefire-arms;political Mercer, P., 195, I97n, 198 Miller, J . C . , 902n; on Kongo Merensky, A . , 46n kingdom, 558n, sögn, s8on-2n, 584, Merina, 849, 852, 85sn, 857, 874-7, 58611; on Luba and Lunda, 58811; on population mobility, 47n, 6in, 879,885 66n Merka, 710, 722 Minas, Emperor, 719, 726 Merrick, T . W . , ç6n Mindouli, 536, 547, 582 Meru, 63 Mésale, 719 Minianka, 358 Meschi, L . , 825n mining and minerals: Egypt, 137; Meshra al-Rek, 198 Kongo kingdom, 547, 557; Mestizos, 395-6 Maghreb, 249; Southern Zambezia, Mestizos, 897 647, 650, 670-4; see also metallurgy Minlaaba, 525 Mesurado, Cape, 380, 394, 398 Meta, 783 Minungo, 605 Minya, I46n, 14J metallurgy, 12, 18, 31, 32, 257, 361, Mirambo, 844 661; see also brass; bronzework; Miranda, Antonio Pinto de, 643n, copper; gold; iron; mining; silver 647n, 65311, 655 Mettas, J., I03n Miro see Okii Mexico, 9, 94, 96, 117, 120 Misayriyya, 188, ig4 Meyer, H . , 8o9n Misomali, R . B . , 6i2n Mézières, B . de, 3o8n Mission, 890 Mfimi river, 538, 542 missionaries see Christianity M f o m b e n (Foumban), 518 Misuku, 625-6, 628, 636 M f w a , 539 Mgbe, 450-1 Mitsogo, 524 Mgomezulu, G . Y . , 6ion M k a n d a , 634 M ' H a m m a d ibn A b ü Bakr al-Dalál, Mkandawire, 628, 637-8 Mkandawire, F . R . , 623n M u h a m m a d ibn, 214 M k o n d i w a , G . , 6i2n M ' h a m m a d , Mawlây (1640), 216,218, Mlansi, 844 223
Maghreb; Near East; Ottoman; Spain Meek, R . L . , 686n Mefa, 402 Mégé, 342 Mehmed'AlI,i68 Meillassoux, C , 24n, io8n Meillet, A . , 64n Mein, 445 Meknes, 202, 217, 222, 225, 230, 302,
IO23
Index M o g h o ; Naaba Kango; Ouaga283~6n, 295-7; a n d Songhay dougou; Yatenga empire, 306, 310, 321, 323; see also Mossuril, 633, 636 Islam Moose see Mossi Mosul see Ambriz Motolomi (Motilami), 739 Mopti (Isaqa), 318 M o u n t , Cape, 373-5, 381, 394 M o r a , 711 M o u r a , C , i2on More see Mossi M o u r a , José Lopez de, 396-^7 Moree, 12 Mourdia, 312,328, 332, 333 Morgan, T . W . , 8o3n Mouri, 410 Morice, Jean-Vincent, 772 M o y a Hills, 177 Moriscos, 214 Morison, C . C . T . , 193 Mozambique: African diaspora, 131, M o r o , 777, 780 133; economy and trade, 20,40,636, 770,772; and Indian Ocean islands, Morocco, 200-32; 'Alawite dynasty, 888; and Kongo kingdom, 587; and 215-19; and East African coast, 756; Madagascar, 849n, 860-2, 866; economy and trade, 9-10, 20, 22, politics and military activities, 45, 36,201,205,210-12,2/j, 219,230752, 756-8, 759, 760, 766, 768-72; 1; and Hausa states, 471; and population mobility, 57, 7 0 - 1 ; Kanem-Borno, 503-4; and social structures, 771; and Southern Maghreb, 201-5, 2 I 5 . 2 I 8 , 229, Africa, 693-4; see a ' î 0 northern 232n, 233,237,249; Mawlây IsmäTl Zambezi-Lake Malawi region; see Ismail, Mawlây; political and Southern Zambezia administrative structures and military activities, 42,43,200,202,203M p a n g u , 551 13» 39. 42. 753. 755. 760. 762, 77°, 7, 208, 209-12, 213, 214-15, 217, M p h a n d e , C . Z . , 623n 860, 862; and Horn of Africa, 714, 218-32, 45g; population mobility, Mpila, 539 716; and Madagascar, 860, 862; 57, 68; Sa'âdï expansion in 16th M p i m i n , 589 politics and military activities, 45, century, 212—15; ana" Sencgambia, Mpinda, 536, 553, 557, 559, 562, $79 619,660,751,752,756-8,761,763284-5; social structures, 30; and Mpinganjila, 618 4, 768-70, 775 Sudan, 212-13; Three Kings, Mpologoma river, 786-7 M o m b o y o , 58on 20 Battle of, 205-7, &i 209-12; see M p o n g w e , 524-5. 53 1 M o m v u , 520 also Morocco and Songhay empire Mpororo (Ndorma), 776, 799, 815, Monclaro, Father, 648n-9n, 665, 669 Morocco and Songhay empire, 312816, 817 Mondain, G . , 8 5 m , 853n-4n, 884n M p o y i , L . M . , 594n 15; economy and trade, 316, 318money see currency Mranga, 843 19, 321-4; invasion, 300-1, 303, Monfwe, 418 M r i m a , 759, 764 327, 332; Pashahk, 303-8,310, 315; Mongbandi (Bangbandi), 523 Msalanyama, 6/6 peace treaty, 310 M o n g o , 53, 56, 69, 543 M ' s a m b u r u see Comoro Islands Morondava, 8¡2, 869 Monkey, 802 M ' s a m u d u , 889-91 Moronou, 417-18, 421 M o n o river region, 406, 411, 424 Msinja, 629 Moroto, Mount, 789 M o n o (people), 402 Msiska family, 637 Morris, A . , 93n Monomotapa (Munhumutapa, N w e n e Msiska, H . K . , 6i2n, 636n Mors, Father Otto, 804, 8o8n, 81 in, Nutapa), 648 M s u k w a , 626-7 8i3n, 8i5n, 8i9n, 822n, 825n Monroe, E . , 73in-2n Mtangata, 753, 769 Morton, R . F . , 7Ö4n Monrovia, 383 Mtika, 612 M o r u , 192 Monson Diarra, 334 Mtonga, 610, 6 / / , 622 Mosi see Mossi Monteil, C : on Niger-Volta region, Mossi (also known as Moose, Mosi, Muali see Comoro Islands 329n, 332n-6n, 338n, 3Ö2n-3n, Mubarak al-Dar'i, 308 M o a g a , M o g h o or More), 905; 3Ó5n; on Songhay empire, 3i2nal-Mubârak, M u h a m m a d ben, 456 economy and trade, 359,361—3; and i3n, 3i8n Mubari, 811, 816, 817, 821 Monteques, 529 Hausa states, 476; and Lower Mucaranga, 671 Monti della Corte, 725n, 735n Guiñean coast, 405; origins, 339; Mucariva, 68on population mobility, 57, 70; M o n z o m b a , ¡22 Muchin, de, 276n religion, 365-6; socio-political Monzón, 313 Muchinga, 632-4 organization, 24,44, 327,328, 330Moore, 484n M u d a n a , 719 59. 366-7, 459\ and Songhay Moors, 39, 332; and Niger-Volta empire, 303, 312, 322; see also Mudandagizi, V., 825n region, 364; population mobility, Borgu; Gulma; Gwiriko; Kongo; Mudenge, S.I., 6s6n, 66on, 68on 68; and Sencgambia, 273, 279, 281,
Mlowoka, 638 M o a river, 375, 394 Moaga see Mossi M o a n o , 6/6 Moatiba, Naaba, 341 Mobber, 500 Mobeka-Akula, 542 mobility see population mobility Mocea see Sekko Mocha, 890 Modave, 885 Modzalevskii, B . , 12911 Moeller, A . , 80411 Mofi, 402 Mogadishu, 42, 710, 722, 750, 752, 760-1, 860, 862 Mogador (Essawira), 202, 217, 231, 3*3> 48° M o g h o see Mossi Mohazi, Lake, 820 Moheli see C o m o r o Islands Mole-Dagbane, 405, 410, 412 Mombasa: economy and trade, 3, 4,
102 4
Index Mudóla, 787 M u g a m b a , 816, 824 Mugasha, 807-8, 822 Mughogho, 638 Mugongo, 819 al-Muhallabí, 50g M u h a m b w e , 816, 818 M u h a m m a d al-'Alem, Mawláy, 230 M u h a m m a d 'Ali Pasha, 184,198 M u h a m m a d , Askiya (1493-1528), 29, 30. 454-5. 495 M u h a m m a d b. A b u Bakr b. A h m a d al-Dar'i, Pa_sha, 308,314 M u h a m m a d b. H a m d ü n , 505a M u h a m m a d Bey A b u '1-Dahab, 15811, i6on, 164-^7 M u h a m m a d al-Fâsï, Shaykh al-Islâm, Sïdï, 227 M u h a m m a d al-Hâdjdj, 303 M u h a m m a d , Hafsid sultan, 238 M u h a m m a d II Bcnkan Kiriai, Askiya,
Mulobe, 525 multazims, 1438m Mundikula (Kalindawalo), 621-2 Munesa, 725 Mungo river, 524, 528 Munguno, 499 Munhumutapa (Monomotapa, Mwcnc Mutapa), 631, 679 Muniyo, 498,500, 511,512 Munthali, 628, 637 Munyoro, 785 Munza, 592 M u o m o , 193 Murâbit, Aliyu, 458 Murad (1576), 204 Murad Bey (Egypt, 1778), 166-7 Murâd III, Sultan (Kânem-Borno,
1577). 503 Murad al-Maltï (Tripoli, 1679-86), 245-6 Murad, mamluk (Tunis, 1630), 245 Murambala, Mount, 630 456 M u h a m m a d III (SïdïMuhammad ibn Muramira, 819 'Abdallah), 212,231-2 Muranga, 837 M u h a m m a d Murtadâ al-Zabïdï, 157 Murchison rapids see Mamvera rapids M u h a m m a d (of Samlâlïyûn, 1659), Murdock, J.P., 403n 219 Murimuno, 630 M u h a m m a d , Prophet, 156, 158, 771 Muriuki, G . , 6311, 828n M u h a m m a d al-Shaykh, 201, 203, 224 Murorwa, 817 M u h a m m a d , Sultan of Delhi, 131 Murtadâ al-Zabïdï, Muhammad, 157 M u h a m m a d , Sultan Sïdï, 315 Muru, 777, 779-781, 789 M u h a m m a d Tayrâb ibn A h m a d Bukr, Murzuk, 237, 321, 480,514 Müsä, 188 189, 190 M u h a m m a d 'the Flayed', 209 Müsä Pasha, 148 M u h a m m a d - G a o , 304 Musabba'ât, 177,178,187,188-9 M u h a m m a d u Kanta (Kanem-Borno), Musambachime, M . , 593n Muscat, 660, 767, 774 495 M u h i m a , 778 Muscat Arabs, 133 Muhriz, A h m a d ibn, 220, 222 Mushu, 175 Mukama, 787, 794 music, 244, 419, 427, 484, 486; songs Mukanbya, 818 and hymns, 284, 486, 733 Mukaranga, 678 Musimbira, 646 mukata'ât, i42-3n Muslims see Islam/Muslims al-Mukha (Mocha), 134 Musokantanda, 602, 604 al-Mukhtâr al-Kabïr, Shaykh, 3 1 2 - Mussa Jaabe, 286 Mussumba, 587, 603 13. 314. 324 Mustafa, A . ibn, 5i3n Mukhtir Wuld Buna, 297 al-Mustansir al-'Ubaydï, 231 M u k h u l u m , 497 Mukongora, 789 Musungulos, 769 M u k u m b y a , 811 Mutaga Nyamubi, 821 al-Mukurra, 186 Mutaga Senyamwiza, 821 mulatto groups: Indian Ocean islands, Mutahangarwa, King, 804 893; Kongo kingdom, 557, 572; Mutapa: economy and trade, 42, 615, Lower Guiñean coast, 426—7; 629, 663-76 passim, 678, 680-2, Upper Guiñean coast, 396-8; West 858, 899; politics and military Indies, 122 activities, 640-51, 656-7, 659, 661; Mulindwa, 807 social structures, 23, 24, 30
Mutara Rudahigwa, 805 Mutara Semugeshi, 813, 821 Mutashaba, 819 al-Mu'tasim, Abbasid Caliph, :77 al-Mutawakkil al-Maslukha, M u h a m mad, 204-5, 207 Mutetwa, D r Richard, 666-^7 Mutoko, 643 M u u m b o , 525 Muyinga, 834 Mwafulirwa, 637-8 Mwahenga, 637 Mwaipape, R.J., 627n-8n Mwakalosi, 627 Mwale, 618 Mwamasapa, 610 M w a m l o w e , 637 Mwankunikila, 637 M w a n z a , 621, 8o4n Mwanzi, Henry A . , 828n, 831, 847 Mwaphoka Mbale, 637 Mwaphoka M w a m b a l e , 628 Mwari cult, 659-60 M w a s e Kasungu, 634 Mwata K u m b a n a , 604, 606 Mwaulambya, 625-7 Mwavarambo, 610 Mwavintiza, 628 Mwendamunjila Mushani Kaira, 638 M w e n e Mutapa (Monomotapa, M u n humutapa), 23, 24n, 30, 858 Mwenefumbo, 611, 612 Mwenekisindile, 611, 612, 626 M w e r u , Lake, 593, 845 Mwibele, 500, 592 Mwihahabi, 819 M w i n e M u n z a , 593 Mworoha, E . , 28n, 63n, 8osn, 82 m , 823n,825n M z ä b , 502,321,323 M z e m b e , 610, 611, 612 Mzimba, 635 Mzumara, 637 Naabas of Niger-Volta region, 339-62 passim, 365-7 Naame, 286 Naamtenga, 342 Naani, 264 Naanco, 267 Naatago A r a m , 281 Naath (Nuer), 171, 191-2, 193, 1Q4, 196 Nabasere, Naaba, 343 N a Bawa, 350 N a Dariziegu, 339 N a Garba, 339-40
IO25
Index N a Gbewa, 339 N a Nedega, 339 N a Nyaghse, 339 N a Zangina, 339, 365 al-Nabhânï, 756 Nacanabo, D . , 343n Nachtigal, G . , 34n, i88n, 497n, 5i2n-
Naya, Sarkin, 467 Nayinawa, 'Uthmän, 460 Nazaki, Muhammad, 460, 473n, 483 Nchare, 518 Ndagala, D . K . , 822n Ndahiro Cyamatara, 820 Ndahura, 807 Ndali, 626, 628 N a - D a m a , G . : on Hausa states, 48311; Ndau, 670 culture and religion, 487n-8n, 49on; Ndaywel è Nziem, 908; on Luba and economy and trade, 475n, 47gn; Lunda, 588-607 politics and military activities, Ndebele, 60, 64, 657, 660 455n-6n, 4 6 m - 3 n , 4Ósn-6n, 46gnN d e m b e Nysasi, D . , 555n, 573n 70n N d e m b o , 588 Nafana, 356, 358, 415, 419 Ndenye, 416, 417-18, 420, 421 Naguji, 472 Ndikuriyo, A . , 825n Nahimana, F . , 81 in Ndjîmï, 494 Naibi, A . S . , 495n Ndlamba, 700 Nakabinge, 778 Ndobo, 517 Nako, 355 Ndongo, 577,899; economy and trade, Nakshbandïya, 158 •"V, 5^°y 57 2 ; politics and military Nalder, L . F . , 778n activities, 550, 5 5 / , 555, 557-60, Nalu, 69,262,264,266,299,373,378566 Ndoricimpa, L . , 8osn, 823n 9,388 Ndorma see Mpororo Ñ a m a , 698, 702 Ndorwa, 808, 8¡6, 817, 821, 823, 825 Namaqua, 699 Ndrembolanony, 884 Namende, Naaba, 342 Namib, 69 Ndretsileo, 884 Namibia, 68-9, 684, 686 Ndriamboay (Andriamisara), 868-9 Naminha, 787 Ndua, S . K . , 588n, 595n Namuli Hills, 6i2n Nduga,8ii,5/6, 820 Namwanga, 609, 626 Near East, 900; African diaspora, 128Namwenes, 610 9, /jo, 131-2; and East African Nanafowe, 418 coast, 753-6, 761, 765, 767, 769, Nana Otuo Siriboe II, 432 772; economy and trade, 1-2, 13, Nana Tabiri, 430 20, 74, 75, 101; and Hausa states, Naneo, 286 363; and Horn of Africa, 706, 709; Nanda, 172 and Ottoman empire in Egypt, 1379, 145, 162, 164, 168; and social Nandi, 56, 67, 830, 840, 846-7 structures, 23-4, 26; and Southern Nangla, 402 Africa, 683-4, 693-4, 714, 753-6, Nankoroba Nzangue, 333 769, 772; and Sudan, 175, 179; see N a n u m b a , 339, 405, 412, 416 also Islam Napoleon Bonaparte, 126, 168, 169, 190 Negro-Berbers, 26, 32 Narciri, 207n N e m b e , 445^7 Nâsir, 185 Netherlands, 903; African diaspora, Nâsir, A . , 77on 114, 117-18, 120, 130, 134; and Nâsir al-Dïn, 273-7: 287; 288; 289, Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 527295-9 passim 8; and East African coast, 764,766Nâsir bin Murshid, 767 7; economy and trade, 10-13; 4 I - 2 > al-Nâsirï, A . , 2i4n, 2i6n, 226n, 2 3 m , 86, 88-9, 101 (see also slave trade 30m below); and Indian Ocean islands, Nasr-ud-dln Muhammad, 131 8gon, 892-3; and Kongo kingdom, Nassau, 12 559, 562, 564, 567, 569, 573, 576, Natetale, 657 58on, 586; and Lower Guiñean Navarro, Pedro, 236 coast, 404, 406, 409, 413, 422-3, Naweej, 593 427; and Madagascar, 850, 862-3,
IO26 '
866; and Maghreb, 235, 247; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 439; population mobility, 57, 71; and Senegambia, 262, 268-^1, 279-80; slave trade, 6, 16, 19, 106-^7 (see also African diaspora above); and Southern Africa, 683, 693-5, 697; and Southern Zambezia, 655; and Upper Guiñean coast, 386, 390, 39', 398 Neumark, S . D . , 695am N e w Calabar (Elem Kalahari), 447 N e w Mazalagem (Boina Bay), 86on, 863 N e w World see Americas Newbury, C . W . , 8osn, 8ion, 825n Newbury, D . S . , 8ion, 8 2 m , 825n Newitt, M . D . D . , 6on, 615n, 624a, 63in-2n, 65 m , 679n Newport, Christopher, 889 Neyo, 382 Ngafata, 496, 497 Ngan, 418 Ngando family ('King Akwa'), 532 N'ganse, $00 Nganwa, K . N . , 777n Ngaseni, 838 Ngazija see Comoro Islands Ngbaka and Ngbaka-Sere, 520, $22 Ngbandi, 46, 69, 520,522, 523-4 Ngeta Rock, 786, 791 Ngikora, 790 Ngil, 530 Ngimonia, 790 Ngindo, 632, 636, 830 Ngizim, 494, 496, 499, 501 Ngoa, H . , 66n, 525a Ngobi, 787 Ngoi, ssi Ngoie Ngalla, D . , 5 6 m Ngok, 197 Ngoli, 199 Ngolo Diarra, 312-13, 333-4, 336, 362, 364 Ngonde, 608, 609, 626-8, 629, 636, 773 Ngongo, 6o6n Ngora, 789, 793 Ngoyo, 529, 581, 583 Ngqika, 700 Ngulu, 834 Ngulube, 61, 608, 625^7, 639 Nguni, 58; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 533; East African interior, 830; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 639; • Southern Africa, 684, 688, 690-1, 693, 702
Index Ngunie river, 71, 561-2 Ngurno, 499 Nguru, 456^7, 479, 505, si 1 Nguru Ngilewa, 499 Niane, D . T . , 36911, 38211-311, 387,
Nile river region, 147, 182, 186, 896; African diaspora, 116; delta, 146; and East African interior, 844; economy and trade, 12, 39-40, 480; and Great Lakes region, 777-83, 785-6, 792, 822; and Hausa states, 3891 490; and Horn of Africa, 705; and Niangolo, 330, 332 Kanem-Borno, 514; and Lower Niani, 263, 333 Guiñean coast, 428; politics and Niari and Niari river, 561, 566 military activities, 42; population Nicholas V , Pope, 113, 756 mobility, 48, 59, 63, 67-8; social Nicholson, S . E . , 902n structures, 30; see also CameroonNicolas, G . , 453n, 4 6 m , 475n Upper Nile region; Egypt; Horn of Nidru, 369, 378, 381 Africa; Nubia; Sudan Niger delta and Cameroon, 434, 435, 436-52; arts and crafts, 437,440-1, Nilo-Saharan family, 191-2 443-9; Cross river valley and Nilotic people: Cameroon-Upper Nile Cameroons, 450-1; economy and region, $22; East African interior, trade, 436-9,442.445,447-52; Fon 832, 847; Great Lakes region, 7 7 6 kingdom of D a h o m e y , 436-9; Igbo81, 783, 788-96, 819, 822; populand, 447-50; languages, 434, 436, lation mobility, 6 7 - 8 ; and Sudan, 445-6, 450; population mobility, 170,177,191-3,195,198-9; see also 438-40, 445; religion, 442, 448-50, Maasai; Nandi 451; slave trade, 436-9, 442, 4 4 7 - N i m i Lukeni, 549 52; social structures, 440-1, 448, Ningo, 399, 400 451-2; Yoruba, 440-4; see also Nioniosse, 353 Cameroon-Upper Nile region Nioro, 313, 332 Niger and Niger river/Niger Bend Niumi, 263 region and Nigeria, 20, 198, 490; Njaag Aram Bakar, 280-1 African diaspora, 118; economy and Njaay Sail, 276 trade (including slave trade), 2, 31, Njajaan Njaay, 263 Njambur, 264, 297, 299 34,37,38,40,100, i ° ™ , i°3, i°6nNjanja, 670 7n, 1 ion; and Lower Guiñean coast, Njoya, 517 405, 406; politics and military Nkalany, 592, 603 activities, 42; population mobility, Nkamanga, 612, 636, 636-8 46, 51, 55, 57, 63, 68, ioon; social Nkanda, 782 structures, 24, 26, 30; and Upper Nkanza, 818 Guiñean coast, 373, 375, 377, 3 8 2 4, 392; see also Hausa states; Niger Nkarinzi, 818 Nkhata-Bay, 622, 638 delta and Cameroon; Niger-Volta N k h o m a , J . B . C . , 638n region; Songhay empire Nkoje, 587 Niger-Chad, 896-7, 905 Nkole, 63 Niger-Congo languages, 434 N k o m a , 809, 816, 821 Nigeria see Niger and Niger river N k o m i , 532 Niger-Volta region, 327,328, 329-67; arts and crafts, 331, 346, 358; N k o n d , 592 economy and trade, 330, 352, 3 5 5 - N k o p e , 610 Nkoran, 415 6, 359-63, 365, 3 6 7 ; I s l a m a n d traNkore: politics and military activities, ditional religions, 363-6; political 778, 792, 799, 806, 808, 812-13, and administrative structures and 815,816, 817, 825; social structures military activities, 329-59, 362, and economy and trade, 810, 812, 366-^7; population mobility/ migration, 330, 345, 353; religion, 823 338, 341, 348-911, 356, 358, 363-6, N k u m b y a , 811, 820 367; social structures, 334-59; see Nkurikiyimfura, J . N . , 827n also Bambara; Niger and Niger river N o , Lake, 193, 197 region N o g o m a , 23 Nikki, 32, 352-3, 478 N o k , 440, 447
nomads, 215: Songhay empire, 313, 319, 321-2 nomads see also Beduins; Fulbe; livestock-raising; population mobility; Tuareg N o n o , 810 North Africa see Maghreb North America (mainly United States), 43, 896; African (mainly United States) diaspora, ng; and African diaspora, 117-18, ng, 1208; and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 527,529,531, 536; capitalist transformation, 83-93; economy and trade 40-1; 77; 83-93, ggn, 110-11 (see also slave trade below); and Horn of Africa (mainly United States), 746; and Indian Ocean islands, 894; and K o n g o kingdom, 563,576; and Lower Guiñean coast, 399,403,405-6,408,410,430,436; and Madagascar, 850, 863,864; and Maghreb, 235-6,253,258,260; and Morocco, 205, 232; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 436, 447-8; plantations see under cotton; tobacco; and Senegambia, 265, 269; slave trade 14; 16; 17, 18, 20, 52, 74, 76, 78, 83-93, 118 (see also African diaspora above); and Southern Africa, 683, 695; see also Atlantic North, D . C . , 83n, 9on, 92n North-Coombes, A . , 8g3n northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 608, 609, 610-39; economy and trade, 610, 617, 619, 622, 6 2 5 6, 629-35, 636, 637-9, 773, 831; politics and military activities, 6 0 8 10, 613, 615, 617, 620-31, 638; population mobility and society, 61, 70,610-13,615-31,634-8; religion, 613-15,618-20,624-30 Northrup, D . , ioin, I03n Nosipandra (Vangaindrano), 884 Nosy Be, 863, 872n Nosy M a m o k o , 33 Nosy Manja, 860 Notsie (Nuatsie), 400, 401, 416 Noumoudara, 358 Novaes, Paulo Dias de, 558 novels, 156 Nri, 448, 450 Nsaku Lau, 553 Nsaku Vunda, 553 Nsanga, 589 Nsanje, 629 Nsansama, 810
102/
Index Nsanze, A . , 82511 Nsaw, 518 Nsawan, 413,415 Nsenga: economy and trade, 632,634, 636, 656; politics and society, 608, 609, 612, 621-2; population mobility, 616, 622 Nsimbi, M . B . , 778n Nsoko see Begho Nsoro, 821 Nsoro Nyabarega, 817, 821 Nsoro Sangano, 815 Nsukka, 447-8 Nsundi and Nsundi K u b a , 536, 5 5 / , 560, 562 Nsuta, 415, 416, 420 Ntamo, 539 Ntare Karemera, 814, 821 Ntare Kitabanyoro, 8i3n, 815, 817 Ntare Muganganzara, 819 Ntare Muhire, 819 Ntare Nyabygaro, 812 Ntare Rugamba, 821 Ntare Rushatsi (Rufuku), 807, 814, 821 Ntares, 63, 807, 812-15, 817-18, 821 Ntatakwa, 844-5 N t e mriver,66 Nthalire, 6378m Nthara, S.J., 6i8n Ntinde, 688 Ntomba, 540 N t u m u , 66 N t u m w a , 811 Nuatsie see Notsie N u b a , 178, 193, IQ4, 196 Nuba mountains, 171, 198 Nubia: economy and trade, 32, 42, 183-4, '95> politics and society, 145. 167, 170, 174-5, '94, 729 Nubian Desert, 181-3 Nuer see Naath N u h , Askiya, 310 N u h b. al-Tahir, 315 Nukunya, C . K . , 42411 Nül, Prince, 178 N u m e a w o see D e m e a w o N u n river, 519, 528 Nunbado, 352 Nunez river, 379, 389, 396 Nungu (Rojo/Fada N G o u r m a ) , 2j, 44,32S, 351,352,47« Nungua, 399,400, 412 N u n u and Nunu-Sakata, 540, S42 N u n u m a , 354n Nupe: and Hausa states, 454,464,465, 470-2, 479, 481; Niger delta and
7025
Cameroon, 440-2; Niger-Volta region, 353; social structures, 34; Songhay empire, 302 Nur, Amir, 712, 719 N u r ibn Mugahid, Amir, 725 Nurse, G . T . , 619 Nvavile see Anyi Nyabarongo river region, 815, 816, 820 Nyabashi, 808 Nyabingi, 817 Nyabongo, 783, 785, 815, 817 Nyaburunga Burundi, 821 Nyakacende (Nyiragakende), 807 Nyakatura, John W . , 777n, 7 8 m , 804 Nyakiru, 807 Nyakwaa, Reth, 197 Nyakwai, 781, 791, 793 Nyakyusa, 608, 609, 628, 838 N y a m b u Kapararidze, 650-1 Nyamina, 302, 313, 321 Nyamwezi: economy and trade, 817, 828, 838, politics and military activities, 830, 841, 844-5; population mobility, 70, 610, 844 Nyanga, 663, 669 Nyangilia, 783 Nyangiya, 788 Nyangu, 618 Nyanja, 608, 633, 636 Nyanjagha, 610, 611, 612 Nyanoase, 415, 416 Nyanza: economy and trade, 800,834, 838; politics and society, 776-8, 845; population mobility, 782, 785 Nyanza, Lake, 67 Nyarubamba, 806, 819 Nyarubamba II, 819 Nyarubamba Kicumbu, 815 Nyarubanga, 781-9 Nyasa, 838 Nyaturu, 830, 838 Nyau, 6i5n, 629 Nyeri, 837 Nyesga, 343 Nyiganda, 785 Nyiginya, 811 Nyiha: economy and trade, 636, 638, 835; politics and society, 608, 609, 626^7, 638, 830, 845; population mobility, 626 Nyika, 637 Nyikang, 193 Nyilak, 781 Nyindu, 821 Nyingnemdo, Naaba, 340 Nyipir, 781, 784, 78S
Nyiragakende see Nyakacende Nyirenda, 637 Nyirongo, 610, 611, 612, 622 Nyoro, 792, 817-8, 820, 830 Nyungwe, 678 Nzabi, 50, 54, 56 Nzakara, 523 Nzewunwa, D r , 446 Nzima, 356,404; politics and military activities, 416, 417, 419-20, 421; population mobility, 400,401,402-3 Nzimbu, 554 Nzinga, 566 Nzinga M b a n d e , 559 Nzinga M b e m b a (Afonso I), 553 Nzinga N k u w u , 553 Nzipri, 418 oasis agriculture, 50, 72 Oba, 442 oha, 436, 441 Obatala, 443 Obayemi, A . , 44on Obbia, 710 Obenga, T . , 908; on Kongo kingdom, 546-S7 Ober, 78gn Oboek, 710 Obule, 783 Obutong (Old T o w n ) , 450 Ocamali, R.J., 7 8 m Ocanga, 562, 5Ô3n Ochieng, W . R . , 909; on East African interior, 828-48 Odak Ocollo, 195 Ode Itsekiri (town), 445 Odienne, 356 od[aks: of Egypt, 142-3, 148-55, 158; 'of the West', 238-9, 260 O d u d u w a , 440-1 O d y o m o , P., 788n O'Fahey, R . S . , 1 7 m , i77n, i83n-5n, 187-9^ 1 9 m , 195, ig6n Offinso, 416, 420 Ofin river, 399, 412, 413, 415 Ogaden, 44, 722 O g h m o r ag Alad, 314 Ogiso, 441 Ogoja, 450 Ogot, B . A . , xxix-xxxi, 63n, 845, 895906; on Great Lakes, 776-827; on Sudan, 170-99 Ogowe river region, 54, 71, 525, 528, 562, 580 Ogoze river, 524, 540 Ogulagha, 445 Oguola, 441
Index Oguta, 448 Oguti, 793 Ogwal, R . , 78811 Ohafia, 450 O'Hara (Senegambian Governor), 281, 296 oil palm see palm-oil Oja see Hoja Okai Akwei, 413 Okalany, D . H . , 78811, 79111-211 Okande, 524 Okango, 576, 606 Okarowok (Ikarebwok), 780, 788, 793 Okebu, 780 Okech, L . , 77711 Okiek, 829, 831 Okii (Miro), 789, 791 Okoro (Attyak), 781, 798 Ola, 525 Old T o w n (Obutong), 450 Olembetsitoto, 856-7 Olimi Rwitamahanga, 812, 815 olive oil, 34 Oliver, Roland, 1311, i o m , 192, 534n; on East Africa, 7 6 o n - m , 774n, 80711, 829n, 8448m Olokun, 449 Oloo, Peter C , 845-^n O l u m Panya, 786 O m a n , 13, 41, 633; and East African coast, 750-1, 767-74; economy and trade, 20, 129; and Horn of Africa, 714 Omanimani river, 789 Ometo, 721, 741 Omia and O m i a Pacua, 789 Omiro (Isera-Omiro & Lango Omiro), 776, 788-9, 827 Omiya Anyiima, 789 Omolo and O m o l o L u o , 783, 784, 785-7, 789 O m u k a m a C w a Nyabongo, 783, 785, 788 Onekbonyo, Lake see Lutanzige, Lake Onilahy river region, 852, 867-8 Onitsha, 448 Onjatsy, 853n Onyango-ka-Odongo, J . M . , 777n~9n, 78m Onyoma, 447 Opoku Ware, 339-40, 423, 424 oracles and divination, 448-50, 555, 659, 808; see also spirit cults oral traditions and evidence, 895-6; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 515, 525; East African coast, 764; East African interior, 828-9; H o r n of
Africa, 718-19, 739, 741; Lower Guiñean coast, 399, 412, 413, 418, 422-3; Luba and Lunda, 589; Madagascar, 856, 870, 875; Niger delta and Cameroon, 440, 446-8; Niger-Volta region, 329; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 615n, 617-18, 622; and population mobility, 47, 62-3; Sudan, 199; Upper Guiñean coast, 371-2, 374; see also Great Lakes region Oran: economy and trade, 2, 4, 35; politics and military activities, 203, 236,237,238,251,255; social structures, 27 Orange river, 60, 68s, 693, 698 Oranyan (Oranmiyan), 441-2 Orhanlii, G . , I75n, I77n, 502n-3n orisha, 443 O r m a , 719 Ormans, 283-6, 315 Oro, Lake, 30$, 318 O r o m , 784 O r o m o (Galla), 44, 46801, 58-60, 65, 67,68,775,896; East African coast, 762, 764, 770-1, 775; East African interior, 830, 833, 839, 847; Great Lakes region, 779, 789, 804; H o r n of Africa, 704, 707, yu, 716-28, 731-2. 741. 747. 762, 764. 770-1. 775; Upper Guiñean coast, 377,394 Orozco, Juan de, 95n Ortez, Leonardo, 114 Ortiz, F . , 12on Orungu, 532 Osei Tutu, 418, 423, 424 O s m a n see ' U t h m ä n Osmanli Turks, 234 Osomari, 448 Osu, 400, 412 Osudoku, 399, 412 Otima, J.A., 788n Otondo, 767-8 Ottoman conquest of Egypt, 137-69; administration and conflicts within ruling class, 140-55; arts and crafts, 141, 144, 158-61, 165; cultural development, 155-60; economic decline and independence attempts, 160-8; economy and trade, 138, 145, 151-2, 154, 160-8; languages, 455-6; politics and military activities, 137-45, '4^~7, 148-69; social structures, 27; see also Egypt; Ottoman empire Ottoman empire, 13, 714-15, 724, 726-7, 729. 733. 896, 899; and
East African coast, 756, 760, 761, 762, 763, 765, 766, 767; and economy and trade, 35-6, 39, 41; and Horn of Africa, 732; and Kanem-Borno, 502-3, 507, 509; and Morocco, 201, 203-4, 210-12, 218, 230-2; and politics and military activities, 42-3; social structures, 28-9; and Songhay empire, 301,316; and Sudan, 174-7; see also Islam; Ottoman conquest of Egypt; Maghreb Ottoman Porte, 2, 36, 37; see also Maghreb Otuke, M o u n t region, 786, 827 Otun, 442 Ouagadougou (Wagadugu): economy and trade, 33, 361, 478; religion, 365-6; socio-political organization, 44, 328, 339, 340-2, 345n, 3 4 7 ^ 353-4.412 Ouahigouya (Wahiguya), 2$, 302,322, 343-4.355. 361. 3&7 Ouarzazate, 229 Ouezzane, 2 / 7 Oujda see Wudjda Ourodougou, 302 O v a m b o , 684, 6S5 Ovando, Nicholas, 114 overpopulation see population numbers Oviedo, Andrea da, 728-9 Ovimbundu, 61, 10s, 546,585 Owila, 789 Owiny, 781, 785-87, 789 Owiny Luo, 783, 784 Owiny Rac K o m a , 780-1 O w o , 43S, 442 Oxoriuk, 780 Oyda, 742 Oyo, 19, 44, ios, 435, 436-42, 444 Oyoko see Anyi Oyokoro, 442 Ozanne, P . , 400 Özdemir Pasha, 145, 174-5 Paboo, 783 Pabre, 340 Pacana, 286 Pacheco Pereira, D . , 374, 402, 408, 524 Padel, 798 Padhola, 777, 786-7, 793, 797 Padibe, 780, 783, 795, 798 Padiya, 798 Paez, Pedro, 729, 731 Pageard, R . , 33on, 353n
IO29
Index Pages, Father Albert, 804 Paidha, 798 Paimol, 797 Paimot, 784 painting in H o r n of Africa, 709, 713, 733-7; see also arts Pais, P . , 73 m Pajulu, 778-80 Pakoyo, 785, 787, 797 Pakwac-Pawir, 777, 780-1, 783, 784, Palabek, 783 Palaru, 783 Pallaka, 356 palm-oil production and trade, 10, 34, 38; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 517, 541; K o n g o kingdom, 547; Luba and L u n d a , 589; Niger delta and Cameroon, 448; Upper Guiñean coast, 382 Palma, William de la, 407 Palmas, Cape, 381, 398 Palmer, C . A . , 81, 95n Palmer, H . R . : on Hausa states, 453n; culture and religion, 486n-7n, 4 9 o n - m ; politics and military activities, 4S5n, 457, 458n, 46on, 4Ó2n-3n, 46sn-8n, 47in-3n; social structures, 4 8 m - 3 n Palmer, H . R . : on Känem-Borno, 493n-4n, 4g6n-8n, S05n,5o8n Paluo, 776-77, 783, 789, 793, 797-9, 827 Pama, 525,351,352 Panama, 120 Panduru, 798 Pangani, 769 Panikkar, K . M . , 134 Panjim, 768 Panyimur, 781 Papel, 266, 373, 378, 389, 396-7 paper, 34, 479 Papstein, R.J., s88n Parabongo, 783 Paraku, 353 Paranga, 783 Parapul, 784 Pare, 828, 830, 834-5, 838, 841, 843 Pareja, Juan de, 114 Pari, 789 Paris, F . , 475n Park, M u n g o , 310, 3 2 m Parker, D . , 83n Parrinder, E . G . , 646n pashas, 333; Maghreb, 239, 244-5, 253; Songhay empire, 304-8, 310, 3i4->5
IO30
pastoralists see livestock Pate, 34, 40, 660, 751, 752, 759, 76071 Pate, H a m m â d l , 298 Patiko, 780-81, 789 Patongo, 798 patrilinearity, 241, 251, 349, 387, 571, 691 Patterson, K . D . , I03n, 525n Patterson, O . , i8n Paulitschke, P . V . , 726n Pawir, 784, 785, 787, 797 Pawoor, 783 Payera, 781, 789, 798 peasantry, 37-9; see also agriculture; land; livestock Pedersen, Christian, 427 Pedro II, 566 Peires, J.B., 69on-i, 693, 6ggn Peki, 416, 417, 421 Pelcoq, J., 272 Pelende, 606 Pélissier, P . , 387 Pellegrini, V . , 777n Pemba, 33, io6n, 752, 764-9, 771 Pende, 560, 567, 604, 606-7 Penders, G , 555n Peñón,236 pepper see spice trade Pepper Coast, 10 Perchonock, N . , 46sn Pereira, Pacheco see Pacheco Pereira, R u y , 85 m Perham, M . , 7ogn Perlman, M . L . , 7g6n Péron, Captain, 89 m Perrot, G H . , 7on, 418 Perruchon, J., 705n, 707n, 709n, 724n, 73°n, 735" Perry, A . , I2gn Persia, 39, 138, 155,890 Persian Gulf, 129, 210, 761, 765, 767 Person, Y . , 2Ô3n, 374, 375, 377,378n, 392n Peru, 93, 96, 117,536 Pescatello, A . M . , I34n Peter the Great, Emperor of Russia, 129
Petros, Walatta, 730 Petterson, J . G , 509n Peukert, W . , 439 Peyton, Walter, 862n, 887n, 88gn Phalo, 699 Phangwa, 609, 635, 636 Philip II of Portugal, 11 Philip II of Spain, 204, 210, 212 Philip III of Spain, 224
Philipson, D . W . , 835n Phimister, I.R., 64on, 6 7 m , 673n Phiri, K . M . , 61,908; on Lake Malawi region, 608-39 Phiri (people), 615n-i6n, 617-18,621, 638 Phoka, 608, 612, 624, 638 Piala, 351 Piault, M . H . , 453n, 4Ó3n pictograms, 574-5 Pigafetta, F . de, 525n, 546n, 553n, 573» Piiyo, Naaba, 343 pilgrims and pilgrimages, 56, 57, 181, 249, 719; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 494, 498, 503, 512; see also Mecca Pimbwe, 830 Pir, 287, 295 pirates see privateers Pisila, 328, 342 Pitot, A . , 8g2n Pizarro, Francisco, 117 plague see diseases Plancquaert, M . , s8on, 6o6n plantation agriculture in Americas, 7, 9,14,16,18, 390; and African diaspora, 117-18,121,126; and Atlantic trade, 87-8, 90-3, 96-8, i n , 269, 273; see also agriculture and under cotton; sugar; tobacco P ° , 328, 354 Po, Fernäo do, 527 Podor, 287 Poet, 791 poetry: East African coast, 771; Egypt, 156, 158; Great Lakes region, 827; Hausa states, 489; Horn of Africa, 719; Morocco, 210; Senegambia, 284, 295 Pogge, P . , 592n Point-Noire, 50, 561 Poirier, G , 8s6n Pokomo, 764 Pokot, 829 political and administrative structures and military activities, 25,42-3,44, 45. 897-900; Algeria, 43, 232n-6, 237, 239-49, 252-61; and Atlantic trade, 106-8; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 515-19, 523, 525-6, 532, 543-4; East African coast, 751, 753. 756-8, 774-5; East African interior, 829,835,840-8; Egypt, 42, 140-55, 162, 164, 166; Great Lakes region (north and central), 776-8, 781-3, 784, 787, 791-802; Great Lakes region (south), 806-7, 811-
Index 704, 716-22, 720, 721-2, 724, 741; 15, 816, 817-21, 825-7; Hausa Indian Ocean islands, 887; K o n g o states, 425,427,454-^74,482-4,490; kingdom, 64, 66, 375, 581-2; and Horn of Africa, 42,703-4,709,711, land use, 48-52; L o w e r Guiñean 712-19 passim, 723-33, 738-42; coast, 399-403, 412-13, 418-19, Indian Ocean islands, 886-91; 424-5; Luba and L u n d a , 593-4, K a n e m - B o r n o , 43; 454; 49 2 ~5 I 3 599, 607; Madagascar, 850-1, 853— passim; K o n g o kingdom, 45, 5 4 6 5, 874, 883-4, 886; major m o v e 66 passim, 569^70; Lower Guiñean ments, 67-71; mass migration, 5 8 coast, 399, 402-3, 412-13, 414, 60; nature of, 46-8; Niger delta and 416-25, 430; L u b a and Lunda, 42, Cameroon, 438-40, 445; Niger588-607, 632-3; Madagascar, 8 4 9 Volta region, 330, 345, 353; 86 passim; Maghreb, 42, 43, 2 3 3 nomadic see under livestock; north40, 237, 245-6, 252-61; Maghreb, ern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 42; 43; 233-40, 245-6, 252-61 (see 61, 70, 610-13, 615-31, 634-8; also Regencies); Morocco, 42, 43, Songhay empire, 318; Southern 200, 202, 203^7, 20S, 209-12, 213, Africa, 46801, 46-61 passim, 64-6, 214-15,217,218-32,4sg; Morocco, 68-9, 71, 73, 686-8, 690, 693; 200-32 passim; Niger delta and Sudan, 49, 57, 58-9, 68, 170, 172, Cameroon, 436-42, 445, 450; «97. 372. 374. 379; unusual, 52-62; Niger-Volta region, 329-59, 362, Upper Guiñean coast, 369, 372-82, 366-7; northern Zambezi-Lake 376, 377-82; see also diaspora; Malawi region, 608-10, 613, 615, nomads; population numbers; slave 617, 620-31, 638; and population trade mobility, 59-61, 73; Senegambia, 43. 45. 265-8, 273-99; Songhay population numbers and densities, 55, empire, 303-16; Southern Africa, 69, 73; Americas, 89, 93-4, 9 6 - 7 ; 691, 698-72; Southern Zambezia, Cameroon-Upper Nile region, $22; 640, 644-61 passim, 644-61, 673, decline in Africa see slave trade; East 681; Sudan, 42, 43, 170-9, 181-91, African interior, 841; Egypt, 153; 196-8, 306-16; Tunisia, 43, 252-5; Europe, 8 3 - 6 , 898m; Horn of Upper Guiñean coast, 371-2, 375, Africa, 721; Indian Ocean islands, 378-98 892-3; Maghreb, 234-5, Southern Africa, 683, 691, 694-5, 697; Pollock, N . C . , 686n Southern Zambezia, 668; see also Pombal, Marques de, 586 population mobility Poncet, J.P., 234n Pongo river, 379, 396 Poro, 397 Poron,356 Pool (Malebo Pool): and CameroonPort Durnford (Bur Kavo), 7Ô4n Upper Nile region, 527, 529, 5 3 4 Port Loko, 377, 380, 395 6, S38-9. 541. 543-4; and K o n g o Portendick, 41, 269, 271, 279 kingdom, 547, 556-8,562,569,578, 579, 580-2 Porter, D . H . , i2on Pool Teke, 536 Porter, R . , 4i3n Popo, 425, 436 Porto N o v o , 4, 19, 105 Portudal, 10, 43, 269, 279 population mobility/migration, 46-73, 100, 895-6; band migration, 60-1; Portugal, 896-7, 904; African Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 66, diaspora, 113-14, 117, 120, 132-4; 69, 7 A 5'4, 516-20, 522-4, 5 3 1 and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 2, 534-5; documenting, 62-6; East 52475. 527-9, 534, 536, 54°; ChrisAfrican coast, 753,760-1,762,764tianity, 23; and East African coast, 5; East African interior, 56, 57, 59, 750-1, 756-66, 767-70, 771, 7 7 4 63,67-9,70,626,829,831,838-45, 5; and East African interior, 832; 848; élite migration, 61-2; expaneconomy and trade, 2-3; 13; 34-6, sion, 53-6; forced see slave trade; 39-41, 101, 263-8, 382-91 passim, Great Lakes region, 776-83, 784, 395 (see also slave trade below); and 785-91, 793-4, 804, 816, 820-1; Horn of Africa, 703, 706, 714-15, Hausa states, 68, 7 1 , 4 0 3 , 4 0 5 , 4 6 1 723-38, 746; and Indian Ocean 2; H o r n of Africa, 46, 57, 67, 68, islands, 889; and K o n g o kingdom,
550, 555-66 passim, 569, 571-2, 576, 580, 584, 586-7; and Lower Guiñean coast, 402, 405-8, 412, 428; and L u b a and L u n d a , 602,603, 6o5n; and Madagascar, 849, 851, 858-63; and Morocco, 200-1, 203, 205, 207, 210, 212-13, 215, 223-4, 232; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 436, 445, 449; and northern Z a m bezi-Lake Malawi region, 617-18, 619-20, 622, 624, 629-34; a n d Ottoman empire, 138,145,175; and politics and military activities, 45; and population mobility, 61,64, 66, 71. 373. 375, 379; and Senegambia, 2Ô2-5, 270-1, 286; slave trade 5 11; 16; 18-19, 97 (see ah° African diaspora above); and Songhay empire, 300-1, 303; and Southern Africa, 683-4,693-5; a " d Southern Zambezia, 640; 642; 644, 648-56, 657-82 passim; and Sudan, 174; and Upper Guiñean coast, 373, 375, 379, 382-4, 386-7, 389, 390, 3 9 ' . 395 Posnansky, M . , ioon Postan, M . M . , 83n Potter, J., 8gn, 9in-2n pottery and ceramics, 34; CameroonUpper Nile region, 535,540-1; East African interior, 834-5, 837-8; Hausa states, 476; K a n e m - B o r n o , 499; K o n g o kingdom, 547,549,554, 565, 567. 575, 580-1; Lower Guiñean coast, 404, 409, 427, 430; Madagascar, 878; Maghreb, 243, 254; Niger delta and Cameroon, 440, 445, 447; Niger-Volta region, 361; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 610,626; and population mobility, 6 5 - 6 ; Songhay empire, 319; Southern Zambezia, 640, 649 poverty: rural, 3 7 - 9 Pra river, 399, 412, 413, 415,416, 419 Prampram, 400 prazos and prazeros, 631-2, 651-6, 661, 694 precious minerals see gems; gold; silver predatory economy, 3 4 - 7 , 4 1 , 4 5 , 8 9 6 7; see also Atlantic Préster John, 714, 728 Price, R . , i2on priests see religion Principé, 527 Pring, Martin, 889 privateers, pirates and corsairs, 27,
IO31
Index
Quacoe, Philip, 427 Quaqua, 408 Quaqua Coast, 398 Quaque, Philip, 126 Quarles, B . , 12211 Quelimane river region, 620,624,630, 636, 6S4, 756, 759 Querimba, 862 Quibangue, 529, 543 Quilî, 256 Quilliga, 394 Quilon, 675 Quiring, A . H . , 675n Quoja, 380, 381, 394
rain cults: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 526-7; Great Lakes region, 777, 779"8o; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 613, 615, 629; Southern Zambezia, 646 rainfall see climate; drought; rain cults Rals see Çalâh Rais Ralambo, 875-6 Ramadan b. A h m a d u , 489 Ramaharo, 874 Ramakararube, 851 Ramanetaka, 891 Ramarohala, 853 Ramaroumanompou (Ramaromano m p o ) , 883 R a m b o , 879-80 Ramboasalama, 877 Raminia, 853-4 Ramogi, 784, 786 Randies, W . G . L . : on K o n g o kingdom, 546n-7n, 55011, 573n; on Southern Zambezia, 643n-4n, 647n, 66211, 668n-9n Randrianjomoina, 879 Ranger, T . O . , 6i3n, 644n Rano, 468 Raomandahy, E . , 88411, 887n, 8 9 m Raonimanalina, 874 Raoule, 785 raphia see raffia Râs al-Mâ', 318, 321, 4159 Rasahamanarivo, 874 Rasamimanana, J., 877a Rashayida, 172 Rashid, P . , 6i2n al-Rashld ibn al-Sharîf, 214 al-Rashld, Mawlây, 215-16, 218-20,
Rabai, 76411-5^ 765 Rabaratavokoka, 856-7 Rabat, 202, 204, 213 Rabemanana, J., 882n Rabenifananina, 879 Rabesirana, 854 R a d a m a I, 857, 891 Raffenel, A . , 329-40, 362n, 363 raffia (raphia), 32; Great Lakes region, 826; K o n g o kingdom, 547, 555, 557. 561. 574-6. 578, 581, 586; Luba and L u n d a , 589; Madagascar, 860 Rank, A . K . , I42n R a g e m , 785-6 Rahanwein, 723 al-Rahmân see ' A b d al-Rahmân Raikitroka, 882
223,315 Râshid (town), 150, 166 Ratelband, K . , I2n Ratongalaza, 884 Ratsimilahoe, 882-3 Ratzel, F . , 47, 804 Ravahiny, Queen, 871 R a w a , Naaba, 339-40, 342-3 Raya, 721 Raydâniyya, Battle of, 137 Razafimino, G . , 87611 Razafmdrazaka, L . , 87711 Raziya, Queen of Delhi, 131 Rea, W . F . , 652n-3n, 6s6n rebellion see revolts Red Sea, 128, 898; and Egypt, 138, 145; and H o r n of Africa, 705, 715, 724, 726, 729; and Madagascar and Indian Ocean islands, 863,889; and
privateers, pirates and corsairs - contd. 36-7, 43. 223; East African coast, 757. 766; Madagascar, 864, 882; Maghreb (against Christians), 238-40, 242, 244, 247-9, 250. 2 53, 25s. 258, 260-1; Morocco, 223; Niger delta and Cameroon, 445 Pronis, 864 Prosser, Gabriel, 127 Proyart, A . , 546n Pruitt, W . F . , s88n, 6 o m - 2 n Pubungu, 776, 784, 785 Puguli (Pwa), 355 Pullo, 468 Pura, 359 Puranga, 781, 786, 789, 798 Purchas, S . , 409n, 887n, 88gn Puritans, 863 Pushkin, Aleksander, I29&n P w a (Puguli), 355 Pygmies, 49, 55, 89, 516, 520, 525, 540, 561
IO32
Southern Zambezia, 675; and Sudan, 174, 181, 183-4; see a ' í 0 Massawa R e d m o n d , P . M . , 4ç8n Reefe, T . Q . , Ó3n, s88n, 592n, 59gn refugees see population mobility Rega, 821 Regado, Vincente, 679 Regencies, Ottoman, in M a g h r e b , 238-40, 244; Algiers, 255^7; economy and trade, 247-51; politics and military activities, 245-6; Tripoli, 258-60 Rehse, H e r m a n n , 777n, 8o4-5n, 8ogn, 8 u n , 8i5n, 8ion Reindorf, C . C . , 40on religion and ritual, 23,39; and African diaspora, 113-15; CameroonUpper Nile region, 517, 518, 5 2 6 7, 53°, 533J East African interior, 843.845,847; Egypt, 154,155,1579; Great Lakes region (north and central), 777, 770-80; Great Lakes region (south), 8 0 8 - 1 1 , 8 2 3 - 4 , 8 2 6 7; Hausa states, 465-6, 475, 4 8 4 9; H o r n of Africa, 717-18 (see also Christianity in H o r n of Africa); Indian Ocean islands, 886-90; Kânem-Borno, 509; Kongo kingdom, 366,554-6,564-5,572-5, 582-4; L o w e r Guiñean coast, 403; Luba and L u n d a , 599; Madagascar, 851-3, 855, 860, 867-9, 871, 8 7 5 6,879; Maghreb, 239,242,251,255; Niger delta and Cameroon, 442, 448-50, 451; Niger-Volta region, 338, 341, 348-9n, 356, 358, 363-6, 367; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 613-15, 618-20, 624-30; and population mobility, 59; Senegambia see ceddo; marabouts; and slave trade, 113,115,123; Songhay empire, 324-6; Southern Zambezia, 644,646,650-60; Sudan, 179-80,181,189-91; see also Christianity; healing cults; Islam; oracles; rain cults; secret societies; spirit cults Rendille, 722, 830 Renge, 811 Rengen, 791 Rennie, J . K . , 8 2 m Reombi-Mpolo, 528, 532 Rep, 354 repatriation of slaves, 122 Repiquet, J., 886n-8n Reth, 196-7
Index Réunion (Bourbon) see Mascarene Islands revenues, state, 29, 39, 438m, 45; Egypt, 142-3, 148-50, 154, 160-1, 164, 166; Hausa states, 472; Kongo kingdom, 559, 578; see also taxation revolts and insurrections: slaves, 118, 120-1,126-7,655; see also abolition; politics and military activities Rey-Hulman, D . , 352n Reynst, General, 889n Rezende, P . B . de, 648n Rharhabe, 699-700 Ribe, 7Ó4n Ricci, L . , 73on Richard-Molard, J., 373n Richter, F . , 8o8n Ridwän al-Suyütí, M u h m m a d ibn, 15611 Ridwän Bey al-Fakârï, 148-9 Ridwän Kähya, 154, 160 RIf mountains, 241 Rif31ya,is8 Rift Valley, 710, 833 Rifum, 518 Rigaudière, 280 Rigeibat, 49 Rike, 721 Rima, 461 Rimuka, 676, 679, 682 Rinchon, R . F . D . , 52gn, S76n, 578n Rindiaw, 296 Rio Fresco see Rufisque Rio Grande, 373, 388 Rita-Ferreira, A . , 63on Ritchie, C.I.A., 27401, 276n ritual see religion and ritual Rivers Coast, 384, 389, 392 Riyâd, 225 Rizaykát, 188,1Ç4 Riziam (Tatenga), 341-2 Roberts, Andrew D . , 588n, 616,634n, 82Ôn, 834n,838-40 Robertshaw, P., i o m - 2 n Robinson, D . , 297n-8n Robinson, K . R . , 6ion, 6i5n, 626 Roche, C , 3Ó9n Rodegem, F . M . , 8i2n Rodney, Walter, 529, 667; on Lower Guiñean coast, 407n, 40Qn; on Senegambia, 265, 266n, 289, 293n; on Upper Guiñean coast, 368n, 373, 374". 379n-8on, 386, 3 8 9 ^ 394n, 395. 39°" Rodrigues da Costa, Paulo, 8 6 o n - m , 869 Roe, T h o m a s , 88gn
Roger family, 397 Rohlfs, G . , 5o6n Rojo see N u n g u R o m a n empire, 27-S, 74, 901 R o m e , 706, 904 Roos Beecio, 264, 280 Roper, T . , 47 Rosales, Medina, 95n Ross, E . D . , I32n Ross, Robert, 688, 695, (xyjn, 6g8n,
70m Rossi, E . , 55n, 3 0 m Rout, L . B . , 11411 Rout, L . B . , Jr., 81, 95n R o v u m a river, 6i2n Royal African Company, 18, 271, 390 royalty see ruling élites Rozvi empire: economy and trade, 667-70, 672-3, 680-1; politics and military activities, 640-1,651, 6 5 6 61 Rueng, 197 Rufä'a, IQ4 Rufisque (Rio Fresco), 4, 10, 269, 279 Rufuku (Ntare Rushatsi), 821 Ruganzu Bwimba, 817 Ruganzu Ndori, 808, 817, 820, 821 R u g o m a n a , Joseph, 8o4~5n Rugomora M a h e , 818-19, 822, 826 Ruguru, 816, 818 Ruhaga, 818 Ruhaya, 803, 8o6n, 809 Ruhengeri, 811 Ruhinda, 805-8,811, 814-15, 817-20 Ruhinda Kayanga, 805-9 Ruhinda Muhangakyaro, 819 Rujugira, Cyirima, 813, 817,820,821, 825 Ruka river, 534, 538 Ruki, 58on Rukn-ud-dln-Barbak, 131 R u k o m a , 811 Rukuru river, 612 R u k w a , Lake, 63 R u k w ariver,839 ruling élites, 38-9; East African coast, 751. 753, 757, 762, 767-70; East African interior, 829, 839, 843-5; Egypt, 140-55; Great Lakes region (north and central), 779, 781, 7 8 3 7, 792-802; Great Lakes region (south) 802; 805-27 passim; Hausa states, 455-6, 461-2, 465-74, 4 8 2 4, 487; Horn of Africa, 705, 707, 712-14, 719, 724-33, 738-9, 7 4 4 5; Indian Ocean islands, 888-91; Känem-Borno, 492-6, 498, 501-2,
507-11; Madagascar, 849, 851-9, 862,864-80,882-6; Maghreb, 2445, 255, 260-1; and migration, 53, 61-2; Morocco, 204-32 passim; Niger-Volta region, 332, 338-59, 366-7; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 615,617-18,620-2, 625-8, 634, 636-8; Senegambia see marabouts; and slave trade, 107-8; Songhay empire, 306; Southern Africa, 691, 693; see also political R u m a , 469 Rumarawa, 460 R u m b e k (Wipac), 198, 777, 780 Rumfa, 458, 483, 487-8 R u n d , 588-9,590,592,601-3,604,606 R u n y a m b o , 803, 809 rural areas: decline, 37-9; see also agriculture Rusizi river region, 816, 821 Russia, 78, 129, 162, 164, 232 Rusubi, 816, 819, 826, 834 R u u b o , Naaba, 342 R u v u m a river region, 608, 609, 611, 616 R w a b u k u m b a , J., 825n Rwamugira (Lwamgira), Francisco, 77711, 8o4-sn R w a n d a , 898; economy and trade, 795, 812,822-3,825-6,834; politics and society, 28,794,802-21 passim, 827, 844; population mobility, 63, 776 Rwasa, 818 Rweej (Rueji), 592-3, 602 * R w o g a , 820 Ryangombe, 807-8, 817, 826 Ryder, A . F . C . , I2n, 1 0 m , 383n-4n, 386n Sa, 318 Sa'âdî dynasty, 200-1, 204, 207, 21016, 2 / 7 , 218-19, 223-6; expansion in 16th century, 212-15 Saafowe, 418 Saaga, Naaba, 342 Saagha, Naaba, 344 Saana, 267 Sab, 723 al-Sabbâgh al-Kashinawi, M u h a m m a d (Dan Marina), 489 SäbundjT, Husayn Bey, 160 Sa'däb,i85 al-$adduk, 303 al-Sa'dï, ' A b d al-Rahmân b. ' A b d Allah: on Hausa states, 453n; on Songhay empire, 3 o o n - m , 303n4n, 3ion, 3i2n, 3i6n, 3i8n
IO33
Index Sadia, 862, 869 Sa'âdïs, 300, 315, 319; in Morocco see Morocco and Songhay empire Sadu (son of Sory M a w d o ) , 293 Safawids, 137, 14011 Sâiï, 2, 4, 35, 201, 202, 204, 217, 231 Sagade, 726 Saghrû (Saghro), 202, 222 Sagone, 334 Saguedine, 483 Sahara, 896^7, 905; African diaspora, 113; economy and trade, 2; 31; 32, 35,36-7 (see also slave trade below); and Hausa states, 458, 475n, 4 7 9 80; and K a n e m - B o r n o , 494-5, 499, 501-3; and Lower Guiñean coast, 399, 406, 410; and Maghreb, 233, 245, 249, 258; and Morocco, 222, 229; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 440; and Niger-Volta region, 359, 365; politics and military activities, 43; population mobility, 49, 53, 56, 72; and Senegambia, 262-3, 265, 267-8, 273, 275, 286, 289; slave trade, 83, 102-3, '°8; social structures, 26, 27; and Songhay empire, 300, 301-2, 313-15, 319-24; and Upper Guiñean coast, 386, 392 Sahel: Malian, 263, 268; Nigerian, 306, 315, 319; and Niger-Volta region, 351; politics and military activities, 25; population mobility, 49,63,68,72; and Senegambia, 263, 268,273-4; social structures, 27,30; and Songhay empire, 301, 306,315, 316, 319, 323, 326; Tunisian and Algerian, 241-2; and Upper Guiñean coast, 392 Sahlins, M . , 4911, 686n Said A h m a d 'Alï(i927), 887-8n, 891 Said bin A h m a d , I m a m ( O m a n , 1784), 774 Said bin Sultan, Sayyid (1804-56), 774 Saifbin Said, 774 Saignes, M . A . , 12on Saikiripogu (Ewoama), 446 Saima, 616 Saint Adon, 285 Saint Andrew, 398 Saint Augustine, Bay of, 863, 864 Sainte-Catherine, Cape, 526 Saint-Paul river, 380, 394 St T h o m a s Island, 7, 8, 12, 14, 524 Sainte-Marie, 852, 864, 866 Saint-Gervais, 253
IO34
Saint-Louis, 4, 19, 41, 43, 105, 264; and partition of coast and M u s lim reaction, 268-71, 273-7; and slave trade, ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 279-81, 283-5, 296298 Saint-Robert, 283 Sakadï, 177 Sakalava, 898; economy and trade, 874; politics and society, 849-50, 852,856-9,862,869-77,883-4,891 Sakasso, 410 Sakatovo, 867-8 Sakizli, M u h a m m a d , 512 Sakoambe, 869 Sakura, Mansa, 454n Sakuya, 723 Sakwa, 789, 846 Sala M p a s u , 588,590, 592, 60in, 603, 604 Salaga, 405, 410, 478, 480 Salâh Rais, 203, 238, 301 Salama Juula, 358 Salanta, 458 Salé, 36, 200, 202, 213, 2 / 7 , 223
Saley, M . , 453n, 4Ó3n Salifou, A . , 453n, 4 6 3 ^ 466n, 4 6 9 ^ 70n, 472n SâlihBey, i6on, 162 al-Sâlihi, I57n Salim, A . I . , 908; on East African coast,
75°- J 75 Salima Oasis, 181,182, 183 Salisbury, R . F . , 6gon Sallamt, 726 Salmatenga, 342 Salogo, 342 salt-making and trade, 33, 40; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 517, 519, 540-1; East African interior, 835, 838-9; Great Lakes region, 795, 826; Hausa states, 472, 479; H o r n of Africa, 709; K â n e m - B o r n o , 498-9, 512; K o n g o kingdom, 547, 548, 578, 586; Lower Guiñean coast, 403-6; Luba and Lunda, 589, 59?, 592, 594, 603; Maghreb, 249; Niger delta and Cameroon, 445; Niger-Volta region, 356, 359, 361; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 631-2, 637; Senegambia, 265,283,286,293; Songhay empire, 300, 319; Southern Zambezia, 670, 682; Upper Guiñean coast, 375, 382, 389 Salum see Sereer S a m a , 286
Samake, 312 S a m a m o , 86on Samarkand, 34 S a m b a Gelaajo Jeegi, 262, 283-5 S a m b a L a m u , 268 Samburu, 829, 830 S a m e n , 707, 708, 724, 726, 748 Samia-Bugwe, 786 Samlâlîyun, 217, 219 S a m o (Sana), 328, 343, 354-5 Samori, 335n, 366 Samri, 468 Samuel, 885 San Paulo of Luanda, 564 San (people): economy and trade and society, 13, 684, 686-8, 690, 693, ^95, 7 0 1 ; politics and military activities, 68s; population mobility, 49-50, 56, 64, 69, 698 San (town in Songhay empire), 302, 318, 355. 359 San Salvador, 40, 43, 44, 536, 549, 552, 575 San see S a m o Sanaga river region, 66, 69 Sancho, Ignatius, 126 Sandawe, 829, 831, 839, 841 Sandelowsky, B . , 6ion Sanders, E . , 80411 sandjal¡s & sandjak-beys, 142—3, 147— 8, 152, 154, io°n, 175 Sandrananta, 879 Sane, 372 Sanga cattle, 822 Sanga river region: economy and trade, 532, 534, 538, 540; population mobility, 55; society and politics, 524, SV, 59° Sangbantangu, 351 Sangu, 70 Sanhadja, 225, 274 Sankaran, 292 Sankola, 388 Sankururiver,53 Sanogho, 365 Sansanding, 302, 319, 321 Sansanne-Mango, 328, 352, 410, 478, 480 Santa Cruz du Cap d'Aguer see Agadir Santandrea, S., 193, 199 Santiago, 40-2 Santos, Joào dos, 60, 7Ó2n, 86on-in; on northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 6i9-2on; on Southern Z a m bezia, 647n, 6 4 8 - 9 ^ 662,664,6697on, Ó72n-3n, Ó79n Santos, T . dos, 79n
Index
I
Sanwi (Afema), 400, 402, 416, 4 1 7 18, 421, 426 Sanye, 829 Sao, 50711 Sao T o m é , 407, 527. 555, 557"8, 572 'Sapes, K i n g d o m of the', 386,387,388 Sapone, 341 Sapouy, 328, 354 Saraféré, 318 Sarakolle, 363, 379 sarauta system, 465-74 Sargent, R . A . , 78sn Sarha, 710 Saris, John, 889n Sarkar, Sir Jadunath, 134 sarki/sarkin, 455,457,465-7,469,474, 481-3 Sartsa Dengel, Emperor, 709n, 723, 725-3°. 739-41 Sarvar, Malik, 131 Ansa, Saskraku, 423 Sassandra river, 374-5, 381 Sauter, R . , 734n Sautter, Gilles, 534, 535n, 5 4 m , 544n Savaron, C , 875n-7n Sawadogo, Naaba, 366 Sawâkin, 33, 175-6, 181,182, 184 Saxon, D . E . , 199 Say, 14s, 17s Saynt, 721 Sayyid, Shaykh see al-Habshï Sultani Scandinavia, 255 Scarcies, 373, 377, 379, 389 Scelle, G . , 9n Schebesta, P . , 4911 Schechter, R . E . , 588n, 6o2n Schleicher, A . W . , 709n, 7i9n, 727n, 73°n Schmidt, P . , 8o5n, 8i9n, 822n, 827n Schoffeleers, J . M . , 6i3n, 6 1 5 - 1 7 ^ 6i9n-2on, 629n scholarship and education, 64; East African coast, 771-2; Egypt, 155; Hausa states, 468,473,486-9; Horn of Africa, 709, 733; K i n e m - B o r n o , 493. 495, 507-8, 513; Lower Guiñean coast, 427, 433; Maghreb, 242; Morocco, 214, 219, 228; of slaves, 123-6,128; Songhay empire, 324; Sudan, 179-80,189-91; Upper Guiñean coast, 380; see also literacy; literature Schove, D . J . , 902n Schumacher, P . , 8o5n, 823n Schutte, G . , 094n, 6g7n Schwartz, S . B . , i2on Schweinfurth, G . , 195
Sena, 4, 603, 758, y¡g\ economy and sculpture and carving, 31; Cameroontrade, 663, 674-7, 679-80; and U p p e r Nile region, 521, 526, 530, northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi 537-8; East African coast, 754-5, region, 619, 624, 631-2, 641; poli771; East African interior, 842; tics and military activities, 641, 659 K o n g o kingdom, 574-5; Lower Guiñean coast, 427-8; Luba and Senegal and Senegal river region: L u n d a , 591, 596-8, 600, 605; African diaspora, 113, 115; Madagascar, 881; Niger delta and economy and trade, 10, 11, 12, 18, Cameroon, 437, 441, 443-4, 447, 31, 39; and Lower Guiñean coast, 449; Niger-Volta region, 331, 346; 406; and Niger-Volta region, 330; U p p e r Guiñean coast, 383-5 population mobility, 57, 71; and Songhay empire, 301,315,321,324; Seba,j2Í, 351 and Upper Guiñean coast, 383,384, Sebamana, 312 395; see also Senegambia Sebastián, D o n , 205-7, 209-10 Senegambia, 262-99, 369, 897, 904; Sebbe, 31 and Cameroon-Upper Nile region, Sebei (Mount Elgon), 793 528; economy and trade, 11-12; 4 0 Sebi, 304 1; ioon, 263-73, 279-99. 387. 389. Sebü river, 200 391 (see also slave trade Mow); parSebü, W â d ï , 219 tition of coast and Muslim reaction, secret societies: Cameroon-Upper 268-78; politics and military activiNile region, 517, 518, 530; Niger ties, 43,45,264,265-8,273-99; and delta and Cameroon, 450-1; northpopulation mobility, 372-3; Porern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, tuguese monopoly, 263-8; slave 613-14 trade, 6-8, 10, 104, 106, 278-99; Sediyanke, 291 and Sudan, 262-3, 265, 268-70, Se' ela Krestos, 731-2 288; and U p p e r Guiñean coast, Sêfuwa, 492-6, 501-2, 504, 508, 5 1 1 372-3, 382, 387. 389, 391; * « "l"> 13 Senegal Sega, 298 Sennâr: economy and trade, 33, 182, Segeju, 619, 761, 762, 765,770 183; politics and military activities, Segu, 899; economy and trade, J02, 44, '73. 174. 177. 178, 185, 186, 356, 361-3, 392; politics and mili197; social structures, 181 tary activities, 44,327,328,329-32, Sentabyo, M i b a m b w e , 813, 821 334-8,343-4.353; st>cial structures, 2 Senufo, 333, 356, 358, 392, 419, 425 4, 334-8, 364, 367; and Songhay Senya, 413 empire, 304, 307, 308, 310,312-13, Senyamwiza, Mutaga, 821 316, 32« Sepote, 402 Seguela, 356, 377 Sequeira, Diego Lopes de, 85 m Segu-Koro, 333-4, 337 Sere, 520, $22 Sehwi, 400, 401, 402, 415, 416, 4 1 8 Séré de Rivières, E . , 453n H},42i, 425-6 Sereer (including Salum and Siin): Sehwi W i a w s o , 419 ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 278— Seiler, Jerome, 9 9,281-2,297-9; economy and trade Sek Hussen, 719 and society, 26, 29, 31, 262-3, 2^4, Seke, 525 267, 269; social structures, 26, 29 Sekko (Mocea), 704, 708, 741, 898 Serere, 793 Sekou A h m a d u Barry, 365 Serjeant, R . B . , 13011 Sekou Wattara, 312, 358 Sernigi, 6 Sékou-Bamba, M . , 378n Serutwa, 808 Seligman, C G . , 191, 803, 844JI Sese Islands, 778, 808, 818-9 Selim I, Ottoman Sultan, 137-40,145, Sestos river, 394, 398 156 Sevenhuysen, J. Van, 423 Sellassie, S . H . , 17811 sex ratios of slaves, 102-4, io6n Semakokiro, Kabaka, 801, 818 Shaamba, 32] Sembera Kure, 713 Semien, 381 Shaba, 61, 826; politics and military Semugeshi, Mutara, 813, 821 activities see under Luba
IO35
Index Shâbbiya, 238 Shâdhiliyya, 180 Shâhzâda, 131 Shai, 399 Shaihu Abdussalami, 486 Shaka, 660 al-'Shâkî, 15711 Shalom, 402 Shama Aguafo, 412 Shambaa, 63, 828, 830, 831, 834, 840-1 Shamma, 3 Shanablya, 153 Shandî, 172,181, 183-5 Shangwe, 641 al-Sha *râwï, 'Abdullah, 158 Sha'râwîya,i58 share-cropping, 29, 242 sharTa, 15011,179,274,294 Sharif, M a l a m , 486 al-Shârîf, Mawlây 'Alï, 216 al-Shârîf, Mawlây (son of ' A U alShârïf), 216, 230 Shirïf, M u h a m m a d (1703-31), 462, 467. 473. 487. 490 Shirîfian, dynasty, 36, 215, 319 Shârîfite, 770-1 al-Sharkâwî, I57n Sharp, Granville, 115 Sharpy, Alexander, 8gon Shâshîrî, M u h a m m a d , 458 Shaw, G . A . , 854n Shaw, S.J., I42n Shaw, T . , ioon-in, 448n Shaykh al-Balads, 162, 164, 166-^7 al-Shaykh, M u h a m m a d , 201,203, 224 Shaykhs, 174; Egypt, 142-3,145,157, 162, 164, 166-7; Maghreb, 239, 241; Morocco, 224-6; Songhay empire, 314, 325 Shaykhü A h m a d u , 307, 313, 315, 325 Shaykïyya, 174, 181, 185 Shayonya, ig4 Shbanâte, 277, 225 Shea, P.J., 476n Sheba, Queen of, 706 Shebeleriver,710, 722 Shebeli, 722 Shekarau, 460 Shell, R . , 684n Shendï, 44, ¡82 Shepherd, J.F., 89n-9in Sherbro Island, JOS, 377. 3*3-5, 3 9 ' . 397 Sheridan, R . , 88n, g6n Sheriff, Abdul, 6 3 2 - 3 ^
IO36
on East
African interior, 82gn, 833, 835-6, 848n Sherwood, H . N . , I22n shifting cultivation, 53 Shihir, 863 Shila, 590, 593, 595,603 Shilluk: decline of, 197-8; economy and trade, 183; politics and military activities, 170, 171, 173, 177, 1978; social structures and population mobility, 191-3,194, 777, 780 Shinguetti, 321, 325 Shinje, 604, 605 Shinko river, 523 Shinnâwîya, 158 Shinnie, P . C . , sosn, 5o8n ships: slaving, illustrated, 82, 102; see also Atlantic trade; canoes and boats; privateers Shira, Sarkin, 483 Shirâzï, 753-4 al-Shirbûiï, 156 Shire river, 608, 617, 618-21, 625, 629-31 Shiroya, O . J . E . , 78sn Shoa, 706-7, jo8,709n, 710, 7/7, 7 1 2 13, 719. 724. 738 Shona: economy and trade, 34; 6 6 1 2; 665-80 passim; language, 64; politics and society, 64, 624, 640, 642, 648, 651, 656, 659, 693 al-ShubrawT, 'Abdullah, 156 Shuki'iyya./o./ Shungwaya (Singwaya), 67, 7Ô4~5n S h u w a Arabs, 475, 482, 497, 513 Shyaam a M b u l a Ngoong, 61 Shyllon, F . O . , iisn Siaya, 786, 789 Sicoua, 882-3 Sidama, 44, 710, 718 Sidamo-Borana, 738 S ¡dais and Siddi nawabs, 133-4 SIdl A h m a d u Müssä, 203 SïdïBadr, 131 Sïdï Ifni, 202 S ï d ï M ' h a m m a d ibn 'Abd al-Kâdir alFasï, 226 Sîdî M u h a m m a d al-Fâsï, Shaykh alIslâm, 227 Sïdï M u h a m m a d ibn 'Abdallah see M u h a m m a d III Sïdï M u h a m m a d , Sultan, 315 Sïdï Shaykh, 27 Sïdï Yâhya mosque, 30 SïdïYiriabe,'AIï,296,298 Sidibé, B . K . , 372n Sidjilmâsa, 33, 216, 277, 230
Sierra Leone, 369,371-2,897; African diaspora, 122; economy and trade, 3. 18, 384-6, 389, 391-2, 394-«; population mobility, 46, 64, 69, 373-82; repatriation of slaves, 122; slave trade, 104 Sihâb al-Dïn, 7i2n, 722 Sihanaka, 849, 878-9 al-Sihaymï, isgn Siin see Sereer Sikasso, 328, 329, 356, 358, 415 Sikwese, 610, 612, 625 Sila M a k a n Yero, 334 Silanga, 807, 820 silk, 34, 323, 755 Sillubawa, Sarkin, 467 Sillube, 467 Silmi see Fulbe Silmiga (Fulbe), 345 Silumbu, 610, 626 Silva, J.J. de, 6sgn Silveira, Father Conçalo da, 23, 650 Silveira, L . , 1 in silver production and trade, 12, 40; and Atlantic trade, 84-6, 95, 112; Hausa states, 476; Horn of Africa, 746; Lower Guiñean coast, 428; Madagascar, 876; Maghreb, 257; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 624; South, 671; Southern Zambezia, 671 Sima, 888 Simbowe, 608, 612, 626-^7 Simwaka, 638 Simwayi, 610, 626 Sinln, Pasha, 36, I58n Sinala, 721, 741 Sinclair, P., 6 7 m Singida, 839 Singo, 801 Singwaya (Shungwaya), 67, 7Ô4~5n Sira B o Kulibali, 334 Siriboe see Otuo Siriboe Sirte, 55 Sisala, 354n Sisibe, 288 Sita, 815, 820 Sitemou, 369 Sïwa, 322 Siyu, 34,751.762,767.768 Skinner, E . P . , 677n Skoura, 229 Slave Coast, 401, 406, 529 slave societies / domestic slaves: Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 531, 539, 543; East African coast, 751; Hausa states, 483-4; Horn of
Index Africa, 745; Indian Ocean islands, 892-3; K o n g o kingdom, 553-4, 569, 571-2, 587; Lower Guiñean coast, 426; Madagascar, 860-1; Niger-Volta region, 362; Senegambia, 275, 293; slave-armies in Morocco (Bawâkhir), 225-3 : ; slave-armies in Sudan, 172, 177-8, 188-9; Southern Africa, 697-8,701; Southern Zambezia, 651-3; transition to, 24, 26; see also slave trade slave trade, xiv, 2-3, 6-12 passim, 1 4 22, 36-8, 40, 77, ios, 899> 900-1; Africa as reservoir of labour, 14-22; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 5 2 7 9. 53°. 539-4°. 544; a n d capitalist transformation of Western Europe and Americas, 83-93; East African coast, 772-3, 775; and emergence of Atlantic economic order, 74-112; Hausa states, 479, 481-3; Indian Ocean islands, 866, 890-1; and international economy see Atlantic trade; Känem-Borno, 499; Kongo kingdom, 546, 555-9, 562-3, 567, 569, 576-81, 584-7; Lower Guiñean coast, 404-10,424-6,430; Luba and Lunda, 603, 606; M a d a gascar, 850, 859-60, 862-4, 866, 874, 878, 882, 884; Niger delta and Cameroon, 436-9, 442, 447-52; Niger-Volta region, 327, 330, 3556, 361—2; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 622, 630, 632-4, 639; and population mobility, 51-2, 61, 71; Senegambia, 262-99 passim; Songhay empire, 300, 323; Southern Africa, 695; Southern Zambezia, 655-6; Sudan, 6, 181, 184, 199; Upper Guiñean coast, 378-9. 390-1, 398; volume from Africa, 80-3; see also diaspora; slave societies; trade al-Slawi, 3oon Smaldone, J.P., 4Ó9n-7on Smâra, 321 Smart, John, 863n, 89on Smith, A . , 5 0 m Smith, M . G . , 453n Smith, P . , 8o8n Smith, R . , n 6 n Smith, William, 407 Smith Sound, 782 smiths see ironworking snake cult, 626-8 snowballing, 58 Snowden, C , 690n
Soba, 462-3 Soba, 172-3, 174,182,186, 705 Sobat river region, 67, 193, 197 social strata see classes social structures, 23-31; CameroonUpper Nile region, 517,541-5; East African coast, 750, 753-6; East African interior, 28, 828-9, 833, 840-8; Egypt, 27, 155-60; feudal, 26-30; Great Lakes region (south), 777-81, 792-6, 806, 809-12; Hausa states, 24, 26, 29, 30, 481-9; Horn of Africa, 23, 27-8,30-1,704,7067. 712, 7'7-i8, 7 " - 3 . 726, 739. 742-4; Känem-Borno, 504-8; Kongo kingdom, 553, 569-72; Lower Guiñean coast, 399, 402-3, 425-30; Madagascar, 850-60, 8679, 871, 875-6; Maghreb, 27-8, 29, 30, 233, 240-5, 251-2; Niger delta and Cameroon, 440-1, 448, 451-2; Niger-Volta region, 334-59; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region see under religion; Songhay empire, 23. 24, 28-9, 313, 316, 318, 324-6; Southern Africa, 697-9; Southern Zambezia, 644, 646, 659-60, 668; Sudan, 24, 26, 28, 30, 171, 1957; transition from captive to slave society, 24, 26; Upper Guiñean coast, 368-0, 372-82, 386-7, 389, 391-2, 394-8; West Africa, 24; see also arts; economy and trade; language; literature; music; political; population mobility; religion; scholarship Socotra, 714 Sofala river region: economy and trade, 3, 4,13, 32,33, 41, 662,664, 669.675-7.679.750-1,757-8.759. 760, 774; politics and military activities, 43, 45, 648-9, 656, 752; population mobility, 57 Sofara, 318, 358 Sofia river, 8$2, 873 Sohie, 417 Sohondji, 358 Soka, L . D . , 6i2n Sokollu, M e h m e d Pasha, I45n Sokolo, 302, 321 Sokoto caliphate, 29 Sokoto river region, 475, 478 Sokpoe, 402 Solimana, 292 Solomon, House of, 706 Solomonids, 705, 724 Solongdungu, Sulaymän, 188, 190
S o m a , 332 Somali/Somalia, 896; politics and military activities, 712, 830; population mobility and society, 57, 67, 704, 716, 721-3, 833-46 S o m e , 402 Somono, 332, 337-8, 364 Sonde-Luwa, 606 Songhay empire, 24,300-26,899; arts and crafts, 317, 319; cultural and religious development, 324-6; economy and trade, 31,32,36,3003, J02, 310, 315-24; and Hausa sutes, 461,463,465,47on, 471,484, 490, and Känem-Borno, 495, 5034; and Lower Guiñean coast, 405; and Maghreb, 301, 304, 306, 316, 319, 321-3; Moroccan invasion see Morocco and Songhay empire; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 442; and Niger-Volta region, 351, 359; political and military activities, 505, 306-16, 4SQ; population mobility, 68; religion, 324-6; social structures, 23, 24, 28-9, 313, 316, 318, 324-6; and Sudan, 300, 301, 304, 306-16,321,323; Sudanese politics, 306-16; and Upper Guiñean coast, 389. 392 Songo, 605 songs see music Songwe river region, 608, 610-13, 625, 628, 637 Songye, 588,590,59°, 594,594-5.599 Soninke (Marka): economy and trade, 329-30; politics and society, 286-8, 329-32, 333n, 335, 367, 484 Sonni ' A H , 30,32,303 Sor (Tepes), 788, 791 Sore, 404 Soriya family, 293 Soroti, 793 Sory M a w d o (Sory the Great), 292-3 Sosebalki, 513 Soso (Susu): economy and trade, io¡, 579, 580, 585, 587; politics and society, 288, 329, 371, 373-4, 377; population mobility, 69, 379, 395 Sosso, 373 Sotho, 660, 684, 68s, 690-1, 693, 701 Sotuba rapids, 321 S o u m b a T o u m a n e , 379 Sourour, 231 Sousa Coutinho, Francisco Innocencio de, 586-7 South Africa see Southern Africa South America, 235; and African dias-
IO37
Index South America - conti. pora, 1J7-20, 128; African diaspora, 7/0; and CameroonUpper Nile region, 527, 529, 531, 536; capitalist transformation, 8 4 5, 87-9; economy and trade; 12-13; 40-1, 77, 8 4 - 5 , 87-9, 110-11, 652, 655 (see also slave trade below); evolution of under-development in, 9 3 9; and K o n g o kingdom, 563, 576; and Lower Guiñean coast, 399,403, 405-6, 408, 410, 430, 436; and Madagascar, 850, 863; and Niger delta and Cameroon, 4 3 6 , 4 3 9 , 4 4 7 8; religion, 363; and settlement, 683, 695, 697-8; and Senegambia, 265, 269-70,273,276; slave trade, 7; 8-9; 14-15, 18, 20, 52, 74, 76, 78, 8 0 - 1 , 93-9, 655 (see also African diaspora above); see also Atlantic; Brazil
K ä n e m - B o r n o , 496; and K o n g o kingdom, 559, 574; and Lower Guiñean coast, 406; and Maghreb, 233, 235, 236, 238-9,242, 247,249, 251, 253, 255; and Morocco, 200, 203, 207, 209-11, 213, 220, 223-4; and Senegambia, 270; slave trade, 7-9, 16, 18, 77, 81, 94-5, 97, 1 1 3 14, 118; and Southern Africa, 695; and U p p e r Guiñean coast, 386,390,
Subalbe, 31 Sube Njaay, 285 Suculamba, 869 Sudan, 170-99,896-8,903-5; 'Abdalläbi state, 172-3; African diaspora, 116; Bahr al-Ghazâl, peoples of, 198-9; economy and trade, 2, 22, 31-2, 3 4 - 8 , 179, 181, 182, 183-5, 187, 189-90, 195-7, 384, 386, 3 8 9 92,514; and Egypt, 173, 175, 1 7 8 9,181-5,188-90,198; frontiers and 395 socio-economic interdependence, Spaulding, J . L . 173m I77n; i83n-5n; 195-6; F ü r sultanate, 187-91; and i87n-gn, 1 9 m , 195, icón Great Lakes region, 777, 779-81, Spear, T . T . , 54n, 67n, 7 6 4 ^ 834n, 786, 789-90, 798, 812; and H o r n of 83 9 n Africa, 177-9,183,184,192-3,705, Speke, John Hanning, 804, 8i2n 715, 721, 746; Islam, progress of, Speyer, 868n 179-80; and K ä n e m - B o r n o , $00i spice trade (particularly pepper), 10, 514; languages, 191-2, 198; and 101, io6n; Egypt, 138; Indian Lower Guiñean coast, 399, 403-5, Ocean islands, 894; Senegambia, 428; and Maghreb, 179, 180, 183, Southall, A . W . , 7 8 m , 796n 263; Songhay empire, 323; U p p e r 187,190; and Morocco, 212-13; ar>d Guiñean coast, 374, 383; 386, 398 Southern Africa, 42, 46801, 46-61 Niger-Volta region, 364; politics passim, 49, 54, 55, 64-6, 6 8 - 9 , 71, Spilberg, Admiral G . , 88gn and military activities, 42, 43, 1 7 0 73, 683-702, 895; economy and spirit cults and ancestor worship: East 9, 181-5, 186, 187-91, 194, 1 9 6 trade, 13, 683-90, 693-7, 701-2; African interior, 843, 845; Great 8, 306-16; population mobility, 49, languages, 684, 686; politics and Lakes region, 808, 826; K o n g o 57, 58-9, 68, 170, 172, 197, 372, military activities, 43, 691, 698-72; kingdom, 554, 573, 599; northern 374, 379; religion, 179-80, 181, population mobility, 46-ii passim, Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 613, 189-91; and Senegambia, 262-3, 64-6,68-9,71,73,686-8,690,693; 618, 627; Southern Zambezia, 644, 265, 268-70, 288; slave trade, 6, slave trade, io6n, 106; social struc646; see also oracles 181, 184, 199; social structures, 24, tures, 697-9 Spratlin, V . B . , ii4n 26,28,30,171,195-7; a n d Songhay Southern Rivers region, 267, 372-8, Sri Lanka, 767 empire, 300, 301, 304,306-16, 321, Stanley, Sir Henry Morton, 540 389, 392. 395 323; Southern, 191-3; state and Southern Zambezia, 640-82, 641; arts Stanley, S . , 7i8n economy and trade, 181-5; a n d Stanley Pool, 105 and crafts, 640, 642-3, 651-2, 655, Upper Guiñean coast, 371-2, 374, state and economy, 32-8; see also pol658-9; beliefs and administrative 379, 384, 386, 389-92; see also itical control, 644-7; economy and trade, Cameroon-Upper Nile region; statues see sculpture and carving 648-50, 652, 6S4, 655-7, 661-77, Fundj sultanate; Hausa states; Stein, R . , 81, 4o8n 678, 679-82; politics and military K ä n e m - B o r n o ; Shilluk activities, 640, 644-61, 657, 673, Steinhart, Edward I., 792, 822-3 Stewart, C . C . , 405n Sudd,170 681; Portuguese administration, Stitz, V . , 7ign Sudugo, 351 648-56; religion, 644, 646, 659-60; stock-raising see livestock Suez, I45n, 14911, i66n Rozvi empire, 656-61; social strucstone artefacts: Cameroon-Upper Nile sufi mysticism, 156, 179-80; sugar tures, 644, 646, 659-60, 668 Souza, F . de, 66sn region, 516, 520-1; Indian Ocean production and trade, 38; Americas, S o w , A.I., 295n islands, 887; K o n g o kingdom, 5 7 4 7, 9, 14, 77, 88, 98, 118, 126, 269, S o w u n m i , M . A . , 446n 5; Madagascar, 859; Southern Z a m 273, 390; Hausa states, 454; Indian bezia, 640, 642; see also sculpture Ocean islands, 893: K o n g o Soyo: economy and trade, 560, 562, Strandes, J., 756n, 757, 76on, 859n, kingdom, 569; Morocco, 2oi&n, 569; politics and society, 44, 551, 888n 210-11; Senegambia, 265; Songhay 553, 559, 566, 571, 584 spahi troops, 147-8 Straube, H . , 7ion, 7i2n, 7 2 m , 74on, empire, 300, 323; Southern Z a m 745n-6n bezia, 652, 662 Spain, 43,896; African diaspora, 1 1 3 14, 117-18; and East African coast, Strong, Jonathan, 115 Suku, 553n, 604, 606 756, 766-7; economy and trade, 2; Struck, B . , 8o9n S u k u m a , 778n, 782,828,830,838,841 5; io-ii, 34-6, 41, 84-6 (see also Stubbs, J . M . , 193 Sukwa, 608 slave trade below); and H o r n of Stuhlmann, Franz, 804, 8o7n Sulaymän, Awläd (Surt and Fezzän), Africa, 709, 714, 729, 731; and Stuurman, Klaas, 700-1 259
IO38
Index Sulaymän Baal (Futa Toro), 24, 287, 295-6 Sulaymän (Hausa states, 1587—1600), 460, 46 m Sulaymän (Hausa states, 1674), 462 Sulaymän the Magnificent, Sultan (Sudan, 1520-66), 174 Sulaymän, Mansa (Senegambia, d. 1360), 263 Sulaymän, Mawläy (Morocco), 232 Sulaymän Pasha (Egyptian viceregent, 1538), 145, I58n, 175 Sulaymän, Sultan (Egypt, 1538), I42n, 145 al-Sultana al-Zarka, 173 Sultanates see Islam Sulzmann, E . , 567^ 58on S u m T a m b e n , 741 Sumaguru Kante, 31 Sumba, 375, 377 S u m b w a , 818, 830, 834, 838 Summers, Roger, 663 Summerset, James, 115 Sunnite, 861, 886-8 Sunsan, 332 Sunsanna, 312, 332 Suntreso, 412 Sura, Ibrahim, 458 Surame, 456-7 Surat, 772, 890 Suret-Canale, J., 379n-8on, 387, 394n Surma, 192 Suit, 237, 259 Süs: economy and trade, 302, 319; politics and military activities, 201, 202, 203, 216, 219, 220, 222, 230, 306,31s Susenyos, Emperor, 178, 703, 72gn, 730-2 Susu see Soso Sutherland-Harris, N . , 63 m Sutton, J . E . G . , 4 6 m , 6Ó3n, 826n Sutuku, 269 S u w a y m , 183 S u y u m a , 287 al-Suyütl, M u h a m m a d ibn Ridwän, I56n Svane, 427 Swahili: East African coast, 751-75 passim; East African interior, 829, 830, 831, 839, 847; economy and trade, 34, 649, 651, 655, 666, 672, 675-7, 682, 693, 751-75, 847, 85961; Horn of Africa, 710; Indian Ocean islands, 887, 89cm; M a d a gascar, 859-61; politics and military activities, 42,45,619,624,630,751,
753, 760-1. 764-5, 839; population mobility, 57,71,639, 829,830,831, 839,859-61,887,89on; social structures, 31, 887, 89on; Southern Africa, 693; Southern Zambezia, 649, 651, 655, 666, 672, 675-7, 682 Swartz, A . , 378n, 3 8 m Sweden, 390, 406 Swellendam, 700 Swida, Naaba, 340 Sy, A m a d o u Abel, 284 Sya see Bobo-Dioulasso Sylivia, L u u p de, 644n Sylva, Luys da, 6 4 m Syria, 137, 162, 164, 168 Tabarka, 237, 238 Tabelbala, 237,302 Tabiri, Nana, 430 Table Mountain, 696 taboos, 806-7, 857 Tabousamt, 216 T a b w a , 6og Tacchi, A . , 877n Tädj al-DIn al-Bahäri, 180 Tadjukant, 321 Tadjüra, 44,710 Tadla, 201, 202, 230 Tâdmekka see Takedda Tadmekket, 30s, 307, 313. 3'8 Tado, 400, 401 Tafilälet, 201, 216, 218, 230,237,302, 319. 321 Tafo, 412, 414, 430 Tägant, 25,302 Taghäza, 24, 33, 300, 301, 302, 303, 3>9.323 Taghaza al-Ghizlan see Taoudéni Tagrin, Cape, 377 al-Tahir b. Ibrahim al-Fallati, M u h a m m a d , 50411 Tai-Grabo, 382 Taita, 830 Takai, 489 Takali, 177, 195 Takedda (Tadmekka), 25, 45411, 458, 494-5 Takla Haymanot, Saint, 739 Takla, 402 Takrür, 24; economy and trade, 31, 38, 484n, 490; politics and military activities, 172, 315, 493,495; population mobility, 57; social structures, 24, 28, 29 Takwa, 762 T a k w a m b a , 47on
Talansam (Talansan), Battle of, 292, 379 Talata, 496, 497 T a m a , 486 Tamajaq, 48411 Tamakloe, E . F . , 339n Tamatave, 852, 867, 882-3 T a m b a , Mansa, 266 Tamboukane, 286 T a m m o u r a , 333n Tamrat, T . , n 6 n , 705n T a n Date, 356 Tana, Lake, 715 Tana river, 67,719 Tanala, 849, 852, 855, 874, 879-80, 883 Tanezruft, 322 Tanga, 451, 769 Tanga-Yasa, 451 Tanganyika Lake region, 802; econo m y and trade, 612, 816, 823; politics and society, 599, 804-5, 808, 818, 803; population mobility, 63, 612 Tangier, 202, 209, 212, 215, 223-4 Tankudgo (Tenkodogo), 342,351,352 Tano river, 413, 417, 424, 426 Tanoe river, 368-9, 378, 401 Tantä, 158 Tanzania see East African interior Taoudéni (Taghäza al-Ghizlän), 33, 30J.J02, 315, 322-3, 480 Tapa, 440 Tapsir H a m m a d ï I bra, 297 Tarash river, 790 Tardits, C , 5i6n-ign Tarhüna, 246 tariffs, trade, 87, 928m tarifas, 178-80 Tarïm, 771 Taritu, 461 Tarüdant, 204, 217, 219, 222 Tassakant, 30s Tassy, L . de, 32 m Tatenga (Riziam), 341-2 Tatoga, 819-20 Tauxier, L . , 3i2n, 329, 332n-4n, 34on,342n Taveta, 830 Tawara, 616, 621, 632 taxation, tithes and tributes, 29, 39, 4 3 & n , 45; East African coast, 7 5 7 8,774; Egypt, 142-3,148-50,154, 1 6 m , 164,166; Great Lakes region, 825-6; Hausa states, 461, 472-3, 479, 482, 487, 489-90; Horn of Africa, 707; K ä n e m - B o r n o , 495-7,
IO39
Index taxation, tithes and tributes - conti. 502, s 11 ; Kongo kingdom, 559,578; Luba and Lunda, 595, 598-9, 602; Madagascar, 871, 873, 877, 878; Maghreb, 235, 239, 241, 244, 24951, 255; Niger-Volta region, 333, 361; northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 622, 631; Senegambia, 290; Southern Zambezia, 641, 646-53 passim, 659, 679-81; Sudan, 178, 191; Upper Guiñean coast, 387, 392 Taylor, J G . , 8on Tayrâb ibn A h m a d Bukr, M u h a m m a d , 189, 190 Taza, 202,2/7, 218 al-Tazarkini, al-Mustafa, Pasha, 308 tea trade, 323 Tebandeke, Kabaka, 801 Teedyekk see Tejek (Teedyekk) Teile, 402 Tegbesu, 438 Tegdaoust, 319 Tegiddan Tesemt, 475n Teixeira da Mota, A . , 3 0 m , 383n-4n Tejek (Teedyekk), 279, 281 Teke, 105, 527, 529, 531, 536, 546-7, 581-2 Tekidi, 777-81, 783,784,786, 789 Tekyiman, 430 Tele, Lake, J05, 318 Tellez, B . , 7 3 m T e m a , 328, 340, 342n, 345, 399, 400, 412 T e m b u , 685, 700 Temini, A . , 236n T e m n e : economy and trade, 377, 382, 386-^7, 389; population mobility, 373-4, 380 T e m n eriver,44 tenant farming, 27, 29 Tenda, 262, 266, 374, 379 Tenda-Boeni, 379 Tendaculo river, 662 Tendirma, 30, 304 Tenerife, 35 Tenkodogo see Tankudgo Tepes (Sor), 788 Terego, 785 Terpestra, H . , 11, I2n terracotta see pottery Terrasse, H . , 212 Terrier Rouge, 269 Teshi, 400, 412 Teso, 788-9, 791-3, 796 Tessawa, 477,478 Tete, 4, 587, 603, 758; and northern
IO4O
Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 618, 6i9n, 622, 631-2, 636, 654; and Southern Zambezia, 641,642, 6756, 679, 681 Tetu,837 Tetuán, 202 Teuso, 788 Teve, 679 Tewodros, Emperor, 733n, 734 textiles production and trade, 12, 18, 32, 34, 101; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 519, 527, 529, 536, 540-1; as currency see raffia; East African coast, 755, 760, 770, 772; East African interior, 838-9; Great Lakes region, 800; Hausa states, 467, 476-^. 479. 482, 484; Horn of Africa, 709, 740, 746; K â n e m Borno, 499, 501, 506-7; Kongo kingdom, 547, 548, 555, 557, 561, 574-6, 578, 581, 586; Lower Guiñean coast, 405, 406, 408-9, 427-30, 432-3; Madagascar, 860; Maghreb, 242, 249-51; Niger delta and Cameroon, 445; Niger-Volta region, 359; northern ZambeziLake Malawi region, 631-3, 636-7; Senegambia, 265-6, 271, 279, 281; Songhay empire, 318-19, 323; Southern Zambezia, 648-9, 652, 669-70, 675, 677, 680; Sudan, 181; Upper Guiñean coast, 382, 389; see also cotton; dyes; raffia; silk; weaving; Theal, G . M . , 624^ 6 3 m , 688n, 862n; on Southern Zambezia, 642n, 64411, 647n-5in, 66în, 6Ô4n-5n, 6Ô9n7on, 672n-3n, Ô79n, 682n Theodore II of Ethiopia, 703, 898 Thierno Molle, 298 Third World concept, 75-80 T h o m a s , F . M . , 633n T h o m a s , J . M . C . , 55n T h o m a s , R . P . , 83n Thomassin, L . , 856n, 87on Thompson, L . , 902n T h o m p s o n , R . F . , 576n, 582n Thornton, J . K . , 66n, Ç02n; on Kongo kingdom, 546n, sson, 558n, 5 6 m , 5Ô3n-4n, 572, s8on, 587n; on Luba and Lunda, 58911, 6o2n, 60511-611 Three Kings, the Battle of the, 2057, 20S, 209-12; see also Wadi alMakhâzin, the Battle of Tiassalé, 381, 410 Tibati, 517 Tibesti, 25,302
Tidikelt, 302, 322 Tïdjânïyya, 321 Tidjikdja, 302 Tiefo, 358 Tiendrebeogo, Y . , 3 4 m , 3Ô3n Tifool, 785 Tighûrt Pasha, 496 Tigrai (Tigray), 704-^7, 713,715, 723, 74°. 745 Tigré (Kaba Seyon), 44,708,714,724, 729, 741-3,748 Tiguiton see Mamari Kulibali Tikar, 517, 518-19 tiles see pottery and ceramics Tilho, J., 453n, 4 6 m , 472n timber see wood Timbi, 291 T i m b o , 291-4 Timbuktu, 24,44; economy and trade, 33,35.36,302,318-22,324-5,478, 479, 480; and Hausa states, 45g, 47on, 478, 479, 480; and Morocco, 301,303-5; and Niger-Volta region, 332-4. 337. 364; a n d Senegambia, 295; and Songhay empire, 305; and Sudanese politics, 307-9, 312-16 T i m i m u n , 302, 321 tin trade, 12, 271, 540 Tindamba, 350 Tindüf, 237, 321 Tingimaro, 860-1, 870 Tingirigif, 314 Tio, 898,902; economy and trade and society, 42, 531, 535-6, 539-41, 542,543-5,551,560,579, 581; politics and military activities, 550, 557-8, 567,585 Tiramaghan Traore, 372 Tishit, 321 tithes see taxation Titingue, 882 Titteri, 256 Tizïmî, 230
Tiznit, 202 Tlemcen: economy and trade, 4, 235, 242, J02; politics and military activities, 201, 203, 216, 277, 2356, 237, 238 tobacco cultivation and trade: A m e r icas, 14, 77, 88, 9 m ; CameroonUpper Nile region, 541, 544; East African interior, 839; Hausa states, 475,477; Kongo kingdom, 563,581; Songhay empire, 318-19; Southern Zambezia, 652 Todgha, 216 Todiam, 345
Index Togo, 70, 352, 400, 402 T o g o m e , 402 tolls see taxation T o m a (Loma), 375, 377, 380 T o m b a M é n d e z family, 396 Tondi, joy Tondibi, 301 Tonga, 69, 193, 608, 622-4, 632, 641 Tongu, 402 Tongwe, 830, 834 Tonmasa, 364 Tooth Coast, 398 Toplin, R . B . , 96n Toposa, 779, 788, 791 Torgut (Dragut), 238 Toro, 793, 799, 827, 830 Torodbe, 364 Torodi, 351 Torodo, 31-2, 39, 287, 295-8 Toron, 329-30 Tororo, 787 Torres, D . de, 201 Torwa, 899; economy and trade, 669, 671, 676, 678; politics and military activities, 640-1, 658-9 Tosh, J., 65n Touat (Tüwät), 315 Touba, 377 T o u b a - M a n , 381 Toulepleu, 369, 378, 381 Toumania, 379 Toura, 375 Toure, M . , 419n Toussaint, A . , 866n, 892n, 8g3n-4n Toussaint L'Ouverture, 126-7, '36 Tovonkery, 8s8n Toya, 314 Tozeur, 321 Tracey, H . , 675n trade, international, 1-22; and European powers, 10-13; routes, 33; see also economy and trade; slave trade trading posts see entrepôt transhumance, 46, 47, 49, 54-5; East African interior, 829, 840; Great Lakes region, 823; Maghreb, 240; Southern Africa, 690, 700; Southern Zambezia, 668-9 Traoré, D . , 358n Traore dynasty, 358 Trarza: economy and trade, 44, 281, 302, 321; politics and military activities, 264, 277, 279-81, 283, 296-7.3IS trekboere, 46, 49, 54, 55, 68 'triangular' trade, 18, 91 tributes see taxation
True Lamtûnï, 319 T u m u , 517 Trimingham, J.S., I7gn Tunbi, 511 Tripoli: economy and trade, 2, 4, 33, Tundjür, 187, 188, IÇ4 36-7, 129, 183, 241, 248-9, 302, T u n d u , K . Y . , 599n 480; and K a n e m - B o r n o , 496, 499, Tunen, 534 512; and Lower Guiñean coast, 406; Tunfafi, 468 Ottoman Regency, 258-60; politics Tunis Delys, 35 and military activities, 233, 235-6, al-Tunisi, ' U m a r , 190 237, 238, 244-6, 255-60; and Tunisia and Tunis: 16th century crisis Songhay empire, 321 and Ottoman solution, 233-40; 17th Tripolitania, 237, 241, 244, 258; century search for equilibrium, economy and trade, 37; and Egypt, 240-51; 18th century, 251-60; 168; and K a n e m - B o r n o , 503; polieconomy and trade, 2, 4,33, 35-6, tics and military activities, 43; 183, 302, 480; and Morocco, 204; population mobility, 56 politics and military activities, 43, 233, 235-6,237, 238,244-6,252-7, Tsagarana, 'Uthmän, 4 6 m 261; social structures, 241-4, 2 5 1 Tsagero, 484 Tsamia, 483 2; and Songhay empire, 321; state under Ottomans, 252-5; and Tsara, 870n Sudan, 190 Tsayi, 581 Tshikapa, 606 T u n u m a ( T u m a ) , 339 Tshuapa river, 580 Ture, 330 Tsiampondy, 868n Turka, 358 . Tsikoa, 882 Turkana Lake region, 56,67, 896; and Tsileliki, 867 East African interior, 828-9, #J°> Tsimanatona, 870 833, 834, 847; and Horn of Africa, Tsimeto, 851 722,778-9,788,790 Turkey see Ottoman Tsimihety, 849, 852, 872 Turnbull, C M . , 4gn Tsiribihinariver,870 Turundj, 189 Tsohuwar, 477 Tutsi, 803, 809, 812, 821, 824, 827 Tsotsebaki, 463a Tüwät, 301,302, 321, 480 Tssumao, Father Philipe de, 679n Twa, 845 Tswana, 49, 684, 6S5, 691, 693, 701 Twi, 402 Tuareg, 241, 313, 333; and Hausa Twidan (Bretuo), 403, 415 states, 456,461,467, 468, 475, 489; and K â n e m - B o r n o , 501, 503, 511, Twifo, 412, 415, 416, 420 Tyapi, 373-4, 379 512; population mobility, 46,49,55, Tyero Somono, 333 68; and Songhay empire, 304, 30s, Tyoki, 305 306-7, 312-14, 318, 323 Tyokosi, 60, 64, 70, 351, 352 T u b u , 497-9,500, 501, 513 Tucker, A . N . , I72n Uba, 741 Tucker, Henry and family, 397 Uban Doro, 462 Tuggurt, 237, J02, 321 Uban Yara, Muhammad, 460, 462 T u g o Dhokoth, Reth, 196—7 Tuguri, 351 Ubangi and Ubangi river region: Tukuloor, 262, 264, 326 economy and trade, 529, 534, 536, 538, 540, 542-3, 580; population Tûkyï, Djabal, 198 mobility, 46, 55, 57, 66, 69, 519, Tulama, 720 522, 523-4; social structures, 198, Tuléar, 852, 858 Tulunids, 184 519-24, 542-3 T u m a (Tunuma), 339 al-'Ubaydï, al-Mustansir, 231 T ü m ä n Bey, 156 Ubena, 637 T u m b u k a : politics and military activi- Ubisa, 626 Ubuque, 86in ties, 622-4; society and economy Ucego, 798 and trade, 608, 6og, 610, 612-13, Udjda, 216, 218 622-4, 628, 632, 634-5, 636, 638 Uele river region, 519-24, 538 T u m p a , 891
1041
Index Ufipa, 844-5 Uganda: economy and trade, 782,790, 795, 822, 834; society, politics and population mobility, 26, 59, 68-9, 191,770-80,786,788-90,795,8035, 807-8, 844, 896; and Sudan, 198 Ughoton, 445 U g h r a m m a , 321 Ugogo, 839 Ugweno, 835, 843 Uhehe, 637, 830 Uiwa, 626 Ula, 344 Ulad Dellim, 283 'ulamä (sing, 'âlim): Egypt, 154, 156; Hausa states, 460; Kânem-Borno, 493; Maghreb, 239; Morocco, 214, 218,226; Songhay empire, 301,304, 324-5 Ulambya, 625-6, 628, 638 Ulugh Khan see Yakut Sabit K h a n Habshî ' U m a r b. Idrïs (Borno, 1619-39), 5 1 1 _ 12 ' U m a r b. Idrïs, M a i (Kânem, 138287), 492 ' U m a r b. 'Uthmân see Masbarma ' U m a r b. 'Uthman 'Umar, al-Hâdjdj (Niger-Volta region), 365 ' U m a r ibn Kasïm see Ismail, Mawlay ' U m a r Lei, 188 ' U m a r , Shaykh (Senegambia, 19th century), 289 ' U m a r , Jhaykh Zâhir (Akka and Galilee, 1770), 162, 164 Timar Tall, Hâdjdj, 325 'Umära Dunkus, 173,177 'Umaru, MalamJDjibrll dan, 489,905 Umayyads, 173, 210-11 U m u n o h a , 448 Unamwanga, 626 underdevelopment and dependency, 75-80, 93-110 Undi, 616, 621-2, 629-31, 632 Ungonde, 625-6, 628, 638 Ungwana see Hoja United States see North America U n o m a h , A . C . , ioon-in Unsa III, 177-8 Unyakyusa, 612, 626, 831 Unyamwezi, 637, 838, 844 Unyiha, 625-6, 840 Uober, 78gn Upare, 844 U p e m b a Depression, 589-90, $go, 59*-3> 594, 599
IO42
Upper Guiñean coast, 368-98; economy and trade, 371-2, 374-5, 376, 378-9, 382-98; historical synthesis difficult, 369-71; languages, 368-9,371,373. 375. 377. 395; political mutations and socio-economic changes, 382-98; politics and military activities, 370,371-2,375,37887, 388, 38972, 393; 394-8; population mobility, 369, 372-82, 376, 377—82; social structures, 368-9, 372-82; 386-7, 389, 391-2, 394-8; and Sudan, 371-2, 374, 379, 384, 386, 389-92; see also Guinea Upper Volta see Niger-Volta region uprisings see revolts urbanization, 30-1, 34, 36-9; see also individual towns Urhobo, 434, 43S, 445 Uribe, J.J., I20n Uring, N . , 576n, s82n Uruan Ibibio (place), 450 'Urûd j see Barbarossa Urungwe, 670 Urvoy, Y . F . , 453n Usagara, 834 Usambara, 831, 834, 835 U s m a n , Y . B . : on Hausa states, 453n, 455n-7n, 46on-2n, 4 6 7 ^ 46gn-7on, 472n, 474j6n, 4841». 487". 489119on; on Kanem-Borno, 494n, 5i3n; Volta region, 3Ô5n Usukuma, 776, 827 Utambo, 638 Uteve, 641; economy and trade, 669, 671, 674, 679-80; politics and military activities, 641, 647, 649, 657, 661 'Uthmân b. A b u Bakr b. A h m a d alDar'i, Pasha (Songhay empire, 1815), 308 'Uthman Bey, Amïr (Mascara, 12th century), 230 'Uthmân Bey D h u '1-Fakâr (Egypt, 1730s), 154 'Uthmân dan Fodio, 24, 325,489 •Uthmân al-Kabîr, M u h a m m a d b., 256 'Uthman, Malam (Borno), 487 "Uthmân Nayimawa (Katsina, 160018), 460 'Uthmân (Osman), Kâhya (Egypt, 1729), 153 'Uthmân, Shehu (Hausa states), 489 Uvinza, 826, 838-9 Uvira, 28 U y o m a , 789
U y o m b e , 638 Uzoigwe, G . N . , 777n Vai, 375, 377, 394 Vail, H . L . , 61 in, 6t2n, 6i5n, 636n Valensi, L . , 323n Valkenburgh, F . C . , 409n Valladolid, Juan de, 114 Valle, Pietro della, 134 Van Alstein, 578n Van Avermaet, J., 595n Van den Broecke, Pieter, 862n-3n, 889n Van den Byvang, L . , s88n Van der Bürgt, J . M . , 8o4n, 8o7n Van der Kerken, G . , 543n Van Gennep, A . , 8son Van Noten, F . , 535n, 813, 826n Van Overbergh, C , 588n Van Thiel, Father H . , 804, 8o8n, 819 Van Velsen, J., 623n Van Wing, J., 55on, 553n, 555n Vandals, 58, 59 Vangaindrano (Nosipandra), #52, 884 Vansina, J., ioon, 87 m , 895-6, 902n, 906; on Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 52on, 531,535n, 539n, 5 4 m ; on Great Lakes region, 8o5n, 8i3n, 817, 8 2 m , 827n; on Kongo kingdom, 546-87,904; on Luba and Lunda, 589^ 599n, 6o3n, 6o7n; on northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region, 633n; on population, 46-73, 898, 903 Varabei, 880 Vasco da G a m a see G a m a Vassa, Gustavus, 123-5 Vatomandry, S52, 882 Vaughan, M . , 6i2n Vaz family (Antonio, Francisco, Bibiana and Ambrosio), 396-7 Vazimba, 875-6 Vêlez de la Gomera, 204, 205 Vellut, J.L., 572n, 588n, 6o2n, 6o3n Velosco, Gaspar, Ó75n Venda, 676 Veneziano, Hasan, 301 Venezuela, 9, 120 Verga, Cape, 380, 394 Verhulpen, E . , s88n Vérin, P., 8s9n Verlinden, G , 6n, 7i4n Vernier, E . , 8s9n Vesely, R . , 906; on Ottoman conquest of Egypt, 137-69 Vespucci, Amerigo, 7 5 m Veta, 402
Index Vial, M . , 87311 Victoria, Lake: economy and trade, 612, 816, 834, 838; politics and society, 803, 808, 810, 818-20, 822, 830; population mobility, 612 Vidal, G , 8o9n, 823n Vila Vilar, E . , 81, 95n Vili: economy and trade, 529,560,562, 569, 580, 587, 606; population mobility, 71; social structures, 526 Villapadierna, E . de, 54611 Vinda, 880 Vinza, 834, 839 Vipya, 635 Virunga, 802-03 Vita see K i m p a Vita Vitré, François Martin de, 889n Vix, A . , 8ogn Vohemar, 852, 859 Vohipeno, 8 5 m Volafotsy (Volamena), 872-3 Volamena (Volafotsy), 868-72, 883 Volo, 402 Volta river region, 34gn, 399,478,499; and Lower Guiñean coast, 402,406, 411, 413, 415, 419-20, 426; see also Mossi; Niger delta and Cameroon; Niger-Volta region Voltaic people, J70,376 Von Stuemer, 804 Vou-Kpata, 523 Voute, 517 V u m b a and V u m b a K u u , 753, 764, 765, 769-71 V u m e , 402 Vungara, 523 Vungu, 547, 549-50,557 W a u - T o n j region, 199 Waalo, 24, ios, 2^4\ a n d partition of coast and Muslim reaction, 269, 274-6; and Portuguese monopoly, 267-8; and slave trade, ceddo and Muslim revolutions, 278-83, 2 9 6 7.299 W a b a , 350 Wabi river, 719 W a c h a n g a m w e , 753 Wadai, 44, 187-9, 4S0, 5°°, 511-11, 513 Wadâya, 225 W a d d ä n , 321, 480 W â d ï al-Cherrât, 204 W â d T Aliaga, 32 W â d l Faz, 218 W â d l Haifa, 145 W â d ï al-Makhâzin, the Battle of, 207,
208, 212, 300; see also Three Kings, the Battle of the W ä d l S e b ü , 219 Wafaza, 753 al-Wafrani, 30on, 303n-4n W a g , 708,711,720, 724,725,739,748 W a g a d u g u see Ouagadougou wage-earners: Lower Guiñean coast, 426 Waggara, 707, 708, 726, 748 Wagner, E . , 72Ôn Wahhïbï, 231 Wahiguya see Ouahigouya jvakfs, 242 Wakiko, 838 Wakoli, 787 W a l a m o , 739 Walâta, 25,302, 321,480 jpâli, 147, 162, 204 Wäll A b u 'Abdullah! b. Masânï, 487 Walkley, G E.J., I97n Wallaga, 717, 721, 738, 741 Wallaka, 705, 724 Wallen, 237,302 Wallerstein, I., 235n, 9 0 m Walowa, 835 Walter, B.J., 84on Walton, G . M . , Sçn-gin Walvin, J., H 3 n Walz, T . , i84n W a m a r a , 799, 806-8 Wamatsaha, 887n, 891 W a m b a i and W a m b a i G i w a , 473&n, 483 Wandiaka, 304 W a n g a , 789, 841 Wangara, 355, 453, 476, 479, 482, 487" W a n n u m i , 826 Wapate, 753 war see political and administrative structures and military activities Warebo, 418 Warga, Naaba, 341, 366 Wargla, 237, 301,302, 321 Wari, M u h a m m a d , 458, 460 Warren, R . , 75, 7gn Wasangari, 352 Washana, 835, 843 Wasini V u m b a , 769 Wassa, 400, 401, 402, 404, 412, 413, 414, 420 Wassa Amanfi, 415 Wassa Sehwi, 400 Wassa Twifo, 412 Wassalu, 334 Wasserman, M . , 93n
Wasulu, 44, 330 Wasuya, 843 Watasanu, 486 Wattara, 333, 351, 355, 358 Wattâs, Banu, 224 Wattâsids, 200, 201 W a u , 191-2, 198 wax trade, 265, 318, 528, 578, 632, 751,838 Wazzân, 300 W e , 351,368-9, 381, 382 weapons see firearms weaving, 32, 34; Hausa states, 467, 476; Horn of Africa, 746; K ä n e m Borno, 499; Lower Guiñean coast, 427-30, 433; Niger-Volta region, 359; Senegambia, 266; Songhay empire, 319; Upper Guiñean coast, 389; see also textiles Webster, A . G , ioon-in Webster, J.B., 6i2n, 625n, 632, 633n, 902n, 909; on Great Lakes, 776-827 Wedraogo, Naaba, 339, 345, 350-1 W e d z a , 670 Weiskel, T . G , 4i8n Weiser family, 9 W e m a , 342 Wenchi, 420 Wenya, 638 Were, G . S . , 8 4 m Werempe A m p e m , 423 West Africa: African diaspora, 113, 114-16, 118, 120-2, 125-6, 130, 134; economy and trade, 2-3; 5-6; 10-13, 18-20, 32, 34, 38, 40-2, 77, 84 (see also slave trade below); politics and military activities, 43-5; population mobility 46; 50-1; 54—7, 61-72, ios passim; slave trade, 1 8 20; 103-9 (see a¡s0 under individual countries and African diaspora above); social structures, 24,26; and Sudan, 181; see also Hausa states; Kânem-Borno; K o n g o 1 kingdom; Niger-Volta region; Senegambia; Songhay empire; Upper Guiñean coast West Adantic group, 370, 374, 376, 377. 380, 382-6 West India Companies, 106-7, 2 7 ' , 390 West Indies see Central America Westermann, D . , 191 Western Europe see Europe Wheatley, Phyllis, 123-4 Wheeler, A . , 7g8n White, C . M . N . , 6osn
IO43
Index W h y d a h , 4, 19, 44, 104, ios, 406-7, 436,439 Wiawso, 415, 418-19 Wiile, 3SS Wilbur, C M . , 12911 Wilks, L G . , 40411, 41311, 41711, 41911, 42011, 42211, 42411, 427 Willan, T . S . , u n William-Myers, A.J., 61 m , 621 Williams, E . , 9711 Williamson, K . , 43411 Willis, J.R., 63n, 4osn Willis, Roy G . , 844, 84sn Wilson, A . , 66n, S73n, ¡ggn Wilson, D . A . , 8 4 m Wilson, J . F . M . , 79gn Wilson, M . , 6i2n, 684n, 69011-m, 693 W i n a m Gulf, 832, 834-5 Windward Coast, 104, 373 W i n e Islands, 90 Winterbottom, T h o m a s , 293, 294 Winyi, 817 Winyi II, 797 Wipac (Rumbek), 777 Wipaco D w o n g ' , 780 witchcraft, 613, 731 W o b a , 350 W o b o g o , Naaba, 343-4 W o d z e , 424 Wogodogo see Ouagadougou W o l a m o see Wolayta Wolayta (Wolamo), 704,708,739,740, 741, 742. 744, 745, 898 Wolff, J., 8n Wollo-Raya, 720 Wolof (including Bawol, Kayor and Waalo), 10, 262, 264; economy and trade (mainly slave), 12,32,278-82, 287, 295-9; an<J partition of coast and Muslim reaction, 269, 274-6; and Portuguese monopoly, 267-8; social structures, 26 Womersley, H . , 592n Wondji, C , 3 6 9 ^ 425n-6n, 907; on Upper Guinea, 368-98 wood trade and woodworking, 3 , 5 , 3 1 , 77; Cameroon-Upper Nile region, 517, 520, 527-9, 535; East African interior, 839,842; Hausa states, 476; Kongo kingdom, 5 4 7 , 5 ^ , 561,575, 580; Lower Guiñean coast, 427; Maghreb, 252; Niger delta and Cameroon, 447; Niger-Volta region, 331, 346 world economic order, 75-6; see also Atlantic trade ¡norma, 27&11, 30
IO44
Worodugu, 355, 377 Wouri river, 71, 527, 528 Wright, A . C . A . , 832n Wright, J., 686n,687n Wright, S . , 705n, 736n Wrigley, Christopher, 99-100, 8o8n Wrigley, E . A . , 8gn writing, 64, 508, 574-5, 850; see also literacy; literature Wubri, Naaba, 339, 340, 342, 345n Wudjda (Oujda), 202, 217 Wuli, 263, 264, 265, 269 Wunder, H . , 83n Wuri, 486 Wurodugu, 322 Xaaso, 264, 285, 286, 298 Xaasonke, 286 Xevi, 402 Xhosa, 54, 685, 688, 691, 693, 6 9 9 702 Ximenes, Cardinal, 35 Yaasin B u b u , 275-6 Yadega, Naaba, 339, 340, 342, 355 Ya'ekob, Emperor, 730 Yaga, 351 Y a g b u m , 339 al-Yahmadi, 225n al-Yahudï, Yâsïf, 151 Yahyâ, D . , 503n Yaji, 483 Yaka, 70, 580, 587, 601, 604, 606 Yakubu dan Mazuru, 462 Yakasso, 355, 410 Yako, 328, 340, 341, 343, 344 Ya'kúb al-Mansür ( 12th century), 215 Yakut Sabit K h a n Habshï (Ulügh Khan), 132 Y a m b a Tiendrebeogo, 341 Yamgor see Gangero Yamta, 494 Yanbu, M u h a m m a d u , 5ogn Yanga, 351 Yango, 819 Yao: and East African coast, 758, 762, 770, 772; economy and trade, 632, 6j6,639,758,762,770,772; politics and society, 608, bog, 610-12; population mobility, 70-1 Yargana, 462 Yarse: economy and trade, 322, 359, 361, 365; politics and society, 348, 353, 3 6 7; population mobility, 57, 71 Ya'rubi,767 Yasa, 451
Yatenga: economy and trade, 359,361, 362, 365; politics and society, 24, 26, 312,328, 339-45, 347-9, 353-5 Yav, 593 Y a w u , 415 Yawuri, 465, 467, 479 . Yawuri, Birnin, 479 Yaye Hoola, 285 Yekuno Amläk, Emperor, 724 Yemele, 783 Y e m e n , 145, 710, 715, 741 Yendabri, 351-2 Yendi, 24, 44,328, 340, 365, 410, 478 Yendi Dabari, 365 Yengema, 373 Yennenga, 339 Yerim K o d e , 275, 276-7 Yerim Mbanik, 280 Yimbo, 835, 840, 846 Yirlabe, ' A U SIdî, 296,298 al-Ya'kübi, 483 Yobe river, 493, 499 Yoder, J . C . , 588n, 593n Yohannes, Emperor, 732 Y o m b e , 549 Yoruba, 464; economy and trade, 26, 31,34,479,481 ; politics and society, 435, 4 3 M 5 , 462, 465; social structures, 24, 30 Yuba, 361 Yuhi Gahima, 820 Yuhi Gahindiro, 825 Yuhi Mazimpaka, 817, 823, 826 al-Yûsï, al-Imâm, 216 Yüsuf al-Fâsï see A b u M-Mahäsin Yûsuf (Azbin, 1601), 456 Yüsuf, Bey (Tripoli, 1794-183 2), 258-9 Yüsuf, Kâhya (1729), 153 Yüsuf, Mawläy (Morocco, 1113), 230 Yüsuf (Mombasa, 1630), 765-6, 774 Yutenga, 351 Yves, Edward, 8Ö4n Za Dengel, 730 Zaberma, 464 al-Zabldl, M u h a m m a d Murtadä, 157 Zafikasimambo, 851, 854-5, 866 Zafimanara, 886 Zafimanarivo, 875 Zafimanely, 880-1, 884 Zafimbolazi, 851 Zafindraminia, 853-6, 862, 864, 884, 88 5 n Zafirambo, 855, 879-80 Zafisoro, 884 Zafivolamena, 858
Index Zafy Manely, 856-7 Zagaiti see 'Abd al-Rahmân Zagaiti Zaghai, 43411 Zaghäwa, 1S8, 45411 Z a g w e , 724 Zâhir ' U m a r see ' U m a r , Shaykh Zâhir Zaire and Zaire river region, 198, 608, 615, 803, 8o4n, 808, 832; politics and military activities see under Luba; population mobility, 51, 53, 57, 69; social structures, 28; see also Congo; K u b a ZakI, Babba, 465, 471, 489 ZakI, M u h a m m a d , 460, 486 Zala, 741 Zambezi river region, 903; economy and trade, 13, 34, 753, 758, 829; politics and military activities, 42, 43.587.588,602-3,753; population mobility, 72; see also northern Z a m bezi-Lake Malawi region; Southern Zambezia Zambezia, 750, 897, 899; see also Southern Zambezia Zambia: politics and military activities see under Luba; population mobility, 50, 61, 64; see also northern Zambezi-Lake Malawi region Zamfara, 463, 464, 468, 501; culture and religion, 487-9; economy and trade, 475-7, 479, 675^7; politics and military activities, 455-7, 459, 461-3, 465-70 Zamfara Zaudai, Sarkin, 462, 483 Zana Malata, 882 Zana, Naaba, 359 Zanaka Isandrananta, 880
Zande, 199, 520,522, 523 Zande-Nzakara, 520, 522 Zand] revolts, 128 Z a n d o m a , 328, 342 Zanko, 467, 481 Zanzibar: African diaspora, 129-30; and East African interior, 832; economy and trade, 4, 20, 33, 34, 39, io6n, 772-4; politics and society, 33, 751,752,755, 757,761, 766-9, 771-2 Zarabaon, 381 Zarabehava, 856-^7, 884 Zaramo, 828, 830 al-Za'ri, Mansür b. M a s ' ü d , Pasha, 308 Zaria, 34,45g, 478,479, 484, 486, 501 Zarkün see M a h m u d b. Zarkün, Pasha Zarma, 461, 463,465 Zarmatarey, 463, 472 Zarncke, F . , 714J1 Zartai, 461 Zawfla, 480 zäwiyas, 200, 203, 207, 214-15, 2 / 7 , 218 Zaydän, Mawläy, 230 Zaylä' (Zeila, Zalha), 33,44,145,237, 710 Zaylan', 483 Zaynab Khatun, 15911 Zayyânids, 235-6, 238 Zazzau see Zaria Zehiri Dida, 378 Zeltner, J.C., 497n Zengaro, 739 Zera-Yakob, Emperor, 705, 707, 724,
Zergo, 739 Zibang'ombe, 638 Zibiao, 381 Zigua, 828, 830, 831 Ziguinchor, 392 Zimba: politics and society, 45, 610, 611, 619, 622, 760-2, 770, 775; population mobility, 46801, 60, 65, 70,775 Zimbabwe, 899; economy and trade, 33, 34.758; politics and society, 30, 611; population mobility, 52, 60-1, 64, 65-6, 69, 71; see also Southern Zambezia Zimbabwe City, 52 Zinder, 302, 485 Zinza, 805-06, 808,820,828,830,838 Zirâra, 225 Zolokere, 628 Z o m b o , S79, 580, 582,58s, 604 Zombre, Naaba, 341-2, 361, 365 Zorgo, 341 Zoromawa, 476 Zulu/Zululand, 660, 668-9, 7 02 > 857 Z u m b o , 587, 631, 636, 642, 653, 657, 680-1 Zunbul, A h m a d ibn, 156 Zungrana, Naaba, 339 Zurara, E . de, 7n Zurmi, 468 Zuure, B . , 80911 Zvongombe, 642 Zwanenberg, R . M . A . van, 829n, 833n, 8 4 m , 84711 Z w a y , Lake, 710
738-0 Zerbo, 355
IO45