CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND IO
BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES FROM THE CANTERBURY SCHOOL OF THEODORE AND HADRIAN
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CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND IO
BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES FROM THE CANTERBURY SCHOOL OF THEODORE AND HADRIAN
CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND GENERAL EDITORS SIMON KEYNES MICHAEL LAPIDGE ASSISTANT EDITOR: ANDY ORCHARD
Editors' preface Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England is a series of scholarly texts and
monographs intended to advance our knowledge of all aspects of thefieldof Anglo-Saxon studies. The scope of the series, like that of Anglo-Saxon England, its periodical counterpart, embraces original scholarship in various disciplines: literary, historical, archaeological, philological, art historical, palaeographical, architectural, liturgical and numismatic. It is the intention of the editors to encourage the publication of original scholarship which advances our understanding of the field through interdisciplinary approaches.
Volumes published 1
Anglo-Saxon Crucifixion Iconography and the Art of the Monastic Revival by BARBARA C. RAW
2 3
The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England byMARY CLAYTON Religion and Literature in Western England, 600-800 by PATRICK SIMS-WILLIAMS
4
Visible Song: Transitional Literacy in Old English Verse by KATHERINE O'BRIEN O'KEEFFE
5
The Metrical Grammar of Beowulf byCALViN B. K E N D A L L
6
The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature by CHARLES D . W R I G H T
7
Anglo-Saxon Medicine byM. L. CAMERON
8
The Poetic Art of Aldhelm by A N D Y O R C H A R D
9
The Old English Lives ofSt Margaret by MARY CLAYTON and HUGH MAGENNIS
BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES FROM THE CANTERBURY SCHOOL OF THEODORE AND HADRIAN edited by
BERNHARD BISCHOFF (f) Late Professor of Medieval Latin Philology University of Munich and
MICHAEL LAPIDGE Elrington and Bosworth Professor of Anglo-Saxon University of Cambridge
[CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia © Cambridge University Press 1994 First published 1994 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school of Theodore and Hadrian / Bernhard Bischoff and Michael Lapidge. p. cm. (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England: 10) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-521-33089-0 1. Bible - Commentaries - Early works to 1800. 2. Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Manuscript. M. 79 sup. 3. Monasticism and religious orders — England — Canterbury — Education. 4. St Augustine's Abbey (Canterbury, England) — Bibliography. I. Bischoff, Bernhard. II. Lapidge, Michael. III. Series. BS485.B52 1994 220.6-dc20 93-42766 CIP ISBN 0 521 33089 0 hardback Transferred to digital printing 2004
CE
Contents
Preface List of abbreviations 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
page vii x
Introduction Archbishop Theodore Abbot Hadrian Theodore and Hadrian in England The sources of the Canterbury biblical commentaries The nature of the Canterbury biblical commentaries The manuscripts
1 5 82 133 190 243 275
Texts and translations
297
First commentary on the Pentateuch (PentI) Supplementary commentary on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels (Gn-Ex-Evla) Second commentary on the gospels (Evil)
298
Commentary to the texts
425
Appendix I: Additional manuscript witnesses to the Milan biblical commentaries Appendix II: Two metrological treatises from the school of Canterbury
533 561
Fig. 1 Cilicia and Syria Fig. 2 Constantinople in the seventh century Fig. 3 Churches and monasteries of seventh-century Rome
566 567 568
386 396
Contents Fig. 4 Cyrenaica and the Pentapolis Fig. 5 Campania and the Bay of Naples Fig. 6 Palestine
569 570 571
Bibliography
572
Index of Old English words quoted in the texts Index of Greek words quoted in the texts Index of names cited in the texts General index
588 589 591 594
VI
Preface
In 1936 the late Bernhard Bischoff visited the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan in search of manuscript materials pertaining to Virgilius Maro Grammaticus. This research led him to an eleventh-century compendium of biblical materials in that library bearing the shelfmark M.79 sup. Among the contents of this manuscript, lying adjacent to the excerpts of Virgilius which had first attracted his attention, were several series of unprinted Latin biblical commentaries, and he noted that they contained references to Theodore and Hadrian, and included glosses in Greek and Old English, as well as quotations from a wide range of unusual Greek patristic authors. Bischoff immediately recognized the extraordinary importance of these biblical commentaries, seeing in them - quite rightly, as our subsequent research has established - a product of the seventhcentury Canterbury school of Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Hadrian described so memorably by Bede. The advent of war prevented him from publishing his discovery, and it was not until 1953, in his pioneering article 'Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibelexegese' (MS I, 205-73), that the existence of these Canterbury commentaries was first brought to public notice. At that time Bischoff announced an edition of the commentaries, but his many scholarly commitments and responsibilities prevented him from doing more than making a preliminary transcription of the text and initiating the difficult process of identifying the sources quoted in the commentaries. In this process he sought the assistance of several of his colleagues, and I am sure that he would have wished to record his warmest thanks for their assistance: Michel Aubineau, Edmund Beck, Sigrid Muller-Christensen and Franz Tinnefeld. In the early 1980s I had begun working on the Leiden-Family glossaries, which in my view were, like the Milan commentaries, a product of vii
Preface
the teaching activities of Theodore and Hadrian at Canterbury. During conversations at international conferences, Bischoff and I found various opportunities to discuss our mutual interest in the Canterbury school, and it was during one of these conversations that we took the decision to collaborate on an edition of the Milan biblical commentaries. As we envisaged the collaboration at that stage, he would be responsible for transcription of the Latin texts, and I for producing a typescript and for whatever scholarly apparatus was deemed necessary. Accordingly, in September 1984 he sent me his transcripts of the Milan texts (some typewritten, some in manuscript) and I set about preparing a version which could serve as printer's copy. Bischoff's intention at that stage was simply to publish the Latin texts themselves, with minimal apparatus criticus and minimal apparatus fontium, the whole resulting (as we then envisaged it) in either a long article or a very short monograph. However, as soon as I began working closely with the texts, I realized that such laconic presentation would mask their exceptional importance from many readers, especially those who, without guidance, would be unable to grasp the significance (say) of quotations from little-known Greek patristic authors. I therefore proposed to Bischoff a more expansive treatment: the Latin texts to be accompanied by English translations as well as detailed commentary, and the whole to be prefaced by a monograph-length study explaining the intellectual background which the texts represented. He readily agreed to my proposal, but on the condition that I, rather than he, should undertake the additional research involved. The present volume has been prepared according to that condition, such that the Latin texts and accompanying apparatus criticus were prepared jointly by Bernhard Bischoff and myself, but the remainder — Introduction (chs. 1—7), English translation, Commentary to the texts, appendices and indexes — are wholly my work (with the necessary corollary, that the inevitable errors which they contain should be charged to me, not to Bernhard Bischoff). My work on the Canterbury biblical commentaries has taken me into fields of specialized learning which previously I was scarcely aware of, and I have been obliged to seek guidance from many colleagues. It is my first duty to thank these colleagues for their help and guidance. Carlotta Dionisotti read meticulously through texts, translations and commentary as well as the chapter on Archbishop Theodore, eliminating many errors and enriching the whole with her own learning. Sebastian Brock gave expert guidance on the Syriac background and helped to clarify perspecviii
Preface
tives on many aspects of Greek patristic thought. Michael McCormick kindly advised me on matters Byzantine, and helped to put me in touch with recent work in this vast field. Patrizia Lendinara provided unfailing help in tracking down copies of articles published in Italian periodicals not accessible in this country, and also gave expert advice on the topography of the Bay of Naples. Neil Wright made many constructive suggestions about the Latin texts and translations. Luigi Lehnus helped with Greek philology, as did Alfred Bammesberger and Patrizia Lendinara with Old English philology. Mirella Ferrari generously put at my disposal her unpublished notes on the Milan manuscript. Richard Marsden and Patrick McGurk advised me on the biblical texts underlying the commentaries, and Martin Brett and Thomas Charles-Edwards helped with orientation in the difficult fields of canon law and penitential literature. Various scholars helped with bibliographical advice at critical points: Laurence Cameron, Silvia Cantelli, Guglielmo Cavallo, Carmela Vircillo Franklin, Carmela Giordano, Michael Gorman, Joan Hart, Gabriele Knappe, Andy Orchard, Pauline Thompson, Michael Reeve and Jane Stevenson. I also owe special thanks for continuous support over many years to Henry Chadwick and Helmut Gneuss. My greatest debt, however, is to Bernhard Bischoff himself. Although he was understandably anxious to see the commentaries in print as soon as possible, he always bore patiently the inevitable delays caused by my ambitious conception of the volume and by other scholarly commitments which kept me from full-time work on the texts. His philosophical forebearance — 'man tut, was man kann' — was always a source of strength in moments of despair. We frequently corresponded as many as three or four times a week, and my queries had the effect of sending him back to his seemingly infinite files on early medieval manuscripts, with the result that most of the texts printed in the appendices only came to light as a result of my queries and his renewed researches in his files. During the latter years of our collaboration, I often experienced a dizzying sensation of having, as a sort of personal research assistant, the services of one of the greatest medievalists who has ever lived. It is a matter of profound sadness to me, as to the international scholarly community at large, that Bernhard Bischoff was to die, aged 86 and plenus dierum, on 17 September 1991, without having seen in print the final result of his brilliant discovery — a discovery which may come to be seen as the most important in the field of Anglo-Saxon studies made this century. I can only hope that its ultimate printed form is one that would have pleased him. M.L. ix
June 1993
Abbreviations
AB Acta SS. ANRW AntGl
ASE BCS BHG BHL Bischoff, MS Br
BrslGl BZ CCSG CCSL CGL
Analecta Bollandiana Acta Sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland et al. (Brussels, 1643- ) Aufstieg undNiedergang der romischen Welt, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin and New York) the 'Antwerp Glossary' (Antwerp, Plantin-Moretus Museum M 16.2 + London, British Library, Add. 32246), ptd W I, 106-91 and Forster, 'Die altenglische GlossenhandschrifV, pp. 104-46 Anglo-Saxon England Cartularium Anglo-Saxonicum, ed. W. de G. Birch, 3 vols. and index (London, 1885-99) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, ed. F. Halkin, 3rd ed., 3 vols. (Brussels, 1957) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899— 1901), with Supplementum by H. Fros (Brussels, 1986) B. Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1966-81) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Berlin, Staatsbibl. der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, ptd below, pp. 541-5 the 'Brussels Glossary' (Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale, 1828-30, fols. 50 and 94-5), ptd W W I, 286-303 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca (Turnhout) Corpus Christianorum Series Latina (Turnhout) Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, ed. G. Goetz, 7 vols.
(Leipzig, 1888-1923)
List of abbreviations CLA
CSEL
E.A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, 11 vols. and suppl. (Oxford, 1934-71; 2nd ed. of vol. II, 1972) the 'First Cleopatra Glossary' (London, British Library, Cotton Cleopatra A. iii, fols. 5-75), ptd W W I, 338-473 the 'Second Cleopatra Glossary' (London, British Library, Cotton Cleopatra A. iii, fols. 76-91), ptd W W I, 258-83 and 474-85, line 19 K. Gamber, Codices Liturgici Latini Antiquiores, 2nd ed. (Fribourg, 1968) Clavis Patrum Graecorum, ed. M. Geerard et al., 5 vols. (Turnhout, 1974-87) the 'Corpus Glossary' (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 144), ed. W.M. Lindsay, The Corpus Glossary (Cambridge, 1921) Clavis Patrum Latinorum, ed. E. Dekkers and A. Gaar, 2nd ed. (Steenbrugge, 1961) Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain) Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna)
DACL
Dictionnaire d'arche'ologie chretienne et de liturgie, ed. F.
CleoGlI
CleoGlII
CLitLA CPG CpGl
CPL CSASE CSCO
DHGE Diet. Bibl.
DSp DTC EE
EEC
Cabrol and H. Leclercq, 15 vols. in 30 (Paris, 1907-53) Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques', ed. A. Baudrillart et al. (Paris, 1912- ) Dictionnaire de la Bible, ed. F. Vigouroux, 5 vols. (Paris, 1895-1912), with Supplement, ed. L. Pirot et al. (Paris, 1928- ) Dictionnaire de spiritualite, ed. M. Viller et al. (Paris, 1937- ) Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, ed. A. Vacant, E. Mangenot and E. Amann, 15 vols. (Paris, 1903-50) the agreement of EpnGl and ErflGl, hence referred to as Epinal—Erfurt; partially ed. Pheifer, Old English Glosses and wholly ed. CGL V, 337-401 Encyclopedia of the Early Church, ed. A. Di Berardino, trans. A. Walford, rev. W.H.C. Frend, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1992) XI
List of abbreviations EEMF EHR EpnGl
Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile (Copenhagen) English Historical Review the 'Epinal Glossary' (Epinal, Bibliotheque municipale, 72), ed. (facs.) Bischoffe/ */., The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries ErflGl the 'First Erfurt Glossary' (Cologne, Dombibliothek, 74, fols. 1-14), ptd CGL V, 259-401 Evil the second series of gospel commentaries preserved in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 396-423 GCS Die griechischen-christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 1897-1941; Berlin, 1954- ) Gn-Ex-Evla supplementary biblical commentaries on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels, contained in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 386—95 HBS Henry Bradshaw Society Publications (London) HE Historia ecclesiastica ICL D. Schaller and E. Konsgen, Initia Carminum Latinorum saeculo undecimo Antiquiorum (Gottingen, 1977) JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History JTS Journal of Theological Studies Ld the Canterbury biblical glosses preserved in Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 39r-v, ptd below, pp. 545-8 LdGl the 'Leiden Glossary' (Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 20r-36r), ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century Latin—Anglo-Saxon Glossary LThK Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche, 2nd ed. by J. Hofer and K. Rahner, 10 vols. and Index (Freiburg, 1957-67) LXX the Septuagint translation of the OT, ed. A. Rahlfs, Septuaginta, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1935) Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collection ed. J.D. Concilia Mansi, 31 vols. (Florence, 1759-98) MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica Auct. Antiq. Auctores Antiquissimi SRM Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum xn
List of abbreviations Mn
NT ODB OT OTS PentI
PEQ PG PL RAC RB RBK RE RHE Rz S SChr Settimane Sg SS Stegmiiller
the Canterbury biblical glosses preserved in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470, ptd below, pp. 559-60 the New Testament Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A.P. Kazhdan, 3 vols. (Oxford, 199D the Old Testament Oudtestamentische Studien the first series of Pentateuch commentaries contained in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 298-385 Palestine Exploration Quarterly Patrologia Graeca, ed. J.P. Migne, 162 vols. (Paris, 1857-66) Patrologia Latina, ed. J.P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844-64) Reallexikon fur An tike und Christentum, ed. F. Dolger, H. Lietzmann et al. (Stuttgart, 1950- ) Revue Benedictine Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. K. Wessel and M. Restle (Stuttgart, 1966- ) Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. A. Pauly, G. Wissowa et al. (Stuttgart, 1893- ) Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique the OT glosses in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 99, fols. 37-52, partially ptd SS V, 135-225 P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968) Sources Chretiennes (Paris, 1940- ) Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sulValto medioevo (Spoleto) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913, ptd below, pp. 534-41 Die althochdeutschen Glossen, ed. E. Steinmeyer and E. Sievers, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1879-1922) F. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, 11 vols.
(Madrid, 1940-61) Xlll
List of abbreviations StT TLL TU
Wbl
Wb2
WW ZNTW
Studi e testi (Vatican City, 1900- ) Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Leipzig, 1900- ) Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, ed. O. von Gebhardt, A. Harnack et al. (Leipzig, 1882- ) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 38, ptd below, pp. 549-52 excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 47, ptd below, pp. 552-9 T. Wright, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, 2nd ed., rev. R.P. Wulcker (London, 1884) Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
xiv
1 Introduction
The present volume brings into print for the first time a set of biblical commentaries on the Pentateuch and gospels which are preserved in their fullest form in an eleventh-century Italian manuscript now in Milan (Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup.), but of which extracts are preserved in a number of earlier manuscripts. One of these, a fragmentary manuscript now in Berlin (Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132, 2), of mid-eighth-century date, provides the absolute terminus ante quern for the composition of the commentaries; on the other hand, the fact that Isidore's Etymologiae are several times quoted verbatim in the commentaries shows that they were composed after c. 650, the approximate earliest time at which this work of Isidore (d. 636) was in circulation.1 The commentaries were composed, therefore, broadly between the mid-seventh and mid-eighth century. That they were composed in Anglo-Saxon England is clear not only from the various Old English words embedded in them, 2 but also from the fact that biblical references to weights and measures are frequently explained in terms of Anglo-Saxon coinage.3 Most importantly, Theodore and Hadrian are often cited nominatim as authorities for particular interpretations, 4 and the conjunction of these names in the context of a work composed in AngloSaxon England between c. 650 and c. 750 suggests that the authorities in 1
2 3 4
See Bischoff, MS I, 171—94 ('Die europaische Verbreitung der Werke Isidors von Sevilla') and Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome', pp. 443-5. For quotations of Isidore's Etymologiae, see esp. PentI 295, Gn-Ex-Evla 9 and discussion below, pp. 204—5. See below, p. 588 ('Index of Old English Words quoted in the Texts'). See especially PentI 139, 143, 194 and 455, and Evil 5. For Hadrian, see Sg 30 and Br 12; for Theodore, see PentI 115 and Wbl 13 as well as the rubric to Wbl ('Haec Theodorus tradedit').
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
question are none other than Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (d. 690) and his companion Hadrian (d. 709), abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's) in Canterbury. The biblical commentaries, in other words, are the product of the famous school at Canterbury, of whose existence and renown we know from the account in Bede's Historia ecclesiastica:
Et quia litteris sacris simul et saecularibus, ut diximus, abundanter ambo [scil. Theodore and Hadrian] erant instructi, congregata discipulorum caterua scientiae salutaris cotidie flumina inrigandis eorum cordibus emanabant, ita ut etiam metricae artis, astronomiae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam inter sacrarum apicum uolumina suis auditoribus contraderent. Indicio est quod usque hodie supersunt de eorum discipulis, qui Latinam Graecamque linguam aeque ut propriam in qua nati sunt norunt. Neque unquam prorsus, ex quo Brittaniam petierunt Angli, feliciora fuere tempora.5 It has not hitherto been possible to adjudicate or corroborate Bede's warm appraisal of this Canterbury school, for the reason that we have had no substantial body of writings by Theodore and Hadrian, and the 'crowd' of English students - with the problematic exception of Aldhelm 6 - has left no writings either. Earlier scholarly treatments of the school have therefore been obliged to resort to speculation in the attempt to adjudicate Bede's account.7 The biblical commentaries provide us for the first time with a window on the Canterbury school,8 and give us a brilliantly clear 5
6
7
8
HE IV.2: 'And because both of them, as I have said, were thoroughly trained in sacred and profane literature, a crowd of students assembled around them, into whose minds they daily poured rivers of wholesome learning, such that they gave their audience instruction in metrics, astronomy and computus, as well as in books of the Bible. A proof of this is the fact that some of their students are still alive who know Greek and Latin as well as their native English. Never were there happier times since the English first came to Britain.' Aldhelm is problematic because he seems to have spent a relatively short period of time (two years?) at Canterbury in the school of Theodore and Hadrian (see Aldhelm: the Prose Works, trans. Lapidge and Herren, p. 8). There is no doubt that he did study with the two Mediterranean masters - indeed he praises their instruction enthusiastically (see below, p. 268) - but one must exercise care in assuming that the knowledge of any book which Aldhelm quotes was necessarily acquired at their Canterbury school. See, for example, P. Riche, Education et culture dans ['Occident barbare, VIe-VIIIe siecles, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1962), pp. 419-22, and V.R. Stallbaumer, 'The Canterbury School of Theodore and Hadrian', American Benedictine Review 22 (1971), 46—63. A preliminary study, drawing on the evidence of the biblical commentaries and glossaries compiled at Canterbury, is Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian'.
Introduction
picture of the immense range of learning which the two Mediterranean masters brought to bear in interpreting the Pentateuch and gospels for their 'crowd' of English students. We will have occasion to discuss the range of learning embodied in the commentaries in due course; but the commentaries also contain many incidental details which throw light on the careers and training of their authors, and which permit a much clearer estimation of both Theodore and Hadrian than has hitherto been possible. It will be appropriate to begin, therefore, with the careers and training of Theodore and Hadrian. However, if we are properly to appreciate the impact which these two exceptional men had on late seventh-century English learning, it is necessary to approach their achievement not only from an English point of view, but also from the perspective of the Mediterranean culture which nurtured them. Although by the earlier seventh century, during the youth of Theodore and Hadrian, the Roman empire — with its two focal points at Rome and Constantinople — no longer enjoyed the wealth and untroubled prosperity of earlier centuries, and although it was to undergo a profound transformation during the course of the seventh century, there is no doubt that the opulence of its cities, and particularly of its Christian churches, would have dazzled a visitor from faraway England. The implied contrast can be grasped immediately by anyone who has stood in Hagia Sophia in Constantinople or Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome — two of the largest and most opulent churches in Christendom, then as now — and also in (say) the modest little Anglo-Saxon church at Escomb, which dates approximately from this period. The literary culture of the Mediterranean was no less opulent: the riches of centuries-old traditions were preserved in books and libraries, in Greek and Latin, and transmitted by teachers in universities and monasteries. In late seventh-century England, by contrast, there was no literary tradition, no books, no libraries, no teachers. The contrast should always be borne in mind by anyone studying the Canterbury biblical commentaries. In attempting to reconstruct the careers of Theodore and Hadrian in the following chapters, therefore, we have tried to do more than provide a mere list of the facts which are known or can be deduced about them. Rather, we have attempted where possible to recreate the Mediterranean contexts in which they grew up and received their early education: in a word, to assemble any evidence which might help to illuminate the background and training of these two extraordinary men. The undertaking
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is both worthwhile and necessary, for it is clear — as the biblical commentaries attest - that their presence in Canterbury represented one of the most brilliant moments in European scholarship between the fall of Rome and the rise of the universities.
2 Archbishop Theodore
Most of what we have known hitherto concerning Archbishop Theodore is derived from Bede.1 Bede's information may be summarized briefly as follows. Theodore died, as archbishop of Canterbury, on 19 September 690, at the age of 88. 2 He must accordingly have been born in 602. He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia; he was well trained in secular and divine literature, both Greek and Latin; he was a monk after the eastern fashion who was living in Rome at the time the Englishman Wigheard arrived there to seek consecration as archbishop of Canterbury. But after Wigheard's sudden death in Rome from the plague (probably in 667), Pope Vitalian (657-72) resolved, after some negotiation, to consecrate Theodore to this archbishopric. Theodore was duly consecrated on 26 March 668. In company with Hadrian (on whom see below, ch. 3) and an Englishman then resident in Rome named Benedict Biscop, Theodore set off for England on 27 May 668; he arrived at the church of Canterbury a year later, on 27 May 669, to begin his archiepiscopacy. He will then have been 67 years old. It will be seen that most of Bede's (meagre) information pertains to the latter part of Theodore's career, from his appointment by Pope Vitalian onwards, when he was already 66 years old. Concerning his earlier career 1
2
HE IV. 1-2 and V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. 328-34 and 472-4). Notable earlier studies (which are, however, based almost wholly on Bede's report concerning Theodore) include: G.F. Browne, Theodore and Wilfrith (London, 1897), esp. pp. 81—99 and 175-84; Cook, 'Theodore of Tarsus and Gislenus of Athens'; M. Deanesly, The PreConquest Church in England, 2nd ed. (London, 1963), pp. 104-59; W.F. Bolton, A History of Anglo-Latin Literature I: 597-740 (Princeton, NJ, 1967), pp. 58-62; and Brooks, The Early History of the Church at Canterbury, pp. 71-6 and 94-8. HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. A12-A).
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Bede is silent. However, it is now possible, with the assistance of the present Canterbury biblical commentaries, to reconstruct something of the background and circumstances in which Theodore was educated before his election. Let us begin at Tarsus in Cilicia, where Theodore was born in 602. TARSUS
At the time of Theodore's birth in 602, Tarsus was one of the principal cities in the eastern province of Cilicia (see fig. I). 3 The Byzantine empire, which then had its seat of government in Constantinople, had inherited the political and geographical structure of the earlier Roman empire (the Byzantines were still referred to as Tco^aioi or Romaioi), and Cilicia had been an important diocese of the eastern Roman empire. 4 That it retained its importance into the sixth and early seventh centuries is clear from the substantial number of churches which have been identified and excavated,5 many of them possessing splendid mosaics.6 In geographical terms Cilicia consisted of two regions: a fertile coastal plain enclosed by a ring of mountains and watered by three major mountain-fed rivers, called 'Cilicia of the Plain' (Cilicia Pedias in Greek or Campestris in Latin), and a nearly impenetrable mountainous interior, the Taurus range, called 'Rough Cilicia' (Cilicia Tracheia). 'Rough Cilicia',7 because of its very inaccessibility, has been very little studied until quite recently, but its topography8 3
4
5
6 7
8
On Cilicia, see Ramsay, The Historical Geography, pp. 383—7, W. Ruge, 'Kilikia', RE XXI (1921), 385-90, ODB I, 462-3, as well as H. Hellenkemper and F. Hild, Neue Forschungen in Kilikien (Vienna, 1986). The principal topographical study of the diocese is now Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V; Kilikien und Isaurien; on the geography, see esp. pp. 22-9. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor I, 270-7, Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 191-214, and Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 30-43. See Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 85—91, as well as F. Hild etal., 'Kommagene-Kilikien-Isaurien', RBKW (1989), 182-356, esp. 194-227, on the early Byzantine churches of Cilicia; see also M.R.E. Gough, 'The Emperor Zeno and some Cilician Churches', Anatolian Studies 22 (1972), 190-212, as well as EEC I, 175. L. Budde, Antike Mosaiken in Kilikien, 2 vols. (Recklinghausen, 1969-72). There is a useful historical survey by T.B. Mitford, 'Roman Rough Cilicia', ANRW II (Principal) 7.2 (1980), 1230-57. See G. Bean and T.B. Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia in 1962 and 1963, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, Denkschriften 85 (Vienna,
Archbishop Theodore
and early Christian churches9 are now coming to light. More relevant to Theodore, however, is the situation of 'Cilicia of the Plain' which, because of its fertility and geographical position, was a very wealthy diocese. Cilicia was intersected by a network of Roman roads which, in addition to their importance for military and administrative purposes,10 also served as trade routes between East and West. 'Cilicia of the Plain' lay on one of the principal trade routes of the ancient world, a land route that passed from Syria and the east along the Cilician coastal plain, then inland and northwards through the Taurus Mountains by way of a pass called the 'Cilician Gates', a mountain defile said to be so narrow that a loaded camel could scarcely pass through. 11 This geographical position made Cilicia an important focal point for conflicts between eastern and western empires, and these conflicts form the background to Theodore's childhood in Tarsus. In the late sixth century Byzantium was under intense pressure on two fronts: from the north, by Avars and Slavs crossing the Danube to settle in what is now Romania and Bulgaria; and from the south and east, by the imperial and military pretensions of the Persians.12 Byzantium's survival
9
10
11
12
1965); idem Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-1968, ibid. 102 (Vienna, 1970), as well as the important work by F. Hild cited above, n. 3. S. Guyer and E. Herzfeld, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua II (Manchester, 1930), on the churches of Meriamlik and Corycus, and J. Keil and A.U. Wilhelm, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua III (Manchester, 1931). See J.G.C. Anderson, 'The Road-System of Eastern Asia Minor with the Evidence of Byzantine Campaigns', Journal of Hellenic Studies 17 (1897), 22-44, with pi. I, and, more recently, D.H. French, 'The Roman Road System of Asia Minor', ANRW II (Principat) 7.2 (1980), 698-729, and Hild, Tabula Imperil Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 128-40. See W.M. Ramsay, 'Cilicia, Tarsus and the Great Taurus Pass', The GeographicalJournal 22 (July-December 1903), 357-413 (with photographs); and, more recently, F. Hild, Das byzantinische Strassensystem in Kappadokien, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, Denkschriften 131 (Vienna, 1977), 51-9 with pis. 24-7 illustrating the Cilician Gates; Tabula Imperii Byzantini II: Kappadokien, ed. F. Hild and M. Restle, ibid. 149 (Vienna, 1981), 223-4 and 261-4, as well as ODB I, 464. For general historical accounts of these circumstances, see Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates, pp. 73—103; Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans. Ogilvie-Grant I, 57-131; Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 186-204; Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 41-8; and Whitby, The Emperor Maurice and his Historian, pp. 55—191 (on the Balkan wars) and 195—308 (on the Persian wars). For the campaigns of Heraclius, see Pernice, Uimperatore Eraclio (an excellent study of the
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
depended on its ability successfully to deal with these two hostile threats. The emperor Maurice (582-602) made an attempt to stabilize the situation by concluding in 591 a peace treaty between Byzantium and the Persian emperor, Chosroes II (590—628).13 But the treaty was not to last. Discontent in the Byzantine army led to the murder of Maurice in 602, and the half-barbarian soldier Phocas (602—10) was raised to the throne in the year Theodore was born. But Phocas was incompetent to deal with the empire's economic and military difficulties, and after several years a senatorial coup led to the installation of the young emperor Heraclius (610-41). Heraclius was to be one of the greatest of all Byzantine emperors, but his greatness was forged under extraordinary pressure. Early in his reign Persian armies under Chosroes II advanced into Syria and Palestine, with the result that Antioch was taken in 613, followed by Damascus and Jerusalem in 614. The Persian armies sacked Jerusalem, causing much destruction of Christian churches; in particular they enraged all Christendom by confiscating the relic of the True Cross from the church of the Holy Sepulchre. After taking Antioch some Persian armies had advanced northwards as far as Tarsus, which was duly taken; further northward advance was halted only by the difficulty of penetrating the Taurus Mountains by way of the aforementioned Cilician Gates. When Tarsus was occupied by the Persian armies, the young Theodore will have been 11 or 12 years old. Assuming that he and his family were still resident there, and had not fled in the face of the Persian advance, they will inevitably have had some first-hand experience of Persian culture. At two points in the Canterbury biblical commentaries there are observations which probably reflect this experience: at PentI 206, it is said that the Persians, like the Byzantine Greeks, kept as eunuchs only those who had been castrated; and at PentI 303, commenting on the scyphos or 'cups' of Exodus XXV.31, we are told that the cups in question are 'not round like a saucer, but long and angular; the Persians still use them for drinking at feasts'. Unfortunately, we can scarcely imagine the circumstances in which
13
primary sources which, however, needs to be updated by reference to more recent scholarship). On Chosroes II (Persian Khusrau) and his campaigns against Byzantium, see A. Christensen, L'lran sous Us Sassanides, 2nd ed. (Copenhagen, 1944), pp. 444-9; R.N. Frye, 'The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians', in The Cambridge History of Iran III, ed. Yarshater I, 116-80, at 165-70; idem, The History of Ancient Iran (Munich, 1984), pp. 335-7; and (briefly) 0DB I, 432.
8
Archbishop Theodore
the young Theodore watched Persians drinking at a feast; but we need not doubt that the conflict between the Byzantine and Persian empires was a formative influence on his early life. The years following the occupation of Antioch and Tarsus witnessed an extended and difficult campaign by Heraclius to recover Syria and the Holy Land; that the campaign was successful in the end was due to the full mobilization of Byzantine resources, both human and financial. Eventually Heraclius's armies comprehensively defeated Chosroes and the Persians near Nineveh in 627. Persian military might was to play no further role in the Near East; but by the time it had achieved its victory, Byzantium was totally exhausted, a situation which was to have dire consequences when in the following years it had to face a new and even more ferocious aggressor, as we shall soon see. At the same time as the Byzantine empire was under threat of invasion by external enemies, the stability of its church was threatened from within by religious dissension of many kinds. The dissension was doctrinal in origin and turned on the interpretation of such fundamental issues as the nature of Christ, Who, although divine in nature was nevertheless human in so far as He was born of a human mother. In what sense(s) could Christ be said to be both divine and human? Did He have one nature or two? These Christological questions, which came to the fore as a result of the Council of Nicaea and the Arian controversy which followed it, occupied the most brilliant Greek theologians for centuries, and gave rise to virulent debates and violent condemnations.14 And the debates were not only of interest to effete theologians, but also to the Christian populace at large, since their very salvation could be seen to depend on a proper understanding of the nature of Christ. 15 One of the most virulent debates was provoked by Nestorius (c. 381 — c. 451), 16 a powerful orator of Syrian origin who was sometime patriarch of Constantinople (428—31) and had formerly studied at Antioch, possibly with Theodore of Mopsuestia (on whom see below).17 Nestorius apparently drew a sharp distinction 14
15 16 17
There is clear and helpful guidance on these christological dissensions in Chadwick, The Early Church, pp. 192-212, and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 178-289. Cf. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. xi-xii. On Nestorius, see DTC XI (1931), 76-157, ODB II, 1460 and EEC II, 594. On the unmistakably Antiochene orientation of Nestorius's Christology, see R.A. Greer, 'The Antiochene Christology of Diodore of Tarsus\JTS n.s. 17 (1966), 327-41, and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, esp. pp. 236-9.
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
between the two natures of Christ in order to emphasize the transcendence of the divine nature (as against orthodox theologians, who argued that Christ was at once God and man, the union being expressed by their term henosis, 'unity'); he consequently rejected the use by orthodox theologians of the term theotokos ('God-bearing') to describe the Virgin Mary and substituted the term Christotokos ('Christ-bearing').18 Opposition to Nestorius's views was led by Cyril, the powerful and unscrupulous patriarch of Alexandria, who at the Council of Ephesus in 431 succeeded in having Nestorius condemned and driven into exile,19 first to Antioch, then subsequently to the Egyptian desert. Although Nestorius later issued an apologia, his 'Bazaar of Heraclides', 20 he ceased after the Council of Ephesus to be a central player in theological debate; but his supporters, particularly Syrian bishops, refused to endorse the condemnation and eventually constituted a separate church, 21 first centred in Edessa, then subsequently (after 489) in Nisibis, 22 whence it spread eastwards, first to Persia and then ultimately to India and China. The Nestorian church still exists and today numbers some 100,000 members, known as 'Assyrian Christians'. 23 The Council of Ephesus in 431 promulgated twelve anathemata or condemnations of the doctrine of Nestorius, and these anathemata led in turn to further dissension. During the 440s Eutyches of Constantinople and Diocorus of Alexandria elaborated Cyril of Alexandria's emphasis on 18
19 20
21
22
23
See F. Loofs, Nestorius and his Place in the History of Christian Doctrine (Cambridge, 1914); Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies, pp. 1 0 7 - 2 0 1 ; H . Chadwick, 'Eucharist and Christology in the Nestorian Controversy', JTS n.s. 2 (1951), 145-64; M.V. Anastos, 'Nestorius was Orthodox', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962), 117-40; H.E.W. Turner, 'Nestorius Reconsidered', Studia Patristica 13 (1975), 3 0 6 - 2 1 ; and the sympathetic account in Young, From Nicaea to Cbalcedon, pp. 2 2 9 - 4 0 . See Young, ibid., pp. 2 1 3 - 2 9 and 2 5 5 - 8 . See G.R. Driver and L. Hodgson, The Bazaar of Heraclides (Oxford, 1925), and R.C. Chesnut, 'The Two prosopa in Nestorius' Bazaar of Heraclides', JTS n.s. 29 (1978), 382-409. See DTC XI (1931), 157-323 and 0DB II, 1459-60, as well as A. Ziegenaus, 'Die Genesis des Nestorianismus', Munchener theologische Zeitschrift 23 (1972), 3 3 5 - 5 3 , and esp. R. Macina, 'L'homme a l'ecole de Dieu: d'Antioche a Nisibe, profile hermeneutique, theologique et kerygmatique du mouvement scoliaste nestorien', Proche-Orient chretien 32 (1982), 8 6 - 1 2 4 and 2 6 6 - 3 0 1 , and 33 (1983), 3 9 - 1 0 3 . O n t h e date of t h e establishment of t h e independent Nestorian church, see W . F . Macomber, 'The Christology of the Synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, A . D . 4 8 6 ' , Orientalia Christiana Periodica 2 4 (1958), 1 4 2 - 5 4 . Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches, pp. 2 7 - 5 2 .
10
Archbishop Theodore
the single nature of Christ in ways which were felt to be particularly dangerous, with the result that the 'one-nature' or 'monophysite' (monos = 'one',physis = 'nature') position 24 was condemned by the Council of Chalcedon in 451. 2 5 The condemnation provoked violent outrage, especially in Egypt and Syria; henceforth religious opinion was polarized between the orthodox, pro-Chalcedonian position (which was dyophysite in outlook)26 and various forms of monophysite opposition, including what are called 'real' monophysites (the followers of Eutyches) and Verbal' monophysites, such as Severus of Antioch (d. 538), who argued that the single physis of Christ embodied both divine and human qualities. 27 During the sixth century, monophysite opposition to Chalcedonian orthodoxy was in Syria consolidated by Jacob Baradaeus (d. 578), so that the Syrian monophysite church came to be known after him as Jacobite'; 28 in Syria, characteristically, urban centres would be Chalcedonian in outlook, whereas the countryside was mostly monophysite, thus creating an unstable social alignment. 29 That monophysitism did indeed have a political dimension
24
O n m o n o p h y s i t i s m in general, see DTC X ( 1 9 2 9 ) , 2 2 1 6 - 5 1 , ODB II, 1 3 9 8 - 9 and EEC I, 5 6 9 - 7 0 , as well as t h e full study by Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite
25
Movement.
O n Chalcedon and the b a c k g r o u n d to m o n o p h y s i t i s m , see especially Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. A. G r i l l m e i e r and H . Bacht, 3 vols. (Wiirz-
burg, 1953-62), esp. the articles by J. Lebon (I, 425-580: 'La christologie du monophysisme syrien'), P. Mouterde (I, 581-602: 'Le concile de Chalcedoine d'apres les historiens monophysites de langue syriaque'), and W. de Vries (I, 603-35: 'Die syrisch-nestorianische Haltung zu Chalkedon'), as well as R.V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon: a Historical and Doctrinal Survey (London, 1961), pp. 2 5 4 - 8 3 and Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 1 - 4 9 . 26
See P.T.R. Gray, The Defence of Chalcedon in the East (451-533)
(Leiden, 1979), esp.
p p . 80—9, w h o emphasizes t h e complexities of the responses of individual monophysites t o Chalcedon; especially interesting in this respect is T h e o d o r e t of Cyrrhus, on w h o m see M . Richard, ' N o t e s sur r e v o l u t i o n doctrinale de T h e o d o r e t ' , Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques 25 ( 1 9 3 6 ) , 4 5 9 - 8 1 , and below, p . 2 2 . 27
O n Severus, see esp. J . Lebon, Le Monophysisme severien (Louvain, 1909); Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 2 0 1 - 2 0 ; Chesnut, Three Monophysite
Christologies,
pp: 9-56, as well as ODB III, 1884-5 and EEC II, 773. On Antioch and monophysitism in general, see Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, pp. 63—76, and Honigmann, Eveques et eveches monophysites, pp. 19—25. 28
O n J a c o b Baradaeus, see ODB II, 1 0 2 9 and EEC I, 4 2 8 , as well as H o n i g m a n n , Eveques et eveches monophysites, pp. 157—77, and Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen
Literatur,
pp. 139-93. 29
See Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, p p . 2 9 4 - 5 and esp. G. T c h a l e n k o , Villages antiques de la Syrie du Nord, 3 vols. (Paris, 1 9 5 3 - 8 ) I, 4 3 4 - 5 .
11
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is clear from the fact that, during their occupation of Syria in the early seventh century, the Persians supported the monophysite church in its struggle against Byzantium. 30 For the emperor Heraclius, anxious to hold his empire together and to defeat the Persians at almost any cost, it was necessary to reach some compromise with the monophysites; accordingly, while he was staying in Edessa in 616, Heraclius conducted extensive negotiations with Athanasius, the monophysite patriarch of Antioch (595-631), without however reaching a lasting solution. 31 One eventual outcome of the Byzantine movement to compromise was the formulation of the doctrine of monotheletism, which had important theological and political repercussions in the later 630s and 640s, as we shall see. Meanwhile, it is enough to stress that a Christian inhabitant of Tarsus in the first two decades of the seventh century will have witnessed the Persian invasion and occupation of Cilicia, and — in so far as Tarsus lay within the patriarchate of Antioch 32 - will perforce have been acutely aware of the diverse and conflicting forms of religious belief then current in Syria. Let us now turn (briefly) to Tarsus itself. Tarsus was situated on the fertile coastal plain of Cilicia 'of the Plain' (see fig. I). 3 3 It was irrigated by the river Cydnus (which flows southwards from the Taurus Mountains, through impressively narrow gorges, and was noted in antiquity for its refreshing coolness). It was first inhabited by Northwest Semitic peoples, but was settled early by Greeks 34 and became an important city in Hellenistic times. 35 It is mentioned frequently by 30
31 32
33
34
T h e political dimension is discussed by Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Centuryp, trans. Ogilvie-Grant I, 283-307. Ibid., pp. 2 9 3 - 7 ; see also Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 3 3 6 - 4 4 . See Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, together w i t h t h e searching critique of this book by E. H o n i g m a n n , ' T h e Patriarchate of Antioch. A Revision of Le Q u i e n and t h e N o t i t i a Antiochena', Traditio 5 (1947), 1 3 5 - 6 1 ; see also (briefly) ODB I, 1 1 6 - 1 7 , s.v. 'Antioch, patriarchate o f . T h e site of Tarsus was first identified by W . M . Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, with Comparative Remarks on the Ancient and Modern Geography of that Country (London, 1824), pp. 178-9 and 214-15; see now M. Gough, 'Tarsus', in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, ed. R. Stillwell (Princeton, NJ, 1976), pp. 883-4, as well as Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 428—39. W . Ruge, 'Tarsus', RE 2nd ser. IV (1932), 2 4 1 3 - 3 9 , at 2 4 1 7 - 1 8 ; see also J . Boardman, 'Tarsus, Al Mina and Greek Chronology', Journal of Hellenic Studies 85
(1965), 5-15. 35
C.B. Welles, 'Hellenistic Tarsus', Melanges de rUniversite Saint Joseph 3 8 (1962), 4 3 - 7 5 .
12
Archbishop Theodore
classical authors, 36 especially by the rhetorician and philosopher Dio of Prusa, who dedicated two of his orations (nos. xxxiii and xxxiv) to it, and it was at Tarsus that Antony first met Cleopatra. According to Strabo (Geogr. XIV.673^-4), writing at the time of Christ, Tarsus was a city of philosophers and poets, and the enthusiasm of its citizens for education allegedly surpassed that of Athens and Alexandria. It was still a flourishing city in the time of St Paul (d. c. AD 65), its most famous citizen,37 and it continued to flourish in the early Christian period: 38 St Basil, for example, could remark that Tarsus was a meeting place for Syrians, Cilicians, Isaurians and Cappadocians.39 Various literary evidence indicates that Tarsus was an important bishopric in the patriarchate of Antioch in the fifth and sixth centuries. 40 Justinian undertook some important building works there, including a bridge over the river Cydnus, part of which is still standing, 41 and we know that the emperor Maurice (582—602) constructed a church at Tarsus. 42 Unfortunately, it is not possible to form a satisfactory impression of the physical appearance of Christian Tarsus, because it lies buried far beneath its modern Turkish successor, Gozlii 36
A full list of classical authors who mention Tarsus is given in Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor II, 1 1 4 6 - 8 .
37
O n St Paul's Tarsus, see especially W . M . Ramsay, The Cities ofSt Paul (London, 1907), pp. 8 5 - 2 4 4 , and Finegan, The Archaeology of the New Testament, pp. 5 1 - 5 .
38
See Schulze, Altchristliche
Stddte II.2, 2 6 6 - 9 0 . Schulze's account was based on the
various scattered artefacts which had come to light, mostly during the nineteenth century, and was written before the excavations of the 1930s (see below, n. 4 3 ) had begun; but his basic conclusion has not been invalidated by these excavations: 'Was etwa von der alten Stadt noch erhalten ist, liegt 6 - 7 m. unter ihrer Erbin in der Gegenwart' (p. 289). 39
Basil, Ep. xxxiv (PG 3 2 , 320).
40
See ODB III, 2 0 1 3 and EEC II, 8 1 4 - 1 5 . Devreesse (U Patriarcat d'Antioche, pp. 1 5 1 - 3 ) gives a list of bishops of Tarsus w h o may be identified from written sources. The list is not complete, but note that three bishops of Tarsus were named Theodore, one attested at the Council of Nicaea, one at that of Ephesus, and one in the late seventh century. A n inscription in the name of Bishop Theodore has recently come to light in Tarsus: G. Dagron and J. Jaubert, 'Inscriptions de Cilicie et d'Isaurie', Belleten 4 2 (1978),
41
373-420, at 410-11. See Procopius, De aedificiis V.v.l4—20, together with Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pis. 378—80.
42
See Theophylact Simocatta, Hist. V I I I . x i i i . l 6 (trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , The History of Theophylact Simocatta, p. 232). Theophylact was writing in the early seventh century, during the reign of Heraclius, at Constantinople (see below, pp. 5 2 - 3 ) .
13
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Kule. The campaign of excavations at Gozlii Kule during the 1930s was necessarily conducted at the periphery of the ancient city, and produced almost nothing of interest for the Christian and Byzantine periods. 43 Our evidence for seventh-century Tarsus is, therefore, almost entirely negative. Although we know that Tarsus was in a Greek-speaking part of the Byzantine empire, 44 there is no evidence whatsoever of any school in Tarsus during the Christian period. 45 The nearest school of any importance was Antioch; and since Tarsus was part of the patriarchate of Antioch, and since Antioch was easily accessible by the Roman road which led eastwards to Mopsuestia, then to the coast at Aegae, then around the coast road by way of Issus to Antioch, 46 it is clear that a Christian native of Tarsus would, in the early seventh century, have been drawn in the first instance to Antioch (rather than, say, to more distant Constantinople) in pursuit of higher learning. Let us assume, for sake of argument, that Theodore's scholarly inclination led him as a young man from Tarsus to nearby Antioch. ANTIOCH
Whereas the history of Tarsus, particularly during late antiquity, is frustratingly dark, that of Antioch (now Antakya in southeastern Turkey) is exceptionally well documented, and the documentation is often beautifully illustrated by inscriptions and archaeological evidence. 47 Accord43
44 45
46
47
Excavations at Gozlii Kule, Tarsus, ed. H . Goldman, 3 vols. in 6 (Princeton, N J , 1950-63). W h a t the editor refers to as the Xate Imperial Period' (third to seventh century AD) is treated only incidentally in vol. I. See Mango, Byzantium, p p . 14—15 (map) and 17 (discussion). Note, for example, that Diodore of Tarsus (d. c. 390), the renowned teacher of John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia (see below, p p . 18-22), was born and trained in Antioch and only later in life (from 3 7 8 onwards) became bishop of Tarsus. See Ramsay, The Historical Geography, p p . 5 1 - 6 2 (on Roman roads) and 74—82 (on Byzantine roads), and Hild, Tabula Imperil Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 1 3 2 - 6 as well as fig. 1 (below, p . 566). The most comprehensive study is Downey, A History of Antioch; see also his article on Antioch in RBK I (1966), 1 7 8 - 2 0 9 . There is also a less daunting account by the same author, Ancient Antioch (Princeton, N J , 1963), which includes some material not found in the earlier book (at p p . 200—16). Of studies which appeared before the publication of the Antioch excavations (see below, n. 50), the following are still useful: H . Leclercq, 'Antioche (archeologie)', DACL 1.2 (1924), 2 3 5 9 - 4 2 7 ; Schulze, Altchristliche Stddte III
14
Archbishop Theodore
ingly, it is possible to realize something of the majesty and wealth which Antioch possessed during the Hellenistic, Roman and early Christian periods, when it was one of the principal cities of the East: when, because of its advantageous site at the western end of the one usable route through the Amanus Mountains — a route which followed the river Orontes through a pass called the 'Syrian Gates' — Antioch was in effect the western gateway to the eastern realms of Persia, India and even China. 48 It was from the trade which flowed eastwards and westwards through Antioch that the city acquired its huge population, which may in the fourth and fifth centuries have reached half a million, 49 and its abundant wealth. The detailed picture of the city which we get from the writings of natives of Antioch such as Libanius, Ammianus Marcellinus and John Malalas has been splendidly corroborated by the results of excavations carried out there during the 1930s. 50 It is not possible here to review the prosperity of Antioch which these excavations revealed: suffice it to say that the discovery of the magnificent mosaic pavements caused the whole history of late antique and early Christian art to be rewritten. 51 We may note in passing simply that Antioch was the administrative capital of Roman
48
49
50
51
(the volume is devoted entirely to Antioch); and J. Kollwitz, 'Antiochia am Orontes', RAC I (1950), 4 6 1 - 9 . There is a more recent account of the archaeological findings by J. Lassus, 'La ville d'Antioche a l'epoque romaine d'apres l'archeologie', ANRW II (Principat) 8 (1977), 5 4 - 1 0 2 ; and see also ODB I, 1 1 3 - 1 6 and EEC I, 4 7 - 5 1 . See, inter alia, C.G. Seligman, 'The Roman Orient and the Far East', Antiquity 11 (1937), 5 - 3 0 , and M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History (Oxford, 1949), p p . 1 6 9 - 7 2 . O n the 'Silk Road' to China, which began at Antioch, see W . Watson, 'Iran and China', in The Cambridge History of Iran III, ed. Yarshater I, 5 3 7 - 5 8 , at 5 4 4 - 5 , as well as N . Garsoian, 'Byzantium and the Sasanians', ibid., pp. 5 6 8 - 9 2 , at 5 7 1 - 4 , and (briefly) ODB III, 1898. See Haddad, Aspects of Social Life in Antioch, p p . 6 7 - 7 3 ; cf. G. Downey, 'The Size of the Population of Antioch', Transactions of the American Philological Association 89 (1958), 84—91; idem, A History of Antioch, p p . 5 8 2 - 3 ; and (for a slightly lower estimate) Liebeschuetz, Antioch, p p . 9 2 - 1 0 0 . Antioch on the Orontes, ed. Elderkin, Stillwell et al. A brief account (with illustrations) which captures something of the magnificence of the finds is B.M. Metzger, 'Antiochon-the-Orontes', Biblical Archaeology 11 (1948), 7 0 - 8 8 . See, for example, C.R. Morey (who initiated the excavations), The Mosaics of Antioch (New York, 1938); idem, Early Christian Art, 2nd ed. (Princeton, N J , 1953), pp. 3 0 - 6 ; D. Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 2 vols. (Princeton, N J , 1947); and, more recently, RBKI (1966), 2 0 3 - 7 and S. Campbell, The Mosaics of Antioch, Subsidia Mediaevalia 15 (Toronto, 1988).
15
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Syria;52 that it was one of the earliest Christian cities in the Mediterranean53 — indeed it was at Antioch where the name 'Christians' was first coined (Act. XI.26) 54 — and was at different times the residence of both Peter and Paul; 55 that it had some magnificent churches (though few have been recovered by excavation),56 including the martyrium of Antioch's local martyr St Babylas, which has been identified and excavated at nearby Kaoussie;57 that it was the seat of the patriarchate of Antioch, having under its jurisdiction a very large number of bishoprics (including, as we have seen, those of Cilicia);58 that the Antiochene church had its own liturgy 59 and its own distinctive tradition in interpreting the biblical text (to be discussed below); and, above all, that it was renowned in late antiquity for its schools. It was during the fourth century that Antiochene schools achieved especial prominence, above all in the person of the rhetorician Libanius (314-93). Libanius is perhaps the most prolific of all Greek authors whose
52 53 54
See Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 2 3 7 - 8 . Downey, A History of Antioch, p p . 2 7 2 - 3 1 6 . E. Peterson, 'Christianus', in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati I, S t T 121 (Vatican City,
1946), 353-72. 55
T h e evidence for Peter's sojourn in Antioch is set o u t by Downey, A History of Antioch,
pp. 583-6; for Paul, see Galat. II.3 and Act. XV.4l-XVIII.22. See also Finegan, The 56
57
Archaeology of the New Testament, pp. 6 3 - 7 1 . See W . Eltester, 'Die Kirchen Antiochias i m IV. J a h r h u n d e r t ' , ZNTW 36 (1937), 251-86; Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 75-8; and RBK I (1966), 1 8 5 - 9 0 . O n e i m p o r t a n t church (which has not been identified by excavation) was the great Golden O c t a g o n , which is k n o w n from a detailed description in Eusebius, Vita Constantini 111.50 ( P G 2 0 , 1 1 0 9 - 1 2 ) . A t least a dozen sizeable churches are k n o w n either from excavation or from literary sources. J . Lassus, 'L'eglise cruciforme Antioche-Kaoussie", in Antioch on the Orontes, ed. Elderkin et al. II, 5-44; Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, p. 75; and RBK
I (1966), 186. 58
59
See Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, p p . 1 2 4 - 4 1 , for lists of the bishoprics under Antioch's jurisdiction at times of the various oecumenical councils. A t t h e t i m e of the Council of Chalcedon (451) some 130 bishoprics lay within t h e jurisdiction of Antioch. See Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, p p . 4 7 0 - 8 1 (a collection of passages from J o h n Chrysostom's writings which illustrate t h e Antiochene rite); H . Leclercq, 'Antioche (liturgie d')', DACL 1.2 (1924), 2 4 2 7 - 3 9 ; and M . H . Shepherd, ' T h e Formation and Influence of the Antiochene Liturgy', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15 (1961), 2 5 - 4 4 .
16
Archbishop Theodore
writings have come down to us: 60 his extant corpus includes some 1,544 letters, forty-four declamations and sixty-four orations on various topics, including exhortations to students, sophistic exercises, panegyrics, and encomia on Antioch itself. This vast corpus has been carefully studied for the light which it throws on the society and administration of fourthcentury Antioch. 61 The Letters, in particular, illuminate the relationships between Libanius and his many students (during the years 354-93, Libanius taught some 150 students). 62 Now although Libanius was a pagan, he apparently numbered various Christians among his students, and two of these had a decisive influence on later Christian thought: John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia. 63 Because of their importance to the Canterbury biblical commentaries, it is essential to review the careers of these two men. John Chrysostom was born sometime between 344 and 354 of a wealthy family in Antioch. 64 As was normal for aristocratic children, he was trained in rhetoric, very probably with Libanius. However, it was precisely at this time that Christian monasticism and the ascetic ideal were spreading rapidly in Syria at large and in Antioch in particular, 65 and at 60
T h e r e is a good general account of Libanius's career and w r i t i n g s by Liebeschuetz, Antioch•, p p . 1—39; see also ODB II, 1 2 2 2 . T h e standard edition of Libanius is t h a t of R. Foerster, 12 vols. (Leipzig, 1 9 0 3 - 2 2 ) .
61
See P. Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale a Antioche au We siecle apresJ.-C.
(Paris, 1965);
D o w n e y , A History of Antioch, p p . 3 7 3 - 9 ; and Liebeschuetz, Antioch, p p . 4 0 - 2 5 5 . 62
P e t i t , Les Etudiants
de Libanius•, p p . 1 7 - 4 0 , gives a prosopography of t h e s t u d e n t s in
question; t h e remainder of t h e book contains analysis of t h e nature of t h e studies and the social classes and regions from w h i c h t h e s t u d e n t s were d r a w n . 63
J o h n Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia are not m e n t i o n e d anywhere in t h e correspondence of Libanius; t h a t they were his s t u d e n t s is first stated by t h e
fifth-
century ecclesiastical historian Socrates (HE V I . 3 — P G 6 7 , 6 6 5 ) . It is an open question w h e t h e r t h e t e s t i m o n y of Socrates can be trusted in this instance, b u t , at least in t h e case of J o h n Chrysostom, seems t o be s u p p o r t e d by a passage in t h e author's o w n w r i t i n g s ( P G 4 8 , 601): see A. N a e g e l e , 'Chrysostomos u n d Libanios', in XpuaoaxoniKd ( R o m e , 1908), p p . 8 1 - 1 4 2 : see also Petit, Les Etudiants
de Libanius,
p . 4 1 , and Festugiere,
Antioche paienne et chre'tienne, pp. 4 0 9 - 1 0 . 64
See DTC VIII ( 1 9 2 4 ) , 6 6 0 - 9 0 , and, for t h e standard account, Baur, Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, trans. M. Gonzaga as John Chrysostom and his Time; see also Q u a s t e n , Patrology
III, 424—84; Impellizzeri, La letteratura
bizantina,
pp. 130-7;
Y o u n g , From Nicaea to Chalcedon, p p . 1 4 3 - 5 9 ; ODB II, 1 0 5 7 - 8 ; and EEC I, 4 4 0 - 2 . 65
See Festugiere, Antioche paienne et chre'tienne, pp. 245—66, and idem, Les Moines d'Orient I, 9 - 9 1 ; Voobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, esp. I, 1 3 8 - 6 9 and II, 1 4 - 1 9 ,
17
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the age of 18 John rejected the secular world in favour of the ascetic ideal. One of his most influential teachers at this time was Diodore, 66 a native of Antioch and later bishop of Tarsus (from 378 until his death in c. 394), who at his so-called asketerion67 gave instruction not only in asceticism but also in biblical exegesis. Although few of his writings have survived, Diodore was one of the most innovative and influential exegetes of his time, 68 and his attitude to scripture, as revealed above all in his commentary on the Octateuch, was to have a decisive influence on his students, John Chrysostom among them. In any event, John was ordained deacon in 381, and during the next sixteen years his eloquent preaching in Antioch earned him the soubriquet Chrysostomos, 'Golden-mouthed' (from chrysos, 'golden' and stoma, 'mouth'). During this period John composed the greater part of his immense corpus of writings (he is by far the most voluminous Greek church father), 69 consisting principally of exegetical homilies on the various books of the Bible: on the Old Testament, two series of homilies on Genesis (consisting of nine and sixty-seven homilies respectively), fifty-eight homilies on Psalms and six on Isaiah; and on the New Testament, ninety homilies on Matthew, eighty-eight on John, fifty-five on Acts and over 200 on various epistles of St Paul. In addition to these exegetical homilies, there is a large corpus of treatises on topics such 61-9 and 159-84; Chitty, The Desert a City; and S. Brock, 'Early Syrian Asceticism', in 66
67
68
69
his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity\ no. I. As John himself tells us (PG 52, 761); on Diodore, see DTC IV (1911), 1 3 6 3 - 6 , and DSp III (1957), 9 8 6 - 9 4 , as well as Quasten, Patrology III, 3 9 7 - 4 0 1 , Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, p p . 1 9 1 - 9 , ODB I, 6 2 6 - 7 and EEC I, 2 3 6 - 7 . R. Leconte, 'L'Asceterium de Diodore', in Melanges bibliques A. Robert (Paris, 1957), pp. 531-6. The first part of an extensive commentary on the Psalms, arguably by Diodore, has recently been ed. J.-M. Olivier, Diodori Tarsensis Commentarii in Psalmos I: Commentarii in Psalmos I—L, CCSG 6 (Turnhout and Leuven, 1980); but the authenticity of this work is not beyond dispute, and was rejected by scholars such as Devreesse and Richard. Genuine fragments of Diodore's commentaries preserved in catenae are ptd Deconinck, Essai sur la chaine de I'Octateuque, pp. 85—173, and R. Devreesse, 'Anciens commentateurs grecs de l'Octateuque', Revue biblique 45 (1936), 2 0 1 - 2 0 , at 2 1 7 - 1 8 , as well as idem, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, p p . 1 5 5 - 6 7 . These Greek fragments are to be supplemented by the few Syriac fragments ed. M. Briere, 'Quelques fragments syriaques de Diodore, eveque de Tarse', Revue de IVrient chretien 30 (1946), 2 3 1 - 8 3 - For discussion, see E. Schweizer, 'Diodor von Tarsus als Exeget', ZNTW 4 0 (1941), 3 3 - 7 5 , and esp. Schaublin, Untersucbungen, p p . 1 5 - 1 8 and 4 3 - 5 5 . Listed CPG II, nos. 4 3 0 5 - 5 1 9 7 ; p t d P G 4 7 - 6 4 .
18
Archbishop Theodore
as the priesthood, the monastic life, virginity, education, penitence, and so on, but these are of less concern to the present discussion. In the event, John's great reputation for holiness and eloquence secured his election to the patriarchate of Constantinople in 397; but unfortunately his honesty and his zeal for reform brought him into conflict with the imperial court and with Theophilus, the patriarch of Alexandria. At an infamous synod convened near Chalcedon by Theophilus (the so-called 'Synod of the Oak') in 403, John was deposed and subsequently banished to Armenia. He died while returning to his native Antioch in 407. Theodore of Mopsuestia70 was a close friend and ally of John Chrysostom. Like John, Theodore was born c. 350 in Antioch; like him, too, he studied at some early point in his career with Libanius. At approximately the same time as John, Theodore went, when aged about 20, to Diodore and his asketerion for instruction in the celibate life and in biblical studies. Shortly thereafter Theodore seems to have been tempted to abandon asceticism and to get married, at which point his friend and colleague John Chrysostom addressed to him a lengthy treatise {Ad Theodorum lapsum) counselling perseverance with the ascetic ideal.71 Theodore persevered and was in due course ordained a priest in 383. When his master Diodore was elected bishop of Tarsus, Theodore went to Tarsus to continue his biblical studies during the years between 386 and 392, when Theodore himself was elected bishop of nearby Mopsuestia (also in Cilicia: see fig. 1). He ruled this see with distinction until his death in 428. Theodore was a prolific biblical exegete who is known from later sources to have composed commentaries on various OT books including Genesis (or possibly the entire Pentateuch), Psalms, the Minor Prophets, the Books of Samuel and Job, as well as on NT books such as Matthew, Luke, John, Acts and the Pauline Epistles. It has been shown that this exegetical activity took place in two distinct phases: an early phase under the influence of Diodore, before his election to the see of Mopsuestia in 392, when Theodore 70
71
The standard account of Theodore is Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste; see also E. Amann, 'Theodore de Mopsueste', DTC X V . l (1946), 235-79; R.A. Greer, Theodore of Mopsuestia: Exegete and Theologian (London, 1961); and the accounts in Quasten, Patrology III, 401-23; Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 199-213; ODB III, 2044; and EEC II, 824-5. PG 47, 277-316; see also J&z» Chrysostome, a Theodore, ed. J. Dumortier, SChr 117 (Paris, 1966); and R.E. Carter, 'Chrysostom's Ad Theodorum lapsum and the Early Chronology of Theodore of Mopsuestia', Vigiliae Christianae 16 (1962), 87—101.
19
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
concerned himself primarily with the Old Testament; and a later phase, after the death of John Chrysostom, when he concerned himself primarily with the New Testament. 72 These two phases of exegetical work were separated by a period during which Theodore was engaged in theological controversy and composed various dogmatic and theological works. Unfortunately, for reasons which we shall consider in a moment, very little of the extensive corpus of Theodore's exegesis has survived. Excepting fragments from catenae, all that survives of this corpus is the commentary on the Minor Prophets (in the original Greek, but lacking the dedicatory epistle),73 that on the gospel of St John (in a Syriac translation), 74 and the commentaries on the minor Pauline epistles (in a Latin translation);73 in addition, a substantial portion of the commentary on Psalms can be pieced together from Greek catenae and from Syriac and Latin translations. 76 The commentary on Genesis is sadly represented only by fragments quoted in various sources.77 Nevertheless, it is possible from these fragmentary remains to form a clear impression of Theodore's practice as a biblical exegete. 72
73 74
75
76
77
See J.M. Voste, 'La chronologie de l'activite litteraire de Theodore de Mopsueste', Revue biblique 34 (1925), 5 4 - 8 1 . Voste prints and discusses the later catalogues of Theodore's writings, in the Chronicle of Seen and in Ebedjesu (d. 1318) at p p . 6 0 - 1 and 5 7 - 6 0 respectively. CPG II, no. 3834; p t d P G 66, 1 2 4 - 6 3 2 . CPG II, no. 3843; ed. J.M. Voste, Theodori Mopsuesteni Commentarius in Evangelium lohannis Apostoli, 2 vols. CSCO 1 1 5 - 1 6 (Louvain, 1940). CPG II, no. 3845; ed. H . B . Swete, Theodori episcopi Mopsuesteni in epistolas B. Pauli commentarii, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1880-2). See also U. Wickert, Studien zu den Pauluskommentaren Theodors von Mopsuestia als Beitrag zum Verstdndnis der antiochenischen Theologie (Berlin, 1962). CPG II, no. 3833; ed. R. Devreesse, he Commentaire de Theodore de Mopsueste sur les Psaumes (I-LXXX), StT 93 (Vatican City, 1939). See also L. Van Rompay, Theodore de Mopsueste. Fragments syriaques du Commentaire des Psaumes (Psaume 118 et Psaumes 138-148), CSCO 4 3 5 - 6 [Scriptores Syri 1 8 9 - 9 0 } (Louvain, 1982). For the Latin translation (by Julian of Eclanum), see below, p . 2 4 8 , n. 2 4 . CPG II, no. 3 8 2 7 . T h e extracts p t d P G 66, 636-45 still require to be assessed critically; see Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, p p . 5 - 2 5 . For other (Syriac) fragments of t h e Genesis commentary, see R . - M . Tonneau, 'Theodore d e Mopsueste, Interpretation [ d u livre] de la Genese', Le Museon 66 (1953), 4 5 - 6 4 (a Syriac fragment of Theodore on G e n . III. 1 4 - 2 4 ) , and T . Jansma, 'Theodore de Mopsueste, Interpretation d u livre de la Genese: Fragments de la version syriaque (BM A d d . 17189, fol. 1 7 - 2 1 ) ' , Le Museon 75 (1962), 6 3 - 9 2 .
20
Archbishop Theodore
Diodore, with his two pupils John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia, are the principal proponents of what is called the 'Antiochene School' of biblical exegesis. We will have occasion in a later chapter to consider the nature of Antiochene exegesis more closely (below, pp. 243—9). For now it is enough to note briefly that the Antiochenes were concerned above all to establish what they believed to be the literal sense of scripture. To this end they employed techniques which in modern terms might be called 'philological': they pondered the relative merits of different readings in different versions of the biblical text, and interpreted these meanings by recourse to ancient lexica and to the ancillary disciplines of medicine, rhetoric and philosophy. These techniques are most fully in evidence in the early commentaries of Theodore of Mopsuestia;78 but the assumptions underlying their deployment are pervasive in the homilies of John Chrysostom,79 and it is clear that they had already been worked out by Diodore. Needless to say, perhaps, the Antiochenes' concern with the precise meaning of scripture, especially of the New Testament, inevitably led them into disagreement and controversy with other interpreters, particularly of the Alexandrine school. Thus the Antiochenes became embroiled in the Christological and soteriological debates of the fifth century. 80 It is not surprising that the brilliance of the Antiochenes' method attracted many students. One of these students may have been Nestorius, as we have seen.81 Another Antiochene theologian who was almost
78
79 80
81
On Theodore's exegesis, see Kihn, Theodor von Mopsuestia und Junilius Afrkanus als Exegeten, still an indispensable work, and Pirot, L'Oeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste; R. Devreesse, 'La methode exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste', Revue biblique 53 (1946), 2 0 7 - 4 1 (repr. with minor modifications in his Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, pp. 53-93); R. Bultmann, Die Exegese des Theodor von Mopsuestiay ed. H. Feld and K.H. Schele (Stuttgart, 1984Xan updated version of Bultmann's 1912 Marburg Habilitationsschrift); M.F. Wiles, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia as Representative of the Antiochene School', in The Cambridge History of the Bible /, ed. P.R. Ackroyd and C.F. Evans (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 4 8 9 - 5 1 0 ; and M. Simonetti, 'Note sull'esegesi veterotestamentaria di Teodoro di Mopsuestia', Vetera Christianorum 14 (1977), 6 9 - 1 0 2 . See Baur, Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus, trans. Gonzaga I, 3 1 9 - 2 1 . See Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies, pp. 107-201; R.A. Norris, Manhood and Christ: a Study in the Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Oxford, 1963); and Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antiochy pp. 117-50. The bibliography on this subject is immense. On Nestorius, see above, pp. 9-10 and nn. 15-17.
21
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
certainly a student of Theodore was Theodoret of Cyrrhus. 82 Theodoret was born in Antioch c. 393; he became bishop of Cyrrhus (some 75 miles northeast of Antioch: see fig. 1) in 423 and held that see, not without difficulties and temporary banishment, until his death in 466. Theodoret is known for various writings, including a treatise of Christian apology (one of the last of its kind, entitled Graecarum affectionum curatio)85 a treatise against the monophysites (the Eranistes),84 a large collection of letters, 85 and several historical works. 86 Although Theodoret repudiated the monophysites, and was later to repudiate Nestorius, he is in his biblical exegesis — of which there is a substantial corpus, especially on the Old Testament 87 - thoroughly Antiochene. 88 Another adherent to the school of Antioch was Severian (d. c. 408), bishop of Gabala, some 50 miles south of Antioch on the Syrian coast (see fig. I). 8 9 Although it is not possible on existing evidence to demonstrate that Severian in fact studied with Diodore or Theodore, and although in some ways he was antipathetic to the Antiochenes — he was, for example, one of the bishops at the 'Synod of the Oak' who deposed John Chrysostom in 403 — there is no question 82
See G. Bardy, Theodoret', DTC
XV.l
( 1 9 4 6 ) , 2 9 9 - 3 2 5 ; Quasten, Patrology
III,
5 3 6 - 5 4 ; Young, From Nkaea to Chalcedon, pp. 2 6 5 - 8 9 ; ODB III, 2 0 4 9 ; and EEC II,
827-8. 83
CPG
III, no. 6 2 1 0 ; ptd P G 8 3 , 7 8 4 - 1 1 5 2 , and Theodoret de Cyr: Therapeutique des
maladies helleniques, ed. P. Canivet, 2 vols., SChr 57 (Paris, 1958). 84
CPG
III, no. 6 2 1 7 ; ptd P G 8 3 , 2 7 - 3 3 6 ; Theodoret of Cyrus: Eranistes, ed. G . H .
Ettlinger (Oxford, 1975). 85
CPG III, nos. 6 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; Theodoret de Cyr: Correspondance, ed. Y. Azema, 3 vols., SChr 4 0 , 9 8 and 111 (Paris, 1 9 5 5 - 6 5 ) .
86
Theodoret's Historia religiosa (CPG III, no. 6 2 2 1 ) is an account of the lives of monks who lived in the vicinity of Antioch; it is ptd Theodoret de Cyr: I'histoire des moines de Syrie, ed. Canivet and Leroy-Molinghen; see also Canivet, Le monachisme syrien. Theodoret's Historia ecdesiastica (CPG III, no. 6222) is a history of the church which continues the HE of Eusebius and ends - significantly - with the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia in 428.
87
CPG III, nos. 6 2 0 0 - 9 . For our purposes, the most important work is the Quaestiones in Octateuchum (CPG
III, no. 6200; ptd PG 80, 7 6 - 5 2 8 and Fernandez Marcos and
Saenz-Badillos, Theodoreti Cyrensis Quaestiones in Octateuchum). 88
As argued by G . W . Ashby, Theodoret of Cyrrhus as Exegete of the Old Testament (Grahams-
89
See G. Bardy, 'Severien de Gabala', DTC
town, 1972), esp. pp. 1 7 - 5 5 . X I V . 2 ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 2 0 0 0 - 6 , and J. Zellinger,
Studien zu Severian von Gabala, Miinstersche Beitrage zur Theologie 8 (Munster, 1926), as well as Quasten, Patrology III, 4 8 4 - 6 , ODB III, 1 8 8 3 - 4 and EEC II, 7 7 2 .
22
Archbishop Theodore
that his exegesis is fundamentally Antiochene in its orientation. This is particularly the case with his six Orationes in mundi creationem, which frequently explain the biblical creation in terms of Greek cosmological (and especially medical) science.90 Mention should also be made of the well-informed and well-travelled layman known as Cosmas Indicopleustes who lived in the first half of the sixth century and who, in spite of having studied in Alexandria, was pronouncedly Antiochene in his response to scripture. 91 Other disciples and adherents of the Antiochene school could be mentioned as well; but enough has been said to demonstrate that, in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, the school of Antioch was a vital centre of Christian theology and biblical exegesis. We can no longer appreciate its full vitality because only a small proportion of its scholarly production has come down to us. Because of the heretical stamp of Nestorius (whose doctrines were condemned by the Council of Ephesus in 431, as we have seen), the principal proponents of the Antiochene school, Diodore and Theodore, came increasingly under suspicion, with the result that Diodore was condemned by a synod at Constantinople in 499, and Theodore by another (and more famous) synod at Constantinople in 553. The latter synod ordered that copies of Theodore's writings be searched out and burned publicly. 92 This is the principal reason why so few of the writings of Diodore and Theodore have survived; only Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who had publicly attacked and repudiated Nestorius, escaped this destruction. 90
CPG II, no. 4 1 9 4 ; ptd P G 56, 4 2 9 - 5 0 0 ; see also Zellinger, Die Genesis-homilien des Bischofs Severian von Gabala. Cf. in particular the distinction drawn by Severian between the Alexandrines' preference for allegoria and the Antiochenes' for theoria: xauxa OUK &M.T|Yopo()VT£pov xov a6v5ouA,ov f\[iG)v Kai ai)ve7ciaKO7cov, xfjq [iGydXr\q vf|aou Bpexxaviag apxie7iiaKO7cov Kai idanum, but of a nearby convent of nuns whose chaplain was the monk Andrew whom Hadrian proposed to Pope Vitalian as a suitable candidate for the vacant see of Canterbury, but whose state of health prevented him from accepting such an appointment. 188 Bede does not specify where this nunnery was located, but the possibility that it was identical with the nunnery of SS Nicander and Marcian in Naples itself is worth considering. We learn of this nunnery from the vita of St Patrizia by Leo of Naples, 185
186
187
Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 186; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p . 2 6 . For t h e identification of the text's insula w i t h Nisida, see Duchesne, ibid., p . 2 0 0 , n. 1 1 8 . Capasso, Monumenta II.ii, 1 8 3 . Elsewhere Capasso discusses a reference in a charter of Frederick II, dated 1 2 3 9 - 4 0 , t o a church S. Angeli de Zippio {ibid., p . 159, n. 4 ) , which he inclines t o identify w i t h t h e monastery de insula Gipei. Capasso's identification has been questioned by Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p . 3 4 , n. 4 3 ; cf. Poole, ' M o n a s t e r i u m N i r i d a n u m ' , p . 5 4 5 .
188
HE IV. 1 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 328): ' c u m q u e m o n a c h u m q u e n d a m de uicino u i r g i n u m monasterio n o m i n e A n d r e a m pontifici offerret, hie ab o m n i b u s q u i nouere d i g n u s episcopatu iudicatus est. V e r u m p o n d u s corporeae infirmitatis ne episcopus fieri posset obstitit.'
122
Abbot Hadrian who was himself a priest of that house. 189 St Patrizia was a noble lady from Constantinople who, during the reign of Constans II (641-68), travelled to Rome by way of Naples. While at Naples she was much taken with the church of SS Nicander and Marcian,190 and vowed to be buried there in due course. After travelling on to Rome and then back to Constantinople, she returned during a terminal illness to Naples where she disembarked on an (unspecified) island in the Bay of Naples, and died. Her body was taken to the church of SS Nicander and Marcian, and duly buried there in accordance with her earlier vow. Many details of this story are unclear, but in broad outline it attests to the presence in Naples of a nunnery served by a chaplain at precisely the time that Hadrian was proposing to the pope the name of a chaplain of a Neapolitan nunnery as a possible archbishop of Canterbury. In any case, there is no need to doubt Bede's statement that Hadrian had been abbot of a monastery near Naples, even if the probable identification of that monastery as Nisida cannot be proved beyond doubt. Certainly the biblical commentaries edited here reveal familiarity with the topography of the Naples area,191 and this familiarity is probably due to Hadrian. Whatever the case, we are surely permitted to assume that Hadrian, who had arrived in Naples as a (Greek-speaking) refugee from Libya Cyrenaica, entered a monastery there, perhaps one otherwise unattested on Nisida, and, drawing on the scholarly tradition in biblical and patristic study initiated a century earlier by Eugippius, acquired the impressive training in 'monastic and ecclesiastical disciplines' mentioned by Bede which he was subsequently to bring to England. HADRIAN AND IMPERIAL POLITICS
Bede informs us that, when through the death of Wigheard there occurred the vacancy in the archbishopric of Canterbury, Pope Vitalian was very careful in seeking sound advice as to how the vacancy should be filled: 189
190 191
BHL no. 6 4 8 5 ; ed. Acta SS., A u g . , V, 2 1 5 - 1 9 . O n this vita, see Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p p . 24—6, who dates the events of the vita to the years 652—60, and Cilento, 'La cultura e gli inizi dello studio', p . 554. T h e site of this nunnery has not been identified. See Evil 57 (below, p . 406), where the location of the island of Ponza is explained in connection with Pontius Pilate. Ponza is the outermost island of an archipelago which includes Ischia and other islands in the Bay of Naples.
123
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Bede's words of the pope are quaesiuit sedulus (IV. 1). But immediately following this statement Bede makes what at first sight seems an irrelevant aside: 'now at that time there was a certain Abbot Hadrian living in Naples'. Bede's narrative, here as elsewhere, is smooth and seamless; yet it masks an interesting problem. Why, at this critical juncture in the history of the English church, should the pope — who could obviously have availed himself of the best advice in Rome — have turned to the abbot of a remote and (for us) unidentified monastery in Naples? How was it that the pope had even heard of Hadrian, let alone that he should place his entire confidence in Hadrian's advice? For, as we learn from Bede, the pope first asked Hadrian to fill the vacancy, then a name suggested by Hadrian (Andrew), then Hadrian again, then a second name suggested by Hadrian (Theodore). That Abbot Hadrian had the pope's ear in 667 would be putting it mildly: the pope seems to have placed his entire trust in this abbot of an apparently minor monastery. Furthermore, when the election of Theodore was eventually made, it was agreed that Hadrian should accompany the newly elected archbishop through Gaul, 'because he had already travelled twice through Gaul on various business' ('iam bis partes Galliarum diuersis ex causis adisset'). Why had Hadrian, abbot of an obscure Neapolitan monastery, travelled twice to Gaul? And why, when Hadrian duly arrived in Gaul (for the third time), was he detained by Ebroin, the Neustrian mayor of the palace, on the suspicion that Hadrian was 'conducting some embassy for the Emperor' (HE IV. 1: 'aliquam legationem imperatoris')? Bede's narrative, and the historical record in general, provide no answers to questions such as these. In order to provide even hypothetical answers, it is necessary briefly to consider the political situation in Italy at the time of Theodore's election. Thus far in the discussion, no mention has been made of the Langobards or Lombards; but their presence in Italy was a crucial factor from the late sixth century onwards, and since this presence very possibly impinged on the career of Abbot Hadrian, a brief outline of their role in sixth- and seventh-century Italian politics is necessary. The precise origin of the Langobards is unknown; but by the late fifth and early sixth century, they had spread south into what is now Austria, Slovakia and Hungary. 192 192
On the origins of the Langobards, see L. Schmidt, Geschkbte der deutschen Stdmme bis zum Ausgang der Volkerwanderung, I: Die Ostgermanen, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1941), pp. 565—626; H. Frohlich, 'Zur Herkunft der Langobarden', Quellen und Forschungen aus
124
Abbot Hadrian From here, under their leader Alboin, they crossed the Alps in 568 and began their conquest of Italy. 193 The cities of northern Italy — Vicenza, Verona, Milan — offered little resistance, and by 570 much of northern Italy was under Langobard control; subsequent years saw them established in Tuscany as well. They were less successful in dealing with Ravenna, the seat of imperial Roman (Byzantine) government in Italy, since it could be defended by the Byzantine navy, against which the Langobards had no weapon. Nevertheless, from their power base in northern Italy the Langobards pushed down through inland Italy, following the Apennines, because - oddly, perhaps - the hill towns and cities were less well fortified than the coastal towns. It was Alboin's policy to consolidate the territories he had conquered by establishing dukedoms (ducatus) in the principal cities and territories. Thus he established a dukedom of Spoleto, from which Langobard authority over central Italy could be exerted, and another, probably in 571, in Benevento (see fig. 5), which became the centre of Langobard dominion in southern Italy. 194 By the time of Alboin's death in 573 most of inland Italy was under Langobard control with the following exceptions: Ravenna, Rome (and a corridor following the Tiber and joining Rome with Ravenna), the Bay of Naples, Calabria (the 'heel' of Italy) and Bruttia (the 'toe' of Italy), as well as islands such as Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily. Because all these areas could be protected by the Byzantine fleet, they remained under the control of the Roman (Byzantine) empire; the Langobards, who had no fleet, were simply incapable of conquering or controlling fortified seaports. This division of italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken
5 5 - 6 ( 1 9 7 6 ) , 1—21; and J . J a r n u t , ' Z u r Friih-
geschichte der Langobarden', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 2 4 (1983), 1-16. 193
T h e clearest and most recent account of Langobard Italy is t h a t by D e l o g u , 11 regno Longobardo'; see also Gasparri, / duchi longobardi, p p . 7—44 and J a r n u t , Geschichte der Langobarden,
p p . 3 3 - 5 4 . T h e bibliography is e n o r m o u s , t h o u g h m u c h of t h e most
i m p o r t a n t research is to be found in t h e collected papers of t w o scholars: O . Bertolini,
Serifft scelti di storia medievale, 2 vols. (Livorno, 1968), and Bognetti, L'eta longobarda, esp. II, 1 3 - 6 7 3 CS. Maria foris portas di Castelseprio e la storia religiosa dei longobardi'). A useful account of t h e current state of research is P . Scardigli, 'Stand u n d Aufgaben der Langobardenforschung', repr. in his Goti e longobardi. Studi
di
filologia germanica ( R o m e , 1987), p p . 1 7 9 - 9 0 ; see also p p . 1 9 1 - 2 4 6 . T h e principal narrative source is Paul t h e Deacon, Historia Langobardorum,
ed. G . W a i t z , M G H , SS
rer. Langobard. (Hannover, 1878), 4 5 - 1 8 7 . 194
For Langobard rule in southern Italy, see H i r s c h and Schipa, La Longobardia nale, ed. Acocella, p p . 5 - 8 6 .
125
meridio-
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power, between the Langobards and (the remnant of) the Roman empire, was to endure for several centuries. Once the Langobards had established a dukedom in Benevento, they attempted, under Duke Zotto (c. 570—90) and his long-lived successor Arichis (c. 590-640), to extend their control over southern Italy. 195 A siege of Naples failed in 581 as did another in 592; but in c. 589 the abbey of Monte Cassino was sacked and destroyed, and in 593 Capua was laid under siege, eventually to fall in 597. At this point the clergy of Capua fled to Naples for safety.196 Venafro was taken in 595, and the following year Pope Gregory expressed fears that Amalfi (an important seaport just south of Naples) would be taken as well. 197 It was in these circumstances that Gregory recommended, as we have seen, that monastic communities in the exposed outermost parts of the Bay of Naples, such as those at Cuma and Pozzuoli, be moved for safety's sake to Naples itself. A similar political situation still obtained in the middle of the seventh century: the Langobards, from their stronghold in Benevento, controlled the inland territories of southern Italy, whereas Naples, with its fortifications and its harbour allowing access to the imperial fleet, remained part of the Roman (Byzantine) empire. At that time, however, various developments threatened to alter this more or less stable situation. The duke of Benevento then was Grimoald (647-71), a man of considerable ability and energy. 198 When the king of the Langobards, Aripert I, died in 661, the kingdom was left to his two young sons Godepert and Perctarit, who had their seats of power in Pavia and Milan respectively. Seeing an opportunity to seize the throne, Grimoald, assisted by various treacherous Langobard dukes, marched northwards (leaving Benevento in charge of his young son Romoald), killed Godepert and seized power. Perctarit fled for safety to the Avars, apparently in 662. Grimoald then married a daughter of King Aripert in order to legitimize his seizure of the throne. He thus became the 195
See Hirsch and Schipa, ibid., esp. p p . 5—33, a n d Gasparri, / duchi longobardi, p p .
86-7. 196
197 198
Gregory's Registrum is the source for much of the information given here. For the flight of the Capuan clergy to Naples, see Registrum V . I 3 - 1 4 (ed. Norberg, CCSL 140, 2 7 9 - 8 0 ) ; both letters are dated A D 594. Ibid. V I . 2 3 (ed. N o r b e r g , p . 393), dated A D 5 9 6 . O n Grimoald, see Delogu, 'II regno longobardo', p p . 9 0 - 6 , Gasparri, / duchi longobardiy p p . 88—9, Hirsch and Schipa, La Longobardia meridionale, ed. Acocella, p p . 3 6 - 4 3 , and J a r n u t , Geschichte der Langobarden, p p . 58—61.
126
Abbot Hadrian first Langobard king successfully to control both the northern and southern dukedoms. The legitimacy of his rule, however, was undermined by the continuing existence of Perctarit. Accordingly, Grimoald threatened the Avars with attack if they continued to shelter the fugitive. According to Paul the Deacon (Paulus Diaconus), who is the principal source for these events, the king of the Avars summoned Perctarit and asked him where he would like to go, since he could no longer be protected by the Avars. 199 At the same time, Grimoald proposed a truce to Perctarit, offering him peaceful residence at Pavia. When Perctarit returned to Pavia, however, Grimoald attempted to assassinate him there; he was saved by some faithful followers and managed to escape, this time to 'the land of the Franks' (Francorum ad patriam)200 probably early in 663. The 'Franks' proved to be more resilient allies than the Avars had been: they even mounted an expedition against Grimoald. As Paul the Deacon reports, the Frankish army set out from Provence and invaded Italy (Trancorum exercitus de Provincia egrediens in Italiam introivit'), 201 but was tricked and roundly defeated by Grimoald. The vague words used by Paul the Deacon —patria Francorum — mask an immensely complex political situation, for Francia was then not a single unified kingdom, but an amalgam of at least two rival kingdoms, Austrasia and Neustria (which at this particular time was joined with Burgundy). From the mention of Provence {Provincia), however, it is apparent that the Frankish army came from the Neustro-Burgundian kingdom, which at 199 Historia Langobardorum V.2 (ed. Waitz, p. 142): 'eidem cacano Avarum regi per legatos mandavit [scil. Grimoald}, ut, si Perctarit in suo regno detineret, cum Langobardis et secum pacem, quam hactenus habuerat, deinceps habere non possit. Haec Avarum rex audiens, adscito Perctarit, dixit ei, ut in quam partem vellet pergeret, ne propter eum Avares cum Langobardis inimicitias contraherent.' The point is worth noting, because according to Stephen of Ripon, when Bishop Wilfrid was later (in 679) enjoying the protection of this same Perctarit, Perctarit told him that once, when he had been staying with the king of the Huns (sic), the king had been offered a bushel of gold to hand him over to be killed, but the king had refused to do so, saying that he would not break the agreement he had made with Perctarit for all the money in the world (Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 28, ed. Colgrave, p. 56). These anecdotes evidently relate to the same episode, but it is not clear how they are to be reconciled. 200 Historia Langobardorum V.2 (ed. Waitz, p. 144). This part of Paul the Deacon's narrative is analysed by W . Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History (Princeton, NJ, 1988), pp. 4 0 8 - 1 1 . 201
Ibid. V.5 (ed. W a i t z , p . 146).
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that time - probably 663 - was ruled by the young King Chlotar III, but was in fact under the control of Queen Balthild (Chlotar's mother and the widow of King Clovis, who had died in 657), and the ambitious but detestable mayor of the palace, Ebroin. 202 Given that Neustria controlled Burgundy at this point, the most likely assumption is that it was Ebroin to whom Perctarit appealed and who launched the expedition against Grimoald. 203 Precisely why Ebroin went into the field in support of Perctarit is not stated in the sources; but the likelihood is that Ebroin was attempting to establish a treaty with Perctarit as a counterbalance to an already-existing treaty between Grimoald and the Austrasian kingdom. 204 If the Langobard armies of Grimoald could be destroyed simply and Perctarit installed as legitimate king of the Langobards, then Ebroin would have a powerful ally against his Austrasian enemies. This scenario can be no more than conjecture, however, because the sources tell us nothing further concerning Perctarit's relationships with the Franks during the next eight years or so. The next we hear of Perctarit is in 671 when, according to Paul the Deacon, he was preparing to flee to England for refuge at the precise moment when the death of Grimoald was announced to him, whereupon he returned to Italy to resume the kingdom which had been seized from him by Grimoald. 205 It would be interesting to know why Perctarit was proposing in 671 to go to England. Who, if anyone, had invited him, or promised him protection? Was he obliged to flee from Neustria because he no longer enjoyed the support of Ebroin? Had Ebroin's support for him cooled as a result of the disastrous Frankish expedition to Asti in 663? Given the paucity of our sources, it is impossible to answer any of these questions. Meanwhile, another much more powerful agent entered the fray, namely the Roman emperor, Constans II (641—68). 206 The emperor was 202
O n t h e precise chronology of these events, see L. D u p r a z , Contribution a I'histoire du Regnum Francorum pendant le troisieme quart du Vile siecle (656—680)
(Fribourg, 1948),
pp. 223-6 and 239-46. 203
The suggestion of Ebroin was first made by J a r n u t , 'Beitrage zu den
frankisch-
bayerisch-langobardischen Beziehungen', p . 332; and cf. Delogu, 'II regno longobardo', p . 96. 204
O n these various (hypothetical b u t probable) alliances between Franks and Langobards, see J a r n u t , ibid., p p . 3 3 2 - 3 .
205 206
Historia Langobardorum V . 3 3 (ed. W a i t z , p . 155). O n the expedition of Constans II to Italy, see esp. Corsi, La spedizione italiana Costante / / , esp. p p . 117—23, and 'La politica italiana di Costante I F , esp. p p . 774—83;
128
di
Abbot Hadrian no doubt aware of the threat which a combined north-south Langobard kingdom under Grimoald's leadership posed to the security of imperial territories in Italy. When he learned that Grimoald had left Benevento for north Italy and had left his young son Romoald holding the fort, Constans decided to launch a massive strike against the Langobards in southern Italy in order to recover lands formerly in imperial possession. After spending the winter of 662 in Greece, Constans and the Byzantine army disembarked at Taranto in the spring of 663; as we learn from Paul the Deacon, the army made its way up through Puglia in southern Italy where they fought without success at Acerenza, occupied Lucera, and then laid siege to Benevento. 207 Young Romoald was on the point of handing over the city to the imperial army, and in giving his sister to Constans as a hostage, when Grimoald, suddenly realizing the seriousness of the situation, hastened south with a large army intent on relieving his son. When Grimoald reached the river Sangro (just south of Chieti), Constans abandoned the siege and withdrew to Naples (then still under his authority), having no doubt learned that, after a century of Italian rule, the Langobards could not easily be dislodged. Constans spent the early summer of 663 in Naples. It is tempting to speculate that, at this point, the emperor somehow came into contact with Abbot Hadrian. 208 As we have seen, Hadrian was a native speaker of Greek, a former resident of a Byzantine province in Africa, but had by now spent some twenty years in the vicinity of Naples and was presumably familiar with the ecclesiastical politics of Italy. He could have informed the emperor of the local situation without having recourse to an interpreter. In any event, the emperor soon decided to travel to Rome to meet the pope. As we learn from the Liber pontificalis, Constans II arrived in Rome on Wednesday 5 July; Pope Vitalian with all his clergy met him at the sixth milestone (on the Via Appia) and accompanied him back to Rome, where celebrations duly took place at St Peter's, inasmuch as Constans was the first Roman emperor in over two hundred years to set
see also A.N. Stratos, 'Expedition de l'empereur Constantin III surnomme Constant en Italie', Bisanzio e Vltalia. Raccolta di studi in memoria di Agostino Pertusi (Milan, 1982), pp. 348-57, repr. in his Studies in Ith-Century Byzantine Political History (London, 1983), no. X L 207
Paul t h e Deacon, Historia Langobardorum V . 6 - 1 1 (ed. W a i t z , p p . 1 4 6 - 5 0 ) .
208
T h e hypothesis was first formulated by Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p . 2 3 .
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foot in Rome. 209 Again, if Abbot Hadrian was accompanying the emperor as a (newly found) interpreter/adviser, he will have had ample opportunity to get to know Pope Vitalian, perhaps even acting as the emperor's translator in audience with the pope. 210 In any event, the emperor stayed in Rome twelve days before making his way back to Naples, and eventually to Sicily, where he took up residence and where (as we have seen) he was eventually assassinated in 668. It was presumably in the aftermath of the emperor's stay in Naples and his meeting with the pope that Hadrian was entrusted with the imperial embassy — legatio imperatoris — and was sent twice to Gaul, diuersis ex causis,
as Bede says (HE IV. 1). Neither Bede nor any other source indicates the nature of these embassies, and we can now do little more than guess. Possibly the emperor, reflecting that his siege of Benevento had had to be raised as a result of Grimoald's arrival, hoped for greater success in a future siege if the forces of Grimoald could be partially occupied on a second front; possibly Hadrian's mission was that of persuading Grimoald's Frankish enemies to attack him on other fronts, with the lure of imperial finance for such an undertaking. It is even conceivable that the promise of imperial support had been a factor in persuading Ebroin and the NeustroBurgundians to join forces with Perctarit in attempting to overthrow Grimoald at the battle of Asti. If so, Hadrian could have been the imperial ambassador charged with conducting these negotiations on behalf of ConstansII. 211 In any event, when on 27 May 668 Theodore and Hadrian finally set off 209
210
211
Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 343; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p. 71. The information is repeated from this source by Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum V . l l (ed. Waitz, p p . 149-50). Vitalian was a native of Segni in Lazio, or what was then (northern) Campania: Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 3 4 3 . Segni is not near Naples, so there is no compelling reason to assume that Vitalian and Hadrian knew each other beforehand; nor is there any reason to think that Vitalian was a speaker of Greek. O n the implications of a Frankish—Byzantine alliance at this juncture, see Bognetti, L'eta longobarda II, 335—40, who, however, makes no mention of Hadrian's embassies, but views the situation in terms of Byzantine fears of an eventual alliance between Grimoald and the Arabs. This theme is explored further in an incomplete and posthumous essay, 'La rivalta tra Austrasia e Burgundia e i riflessi della lotta tra Longobardi e Bizantini nelle vicende del vescovado di Costanza al principio del sec. VIF, L'eta longobarda IV, 559—82, which however concerns a period much earlier than that in question here.
130
Abbot Hadrian for England by way of Francia, Hadrian had already been there on two previous occasions conducting business on behalf of Emperor Constans II. Theodore was allowed to pass, but Hadrian was detained by Ebroin, on the suspicion that Hadrian had some embassy from the emperor to the kings of England: Hadrianum autem Ebrinus retinuit, quoniam suspicabatur eum habere aliquam legationem imperatoris ad Brittaniae reges aduersus regnum, cuius tune ipse maximam curam gerebat.212 Perhaps Ebroin's suspicions were aroused because on an earlier occasion he had been the subject of Hadrian's imperial embassy, and was on this occasion suspicious of why Hadrian's attentions were (as he thought) being directed elsewhere. Hadrian was eventually allowed to pass. Possibly he was able to persuade Ebroin that, on this occasion, he was not the bearer of an imperial embassy. Or possibly the news that Constans II had been assassinated in Sicily on 15 September 668 was slow to reach Ebroin. We shall never know. The point is simply that the Hadrian who arrived in England, probably in 670, was by no means an obscure abbot of an obscure monastery: he was, on the contrary, the intimate and trusted confidant of the two most powerful authorities in Christendom: the Roman pope and the Roman/ Byzantine emperor. As his colleague, Theodore, had been centrally involved in the most important theological debate of the time, so Hadrian had been involved in intricate negotiations involving the most important secular authorities in the seventh-century polity. Whether the two men were unanimous in their theological and political views is difficult to surmise: on our estimation Theodore had been closely involved with Pope Martin and Maximus the Confessor in preparing the Greek acta of the Lateran Council of 649 which repudiated the monothelete views endorsed by the Byzantine emperor. It was the emperor, Constans II, who had given the order to execute Pope Martin and to mutilate and exile Maximus; yet it was this same Byzantine emperor for whom Hadrian had acted as imperial ambassador some ten years later. Their theological differences - if such they were - are now irrecoverable and probably not important (after all, whatever their differences, it was Hadrian who had recommended Theo212
HE IV. 1 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 332): 'Ebroin detained Hadrian because he suspected him of having some imperial embassy to the kings of Britain, which might be directed against the kingdom over which at that time he held the chief charge.'
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dore to the pope). What is important is that in 669-70 two men of immense learning and immense experience of Mediterranean politics arrived in England to reconstruct the English church. We must now attempt to trace the progress of that programme of reconstruction.
132
4 Theodore and Hadrian in England
Theodore arrived in England on Sunday 27 May 669, a year to the day after he had set out from Rome (HE IV.2), and Hadrian arrived the following year. We can scarcely imagine their first impressions of England, though the sight of tiny wooden churches1 dotting the landscape must surely have evoked memories in Theodore of Hagia Sophia and Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, and in Hadrian of St Restituta and the Stephania in Naples, and in both of them of the great basilican churches in Rome. Nevertheless they set determinedly and expeditiously about reconstructing the administrative organization — if not the architectural fabric — of the English church.2 Their first undertaking was, as Bede tells us, a visitation of those parts of the island inhabited by the English (HE IV. 2: peragrata insula tot a, quaquauersum Anglorum
gentes morabantur).
During this tour, Bede goes on to say, they gave instruction in the 'correct' manner of the Christian life (rectum uiuendi ordinem) and in the 'canonical' custom of celebrating Easter (ritum celebrandi paschae canonkum). We shall consider the literary evidence for Theodore's concern with orthodox belief and canon law shortly, but it may be helpful to preface those considerations with a very brief account of the administrative arrange1
2
When Theodore travelled to Lindisfarne with Hadrian on his first visitation, he had occasion to consecrate the church built there by Bishop Finan in the Irish manner, not of stone but of oak and thatched with reeds: 'more Scottorum non de lapide sed de robore secto totam conposuit atque harundine texit; quam tempore sequente reuerentissimus archiepiscopus Theodorus in honore beati apostoli Petri dedicauit' (HE III.25; ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 294). On Theodore's impact on the administrative structure of the English church, see esp. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 132—42; Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity, pp. 130—9; and Brooks, The Early History of the Church at Canterbury, pp. 71—6.
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
ments he made to effect the resuscitation and reconstruction of his new archdiocese. ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION
When Theodore arrived, his own see had been vacant for nearly five years, and there were similar vacancies in episcopal sees in the kingdoms of Mercia, Wessex and East Anglia. Indeed the only three bishops in office in the whole country were Wini, bishop of London, Ceadda, bishop of York, and Wilfrid, bishop of Ripon. Theodore set about repairing this desperate situation with the urgency of an old man in a hurry. He straightway appointed bishops to Rochester in Kent (Putta), to Dunwich in East Anglia (Bisi) and to Winchester in Wessex (Leuthere).3 He deposed Ceadda from the see of York (on the grounds that his consecration had been uncanonical) and installed Wilfrid in his place; he subsequently appointed Ceadda to the vacant see of Lichfield, having been greatly impressed by Ceadda's holiness. With the English episcopate thus restored, Theodore was able to summon a general synod at Hertford in September of either 672 or 673. 4 The synod was attended by all English bishops (excepting only Wini, who probably took umbrage at Theodore's ruthless authority, and Wilfrid, who however sent proxies). Theodore produced a liber canonum or book of canon law (on which see below), and from it promulgated the canons or rules designed to secure the unanimity of the English church in matters of orthodox belief, such as Easter dating and marriage and divorce, or of jurisdiction, such as the intrusion of bishops into the dioceses of others or into the affairs of monasteries.5 Provision was made to hold an annual general synod at an unidentified 3
4
5
The narrative of these appointments is derived from Bede, HE IV.2—3; it is set out clearly by Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 132-3. The ambiguity in the dating turns on our interpretation of Bede's understanding (HE IV.5) of dating by annus Domini, indiction and regnal year. Poole ('The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica and the Councils of 679-80', p . 27), followed - with valid qualifications — by Levison (England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, pp. 265—7), argues for 672; Harrison (The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History, pp. 84—5), giving due weight to Bede's understanding of regnal years, argues for 673. The distinction does not greatly affect the present discussion. On the Council of Hertford, see Vollrath, DieSynode Englands, pp. 69-76. See HE IV. 5; on the canonical basis for this legislation, see below, p. 149-
134
Theodore and Hadrian in England place called Clofesboh.6 Such measures brought a degree of stability to the English church. One of the points proposed by Theodore at Hertford was that more bishoprics should be created as the number of the faithful increased (the underlying point being, apparently, that vast dioceses should be broken up); but the proposal was not accepted by the synod, and Theodore let it pass for the time being: sed de hac re adpresens siluimus. Nevertheless, it is clear that Theodore's overall strategy was to reduce the size and increase the number of English dioceses, and it was this intention which brought him into conflict with Bishop Wilfrid.7 After the deposition of Ceadda from York, Wilfrid had acquired control over a vast diocese comprising the whole of Northumbria. Such control will have seemed intolerable to Theodore, who accordingly awaited the first opportunity to divide it. The opportunity — or pretext — was presented by a quarrel between Wilfrid and King Ecgfrith of Northumbria, and in 677 Theodore deposed Wilfrid, seized his property and expelled him. In place of the single Northumbrian diocese, three new dioceses were created: Deira (with its see at York), Bernicia (with its see either at Lindisfarne or Hexham) and Lindsey. Wilfrid went to Rome to appeal against his deposition to the pope. His case was heard by a synod of Italian bishops in October 679 (an important synod which, as we shall see, had other, more urgent, reasons to be reminded of Archbishop Theodore), which reached a compromise whereby Wilfrid was to be restored to the see of York but that the Northumbrian diocese was to remain divided.8 The conflict with Wilfrid was no doubt symptomatic of friction caused in late seventh-century England between the ruthless old man in a hurry and the resident episcopate. Theodore's dispute with Wilfrid lasted as long as King Ecgfrith (Wilfrid's implacable enemy) remained alive; but when Ecgfrith died in 685, Theodore moved quickly to effect a recon6
7
8
On the location of this place, and its implications for ecclesiastical policy, see S.D. Keynes, The Councils ofClofesho, The Brixworth Lecture 1993 (Leicester, 1994). See the stimulating discussion on this point by Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity, pp. 130-9, who sees Theodore's strategy as a continuation of principles first devised by Gregory the Great, and the opposition to Theodore in terms of Gaulish episcopal practice and influence; and see also Gibbs, 'The Decrees of Agatho', esp. pp. 220-30. The principal source for these events is Stephen of Ripon, Vita S. Wilfridi, chs. 24—32 (ed. Colgrave, pp. 48-66); there is a clear analysis of the complex situation by Brooks, The Early History, pp. 73-5.
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ciliation with Wilfrid. Theodore straightway sent letters to Aldfrith, Ecgfrith's successor as king of Northumbria, and to Ecgfrith's sister ^lfflaed, subsequently abbess of Whitby (680-714) and a power in Northumbrian affairs,9 asking them to make peace with Wilfrid. He sent a similar letter to ^thelred, king of Mercia (675—704), the text of which is preserved by Stephen of Ripon; since it is one of the few texts in Theodore's own name which has come down to us, it deserves to be quoted in full: Gloriosissimo et excellentissimo ^theiredo regi Merciorum Theodorus gratia Dei archiepiscopus in Domino perennem salutem. Cognoscat itaque, fili dilectissime, tua miranda sanctitas, pacem me in Christo habere cum uenerando episcopo Wilfritho. Et idcirco te, carissime, paterna dilectione ammoneo et in Christi caritate tibi praecipio, ut eius sanctae deuotioni, quantum uires adiuuant, praestante Deo, patrocinium, sicut semper fecisti, quamdiu uiuas, impendas, quia longo tempore, propriis orbatus substantiis, inter paganos in Domino multum laborauit. Et idcirco ego Theodorus humilis episcopus decrepita aetate hoc tuae beatitudini suggero, quia apostolica hoc, uelut scis, commendat auctoritas, et uir ille supranominatus sanctissimus 'in patientia', sicut dicit scriptura, 'possedit animam suam', et iniuriarum sibi iniuste irrogatarum, humilis et mitis caput suum Dominum saluatorem sequens, medicinam expectans: et 'si inueni gratiam in conspectu tuo', licet tibi pro longinquitate itineris durum esse uideatur, oculi mei faciem tuam iocundam uideant 'et benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar'. Age ergo, fili mi, taliter de illo suprafato uiro sanctissimo, sicut te deprecatus sum, quia, si patri tuo non longe de hoc saeculo recessuro oboedieris, multum tibi proficeret ad salutem. Vade in pace, uiue cum Christo, dege in Domino. Dominus sit tecum.10 9
On ^Elfflaed, see P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre of Learning in the Seventh Century', in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss,
10
pp. 3-32, at 14. Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 43 (ed. Colgrave, p. 88): 'To the most glorious and excellent ^Ethelred, king of the Mercians, Theodore, archbishop by the grace of God, sends best wishes for eternal salvation in the Lord. Most beloved son, may your wondrous holiness know that I have made peace in Christ with the venerable Bishop Wilfrid. And therefore, dear friend, I urge with fatherly love and command with Christ's affection that you give your support to his holy undertakings to the best of your ability, as you have always done all your life with God's help, because for a long time he has been working among the pagans on the Lord's behalf, having been deprived of his own possessions. And therefore I, Theodore, a humble bishop decrepit with old age, suggest this to your good self, because the apostolic authority [i.e. the pope} recommends it, as you know; and that aforementioned holy man [Wilfrid} "possesses his soul in patience"
136
Theodore and Hadrian in England It is a pity that we do not have the letters sent by Theodore to Aldfrith and ^lfflaed for comparison, for this letter to ^Ethelred, though outwardly formal, is a very personal and moving document. From various sources we know that ^khelred was a generous patron of the church, and that he eventually abdicated in order to enter a monastery; 11 but of any personal relationship with Theodore we know nothing. Doubts have been expressed about the authenticity of the letter, but they are ungrounded. 12 Theodore was aged 83 when the letter was written. We know from the biblical commentaries that he taught the text of Genesis to his Canterbury students, and his letter shows that he knew it intimately. The first quotation — 'si inueni gratiam in conspectu tuo' — is from the passage in which Jacob (allegedly aged 147), seeing 'the day of his death draw nigh' {cumque adpropinquare cerneret mortis diem), calls his son Joseph and asks to be buried in the land of his ancestors, 'if he has found favour in Joseph's sight'. The second quotation — 'et benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar' - is from the passage describing the last days of Isaac, when 'he was old, and his eyes were dim, and he could not see'; Isaac called his son Esau to him and said, 'thou seest that I am old, and know not the day of my death' (Gen. XXVII.2); he then asked that his soul might bless Esau before he died, this being the passage quoted by Theodore. We have no other evidence concerning the relationship between Theodore and King
11
{Luke XXL 19}, as the Holy Scripture says, following in humility and gentleness the Head the Lord and Saviour, awaiting relief for the wrongs inflicted upon him. And "if I have found favour in thy sight" [Gen. XLVIL29}, although it may seem difficult because of the journey's length, I would that my eyes could see your happy face "and my soul may bless thee before I die" [Gen. XXVII.4}. Therefore, my son, do as I have asked you concerning this aforementioned holy man because, if you obey your father who not long from now will be departing from this world, it will contribute greatly to your salvation. Go in peace, live in Christ, act in the Lord. May the Lord be with you' (Colgrave's translation has been amended in various details; the biblical quotations are from Douai-Rheims). i^thelred, king of Mercia (675-704), abdicated and entered the monastery of Bardney in Lincolnshire, where he subsequently became abbot and eventually died in 716: see Bede, HE III. 11 and V.24; on his benefactions to the church, see Byrhtferth, Vita S. Ecgwini III. 1, and discussion by Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature in Western
12
England, pp. 92-3. By Colgrave {The Life of Bishop Wilfrid, p. 177), who notes that, since Bede says nothing of Theodore's reconciliation with Wilfrid, the letter is probably a fabrication: 'Eddius's partisanship undoubtedly puts into the archbishop's mouth words of self-humiliation which do not sound altogether likely'.
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^thelred; to judge solely from the tone of this letter, it must have been intimate. In any case we have here the old archbishop, de hoc seculo recessurus, reflecting on the biblical text he knew well, and figuring his own imminent death in terms of Isaac and Jacob. In the event Theodore was to live for a further five years. He died on 19 September 690, aged 88, senex etplenus dierum ('old and full of days'), as Bede says, using the very words used in Genesis to describe the death of Isaac (Gen. XXXV.29). 13 He was buried in his cathedral at Canterbury, and a fitting epitaph (consisting of nineteen elegiac distichs) was inscribed on his tomb. The tomb has been destroyed by successive reconstruction of the church, and the epitaph has been lost, save for eight lines of it quoted by Bede (HE V.8). The poetic style of these eight lines is very distinctive, and it is highly likely, indeed certain, that they were composed by Aldhelm, who (as we shall see) was a student of Theodore and Hadrian at Canterbury. 14 They express appropriate respect for the achievements of the great archbishop. During the years of Theodore's archbishopric, the English church was ruled by a single archbishop (only with the elevation of York to archiepiscopal status in 735 was the domination of Canterbury curtailed). This situation offered an extraordinary opportunity for ecclesiastical reform and reconstruction, and it is to Theodore's lasting credit that he seized the opportunity briskly. When he died, the largest of the old dioceses had been broken up and the number of bishops significantly increased. 15 Arrangements were settled for the annual convention of a general synod, and other aspects of ecclesiastical administration came clearly into view for the first time. Stenton, for example, noted that it is 'unlikely to be through chance that the oldest English charters of which the authenticity is beyond question come from the time when Theodore was reorganizing the English church'. 16 Stenton's statement is true as far as the survival of
13 14 15
16
HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 472). See Aldhelm: the Poetic Works, trans. Lapidge and Rosier, pp. 16—17. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 134—5, who notes in particular Theodore's creating of three new sees in Mercia. Ibid., p. 141; see also F.M. Stenton, The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period
(Oxford, 1955), p. 31: 'The existing evidence suggests that the introduction of the charter into southern England as a means of securing respect for the gifts of faithful princes was one of the innovations which mark Theodore's archbishopric'
138
Theodore and Hadrian in England
original, single-sheet charters is concerned,17 although more recent students of diplomatic would be less inclined than Stenton to emphasize Theodore's role in the production of charters.18 In terms of ecclesiastical administration, the work of Hadrian is less visible than that of Theodore, yet one of his significant achievements was the acquisition from Pope Agatho (678—81) of a papal privilege for his monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's).19 In spite of these important administrative achievements, however, it was in the domain of spiritual progress that Theodore and Hadrian had their most lasting influence. Bede himself makes this point succinctly. Writing of Theodore's death, he says that 'the English churches made more spiritual progress during his archbishopric than ever before'.20 We must now turn to the evidence for that spiritual progress, beginning with the question of what Theodore himself referred to as 'the true and orthodox faith' (fidem rectam et orthodoxam exposuimus) in
the protocol to the canons of the synod of Hatfield.21
'FIDES RECTA ET ORTHODOXA'
As we have seen (above, pp. 70—7), the catholic church during the years of the mid-seventh century had been violently torn apart by the monothelete controversy. In the aftermath of the Lateran Council of 649, Pope Martin had been executed and Maximus the Confessor, one of the archi17
18
19
20
21
The earliest surviving single-sheet charters are a record dated 679 of a grant of land in Thanet by King Hlothhere of Kent to Abbot Berhtwald of Reculver (London, BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 2 = S 8), and a grant by one Oethelred dated 687 (?) to Barking Abbey (London, BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 29 = S 1171). See A. Scharer, Die angelsdchsische Konigsurkunde im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (Vienna, Cologne and Graz, 1982), p p . 5 6 - 7 , who assigns the genesis of the Anglo-Saxons' use of charters to the second half of the seventh century, but sees that genesis as the contribution of various ecclesiastics (e.g. Ceolfrith, Benedict Biscop, Wilfrid, Earconwald) who had experience of Rome; and P. Wormald, Bede and the Conversion of England: the Charter Evidence (Jarrow, 1984), p p . 1 3 - 1 5 , who re-examines arguments for the Italian origins of early Anglo-Saxon charters, and stresses how much sui generis they are. T h e privilege is p t d Councils, ed. Haddan and Stubbs III, 1 2 4 - 5 . Levison {England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, pp. 187—90) argued convincingly that the document, which survives only in a late medieval copy, was based on an original charter of Agatho, insofar as its wording is based clearly on a formula in the Liber Diurnus. HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 474): 'tantum profectus spiritalis tempore praesulatus illius Anglorum ecclesiae, quantum n u m q u a m antea potuere, ceperunt'. HE IV.17C15] {ibid., p . 384).
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tects of papal doctrine on this issue, had died in exile in 662. Fifteen years after Maximus's death Constantinople was beginning to experience a change of heart. The first sign of this change, and of a move to reconciliation between the Byzantine emperor and the Roman pope, was a letter sent in August 678 by the emperor to Pope Donus (676-8), enquiring about the possibility of achieving unity. 22 Unfortunately Donus had died early in 678, before the emperor's proposal reached him, and it fell to his successor Agatho (678—81) to pursue the imperial initiative. Before sending an embassy to Constantinople, however, Agatho determined to consult the opinions of his western bishops, with the intention of gaining substantial, if not unanimous, support for the papal (dyothelete) position. It was in response to the pope's invitation that an English synod was convened by Archbishop Theodore at Hat field on 17 September 67 9. 23 An account of this synod is preserved by Bede (HE IV.17[15}). Bede also reports in a subsequent chapter that Pope Agatho had commissioned one John, precentor at St Peter's in Rome, to travel to England to 'learn the faith of the English church' (ut cuius essetfideiAnglorum ecclesia diligenter edisceret).24 John arrived in England, presumably in 679, and brought with 22
For C o n s t a n t i n e IV's sakra ('proposal'), see CPG IV, no. 9 4 1 6 (Mansi, Concilia
XI,
196-202 = PL 87, 1147-54 = Concilium Vniuersale Constantinopolitanum Tertium, ed. Riedinger, pp. 2-11); for discussion, see Murphy and Sherwood, Constantinople II et Constantinople III, pp. 189—219, Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 275—8, and above, p . 7 9 and n. 3 3 6 . 23
O n the council, see H a d d a n and S t u b b s , Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents III, 1 4 1 ^ 4 , and Vollrath, Die Synode Englands, p p . 9 2 - 8 ; on t h e d a t e , see Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastical, esp. p p . 29—30 and 33—5, and Harrison, The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History, pp. 8 3 ^ . The date of 6 7 9 is accepted in the Handbook of British Chronology, ed. Fryde et al., p. 587.
24
It is interesting to note that there is a surviving d o c u m e n t w h i c h p u r p o r t s to be t h e acta of a council held at t h e Lateran by Pope A g a t h o in O c t o b e r 6 7 9 , in which the pope expressly appoints J o h n to g o to E n g l a n d to seek Theodore's endorsement of the earlier Lateran Council (of 6 4 9 ) . These acta are preserved as part of Goscelin's u n p r i n t e d Vita S. Theodori in London, BL, C o t t o n Vespasian B. xx, fols. 2 2 1 - 3 1 , at 2 2 7 v - 2 2 9 v ; they were first p r i n t e d ( w i t h o u t t h e remainder of t h e vita) by H e n r y Spelman in 1 6 3 9 and subsequently by H a d d a n and S t u b b s , Councils III, 131—5 and Levison, Aus rheinischer und frdnkischer
Fruhzeit, p p . 2 8 8 - 9 3 . As Levison d e m o n s t r a t e d comprehensively ('Die
A k t e n der romischen Synode von 6 7 9 ' , ibid., p p . 2 6 7 - 9 4 ) , these acta were a forgery produced in t h e later eleventh century at C a n t e r b u r y d u r i n g Lanfranc's d i s p u t e w i t h Y o r k over t h e primacy of Canterbury; he also showed, however, t h a t t h e forger based himself on an a u t h e n t i c record of a synod of some fifty bishops held in R o m e in October,
140
Theodore and Hadrian in England him a copy of the (Latin) text of the Lateran Council of 649; the intention will have been that of requiring the English synod formally to express its assent to the canons of that council. If the argument advanced earlier is correct — that Theodore had himself participated in the drafting of the original Greek text of the Lateran Council thirty years earlier — then we may permit ourselves to imagine that Theodore received the copy from the papal legate with an understanding smile. Bede gives us a detailed account of the synod of Hatfield, though he comprehensively misunderstands the theological and historical context of its proceedings.25 What is interesting is that the document recording the proceedings of the synod, which Bede quotes and which was presumably drawn up by Theodore himself, is based closely on the wording of the Latin acta of the Lateran Council of 649. 26 Thus after a protocol dating the synod by reference to regnal years of four Anglo-Saxon kingdoms (Northumbria, Mercia, East Anglia and Kent) and stating its location at Hatfield (Hczthfelth),21 the document proceeds at once to a credal statement, as follows: confitemur secundum sanctos patres proprie et ueraciter Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum trinitatem in unitate consubstantialem et unitatem in trini-
and it was this same synod which inter alia heard Bishop Wilfrid's case against Theodore and is quoted at length by Stephen of Ripon, Vita S. Wilfridi,
chs. 2 9 - 3 1 . Unfortu-
nately, the passages referring to the pope's appointment of John as English legate were manifestly concocted by the Canterbury forger from Bede's account (HE IV.18[16]), and have no independent value. Levison's conclusions were endorsed by Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica\ pp. 38—40, and by Gibbs, 'The Decrees of Agatho', pp. 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; see also Vollrath, Die Synode Englands, pp. 7 6 - 9 2 . 25
According to Bede's account, Theodore had at that time learned that the eastern church had been much perturbed by the heresy of Eutyches (HE I V . 1 7 [ 1 5 ] : 'his temporibus audiens Theodorus fidem ecclesiae Constantinopoli per heresim Eutychetis m u l t u m esse turbatam') and was concerned to keep the English church free of such a taint. Bede's allegation is preposterous: Eutyches and his monophysitism had been condemned two hundred years earlier (at the Council of Chalcedon in 4 5 1 ) . But Bede was neither informed nor interested in Greek theology: see the judicious remarks of G. Bonner, 'Bede and Medieval Civilization', ASE 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 7 1 - 9 0 , at 8 8 - 9 .
26
See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, p. 3 5 9 .
27
Cf. Levison, Aus rheinischer und frdnkischer Fruhzeit, p. 3 7 2 , n. 5: 'The records of Roman synods were the model at Hatfield, except that years of English kings were substituted for years of the emperors'; see also pp. 2 7 5 - 6 .
141
(imperantibus\)
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
tate, hoc est unum Deum in tribus subsistentiis uel personis consubstantialibus aequalis gloriae et honoris.28 This wording is based almost verbatim on the first canon of the Lateran Council of 649: Si quis secundum sanctos patres non confitetur proprie et ueraciter Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, trinitatem in unitate et unitatem in trinitate, hoc est, unum Deum in tribus subsistentiis consubstantialibus et aequalis gloriae . . . condemnatus sit.29 The acta of the synod of Hatfield go on to assert adherence to the canons of the five oecumenical church councils (Nicaea, 325; Constantinople, 381; Ephesus, 431; Chalcedon, 451; and Constantinople, 553), which are spelled out in detail, 30 and conclude with a specific endorsement of the Lateran Council of 649: 'synodum quae facta est in urbe Roma in tempore Martini papae beatissimi, indictione octaua, imperante Constantino piissimo anno nono, suscipimus'. 31 Pope Agatho could not have hoped for stronger support. When the English synod was concluded, John the papal delegate set off for Rome, taking with him the English acta. He unfortunately died on the return journey and was buried at Tours; but other members of the legation carried the acta on to Rome. 32 Pope Agatho subsequently convened a synod of 125 Italian bishops in Easter week 680, 33 in preparation for the oecumenical council to be held in Constantinople the following November. It was at this Roman synod of Easter 680 that the endorsement of the English church was recorded; by chance, 28
HE IV. 17(15} (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386): 'and in accordance w i t h t h e holy Fathers we r i g h t l y and truly confess t h e Father and t h e Son and t h e H o l y Spirit, a consubstantial T r i n i t y in u n i t y and a unity in trinity, that is, one G o d in three hypostases or consubstantial persons of equal distinction and honour'.
29
Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum, ed. Riedinger, p . 3 6 9 ; also ed. Denzinger and
30
T h e acta of t h e Lateran Council of 6 4 9 at several p o i n t s specify adherence to t h e five
Schonmetzer, Enchiridion Symbolum, p. 1 7 1 . oecumenical councils, t h o u g h they are not spelled o u t as they are in Hatfield. W i t h t h e wording of Hatfield {suscipimus sanctas et uniuersales quinque synodos), cf. canons 18 and 2 0 of t h e Lateran Council (ed. Riedinger, p p . 3 8 1 and 387): 'hoc est, sanctae et uniuersales q u i n q u e Synodi'; also ed. D e n z i n g e r and Schonmetzer, p p . 172 and 1 7 3 . 31
HE I V . 1 7 [ 1 5 } (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386).
32
Ibid. I V . 1 8 [ 1 6 } (ed. Colgrave and M y n o r s , p . 390): 'qui etsi in itinere defiinctus est,
33
Mansi, Concilia X I , 2 9 8 - 3 1 5 .
n i h i l o m i n u s e x e m p l u m catholicae fidei A n g l o r u m R o m a m p e r l a t u m est'.
142
Theodore and Hadrian in England Bishop Wilfrid was in Rome (pursuing his grievance with Theodore) and was able to add his signature to those of the 125 Italian bishops.34 The complete act a of this Roman synod are lost; but, as we have seen,35 Pope Agatho sent a synodical letter to Constantinople expressing regret that Archbishop Theodore was unable to join the Roman delegation. Agatho's synodical letter was sent to the emperor Constantine IV on 27 March 680. In other words, although he had been removed from the theatre of the monothelete controversy for many years, Theodore was still playing an important role in the formulation of orthodox belief. The acta of the synod of Hatfield, as Bede reports them, concluded with a further credal statement - independent, this time, of the Lateran Council of 649 - in which the English bishops reiterated their belief in the Trinity: glorificantes Deum Patrem sine initio, et Filium eius unigenitum ex Patre generatum ante saecula, et Spiritum Sanctum procedentem ex Patre et Filio inenarrabiliter.36 The most striking feature of this statement is its insistence on the double procession of the Holy Spirit: that it proceeds both from the Father and from the Son.37 The words et filio (or filioque in some texts) were the crystallization of a theological position adopted by various western fathers, notably Augustine, who in his De trinitate argued that the Holy Spirit 'proceeded' (the verb normally used is procedere) both from the Father and
34
35 36
37
Ibid., XI, 3 0 5 - 6 ; the subscriptions (but not the proceedings) are also p t d Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica , p p . 3 6 - 7 . Wilfrid's subscription is as follows: 'Wilfridus s. eccl. Eboracenae insulae Britanniae legatus uenerabilis synodi per Britanniam constitutae' {ibid., p . 36). It was misleading for Wilfrid to describe himself as the legate of the venerable synod held in Britain ( = Hatfield), but at least Wilfrid, who was then in Rome appealing against Archbishop Theodore, did not dissent from the acta of Hatfield. Stephen of Ripon also reports Wilfrid's presence at this Roman synod (Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 5 3 , ed. Colgrave, p p . 112-14), as does Bede at a later point in his narrative (HE V.19, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p p . 522^4), drawing here on Stephen. See above, p p . 7 9 - 8 0 . HE IV. 17(15} (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386): glorifying God the Father, W h o is without beginning, and His only begotten Son, begotten of the Father before all worlds, and the Holy Spirit, ineffably proceeding from the Father and the Son'. See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, pp. 3 6 0 - 1 ; Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 362—3; and Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p. 51.
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the Son.38 The position was adopted by various western synods, especially in Spain,39 and one might suppose that the wording of the acta of Hatfield derived somehow from Spain.40 In any case, the point worth stressing is that the notion of double procession was anathema to most orthodox eastern theologians. 41 How, then, did it come to be endorsed by a synod under the presidency of the Greek archbishop Theodore? Those who have pondered this question have been obliged to assume that, in this one instance, Theodore was acting on the advice of Hadrian. 42 But there is a more compelling explanation. We have seen that Theodore, while still a monk in Rome, had very probably been involved in drafting the acta of the Lateran Council of 649. Now the principal architect of these acta was Maximus the Confessor, one of the great theologians of the Greek church, 38
39
40
41
De trinitate XV.29 (CCSL 50A, 503-4). On the origin and dissemination of this doctrine, see DTC V (1924), 2 3 0 9 - 4 3 , Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 358-67, Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches, pp. 193-228, and the brief accounts in ODB II, 7 8 5 - 6 and EEC I, 324. Patristic texts relating to the filioque are set out and discussed by V. Rodzianko, '"Filioque" in the Patristic Thought', T U 64 { = Studia Patristica 2] (Berlin, 1957), 295-308; see also B. Schultze, 'Zum Ursprung des Filioque: Das Filioque und der romische Primat', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 48 (1982), 5-18, who offers a running commentary on the texts assembled by Rodzianko, and notes in particular (pp. 7—9) that the features of Augustine's position were wholly anticipated by Athanasius, Contra Arianos 111.24 (PG 26, 373). E.g. the Third Council of Toledo, AD 589 {Enchiridion Symbolorum, ed. Denzinger and Schonmetzer, p. 160: 'Spiritus aeque Sanctus confitendus . . . a Patre et a Filio procedere'), the Fourth Council of Toledo, AD 633 {ibid., p. 165: 'Spiritum uero Sanctum nee creatum nee genitum, sed procedentem ex Patre et Filio profitemur') and others. Although the filioque clause occurs in Spanish creeds of the seventh century, there is no need to assume that it is exclusively Spanish: see Kelly, ibid., p. 361. For a possible direct link between Spain, in the person of Bishop Julian of Toledo, and England, in the person of Abbot Hadrian, see below, p. 189 and n. 236. See e.g. Gregory of Nyssa, Ad Ablabium quod non sint tres dei {CPG II, no. 3139): PG 45, 133. It is of course an oversimplification to view the filioquist controversy in terms of Greek East versus Latin West. See A. de Halleux, 'Cyrille, Theodoret et le "Filioque"', Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 74 (1979), 597-625, who notes that the debate of the 430s between Cyril of Alexandria and Theodoret, in which Theodoret opposed the filioquist position of Cyril, had the effect of polarizing opinion into two diametrically opposite viewpoints; in fact even Theodoret at certain points approaches to a filioquist position, as when commenting on the meaning of ^KTcopsueiai ('proceeds') in John XV.26 in his Haer. fab. Compendium V . 3 (PG 8 3 , 453).
42
See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, Christian Creeds, pp. 3 6 2 - 3 .
144
pp. 3 6 0 - 1 ; cf. Kelly,
Early
Theodore and Hadrian in England but by no means a conventional one in every respect. It was Maximus who worked out the dyothelete position, with its emphasis on the double nature, operation and will in Christ. 43 It is a logical step from the double operation of Christ to the double procession of the Spirit, and indeed Maximus on several occasions expounds his belief in the double procession. Thus in his Quaestiones ad Thalassium, written 628 X 632 and arguably addressed to the Thalassius who was abbot of the monastery of Armenian monks in Rome called Renatus and who like Maximus was probably involved in drafting the act a of the Lateran Council,44 Maximus had already argued that 'the Holy Spirit, since it is by nature essentially of God and the Father, is by nature essentially of the Son, inasmuch as that which proceeds essentially from the Father proceeds inexpressibly through the Son'.45 Similarly, in a letter to Marinus, a priest in Cyprus, Maximus defended the position taken by Pope Martin in a synodical letter which had been repudiated by Constantinople; he reiterated that the pope had endorsed the view that the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Son as well as from the Father.46 In other words, the notion of the double procession was current in Rome in the circle of theologians who helped Pope Martin to draw up the acta of the Lateran Council. If, as we have argued, Theodore was a member of that circle, the endorsement of the double procession in 43
44
45
46
See Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum, ed. Riedinger, p. 82: 5uo yap eiai Ka9' gvcocnv dcruyxuxov X8 K(xi &5iaip8xov uaei Kax' ouaiav £axiv, dx; &K XOC Ilaxpoi; oi)x dmX&q eKtaioaev, d M d niKp&q, Seuxepov pdrcxiana 5id x©v 5aKpucov £K XCQV 69a>.ncov rcoifiaaq. This wording agrees so closely with that in the ludicia as to raise the suspicion that Theodore, qupting here from memory, had misremembered where he had read the description of the baptism of tears. O n the problems of identifying what works of J o h n Chrysostom were used by the Canterbury Commentator, see below, p p . 214—16. ludicia II.v.8: 'Dionisius Ariopagita dicit blasphemias deo facere qui missas offert pro malo homine' (ed. Finsterwalder, p . 3 1 9 , w h o did not attempt to identify the source). The source here is clearly De ecclesiastica bierarcbia V I I . 6 - 7 ( P G 3, 5 6 1 - 4 ) , where the pseudo-Dionysius argues that the priest should only say masses for good m e n , and that in no circumstances should prayers be offered for deceased m e n w h o were evil, inasmuch as the office of a priest would be violated by so doing: Aid xoT 8e \vc\vi... 6 meo; but cf. no. 7, where both cases of final - is; no. 3: yvf| cnisio; and nos. 4, 5 and 8, where r| is rendered / or;/); 126 and, finally, the diphthong ai was levelled to Id (no. 5: aiTia > etia; no. 6: 120
121
122
For example, in no. 2 , dis is clearly a corruption ofdo(= TO), a n d an -m- has fallen o u t of crisi<m>o\ in no. 8, spo is a corruption of ipo ( = 6TCO), and an -r- has fallen o u t of meo. See, in general, R. Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 25-6. See Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri, p. 6 3 , and Theodorsson, The Phonology of Ptolemaic Koine, p p . 1 7 7 - 8 (no. 132).
123
G i g n a c , ibid., p . 7 7 ; Theodorsson, ibid., p p . 1 8 3 - 4 (no. 149).
124
G i g n a c , ibid., p p . 1 1 1 - 1 2 .
125
Gignac, ibid., p p . 1 2 4 - 5 ; Theodorsson, The Phonology of Ptolemaic Koine, p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 8 (no. 178).
126
G i g n a c , ibid., p p . 1 8 9 - 9 0 and 2 3 5 - 9 ; cf. Theodorsson, ibid., p p . 6 2 - 8 1 (no. 1).
273
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
5iaipeai dierisis).121 In such phonetic renditions the Anglo-Saxon students of the Canterbury school have captured for us the very voice and pronunciation of the great Mediterranean masters, so that, after 1,300 years, their classroom remains alive. CONCLUSIONS
The Canterbury biblical commentaries help to recreate for us one of the most exciting moments in the history of western culture, at least of the medieval period. It is difficult to think of an analogous situation anywhere in western Europe between 650 and 1450 when two Mediterranean scholars of such broad experience and profound learning established a school for the benefit of a handful of students, and then helped them to understand the text of the Bible in terms of this experience and learning. In some respects, no doubt, their learning will seem limited when judged by the standards of modern biblical scholarship. But even today, when we are able to study the Bible by means of concordances, lexica and encyclopedias of every sort, many of their observations remain pertinent, and in many respects their learning - particularly as regards Greek patristic literature — exceeds our own. We can scarcely imagine the impact of this learning on the small and select audience of Anglo-Saxon students, most (if not all) of whom will never have travelled outside England, never have seen a melon, and never experienced the magnificence of cities like Constantinople or Rome. For such students the riches of the libraries in Constantinople, Naples and Rome would quite simply have been unfathomable, and we can see with hindsight that they were extraordinarily privileged to have received tuition from two such men. For us, too, it is extraordinarily fortunate that the biblical commentaries of the Canterbury school have survived, for they enable us to recreate and appreciate what was undoubtedly the intellectual highpoint of Anglo-Saxon literary culture. 127
Gignac, ibid., pp. 191-3; Theodorsson, ibid., pp. 131-2 (no. 44).
274
7 The manuscripts
The Canterbury biblical commentaries have been transmitted in various manuscripts, none of which preserves a complete text in its original form. The principal (and most complete) manuscript is that in Milan; but the other, often fragmentary, manuscripts throw important light on the original form of the commentaries; furthermore, they are in every case earlier by several centuries than the Milan manuscript. The earliest of these manuscripts, a fragment now in Berlin dating from the mid-eighth century, 1 thus dates from roughly a half-century after the commentaries were first committed to writing. Before considering these earlier but fragmentary witnesses, however, it is necessary to treat the Milan manuscript in some detail. MILAN, BIBLIOTECA AMBROSIANA, M. 7 9 SUP.
The Milan manuscript was designed by its two principal scribes as a massive theological compendium. 2 On palaeographical grounds, it appears to have been written in northern Italy in the second half of the eleventh century. 3 It consists of 254 folios in large quarto size (260 X 190 mm.), with a written space of 200 X 145 mm. Pricking was done with a 1 2
3
See below, pp. 288 and 541-2. The manuscript was collated by ML during a visit to Milan in December 1987, using notes made in 1936 by BB. Mirella Ferrari very kindly put at our disposal her own unprinted collation and notes on the manuscript. Unfortunately, as a result of archaeological excavations and an ambitious programme of restoration, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana will be closed for the foreseeable future, and the manuscript inaccessible. It has not, therefore, been possible to check all the details given here. For a more precise dating and localization, see below, pp. 283-^.
275
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
slanted, slit-shaped instrument of the sort commonly found in Italian manuscripts of this date. The first quire was ruled for 41 long lines, but all the remaining quires have been ruled for two columns (65 + 15 + 6 5 mm.). The parchment is yellow in appearance and of poor quality; the ink is brown. The medieval binding in which the book was originally preserved had evidently rotted, with the result that the outer leaves of many quires have been eaten away on their inner fold; when the manuscript was rebound (at the abbey of Grottaferrata in 1953), many of these leaves had to be mounted. At the time the manuscript was rebound, it was refoliated; the description given below follows this newer foliation. 4 7 paper flyleaves I 8 (fols. 1-8) (outer two bifolia mounted); quire signature: .i. 5 II 8 (fols. 9-16); quire signature: .ii. Ill 8 (fols. 17—24); quire signature: .iii. IV 8 (fols. 25—32); quire signature: .iv. V 8 (fols. 33—40); quire signature: .v. VI 8 (fols. 41-8); quire signature: .vi. VII 8 (fols. 49-56) (outer three bifolia mounted); quire signature: .vii. VIII 8 (fols. 57-64) (outer two bifolia mounted); quire signature: .viii. IX 8 (fols. 65—72) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .viiii. X 8 (fols. 73-80); quire signature .x. XI 8 (fols. 81—8); quire signature .xi. XII 8 (fols. 89—96) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .xii. XIII 8 (fols. 97—104) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .xiii. XIV 8 (fols. 105-12); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature added: .xiiij. XV 8 (fols. 113-20); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature added: .xu. XVI 12 (fols. 121—31) (2 cane); no original quire signature; fifteenthcentury quire signature added: .xuj. XVII 8 (fols. 132—9); original quire signature: .xvii. XVIII 8 (fols. 140-7); original quire signature: .xviii. XIX 8 (fols. 148-55); original quire signature: .xviiii.
4
5
Note that accounts of the manuscript printed before 1953 (e.g. that by BB in MS I, 207-9) use the older, now superseded, foliation. The quire signatures are located in the central lower margin of the last page of each quire.
276
The manuscripts
XX 8 (fols. 156—63); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xx. XXI 8 (fols, 164-71); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxi. XXII 8 (fols. 172-9); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxij. XXIII 12 (fols. 180-90) (3 cane); no original quire signature; fifteenthcentury quire signature: .xxiij. XXIV 8 (fols. 191—8); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxiiij. XXV 8 (fols. 199-206); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxu. XXVI 8 (fols. 207-14); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuj. XXVII 8 (fols. 215—22); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuij. XXVIII 8 (fols. 223—30); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuiij. XXIX 8 (fols. 231-8); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuiiij. XXX 8 (fols. 239-46); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxx. XXXI 8 (fols. 247-54); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxxj. The book was written by two principal scribes.6 The first scribe, who wrote fols. 1-104, conscientiously added quire signatures after each quire of his work. The second scribe was less conscientious in this regard, and his failure to add signatures in all but three quires (XVII—XIX) had to be remedied by a much later user of the book. The two scribes wrote in a very similar style, and used a very similar method of preparing their parchment, which suggests that they were working in one and the same scriptorium. They were clearly collaborating, since at the point of the hand-over (between quires XIII and XIV) the second scribe ended his first column halfway down the page (105r): apparently he could not follow on with the second column because he was copying from an exemplar shared 6
The last leaves of quire XXXI were originally left blank by Scribe II, and were subsequently filled with later additions (items 48-51).
277
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school with his colleague. The first scribe avoided decoration altogether; he used red ink to copy rubrics, but did not attempt any decorated initials. By contrast, the second scribe had a flair for pen-drawn initials, which he coloured with red ink. 7 The contents of the manuscript have never been adequately described, and await the attention of a professional cataloguer. Because of the importance of the manuscript, however, it may be helpful to give a (very preliminary) description here. The numbers of the items correspond to those used in the eighteenth-century table of contents added onflyleavesat the beginning of the book. lr— 5r: Incipit expositio de creatione mundi (inc. illegible). 8 5r—7r: De septuaginta interpretibus Augustinus in libro octauodecimo ciuitatis Dei (inc. 'Traditur sane tarn mirabile ac stupendum'). 9 3. 7v—9v: Quid sit temporale perpetuum ac sempiternum. Isidorus (inc. 'Quedam in rebus sunt temporalia et quaedam perpetua'), followed by Diffinitio sancti Hieronimi contra hereticos (inc. 'Omne quod est aut ingenitum est aut genitum'). 4. 9v—1 lr: Extracta de libro Salomonis. 5. l l r : De tractatu prime epistole ad Corrinthios (inc. 'Non debemus pueriliter intelligere filium Dei secundum diuinitatem esse factum').10 6. 1 lr—17r: Expositio sancti Gregorii pape in canticis canticorum.11 1. 2.
7
8
9
10 11
On the decoration in this manuscript, see M.L. Gengaro and G. Villa Gugliemetti, Inventario dei codici decorati e miniati (saec. VH-XIII) delta Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Storia della miniatura 3 (Florence, 1968), 40. A copy of a pre-Carolingian Genesis-commentary which is preserved elsewhere in Autun, Bibl. mun. 27 C, 63v-76r + Paris, BN, lat. 1629, fols. 17-18 (CLA VI, no. 727 C: Visigothic minuscule, s. viii 1 ) and Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 191 (Reichenau, s. x); it is ed. K. Wotke, Der Genesis Kommentar (I-IV.l) des Pseudo-Eucherius im Codex Augiensis CXCl sec. x (Vienna, 1897). For details, see S. Cantelli, Angelomo e la scuola esegetka di Luxeuil, 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1990) I, 240-8, who suggests that the work may be of Spanish origin. We are grateful to Silvia Cantelli and Michael Gorman for help in identifying this entry. The excerpt on the LXX is from Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XVIII.42-3 (CCSL 48, 638-40); it is followed by a further excerpt on the LXX from Hilary, Tractatus in .ii. psalmum 2, inc. 'Mediis namque legis temporibus priusquam unigenitus' ( = PL 9, 202-4). Not listed in Stegmiiller. CPU no. 1709 (PL 79, 471-92 = CCSL 144, 3-46). On manuscripts of the work, see P.-P. Verbraken, 'La tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Saint Gregoire sur le
278
The manuscripts 17r—19v: Item ipse de .nit. animalibus}2 19v: Versus Bede super tractatum Apocalypsis.15 19v—21r: Excerta quedam de tractatu Apocalipsi (inc. 'Nicolaus ut fertur unus fiiit ex illis septem diaconibus qui ordinati sunt'). 14 10. 21r: De communibus nominibus regum (inc. 'Omnes reges Persarum Artaxerxees dicuntur'). 11. 21r-v: De gradibus in quibus Christus fuit (inc. 'Hostiarius fuit quando aperuit hostia inferni').15 12. 21 v-22v: Claues sapientie sunt quinque.16 13. 22v-23r: Quod Christus clauso exiuit uirginis utero. 14. 23r-v: Cassianus de uirginitate Marie (inc. 'Preciosa est in conspectu Domini mors sanctorum eius'). 17 15. 23v—24r: lohannes uox ex patre diabolo estis (inc. 'Sciendum quia fiierunt heretici Manichei'). 16. 23v: De mensura corporis Christi Domini. 17. 24r-25v: a table giving 'Diffinitio humane consanguinitatis' (24r), followed by exposition on 24v-25v. 18. 25v—26r: De grecis litteris cum diptongis ac numeris suis. 19- 26v—28v: Incipit expositio a Fortunato presbitero conscripta (an exposition of the symbolum inc. 'Summa totius fidei catholici recensentes in qua et integritas credulitatis ostenditur'). 18
7. 8. 9.
12
13 15
16
17
18
Cantique des Cantiques', RB 73 (1963), 277-88, who was, however, unaware of the text in Milan M. 79 sup. Excerpts from Gregory, Horn, in Ezechielem [CPL, no. 1710}, Li—iii (CCSL 142, 26-45). 14 ICU no. 4853 (PL 93, 133-4). Not listed in Stegmuller. On this text of the 'ordinals of Christ', see Reynolds, The Ordinals of Christ; p. 95, who refers to the version preserved in the Milan manuscript as the 'Hiberno-Hispanic Hierarchical' version; cf. also p. 97. Descriptions of the five (or four or three) keys of wisdom are ubiquitous in medieval manuscripts; see R. Avesani, 'Leggesi che cinque sono le chiave della Sapienza', Rivista di cultura classica e medievale 1 (1965), 62-78, E. Voigt, Egberts von Liittich Fecunda Ratis (Halle, 1889), p. 229, and Sims-Williams, Religion and Culture, pp. 335-6. Presumably an excerpt from Cassian's De incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium II. 2—7 (CSEL 17, 247-61). Oddly, the quotation which begins the excerpt (Treciosa est in conspectu' etc.), from Ps. CXV. 15, is not quoted in De incarnatione, and appears to be quoted only once by Cassian, in Conl. VI.iii.5 (CSEL 13, 157), a passage which has nothing to do with the Virgin Mary. (It was not possible to check this identification.) On this exposition of the Apostles' Creed by Venantius Fortunatus, see CPL, no. 1035 and Stegmuller V, no. 8283; it is ptd PL 88, 345-51 and MGH, Auct. Antiq. 4.1
279
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school 20. 28v—29n Item alia expositio simboli (inc. 'Simbolum grece latine inditium siue conlatio dicitur'), 19 followed (29r— 30r) by Item alia expositio simboli (inc. "Tradunt maiores nostri quod post Ascensionem Domini omnes apostoli'). 20 21. 30v—32r: Expositio orationis dominice, followed by (32r) Item alia expositio and (32r-33r) Item alia expositio. 22. 33r-36v: Expositiofideicatholice (a commentary on the Athanasian creed).21 23. 36v-38v: Item expositiofideicatholice Fortunati.22 24. 38v-44r: Bede, De locis sanctis25 25. 44r-v: Incipit breuiarius quomodo Hierosolima constructa est (inc. 'Ipsa ciuitas in monte posita. In medio ciuitatis est basilica'). 24 26. 44v—45r: De interpretationibus duorum prophetarum Hieremie scilicet et Aggei, et duarum ciuitatum Hierosolymam et Babilonis. 27. 45r-46v: Question-and-answer dialogues (inc. 'Quibus modis fit
19
20
21
22
23
24
(1881), 2 5 3 - 8 . See discussion by F. Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1 8 9 4 - 1 9 0 0 ) 1 , 1 3 0 - 2 . This exposition of the Apostles' Creed is listed Stegmiiller VI, no. 9 8 1 2 , and ptd A.E. Burn, 'Neue Texte zur Geschichte des apostolischen Symbols', Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschkhte 21 (1901), 1 2 8 - 3 7 , at 1 3 5 - 7 (from this manuscript). The creed in question is that referred to as T or textus receptus (see Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 3 9 8 ^ 3 4 ) . This exposition of the Apostles' Creed is that by Rufinus of Aquileia: listed CPL, no. 1196 and Stegmuller V, 7 5 4 1 ; ptd PL 2 1 , 3 3 5 - 8 6 and CCSL 2 0 , 1 3 3 - 8 2 (whose editor was unaware of this manuscript). See also Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 101—4. This (unptd?) commentary on the pseudo-Athanasian creed (inc. Tides est credulitas illarum rerum quae non uidentur') is listed by Burn, The Athanasian Creed and its Early Commentators, p. 4 3 and by Haring, 'Commentaries on the pseudo-Athanasian Creed', p. 2 3 4 (no. XI). This commentary on the pseudo-Athanasian creed is listed by Haring, 'Commentaries on the pseudo-Athanasian Creed', p. 2 2 6 (no. I); the Milan manuscript uniquely bears the attribution to Fortunatus, though the work is elsewhere preserved in some thirty manuscripts. The commentary was discovered and ptd Muratori, Anecdota II, 2 1 2 - 1 7 and repr. PL 8 8 , 5 8 5 - 7 ; see also the critical editions by Krusch, M G H , Auct. Antiq. 4.2 (1885), 1 0 6 - 1 0 , and by Burn, The Athanasian Creed, pp. 2 8 - 3 9 . CPL, no. 2332 (CSEL 39, 3 0 1 - 2 4 = CCSL 175, 2 5 1 - 8 0 ) . O n this manuscript, see the remarks of Geyer (CSEL 39, xliii-xliv), as well as P. Revelli, / Codici Ambrosiani di contenuto geografico (Milan, 1929), p. 9 6 and M.L.W. Laistner and H . H . King, A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts (Ithaca, N Y , 1943), p. 84. This is the so-called Breviarius de Hierosolyma {CPL, no. 2327): CSEL 3 9 , 1 5 3 - 5 = CCSL 175, 1 0 5 - 1 2 .
280
The manuscripts interrogatio?'; includes 'De septem sigillis que Dominus aperuit' (46r) and 'De sex cogitationibus sanctorum et iustorum' (46v)). 28. 46v-51r: Incipit uinculum interrogationum Eucharii.25 29- 5 lr—52r: Hie secuntur ethimologie Virgilius presbyter Hispanus.26 30. 52r-58v: Ex libro ethimologiarum domni Ysidori21 31. 58v—59v: De musica et eius nomine: Ysidorus28 32. 59v: Interpretatio nouem Camenarum.29 33. 59v—125v: Libellus glossarum ueteris ac noui testamenti (a massive collection of biblical commentaries and glosses, itemized more fully below, pp. 284-5). 34. 125v—128r: glosses and lemmata corresponding to sections of the 'Leiden Glossary': De libro officiorum (125v), De libro rotarum (125v), De libro uitae S. Antoni (125v), De Cassiano (125v), De Eusebio (125v-127r), De Orosio (127r), De Augustino (127r), De Clemente (127r-v) and Dialogorum (127v-128r). 30 35. 128r—131v: Incipiunt glose de Regula S. Benedicti abbatis?x 36. 131v—I48v: De diuersis codicibus glose. 37. 148v— 15 3r: De computo per interrogations et responsionem (inc. 'Quid dicitur mundus? Mundus est qui constat ex celo et terra et mare'); includes De numero Ysidorus (152r) and De laude compoti Augustinus dicit (152r-v). Various later additions on 152v; a table of lunar risings on 153r. 25
In spite of the attribution to Eucherius, and in spite of the fact that bk I of Eucherius's Instructions consists of questions and answers, this present work is not by Eucherius, but is one of the many question-and-answer dialogues which, like the preceding item (no. 27), are found in early medieval manuscripts.
26
Virgilius Maro Grammaticus, Epitomae XI.i.4 (ed. G. Polara, Virgilio Marone
Gram-
matico: Epitomi ed epistole (Naples, 1979), pp. 146—8); see also discussion by M. Ferrari, ibid., p. xxvii. 27
A n epitome of passages excerpted, abbreviated and arranged in no discernible order, from Isidore, Etym. IX.iii, X , Il.xxvi, V.xviii-xxiv, etc. As a collection these excerpts are similar to, but distinct from, those ptd Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome'.
28
Excerpts (abbreviated and rearranged) from Isidore, Etym. Ill.xv-xxiii.
29
A n eleven-line hexametrical poem, inc. 'Clio gesta canens transactis tempora reddit', listed ICL, no. 2 4 2 5 , and ptd Poetae Latini Minores, ed. E. Baehrens, 5 vols. (Leipzig,
1879-83) HI, 243-4. 30
31
Ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century
Latin-Anglo-Saxon
Glossary, chs. xxvi-xxviii and
xxxiv-xxxix; see also above, pp. 174-5. This unptd item (and no other) is listed by P.O. Kristeller, her Italkum, 6 vols. (London and Leiden, 1963-92) I, 301.
281
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school 38. 153v: De clerico deuoto B.M.V. (inc. 'Clericus quidam multis erat peccatis obnoxius et precipue'). 39. 153v—154v: Sermo sancti Ambrosii episcopi (inc. 'Ecce nunc tempus acceptable'). 32 40. 155r-v: Concilium Romanum sub Gregorio VII, anno 1078. 33 41. 156r-l67v: a vast collection of glossae collectae (inc. Tres sunt principales lingue, scilicet Hebrea et Grega et Latina'). 42. l67v-171r: Collectanea uaria (includes tractates such as Vbi sit sedes ignis, Quia Deus inuisibilis est omnibus rebus, De fato, De natura humana, De bonitate Dei etc.). 43. 171 v—172r: Incipit breuiarium apostolorum.3*4 44. 172v-177v: a computistical calendar (only in the month of January (172v) have any saints' feast days been entered: see below).35 45. 178r—190v: Incipit compotus domni Bede presbiteri de mensura et concordia mensium (consists mostly of tables and nineteen-year cycles for the years 1007-1158: 181r-184v). 46. 191r-240r: Gezo of Tortona, Tractatus ad monachos de dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramento (a florilegium on the eucharist, set out in seventy chapters).36
32
33 34
33
36
A spurious sermon of Ambrose? N o t listed by Stegmuller (the words are from II Cor. VI.2). Ed. Mansi, Concilia X X , 5 0 7 - 1 6 . A t the bottom of 172r, in a hand of the mid-twelfth century, is the following note: 'Anni Domini .mcxlvii. [ = 1 1 4 7 ] . H o c anno Conradus regum rex et Francorum rex cum ingenti multitudine Teutonicorum Francorum et Amideu (?) Langobardorum mare transierunt' — a reference to Conrad III and the Second Crusade. See Mazzuconi, 'La diffusione', pp. 2 0 2 - 3 . The calendar is ptd L.A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 25 vols. (Milan, 1723-51)11.2, 1027-34. Gezo was abot of the monastery of St Marcian in Tortona in the later tenth century: see M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911-31) II, 53-6, and Mazzuconi, 'La diffusione', pp. 189-91; his Liber de corpore et sanguine Christi was discovered and ptd (incompletely) by Muratori, Anecdota III, 242-303 and repr. PL 137, 371-406. On the manuscript transmission of the work, see E. Cau, 'Ricerche su scrittura e cultura a Tortona nel IX e X secolo', Rivista di storia delta chiesa in Italia 26 (1972), 79-100, esp. 95-6, and Mazzuconi, ibid., pp. 201-3; on the sources of the work, which include (importantly) Paschasius Radbertus and Odo of Cluny, see Mazzuconi, ibid., pp 192-200, and G. Braga, 'Gezone di Tortona tra Pascasio Radberto e Oddone di Cluny', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 26 (1985), 611-66.
282
The manuscripts 47. 240r-250r: various short tractates on the eucharist, mostly drawn from patristic authorities (Jerome, Cassiodorus, Augustine). 37 48. 25Ov: Concilium Placentinum sub Vrbano II. anno 1095. 3 8 49- 25lr: notes on the eucharist. 50. 25lr—v: Concilium Lateranense sub Paschali II. anno 1112; 3 9 following the acta of the Lateran Council a later scribe has added a fifteen-line poem, inc. 'Phison ad nigros Paradisus dirigit Indos', 40 and another scribe has added a five-line poem by Hildebert of Lavardin (d. 1134) on the plagues of Egypt, inc. 'Prima rubens unda, clades, raneque secunda'. 41 51. 252r-254r: a treatise on orthography (inc. 'Dictiones terminate in u.ur'). 254v is blank and badly soiled. The contents of the manuscript enable us to ascertain the date at which it was written. The latest datable item copied by the two scribes in their original stint (fols. 1-250) is the acta of the Council of Rome held under Pope Gregory in 1078; on the other hand, the earliest datable addition to the manuscript is the acta of the Council of Piacenza held under Pope Urban II in 1095. These are the outer dates for the copying of the book; given its size, we may suppose that it was copied over a period of years in the 1080s. Some indication of where it was copied is given by the calendar on 172v-177v, and in particular by the saints whose names are recorded against dates in January (172v). These include St Savinus [Sabinus] (cf. BHL II, 1079) and St Martina (cf. BHL, no. 587), both of whom were venerated specifically at Piacenza in the Piedmonte. An origin in Piacenza would seem to be confirmed by the fact that the first addition to be made to the manuscript was the acta of the Council of Piacenza held there in 1095. The manuscript was subsequently taken to Brescia, to judge by an ex-libris inscription (added in an italic hand, probably of the sixteenth century) on the bottom of 2r: 'Iste liber est meij Francisci de Raynerij de Brixia cum duobus aliis libris et erat iste liber condam habbatis de Gaibio [?] in territorio Brixiensi.' It has plausibly been suggested that the Gaibio 37
38 40
41
The remaining items in the manuscript (25Ov-254r) are later additions by various scribes. 39 Mansi, Concilia X X , 8 0 1 - 1 6 . Ibid. X X I , 4 9 - 5 2 . Listed H. Walther, Initia Carminum ac Versuum Medii Aevi Posterioris Latinorum, 2nd ed. (Gottingen, 1969), no. 14104; apparently unptd. Ptd PL 171, 1436 (no. cxxii) as well as Hildeberti Cenomannensis Episcopi Carmina Minora, ed. A.B. Scott (Leipzig, 1969), p. 21 (no. 34).
283
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
or Gabiano in question is that now known as Borgo S. Giacomo, near Brescia.42 In any event, the two original scribes, working at Piacenza in the 1080s, drew on a wide range of texts, some of them manifestly of English origin, such as the excerpts corresponding to chapters from the 'Leiden Glossary' (no. 34). In particular, most - perhaps all - of the contents of item no. 33, the Libellus glossarum ueteris ac noui testamenti, are of English origin. 43 We must now examine these contents more closely. On close inspection, the Libellus glossarum is seen to consist not of one unified collection of biblical glosses, but of several sets which have evidently been sorted and rearranged by the compilers) of the manuscript. The rearrangement will be clear from a more detailed list of the contents: In Genesi (59v-64v) Item in Genesi (64v-66r) De mensibus et eorum uocabulis: Ysidorum (66r—67v) Glose de libro Genesi (67v—69r) In Genesi glose (69r-70v) Item in Exodo glose (70v—72v) In Exodo (72v-73v) Item in Exodo (73v—75r) De libro Leuitico (75r-76r) In eodem (76r-v) De quibusdam ponderibus uel mensuris (76v) Item in Leuitico De libro Numerorum (77v-78v) In eodem (78v-79r) Item in libro Numeri (79r—v) In Deuteronomio (79v—80r) In eodem (80r-v) Item de Deuteronomio (80v) Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, Regum, Paralipomenon, Prouerbiorum, Ecclesiastes, Cantica canticorum, Sapientie Salomonis, Sirach, Isaiae, 42 43
Mazzuconi, 'La dimisione', p. 2 0 2 . Mirella Ferrari {apud Polara, Virgilio Marone Grammatico, p. xli, following Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 7 ) suggests that the biblical commentaries came to the Italian scribe-compilers in Piacenza via Germany; but there is no evidence in support of this suggestion, and against it is the fact that, whereas the commentaries contain numerous glosses in Old English, they contain none in Old H i g h German.
284
The manuscripts
Ieremiae, Hiezechielis, Danielis, .xii. Prophetarum, lob, Tobie, Iudit, Hester, Esdre et Neemiae (81r-88v) In Marco, Luca, Iohanne et Matheo (88v-89r) In Matheo etc. (89r-92r) Augustinus: Quod Christus Deus et homo est (92r) De morte pessima persecutorum Christi (92r-v) Apostrofa glosarum per precedentes libros (92v-125v) It will be seen, first, that the scribe(s) took several separate sets of glosses to the Pentateuch and then rearranged them according to the individual books of the Pentateuch: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy. If one leaves aside the excerpts from Isidore on the names of the months (66r—67v) given under Genesis, and the brief treatise on weights and measures — also drawn from Isidore — given under Leviticus (76v), 44 as well as the supplementary series of glosses on Genesis entitled Item in Genesi (64v-66r), which is in fact a series of explanations on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels, the remainder of the Pentateuch glosses form three separate collections, which for convenience may be labelled Pent(ateuch) I, II and III.45 In the case of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, the scribe systematically drew first from PentI, then Pentll and finally from Pentlll; in the case of Deuteronomy, he absent-mindedly reversed the order, drawing first on Pentlll, then Pentll and finally PentI. Careful study of the three separate collections enables one to distinguish between them with some confidence: PentI usually consists! of long, discursive explanations and quotations from patristic authorities, whereas Pentll and Pentlll typically consist of single-word glosses to biblical lemmata. The original three sets may be reconstituted as follows: PentI: 59v-64v (Genesis), 70v-72v (Exodus), 75r-76r (Leviticus), 77v-78v (Numbers) and 80v (Deuteronomy) Pentll: 67v-69r (Genesis), 72v-73v (Exodus), 76r-v (Leviticus), 78v-79r (Numbers) and 80r-v (Deuteronomy) Pentlll: 69r-70v (Genesis), 73v-75r (Exodus), 76v-77v (Leviticus), 79r-v (Numbers) and 79v-80r (Deuteronomy)
44
The treatise De quibusdam ponderibus uel mensuris is ptd in Appendix II, below, pp. 562-3.
45
The terminology is that of Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 7 .
285
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Additional to these are the supplementary glosses to Genesis, Exodus and the gospels on 64r—66r; we refer to these as Gn-Ex-Evla. Following the Pentateuch glosses the scribe copied a long series of glosses to the remaining books of the Old Testament, from Joshua to Esdras and Nehemiah (81r-88v). These OT glosses correspond, by their nature, to the second series of Pentateuch glosses (Pentll) and were evidently a continuation of it; furthermore, the OT glosses from Paralipomenon (Chronicles) onwards correspond nearly verbatim to chs. vii— xxiii in the Xeiden Glossary' (see above, p. 174). Finally, the Milan manuscript contains two series of glosses to the gospels: EvI (88v—89r) and Evil (89r-92r). Of these, the first series corresponds closely to the gospel glosses in the 'Leiden Glossary' (chs. xxiv—xxv), whereas the second series (Evil) is by the nature of its exegetical method closely related to the first series of Pentateuch glosses (PentI) discussed above. Accordingly, it is possible to see that the Italian scribe-compilers of the Milan manuscript had at their disposal the following collections of biblical commentaries and glosses:46 1 2 3 4
PentI + Evil; Gn-Ex-Evla; Pentll + OT glosses (Iosue - Nehemiah) + EvI; Pentlll.
These four collections of exegetical materials all derive ultimately from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. The two Mediterranean masters are frequently cited by name in our 1, namely PentI + Evil; and the thirty-six explanations which make up our 2, namely Gn-Ex-Evla, agree in method and often in wording with those in PentI + Evil (see above, p. 270), so they evidently have a similar origin. As we have seen (above, pp. 177—8), Theodore and Hadrian are frequently named as authorities in the OT glosses which make up 3; and since these glosses, as well as EvI, correspond to chapters of the 'Leiden Glossary', there is independent evidence for associating them with the Canterbury school. In the case of 4, the glosses of Pentlll, neither Theodore nor Hadrian is mentioned by name; but it is clear that they too were compiled in England, and therefore arguably in the Canterbury school. For example, in explaining the reference to almonds 46
We leave out of consideration the apostrofa glosarum per precedentes libros (92v-125v) which, to our knowledge, has never been studied.
286
The manuscripts
and plane-trees in Gen. XXX.37, the commentator of PentHI observes of the almond that, 'Non uidimus in Brittania nisi adductam', and of the plane-tree that, 'Non est in Brittania' (70r). Taken together, the glosses in the Milan manuscript represent one of the largest corpora of biblical exegesis to have survived from the early Middle Ages. They deserve to be studied and published in full; but such an undertaking is immense and lies beyond the scope of the present book. We present here editions of PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla and Evil (below, pp. 297^423). The glosses which make up Pentll •+• OT (Joshua - Nehemiah) + EvI await the attentions of a future editor, as do those of PentHI; but this editor's task will not be an enviable one, given that the transmission of these glosses is tied up with that of Rz, of the 'Leiden Glossary', and of the large family of unpublished glossaries associated with them.47 OTHER MANUSCRIPT WITNESSES
The principal witness to PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla and Evil is the Milan manuscript; but other partial witnesses throw important light on the transmission of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Six manuscripts are in question, and these include two witnesses to the Leviticus glosses in PentI 332-400; one complete witness to Gn-Ex-Evla; and three witnesses to Evil. These manuscripts are discussed and their texts printed below as Appendix I (pp. 533-60), but for purposes of discussion it will be helpful to treat them briefly here. Additional witnesses to PentI
Two manuscripts preserve part of the Leviticus glosses of PentI: St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 { = Sg] and Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. [ = Br]. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 This small manuscript was evidently designed as a scholar's handbook: it is in tiny duodecimo format (c. 90 X 87 mm.), and was written somewhere in the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission in Germany in the second half of 47
See Pheifer, 'The Canterbury Bible Glosses'. 287
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the eighth century. 48 Its principal content is the glossary known as the 'Vocabularius S. Galli', 49 but it also contains (pp. 139—45) a number of glosses to the names of the unclean animals in Leviticus XL 5—30, and some of these (Sg 27-37) correspond nearly verbatim to PentI 354-61. Interestingly, the Anglo-Saxon scribe apparently combined these PentI glosses with a number of other glosses (Sg 1-26) to Leviticus; and these, too, are demonstrably of Anglo-Saxon origin, insofar as they contain numerous explanations in Old English. 50 One interesting feature of the PentI glosses as preserved in St Gallen 913 is that they contain an explicit reference to Hadrian (a reference which, as we shall see, was omitted by the scribe of the Milan manuscript): 'Lamm: hragra; Adrianus dicit meum esse' (Sg 30). This reference provides one more piece of evidence for associating PentI with Canterbury. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. Five folios, consisting of two bifolia and a single fragmentary leaf, are all that remain of a manuscript written by two scribes in Anglo-Saxon cursive minuscule, probably in an Anglo-Saxon centre in Germany with Southumbrian connections, datable on palaeographical grounds to the mideighth century. 51 The fragmentary leaf contains glosses which correspond to PentI 348-87, and is thus the oldest surviving manuscript witness to the Canterbury biblical commentaries. One of the glosses in question (Br 12) is attributed nominatim to Hadrian, and it is also interesting to note that one of the bifolia of this same manuscript contains two batches of glosses corresponding to chs. xlviii and xxxix in the 'Leiden Glossary', as well as excerpts from the OT biblical glosses (on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs) which are also preserved in the Milan manuscript (83v-84r). One of the glosses to the Song of Songs contains Hadrian's explanation of the word stipate (II.5), which was discussed and printed above (p. 177). This 48
49 50
51
See CLA VII, no. 976; Bischoff, MS III, 94; and Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli, esp. pp. 1-32, together with pi. 1 (showing some of the Leviticus glosses on pp. 140-1 of the manuscript). See Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli, esp. pp. 3 3 - 8 2 . Ptd SS IV, 460; Schlutter, 'Altenglisches aus schweizer Handschriften', and Meritt, Old English Glosses, no. 36, as well as below, pp. 534—5. See CLA, Supp., no. 1675.
288
The manuscripts
fragmentary manuscript is thus a precious witness to the early continental transmission of teaching materials from the school of Canterbury. Additional witness to Gn-Ex-Evla The 'Leiden Glossary', now preserved in Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, is one of our most important witnesses to the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. The manuscript was written c. 800 at St Gallen, 52 but was evidently copied from collections of material of English origin, among them the 'Leiden Glossary' itself (20r-36r), which contains some 250 Old English glosses. Among various excerpts from patristic authors which follow the glossary in the manuscript (see below, p. 545) is a collection of biblical glosses (39r-v) which correspond nearly verbatim to the collection in the Milan manuscript which we have designated Gn-Ex-Evla. The verbatim agreement suggests that the collection as preserved independently by the St Gallen and north Italian scribes is more or less complete as we have it. Additional witnesses to Evil
Three manuscripts preserve excerpts from the gospel glosses (Evil) as they are transmitted in the Milan manuscript, and, although fragmentary, they help to throw light on the original state of the text as well as to provide further confirmation that they embody the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 38 This manuscript (Wbl) was written at Wurzburg in the second third of the ninth century, 53 and contains thirteen gospel glosses (123v-124r) corresponding approximately to Evil 3-29. The most important feature of these Wurzburg glosses (Wbl), however, is that they bear the rubric Haec Theodorus tradedit, 'Theodore propounded the following', thus providing explicit testimony that Evil, and by extension the remaining Canterbury 52
53
See de Meyier, Codices Vossiani Latini //, pp. 1 5 7 - 6 4 , as well as CLA X , no. 1585 and Bischoff, MS II, 26 and III, 289. See Thurn, Die Handschriften, p p . 2 8 - 9 , and Bischoff and Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, pp. 36—7.
289
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
biblical glosses, derive from Theodore's teaching. These Wiirzburg glosses also contain the statement that Theodore saw in person the relics of the Twelve Baskets in Constantinople, a crucial piece of evidence in any attempt to reconstruct his early career, as we have seen (above, pp. 42-64). Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 47 This Wiirzburg manuscript (Wb2) was written in the area of the AngloSaxon mission in the early ninth century;54 its principal contents are works of Gregory, but on the final three folios the scribe combined and copied two different sets of gospel glosses. The first set (Wb2 1-41) corresponds to EvI and to the chapters of gospel glosses in the 'Leiden Glossary'. The second set (Wb2 42-115) corresponds closely, and often verbatim, to Evil, though it must be said that the Wiirzburg copy is an exceedingly careless one and that its entries can often be understood only by reference to those of the Milan manuscript. Unlike the other Wiirzburg manuscript (Wbl), this present manuscript preserves no glosses that are not found in the Milan manuscript. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470 The principal content of the Munich manuscript is a homiliary written probably in Bavaria in the early ninth century. 35 At the end of the homiliary the scribe added three entries from Evil (115, 117 and 119), including the lengthy account of the Seven Sleepers legend (Evil 115). The text of the entries agrees closely with that of the Milan manuscript, and testifies to the circulation of the Canterbury commentaries in ninthcentury Bavaria. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
The partial manuscript witnesses help to illustrate the transmission of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Although there is some (questionable) 54
55
See CLA I X , no. 1414; Thurn, Die Handschriften, Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, p. 103. Bischoff, Die sudostdeutschen Schreibschulen I, 246.
290
p p . 3 6 - 7 ; and Bischoff and
The manuscripts
evidence for the circulation of these commentaries in later Anglo-Saxon England, 56 no English manuscripts of PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla or Evil survive. It would seem rather that the commentaries were transmitted to the Continent by Anglo-Saxon missionaries during the course of the eighth century, for the earliest surviving manuscripts appear to have been written in the area of their missionary activity: the Grimm fragment now in Berlin (s. viii med ), St Gallen 913 (s. viii2) and Wurzburg, UB, M.p.th.f.47 (s. ixin). It is unfortunately not possible to be more precise about where in the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission — which initially was confined to Hessia and Thuringia — the manuscripts were produced. But the see of Wurzburg was founded by Boniface in 741 or 742, and it was there that Wurzburg, UB, M.p.th.f.38 was copied during the second third of the ninth century. The commentaries were also known at Werden, an important AngloSaxon centre in Saxony, for in the early ninth century the compiler of the 'Werden Glossary' was able to draw on them. 57 From the area of the mission, the biblical commentaries migrated towards the south, so that they were known at St Gallen in what is now Switzerland by c. 800 (Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69) and in Bavaria by the early ninth century (Munich, SB, Clm. 14470). At this point, apparently, the trail grows cold: for reasons which are still to be determined, the Canterbury biblical commentaries ceased to be copied north of the Alps, and the direct influence of Theodore and Hadrian's biblical exegesis came to an end. We would have only the most limited understanding of that influence, were it not for the fact that at Piacenza in the 1080s two Italian scribes, who were engaged in compiling a compendious reference-work for biblical and theological study, made use of several collections of exegetical materials which originated in the Canterbury school. The result of their activity survives as Milan M.79 sup., and it is this manuscript which enables us to see the earlier, fragmentary witnesses in an accurate perspective, and to appreciate properly the extraordinary achievement which the commentaries represent. 56
For example, the compiler of the pseudo-Bede Collectanea, who was possibly (or arguably) working in England in the earlier eighth century, seems to have had access to the Canterbury commentaries in some form (see below, c o m m . to Evil 19 and 4 2 ) , and there is some tenuous evidence that they were known to Aldred at Chester-le-Street in the earlier tenth century (see comm. to Evil 6 4 and 106). However, none of this evidence is decisive, and it could be argued, for example, that the pseudo-Bede Collectanea were compiled on the Continent rather than in England.
57
See Lapidge, 'Old English Glossography', pp. 5 0 - 6 .
291
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
The seven surviving manuscripts — Milan M.79 sup. and the six partial witnesses — are all independent. It is self-evident that none of the earlier witnesses could have been copied from the Milan manuscript, nor, because of their fragmentary nature, could any of them have served as its exemplar. Nevertheless, the partial witnesses can be used as an index to the copying habits of the Italian scribes, and thus throw light on the nature of the (hypothetical) original form of the Canterbury commentaries. It is clear, for example, that the Italian scribes of M.79 sup. did not reproduce absolutely everything in their exemplar, but copied selectively. Their principles of selection can be seen from comparison of a passage of text where we have three independent witnesses. Such a passage occurs in the treatment of the unclean animals in Leviticus (PentI 355—61); the same passage is preserved in St Gallen 913 (Sg) and in the Grimm fragment in Berlin (Br). Their texts may be represented in tabular form as follows: Milan M. 79 sup. PentI 355
PentI 356 PentI PentI PentI PentI
357 358 359 360
PentI 361
St Gallen 913 Sg 27 Sg 28 Sg 29 Sg 30 Sg 31 Sg 32 Sg 33 Sg 34 Sg35 Sg 36
Berlin, Grimm 132,2 Br 8 Br 9 Br 10 Br 11 Br 12
It will be seen that, for the five glosses where all three manuscripts including Br are witnesses (Br 8-12), there is only one case where all three manuscripts preserve the same gloss: PentI 356 = Sg 29 = Br 11. In copying the same five glosses, the Italian scribe of Milan M.79 sup. omitted three, and the scribe of St Gallen 913, one. During the copying of a span of eleven glosses (as we know them from Sg and Br), the Italian scribe omitted four. If these figures can legitimately be applied to the Pentateuch commentary as a whole, we may surmise that, in its original form, it was one-third longer than it is as the Italian scribe has copied it. A similar pattern emerges from consideration of the text of Evil as it is 292
The manuscripts
transmitted in the Milan manuscript and in the two Wiirzburg manuscripts (Wbl and Wb2): Milan M. 79 sup. Evil 3 Evil 4 Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil
5 6
Wurzburg 38 Wbl 1 Wbl 2 Wbl 3
Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2
7 8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Wurzburg 47
Wb2 42 Wb2 43
Wbl 4
44 45 46 47 48
49
Wbl 5 Wb2 50 Wb2 51 Wb2 52
Wbl 6 Evil 16 Evil 17 Evil 18
Wb2 53
Wbl 7 Wbl 8
Wb2 54
Here, over a stretch of some eighteen glosses, the scribe of the Milan manuscript omitted just two, as can be ascertained by comparison with Wbl (itself a very incomplete witness): the glosses in question being Wbl 2 and Wbl 6. The fact that the same two glosses are also lacking in Wb2 may suggest that they were already missing from the exemplar used by the Italian scribe. Nevertheless, there is sound evidence that the Italian scribe did abbreviate the text as he was copying it. This is particularly clear in the case of Old English glosses to lemmata in the Pentateuch, as we know them from the Grimm fragment in Berlin and from St Gallen 913. We have already seen the example of an explanation attributed nominatim to Hadrian which contained two Old English words (Sg 30 = Br 12; 'Larum: hragra; Adrianus dicit meu esse') which was omitted by the scribe of the Milan manuscript, presumably because he did not understand them. A similar situation occurs with respect to the word ibis in Lev. XL 17, which, in the 293
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
form recorded by the scribe of St Gallen 913, began with an Old English equivalent, as follows: lbinen: .i. screb, qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem dedicerunt (Sg 31). The same gloss is given nearly verbatim by the scribe of the Milan manuscript, with the exception that the Old English equivalent has been omitted: Ibin: qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem didicerunt (PentI 357). The result is that there are few Old English glosses in the Milan text of the Canterbury commentaries: presumably the few which remain were copied by the Italian scribe only because he failed to recognize them as English. The sum of this evidence suggests that the Canterbury biblical commentaries, in their original written form, may once have been substantially longer than they are as transmitted in the Milan manuscript, and may once have contained substantially more interpretamenta in Old English. EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
The Canterbury biblical commentaries pose serious difficulties for the prospective editor. On the one hand, they were not committed to parchment in the first instance by Theodore or Hadrian themselves, but are rather the record of viva voce instruction by the two masters as copied down by their English students (see above, pp. 266-74), with the result that it is often difficult to determine whether an apparent error in the text results from faulty understanding on the part of the transcriber. Furthermore, we know that neither Theodore nor Hadrian was a native speaker of Latin, or had received extensive training in Latin schools, so that persistent grammatical errors in the commentaries may arguably be the result of their Greek-centred education and their lack of proficiency in Latin (see above, pp. 271—2). The difficulties are compounded by the fact that the principal manuscript, Milan M.79 sup., was written by an Italian scribe who may not have been able to read his (presumed) Anglo-Saxon exemplar at every turn, and who in any case imposed his own orthography on what he copied, as may quickly be seen by comparing passages of text in the Milan 294
The manuscripts
manuscript with that in the eighth-century manuscripts from the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission. We have accordingly hesitated to emend the transmitted text except in cases where it presented manifest nonsense, or where its original sense could be recovered by consulting the sources used by the Commentator. We have attempted to give a full record of the scribe's treatment of the text (including his erasures) in the apparatus criticus, but have not recorded the frequent occurrences of Nota-signs in the manuscript. In matters of orthography we have adopted several conventions. Tagged e (^) is reproduced as ae in cases where that is philologically correct (with respect to late antique, and hence seventh-century, practice), for example in genealogiae or coniunctae (Evil 2), but as e when that is philologically correct, for example in simbolice and metaforice (Evil 7). Deus and Dominus (and their oblique forms) are capitalized. The abbreviation for idest is given as ./'. rather than in expanded form. Roman numerals in the text are sequestered with points, thus: .xiiii. The numbering of individual entries is our own. English translations of the Latin Vulgate (as cited in the commentaries) are taken from the Douai—Rheims version (1582—1609), as revised by Richard Challoner (1749-50).
295
Texts and translations
< COMMENTARIES PRIMVS IN PENTATEVCHVM>
59vb In primis de Prologo Hieronimi in Genesi. 1 Obtrectatorum: .i. Graecorum auctorum; maxime autem Rufinus Cassianusque et Euagrius accusauerunt eum. Dicebatque eum Rufinus acerocomatus, .i. uane laborantem in translatione non necessaria post septuaginta interpretes, uagogerusque eum, .i. ueteres manducans in reprehendendo. Ipse quoque Hieronimus uocauit eum filium fullonis, .i. quasi nichil scientem obscurumque hominem. Hieronimus in Bethleem, Rufinus in Mellena' ciuitate prope Ierusalem habitauit, de Roma pergens 60ra cum Mellena abba / tissa, unde et ipsa ciuitas nomen accepit. 2
Sugillationem: .i. oppressionem.
3
Cudere: .i. manducare.
4
Fedareque: .i. sordidare uel putridum facere.
5 Qui editioni antiquae translationem Theodotionis miscuit: quando sextupla fecit, .i. sex translationes in unum librum composuit. Aquilam autem et Theodotionem praeposuit septuaginta interpretibus, ac si diceret quia meliores inuenit, sicque composuit. Primum Hebraicam ueritatem Hebraeis uerbis et litteris. Post Graecam Graecis litteris quam ipse transtulit, ut creditur. Terciam Aquilae. Quartam Theodotionis. Quintam septuaginta. Sextam Simmachi. Per sex similitudines sex translationes composuit contra se inuicem quomodo quisque unumquemque uersum diceret, ubi discreparent, ubi eandem et reliqua usque ad quartum 5
discreparent] corrected from dispeparent
298
FIRST COMMENTARY ON THE PENTATEUCH (PentI)
First, concerning Jerome's Preface to Genesis. 1 Obtrectatorum {'detractors']: that is, Greek authors; in particular, Rufinus, Cassian and Evagrius attacked him. For Rufinus referred to him as acerocomatus (&KupoKdnaxoi|/); it has hooked talons and a beak. 356 The vulture [XI. 14]: slightly larger than an eagle, and can smell carrion a hundred miles away. 357 The ibis [XI. 17]: it sends water from its mouth up its anus so that it can digest its food; whence physicians learned this same technique. 358 The bittern [XI. 18]: is like a duck but not quite the same, nor do we have it here. 359 The charadrion [XI. 19]: we do not have this one either; nevertheless it is said to fly during the night at the summit of the sky. 360 The porphyrion [XL 18]: it is said that it is found in Libya, and that it is the most beautiful of birds; and therefore kings wish frequently to have it in their houses.
365
PentI: text 361 Stilio [XI.30]: minor est quam lacerta ualdeque uenenosa, omnemque parietem potest penetrare, licet lapideum non resistit ei. 362 Omnis cibus quern comedetis sifusafuerit super eum aqua tnmundus erit [XI.34]: .i. si aliquid desuper cadens de qualibet re coinquinauit eum; ideoque debetis omnia cooperire, hoc est mensa uasaque reliqua, ne perstillare aliquid possit. 363 Cytropodes [XI.35]: de argillo fiunt; factae in modum tripodii et ita uenduntur; aliquando autem quadripedes fiunt in quibus ponunt cucumas ac caldarios et faciunt de argillo quas uocant cytropodes. 364 Pustella [XIII.2]: .i. cicatrix quando fit candidior reliqua carne, humidior ac infirmior. 365
Flauus [XIII.30}: albus.
366
Dissuta [XIII.45]: dissoluta, ut appareat leprosus.
367
Caput nudum [XIII.45]: similiter ut lepra uideatur.
368
Os ueste contectum [XIII.45]: in eius contumeliam.
369 In stamine [XIII.48]: si in filis apparuerit, ubi non est adhuc textum. 370 Atque subtemine [XIII.48]: ipsi subtus texunt, non ut nos; ac si diceret, 'in ipsa parte contexta'. 371 Extra ciuitatem in loco inmundo [XIV.40]: inmundum dicit in comparatione ciuitatis. 372 Sagma [XV.9]: proprie dicitur asinarum; ligneus, latus ac magnus. 373
Emissario [XVI.8]: masculo non castrate
361
Stilio] s- added as correction MS minor] modicum MS potest] supplied by 363 editors licet] corrected from lecet MS tripodii] tripodium MS 364 368 37 humidior] humilior MS contectum] contextum MS ° subtemine] -g- added (wrongly) as correction between e and m MS
366
Pentl: translation 361 The stello [XL 30}: is smaller than a lizard and very poisonous; it can get through any wall and even a stone wall cannot prevent it. 362 And any meat which you eat, if water be poured upon it, shall be unclean [XL 34]: that is, if any substance of any kind falling on it from above has fouled it; therefore you ought to cover everything, that is to say the table and all the dishes, so that nothing can drip on them. 363 Pots with feet [XL 3 5): are made of clay; they are made in the shape of tripods and sold this way; sometimes they have four feet; they put kettles and pots in them and make them of clay and also call them cytropodes 364 A blister [XIII.2}: that is, a scar when it becomes whiter than the rest of the skin, moister, and likelier to burst open. 365
Yellow [XIII.30}: white.
366 Hanging loose [XIII.45}: undone, so that he may be seen to be leprous. 367
His head bare [XIII.45]: likewise so that his leprosy may be seen.
368 him.
His mouth covered with a cloth [XIII.45}: by way of reproaching
369 In the warp [XIII.48]: if it should appear in the threads where they have not yet been woven. 370 Or in the woof [X111.48]: these people wove from beneath, not like us; as if the biblical narrative were to say, 'in the woven part'. 371 Cast without the city into an unclean place [XIV.40]: it means 'unclean' in comparison with the city. 372 The saddle [XV.9]: this refers properly to the saddle used for asses: it is wooden, broad and large. 373
The emissary goat [XVI.8}: a male not castrated.
367
PentI: text 374 Operiat oraculum {XVI. 13]: .i. coopertorium quod super testimonium, .i. super tabulas. 375 Expiet sanctuarium [XVI. 16]: .i. emundet pro tactu aedificantium. Modo autem oleo unctionis in dedicatione eius emundent. 376 Delict a [XVI. 21]: quae fiunt per ignorant iam, peccata quae fiunt opere et scientia. 377
Mense septimo [XVI.29]: Octobrio ab Aprile secundum Hebraeos.
378 Et immolant eas hostias Domino [XVII.5]: .i. quae ante praedix76ra imus. Hoc ideo praecipit ut non daemonibus in / de oriretur occasio immolandi. Si comederit sanguinem et non dimiserit aquam defluere in terram, sed congregat in unum aliquod de interaneis et ita coquit ac sic manducat more gentilium, moriatur. 379
In pelicatum [XVIII. 18]: .i. in corruptionem.
380
Susurro [XIX. 16]: in aurem dolose loquens.
381 Agrum non seres diuerso semine [XIX. 19]: .i. ut unumquodque semen seorsum seras nee commisceatur. 382 Quarto autem anno [XIX.24]: quia non potuit ante fructum facere quod erat plantatum. 383 Stigmata [XIX.28]: .i. diuersas picturas in corporibus uestris draconum uel serpentium, ut multi faciunt. 384
Neprostituas [XIX.29]: ne facias scortas.
385 Qui maledixerit patri suo et matri morte moriatur [XX.9]: .i. patres uolunt pro occisione accipere patris ac matris, ac ideo debent mori qui faciunt et non de maledictione tantum uerborum. Patri et matri qui maledixerit: dicunt quod hoc possit de uerbo fieri, non ut superior, sed sit sanguis eius super eum .i. uindicta ipsius peccati quodcumque aptum perspexerint. 385
occisione] occasione MS (cf. Br 20) 368
Pentl: translation May cover the oracle {XVI. 13]: that is, the covering which is placed over the testament, that is, the tablets. 375 May expiate the sanctuary [XVI. 16]: that is, purify it from the touch of the builders. Nowadays they purify the church at its dedication by means of a blessing of oil. 376 Their offences [XVI.21): are those which take place through ignorance; sins are those which take place by design and knowledge. 377 The seventh month [XVI.29]: October, counting from April with the Hebrews. 378 They may sacrifice them for peace offerings to the Lord [XVII. 5]: that is, what we said previously. The Bible rules in this way so that no pretext for sacrificing to demons may arise. If someone should eat blood and not allow the water to flow onto the earth, but should collect some of the inwards and cook and eat them in the way the pagans do, let him die. 379 380 ear.
For a harlot [XVIII. 18]: that is, for seduction. A whisperer [XIX. 16]: saying something deceitfully in someone's
381 Thou shalt not sow thy field with different seeds [XIX. 19]: that is, that you should sow each individual seed separately and not mix them up. 382 But in the fourth year [XIX.24]: because what was planted could not produce fruit before then. 383 Marks [XIX.28]: that is, put various tattooed pictures on your bodies of dragons or serpents, as many people do. 384 Make not . . . a common strumpet [XIX. 29]: do not make prostitutes. 385 He that curseth his father or mother, dying let him die [XX. 9]: that is, some church fathers wish us to take this in the sense of killing both father and mother; and accordingly those who do this should die, not merely for the verbal malediction alone. 'He that curseth his father or mother': they say that this could happen by word alone, not as stated above, but let his blood be upon him, that is, the vengeance for his sin in whatever way they see as appropriate.
369
Pentl: text 386
Matertera [XX. 19]: soror matris.
387
Amita [XX. 19]: soror patris.
388 Vt caueant ab his quae consecrata sunt [XXII.2]: ut qui inmundus est nee tangat nee uescatur eis. 389
Super mortuo [XXII.4]: .i. de mortuo.
390
Inquilinus [XXII. 10]: .i. rusticus colonus sacerdotum.
391 Mense primo [XXIII.5]: ut accederet .xiiii. luna uel in Martio uel in Aprili ut pascha fieret. 392 Polentam [XXIII. 14]: conficitur de fauis contritis ac farina et oleo, citoque fit cocta. 393 Feretis manipulos spicarum primitias [XXIII. 10]: in Pentecost en .i. mense Maio uel Iunio, ideoque nouorum. 394 Mense septimo prima die mensis [XXIII.24]: .i. mense Octobrio; ipse est .vii. ab Aprile, et prima dies ipsius erat Tubarum. Decima autem die erat ieiunium una die [XXIII.27]. Et a .xv. die ipsius mensis erant 76rb .vii. dies Ta / bernaculorum [XXIII.34].
395 Spatulas [XXIII.40]: fructus palmae dicitur pro similitudine spadae. 396 Per singula sabbata mutabuntur [XXIV.8]. Alii uolunt tractatores ita intellegi: ut pro sabbatis diceret exordia mensium; et sic semper .xii. ponebant pro numero .xii. mensuum, ac pro duodecim signis in caelo et pro futura significatione apostolorum. Alii autem adfirmant in 'sabbatis singulis' tantum positos fuisse.
397 Sedstatim oblata comedetis [XXV. 12]: .i. quando de segete et uinea portatis, nolite in horrea colligere ac in tali custodia ut in reliquis annis fecistis. 397
reliquis} -li- added as correction MS
370
Pentl: translation 386
Aunt by thy mother [XX. 19]: the mother's sister.
387
Aunt by thy father [XX. 19]: the father's sister.
388 That they beware of those things that are consecrated [XXII. 2]: that he who is unclean should not touch or eat them. 389
By occasion of the dead [XXII.4]: that is, from a dead person.
390
A sojourner [XXII. 10]: that is, a peasant farmer of the priests.
391 The first month [XXIII.5]: that the fourteenth moon should fall either in March or April that Easter may take place. 392 Parched corn [XXIII. 14]: it is made from ground beans and flour and oil, and is cooked quickly. 393 You shall bring sheaves of ears, the firstfruits [XXIII. 10]: at Pentecost, that is, in the month of May or June, accordingly at the time of the first harvest. 394 The seventh month or thefirstday of the month [XXIII. 24]: that is, in the month of October, for it is the seventh month from April, and its first day is the Feast of Trumpets. On the tenth day of the month there was the Feast of Atonement for one day [XXIII. 27]. And from the fifteenth day of the same month there were the seven days of the Feast of Tabernacles [XXIII.34]. 395 Branches of palm trees [XXIII. 40]: the fruit of the palm is so named {spatula) because of its similarity to a spatula. 396 Every sabbath they shall be changed [XXIV.8]. Some commentators wish to understand this as follows: that by 'sabbaths' the text refers to the beginnings of the months, and thus they always put down twelve 'sabbaths' for the number - twelve - of the months, and for the twelve signs [of the zodiac] in heaven and for the future significance of the [twelve] apostles. Others assert that by 'every sabbath' the sabbaths only were intended. 397 You shall presently eat them [XXV. 12]: that is, when you carry them in from the cornfield and the vineyard, do not store them in storehouses and in similar means of storage, as you did in the other years.
371
PentI: text 398 Frugum superhabundantia non exiges [XXV.37}: uerbi gratia, si uiginti duo modia essent cuilibet duo sextaria de ipsis acciperet in anno. 399 Mercede inputatis [XXV.5 3]: .i. non numeratis sed pro precio reputentur ei. 400 Addat supra aestimationem quint am partem [XXVII. 13}: .i. quotquot essent solidi semper unum adderet ipsis, et haec est quinta pars; uerbi gratia, si essent tres boues, adderet quartum.
7 7 v b DE LIBRO NVMERORVM
401 Mensis secundi [I.I]: .i. Maio qui secundus est Aprili, qui est primus apud Hebraeos. 402 Hie .xiii. tribus enumerauit pro eo quod .xii. apostoli erant futuri qui bus Paulus addendus .xiii.; tribus autem Leui non est numeratus cum eis [1.5-15]. 403 Nefiat indignatio super multitudtnem Israel [1.53]: -i. si pro te fiunt cum mulieribus suis ac aliis inmunditiis suis. 404 Signa [II.2]: .i. aquilarum capita habentia uel hominum siue draconum, et ita in astilibus longissimis portabantur. 405
Ad concinnandas [IV.9] .i. ad parandas.
406 Vatilla [IV. 14}: .i. receptaculum ignis manubrium habens et ita portari potest plusque longum quam rotundum habensque coopertorium. 407
Aquas amarissimas [V.18]: .i. intinctas aliqua herba amarissima.
408 Vinum et omne quod inebriare potest [VI.3]: praecepit ideo quia mundus in ligno fructuque eius praeuaricatus per Adam; multique abstinent de his omnibus quae gustari possunt ex arborum fructu in quadragesima. 399
4o numeratis} numeraris MS ° essent2} e- added as correction MS 401 quattuor MS Aprili} Aprilis MS
372
quartum}
Pentl: translation 398 Nor exact of him any increase of fruits [XXV. 37]: by way of example, if there were twenty-two bushels from each person, he would take two pints from them every year. 399 His wages being allowed [XXV.53): that is, they are not counted, but would be reckoned as payment for him. 400 He shall add above the estimation the fifth part [XXVII. 13]: that is, however many solidi there might be, he would always add one to them, and this is called 'the fifth part'; by way of example, if there were three cows, he would add a fourth. NUMBERS
401 Of the second month [I.I]: that is, in May, which is second to April, which is the first month of the year among the Hebrews. 402 He here enumerated the thirteen tribes for the reason that there were twelve future apostles to which Paul was added as the thirteenth; the tribe of Levi is not counted among them [1.5-15]. 403 Lest there come indignation upon the multitude of the children of Israel [1.53]: that is, if on your behalf they should be there with their women and with other unclean things. 404 Ensigns [II.2]: that is, having on them the heads of eagles or men or dragons, and they are carried thus on the end of long spear-shafts. 405
For the dressing [IV.9]: that is, for the preparation of the lamps.
406 Pothooks [IV. 14]: that is, a receptacle for fire having a handle, and it can be carried thus, and it is more long than round, and has a cover. 407 The most bitter waters [V.I8]: that is, tainted with some exceedingly bitter herb. 408 From wine and from everything that may make a man drunk [VI. 3]: the command is issued thus because, through Adam, the world was violated by the tree and its fruit; and many people abstain from all things which can be eaten from the fruit of trees during Lent.
373
PentI: text 409 Nouacula {VI.5]: dicitur eo quod cutem innouat; est digitorum latitudinis, talisque est eius figura: Tarn subtilis paene quasi folium. 410 Sanctus erit Domino [VI.5]: .i. in ipsa abstinentia et ieiunio temporali se sanctificat dum se non tondit. 411 Benedicat tibi Dominus et reliqua [VI.24}: dicunt ut ipsa benedictione tantum benedicat qui habeat gradum. 412
Phase Domino [IX. 14}: mense secundo .i. Maio.
413 Cucumeres et pepones [XI. 5}: unum sunt, sed tamen cucumeres dicuntur pepones cum magni fiunt; ac saepe in uno pepone fiunt .xxx. librae. In Edissia ciuitate fiunt ut uix potest duo portare unus camelus. 414 Et auferam de spiritu tuo [XL 17}: .i. de ipso dono spiritus quod tu habes dabo eis. 78ra
415 416 dixit. 417
Sanctificamini [XI. 18}: .i. quasi per ieiunium unius diei. Donee exeat per nares uestras [XI.20}: pro odore malo per nares Nausia [XI.20}: graece, latine uomitus.
418 Ait Moyses sexcentena milia et reliqua [XI.21}: non dixit pro infidelitate potestatis Dei sed ut maior esset admiratio cum uiderent per actum. 419 Non exierunt ad tabernaculum [XL26}: .i. quia occupati erant alioqui. 420 Arreptas trans mare coturnices [XI.31}: .i. de Mari Rubro transduxit eas subito creatas non aliunde nisi de aqua ut in primordio factum est. 409
est 1 ] esse MS uix] uis MS aliqui MS
4l3
4l4
cucumeres1] cucumes MS magni fiunt] magnificiunt MS 4l9 dono] added by another hand in lower margin MS alioqui]
374
PentI: translation 409 Razor {VI.5]: is so called because it 'renews' the skin; it is the breadth of the fingers and is shaped thus: It is almost as thin as a leaf. 410 He shall be holy in the Lord [VI.5]: that is, in this abstinence and temporal fasting he sanctifies himself while he does not shave himself. 411 The Lord bless thee and so on [VI. 24}: they say that with this benediction only someone who may have the grade of a priest may give the blessing. 412
The phase [IX.14]: in the second month, that is, in May.
413 Cucumbers . . . and melons [XI.5]: are the same thing, but cucumbers are called pepones when they grow large, and often one pepon will weigh thirty pounds. In the city of Edessa they grow so large that a camel can scarcely carry two of them. 414 And I will take of thy spirit [XI. 17]: that is, from that gift of the spirit which you have I shall give to them. 415
Be ye sanctified [XI. 18]: that is, as if through a fast of one day.
416 Till it come out of your nostrils [XI. 20]: the text said 'through your nostrils' because of the foul odour. 417 Latin.
And become loathsome [XI.20]: nausia (vauaia) in Greek, vomit in
418 And Moses said: there are six hundred thousand and so on [XI.21]: Moses did not state this because of faithlessness in God's power, but that their admiration should be the greater when they saw it enacted. 419 Were not gone forth to the tabernacle [XI.26]: that is, because they had been otherwise engaged. 420 Taking quails up beyond the sea [XI.31]: that is, from the Red Sea he led them, they having been newly created from nothing other than the water, as happened in the beginning.
375
PentI: text 421 Chorus [XL32]: .xxx. modios habet; duo autem onus est, hoc est unius cameli. 422 Adhuc carries erant in dentthus eorum [XL 3 3}: .i. non adhuc mundati miculis. 423 Propter uxorem eius JEthiopissam [XII. 1}. Tractatores dicunt ut ipsi suspicionem haberent contra eum quod ipsam in coniugio haberet, quia in uno tabernaculo erant; quod non erat credendum nisi tan turn secum habens et circumducens, ut sanctus Petrus postea suam uxorem. 424 Os enim ad os loquor ei et palam [XII.8]: .i. non aliud significans, sed ipsum est quod uidit, non per enigma ut alii prophetae, quia uident quod erit futurum et non ipsum quod uident. 425 Amalech habitat in meridie [XIII.30}: ipse est ipsarum gentium de Chananaeis. 426 Chananaeus uero moratur iuxta mare et circa fluenta lordanis [XIII.30]: .i. iuxta Mare Mortuum. 427 Quod dicunt deuorat habitatores [XIII.33]: .i. non uere dixerunt sed pro malicia detractionis tan turn eorum hominum qui haec dixerunt. 428
Separabitis primitias Domini de cibis uestris [XV. 19]: .i. in primo
78rb anno de omnibus cibis una uice / tan turn. 429
Per angulos [XV.38]: .i. in cornibus tantum palliorum.
430 Pendentes in eis uittas hiacintinas [XV.38]: .i. ipsae uittae non tarn longae nisi tantum ut ligari possint ob signum recordationis, et ita uiri faciunt; mulieres autem in digitis suis ligantes aliquid ut memorentur. 431 Aperiens os suum et deuorauit illos [XVI. 32]. Narrant adhuc multi ita custoditos sub terra uiuentes in papilionibus suis ac sic debent usque ad 423
suspicionem] suspitionem MS
424
quod 2 ] aliud MS
MS
376
43
° uittas] ui uittas
Pentl: translation 421 Cores [XL32]: a core holds thirty bushels; two cores make a 'load', that is, a load for one camel. 422 As yet the flesh was between their teeth [XL 33}: that is, their teeth were not yet cleaned of food particles. 423 Because of his wife the Ethiopian [XII. 1]. Commentators say that Mary and Aaron held a suspicion against Moses because he had her in wedlock, since they were in the one tabernacle; a situation which was not to be countenanced unless he kept her with him and led her around, as St Peter was later to lead around his wife. 424 For I speak to him mouth to mouth, and plainly [XII. 8]: that is, not implying something else, but it is the Lord which he sees - not through a dark enigma, as in the case of other prophets who see something which is to happen in the future and it is not Him that they see. 425 Amalec dwelleth in the south [XIII. 30}: he is of those peoples of the Canaanites. 426 But the Canaanite abideth by the sea and near the streams of the Jordan [XIII.30]: that is, by the Dead Sea. 427 As for their saying devoureth its inhabitants [XIII.33]: that is, they did not speak truthfully, but only for the malicious slander of those men who said these things. 428 And you shall separatefirstfruitsto the Lord [XV. 19]: that is, from all the food during the first year, on one occasion only. 429 only.
In the corners [XV.38]: that is, on the fringes of their garments
430 Putting in them ribands of blue [XV. 38]: that is, these ribands were only so long that they could be tied together as a token of remembrance, and it was the men who did this; the women tie something to their fingers in order to remember. 431 And opening her mouth devoured them [XVI. 32]: many commentators say that Dathan and Abiron were kept living in their tents beneath the
377
Pentl: text iudicium esse; ex quibus Epiphanius Cypri et Euagrius Iberius et multi alii ex ipso testimonio, maxime quia Deus non uindicat bis in ipsum.
432 Portabitis iniquitatem sanctuarii [XVIII. 1]: .i. sustinebitis plagam si peccaueritis. 433 Percutiens uirga bis silicem [XX. 11]: .i. ideo bis percussit, quia bis dicturi erant, 'crucifige, crucifige'. 434
In urbe Cades [XX. 16): inde dicitur desertum Cades ab urbe.
435 Vnde dicitur in libro bellorum Domini [XXI. 14]: .i. in Regum; sed tamen primo pluriores erant quam modo sunt in ipsis; hoc est quod hie dicitur. .viii. libros dicunt fiiisse antequam esset incensa tota scriptura; ab Ezra autem iterum in .iiii. libros tantum diuisum est. 436 Puteum quern foderunt principes et reliqua [XXI. 18]: .i. ut putatur Abraham et Ysaac olim secundum historiam. 437 Et strata asina profectus est cum eis [XXII.21]. Reliquid scriptura pro quid, sed tamen in facto aliquo, uel in mentis suae propositione Deum offendit. Tradunt Hebraei in sacrificiis suis intellexisse Balaam quia placeret Deo ut benediceret Israel. Vbi enim uidit nullum adesse daemonem, nullam contrariam potestatem uictimis suis adsistere audientem, ac exclusos esse omnes malitiae ministros quibus uti ad maledicendum solebat, intellexit quia placeret Deo ut benediceret Israeli.
78va
438 Populus solus habitauit [XXIII.9]: i- in / terra promissionis Israheliticus populus. 439 Et in gentes [XXIII.9]: -i. reliquias, dum ei non comparabitur alia similis. 435
437 after ipsis MS adds quae erat libros} libri MS Balaam] written by another hand over the erased word Abraham MS exclusos} excluso MS
378
PentI: translation earth, and are to remain thus until the Day of Judgement; among these commentators are Epiphanius of Cyprus and Evagrius [Ponticus] of Ibora, and many others from this same source, above all because the Lord does not avenge Himself twice on the same [person]. 432 Shall bear the iniquity of the sanctuary [XVIII. 1]: that is, you shall suffer punishment if you sin. 433 Struck the rock twice with the rod [XX. 11]: he struck twice for the reason that the Jews were later twice to say, 'Crucify him, crucify him.' 434 In the city of Cades [XX. 16]: the desert ofCades is named from the city [Kadesh-barnea]. 435 Wherefore it is said in the Book of the Wars of the Lord [XXI. 14]: that is, in the Books of Kings; but originally there were more books in them than there are now, which is what is referred to here. They say there were eight books before all scripture was burned; it was by Ezra that they were again divided, into only four books. 436 The well which the princes dug and so on [XXI. 18]: that is, according to the historical narrative, it was once attributed to Abraham and Isaac. 437 And saddling his ass went with them [XXII.21]. Scripture here omits to mention the reason why, but for something he had done, or for some intention in his mind, Balaam offended God. Hebrew traditions indicate that Balaam understood from his sacrifices that it would be pleasing to God that he should bless Israel. When he saw that no demon was present, that no contrary power was listening so as to attend to his sacrificial victims, and all agents of evil, which he was accustomed to use in his cursing, were absent, he realized that it would be pleasing to God that he should bless Israel. 438 This people shall dwell alone [XXIII.9]: that is, the Israelites in the Promised Land. 439 Among the nations [XXIII.9]: that is, among the remainder, since no other nation shall be compared to Israel.
379
Pentl: text 440 Temporibus suis dicebatur Iacob et hrahel quid operates sit Dominus [XXIII.23}: .i. non adhuc illud tempus, sed et hoc dicit fiiturum de regno eius legisque obseruatione. 441 Cuius obturatus est oculus [XXIV.3}: .i. carnalis; sed spiritualiter considero et uideo uisiones Dei. 442 Qui cadens apertos et reliqua [XXIV. 16]: .i. ut omnes plus sciunt post mortem. 443 futuro.
Videbo eum sed non modo [XXIV. 17]: hie dicit de aduentu eius
444 Sed non prope [XXIV. 17]: .i. per omnia prope non erat sed longe quando uenit Chrisms. 445 Principium gentium Amalech [XXIV.20]: .i. septem gentium Chananaeorum. 446 In trieribus [XXIV.24]: .i. in nauibus tres ordines remorum habentibus; Romanos significat. 447 Pugione [XXV.7]: .i. uenabulo; de ipsaque ita portauit eos perfossos in praesentiam populi; et paulo longior est quam statura hominis. 448 Adfiliam transibit haereditas [XXVII.8]: .i. ita adhuc debet si ipsa est uirgo et non maritata. 449 Qui stabit cor am Eleazaro sacerdote [XXVII. 19]: .i. ad iudicandum necessaria cum eo, primitus ad ordinandum eum ab eo, quia rege plus est sacerdos. 450 Vlciscere prius filios Israel de Madianitis [XXXI.2]: .i. pro causa fornicationis excogitata ab eis et pro negatione itineris per terram eorum. 451 Periscelides [XXXI.50]: .i. ipsi circuli ita dicuntur qui fiunt in pedibus muli, in quibus fhaec est paucof super talos feminarum quod dicitur scilides. In pede periscillides apellantur facti de auro uel argento siue aere causa ornatus tantum.
380
Pentl: translation 440 In their times it shall be told to Jacob and to Israel what God hath tvrought [XXIII.23]: that is, not yet at that time, but it says that this is to happen in future concerning His kingdom and the observance of His law. 441 Whose eye is stopped up [XXIV. 3}: that is, the corporeal eye; but I contemplate and see visions of God with the spirit. 442 Who falling hath his eyes opened and so on [XXIV. 16]: that is, since everyone knows more after death. 443 / shall see him but not now [XXIV. 17]: the text speaks here of His future coming. 444 But not near [XXIV. 17]: that is, in all respects it was not near but far off when Christ came. 445 Amalec the beginning of nations [XXIV.20]: that is, of the seven nations of the Canaanites. 446 In galleys [XXIV.24]: that is, in ships having three banks of oars; it means the Romans. 447 A dagger [XXV.7]: that is, a hunting-spear; he carried them back thus transfixed with it into the people's presence; and it is a little longer than a man's height. 448 His inheritance shall pass to his daughter [XXVII.8]: that is, it is to happen thus if she is a virgin and is not married. 449 And he shall stand before Eleazar the priest [XXVII. 19]: that is, for judging all things necessary with him, first of all for ordaining him by him, because a priest is more important than a king. 450 Revengefirstthe children of Israel on the Madianites [XXXI.2]: that is, because of the fornication contemplated by them, and because of their refusal to permit passage through their land. 451 Garters [XXXI.50]: that is, those rings are so named which are put on the feet of a mule; the same thing is put over the ankles of women, which is called scilides (aiceAiSec,). On the foot they are called periscilides (mpiGKsXideq) when made of gold or silver or bronze solely for the sake of ornamentation.
381
Pentl: text 452 Et armellas [XXXI.50]. Armellae dicuntur quae fiunt inter primos arctus digitorum, quia armellus dicitur graece, latine autem arctus. 453 Anulos [XXXI.50]: qui fiunt sursum prope manum, superior quam armilla. 78vb
454 Dextralia [XXXI.50]: uiri tantum habent, aliquando / in utraque manu, maxime autem in dextera; mos est illis quia causa uictoriae ibi ponuntur a regibus. 455 Murenulas [XXXI.50]: quae pendunt in pectoribus mulierum, de rotundis ac latis in modum cesaringa factae. 456 Stabula [XXXII. 16]: ipsa equi ac boues habent; in modum domorum bene cooperta, non ut caulae ouium. 457
Sorte [XXXIII.54]: parte; ac si diceret partibus diuersis.
458 Mare Salsissimum [XXXIV.3]: .i. Mare Mortuum; quia nimia eius salsugine non potest in eo aliquid uiuere, ut dicunt. 459 Scorpionis [XXXIV.4]: .i. nomen qui ita dicitur dum habet similitudinem scorpii. 460 Vsque ad torrentem /Egypti [XXXIV.5]: .i. prope ^Egyptum ipse est torrens, ideoque pro confinio deputabatur; qui fit de pluuia, iterumque non erit pro siccitate. 461 Et marts Magni litore finitur [XXXIV.5]: .i. Pardonici, quern dicimus Adriaticum in altera parte, quia multa nomina habet ipsud.
80va ITEM DE DEVTERONOMIO
80vb
462 Vsque adflumenmagnum Eufra/ten [1.7]: ipse est non longe ab Antiochia, giratque in occidentem ab aquilonali plaga, paene terrae repromissionis in Pardonico mari explicatur. 463
Qui homini [IV.28]: .i. ab homine.
455
catenis] supplied by editors cesaringa] cesaringum MS 460 -s deleted by a point deputabatur] deputabitur MS
382
456
ipsa] ipsas MS, with
PentI: translation 452 Tablets [XXXI.50]. 'Tablets' (armellae) are so called because they are placed between the first joints of the fingers, because in Greek the joints are called armellus (ap\i6q), but in Latin are artus. 453 Rings [XXXI.50]: they are worn near the hand, but higher up than the tablet. 454 Bracelets [XXXI.50]: only men wear them, sometimes on either hand, most often on the right hand; they have this custom, since bracelets are placed there by kings because of victory. 455 Chains [XXXI.50]: they hang on women's breasts, and are made from round and broad chain-links in the manner of cesaringas. 456 Stalls [XXXII. 16]: both horses and cows have them; they are well covered in the manner of houses, not like sheepfolds. 457
By lot [XXXIII.54]: by share; as if it had said, 'in various parts'.
458 The most salt sea [XXXIV. 3]: that is, the Dead Sea; because of its excessive saltiness, nothing can live in it, as they say. 459 The Scorpion [XXXIV.4]: that is, the name is so called since it bears a certain similarity to a scorpion. 460 To the torrent of Egypt [XXXIV. 5]: that is, this torrent lies close to Egypt, and for this reason it was reckoned a boundary; it comes into being from rainfall, and again, it will not exist in times of drought. 461 And shall end in the shore of the great sea [XXXIV.5]: that is, the Pardonic Sea, which elsewhere we call the Adriatic, since it has many names. DEUTERONOMY
462 As far as the great river Euphrates [1.7]: this lies not far from Antioch, and turns to the west from the northern regions, and debouches in the Pardonic Sea nearly at the Promised Land. 463. With men's [IV.28]: that is, by man.
383
PentI: text 464 Non cum patribus nostris iniitpactum [V.3]: .i. antiquis, sed modo nobiscum. 465 Et infirmitates /Egypti pessimas [VII. 15]: .i. ipsas plagas dicit quas habuerunt. 466 Non in solo pane [VIII. 3}: quasi diceret, sicut 'panis confirmat cor hominis* .i. corpus, ita sermo diuinus confirmat animam hominis. 467 Dipsas [VIII. 15]: genus serpentis est; quod si percusserit hominem, erit insatiabilis potu usque dum moritur; indeque nomen accepit, quia dipsis graece dicitur sitis. 468 Serpensflatuadurens [VIII. 15]: .i. ipsud genus serpentum quasi flammea labia habens in circuitu oris; inde dicitur flatu adurens. 469 Feet igitur arcam de lignis sethim [X.3]: ideo hie de area modo commemorat tantum nee de tabernaculo, quia in ipsam posuit tabulas et cultellos circumcisionis. 470 Super montem Garizim [XI.29]: ipse prope Samaria est, idemque dicitur in quo Christus inuenit Samaritanam mulierem iuxta puteum aquae in quo Samaritani adorauerunt. 471 Tragelaphum [XIV.5]: dicitur similis esse caprae, nisi quod maiora cornua habet. 472 Cameleo [XIV.5]: dicunt septem colores habere inmutatione considerantis, non maior quam cattum. 473 idem.
Pardulum [XIV.5]: animal est in Ethiopia, ceruo similis sed non
474 Anno .Hi. separabit [XIV.28]: quasi diceret, ipsas decimas tercii anni fructus semper pauperibus tu diuide et leuitis de manu tua propria.
468
flatu1} flatua MS
471
caprae} capra MS
MS
384
472
cattum} corrected from captum
Pentl: translation 464 He made not the covenant with our fathers {V.3]: that is, with the ancients, but now with us. 465 The grievous infirmities of Egypt [VII. 15]: it refers here to the plagues which they suffered. 466 Not in bread alone {VIII. 3]: as if it were to say, just as bread strengthens the heart of man, that is, his body, so does the divine word strengthen man's soul. 467 The dipsas {VIII. 15]: a species of snake; which, if it should bite a man, he will have insatiable thirst until he dies; and thence it takes its name, since dipsis (8i\j/f|ai
Secundus Marcus discipulus Petri et nlius eius baptismo, spiritus sanctus pleno, eloquio Graeco in Italia euangelium scripsit. 63 Baptismum paenitenciae [1.4]: quod praedicauit Iohannes cum dixisset, 'Baptizo te in paenitentiam, ut credas in eum qui uenturus est.' 51 62 excolentes] -cu- written above the line over -co- MS sindon} -d- written with horizontal stroke through the ascender MS sabanum} sabana MS
406
EvII: translation 51 Strain out [XXIII.24}: that is, purify. It derives from 'refining', that is, separating the gnat from the liquid by means of linen cloth or some other such device. 52
Swallow a camel [XXIII.24}: said by way of exaggeration.
53 Thyriazin (9r|piaKf|v): that is, a pigment which is produced from a viper. 54 For as lightning [XXIV.27}. Lightning here can be taken to refer to the sun. 55 It was said of the three hundred pence, because it could be sold for a great price [XXV.9; cf. John XII.5}. 56 Alabaster [XXVI.7} is the name of a stone, and the dish made from this stone is also called an 'alabaster'. 57 Pontius Pilate [XXVII.2}: Ponza is an island in the Mediterranean some hundred miles from Rome. 58 The corbona [XXVII.6}: a communal place where the almsofferings of the people are stored, whence the priests are fed. 59 Magdalena [XXVII.56}: she got her name from the place [i.e. Magdala}. 60
Gazophilacium (ya£o.T|08axep6v £axi Kai xoic, npo f\\i&v SyicpiOev, ITveu^ia 0eoO, xo fryiov 6ipT|xai (PG 29, 44). The evidence has been set out magisterially by K. Smoronski, '"Et Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas": Inquisitio historico-exegetica in interpretationem textus Gen. 1, 2c', Biblica 6 (1925), 140-56 {Hebrew sources], 275-93 {Syriac and Greek sources] and 361-95 [Latin sources], who notes that the identity was also adopted by the majority of western church fathers, such as Hilary, Optatus, Filastrius, Jerome, Ambrose and Augustine; see also P. Nautin, 'Genese 1, 1-2, de Justin a Origene', In principio: interpretations des premiers versets de la Genese
(Paris, 1973), pp. 61—93, at 91—2. However, the identity was vigorously 434
Commentary to PentI
denied by those patristic authors of the Antiochene school with whom our Commentator seems most to have been familiar, such as John Chrysostom (see Horn, in capit. primum Gen. iii.l: PG 53, 33), Severian of Gabala and Theodoret of Cyrrhus. Severian argues that the Spiritus Dei was equivalent to the air which we breathe (Prat, de mundi creatione i.4 = PG 56, 434): 7iveC|ia 6e oo TO dyiov A,eyei evTaOOa . . . bXka TweC^a KOKZX xf|v TOO depoc; Kivr|aiv; cf. also his observation later in the same work: i'va o6v 5ei%9fj £K TOOrcveunciToq,OTI 6 dve^oq depot; ecrci Kivr|cric, siq id PaaiA,eia Tcapayivrixai. xov alkdv 5f| xporcov Kai vCv, KaGdrcep paai^ea xiva Kai dp%ovxa \ieXX(o\ ^(|)iaxQiv Tidm xoi \IEXXOVXI ai©vi xfj<xr|cyev 6 Oedc, eiq TO rcpoaamov TOO 'A5d|i rcvof|v £>(of[q. £veV dTcocrcotaov, Kai Xeyev AdPeTe Tlvevpa dyiov (PG 56, 477). Note that, like the Commentator, Severian quotes John XX.22 ('accipite spiritum sanctum') in this connection, which perhaps suggests that Severian may here have been the Commentator's source. 33 The role of the sun in the evaporation of water and production of rain was enunciated by Aristotle (Meteor. I.3.34Oa), and is explained by 439
Commentary to the texts Basil {Horn, in Hex. iv.6 = PG 29, 92) and Gregory of Nyssa {In Hex.: PG 44, 113); see discussion by D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, The Greek Patristic View of Nature (Manchester, 1968), pp. 21-2. The fountain or pool of Siloam, located just outside the walls of Jerusalem, is also mentioned in Gn-Ex-Evla 4 (as the source of the four rivers of Paradise) and Evil 135 (as a fountain which bubbles continuously). The equation of Siloam with the fountain of Paradise is presumably based on the theory of certain exegetes, namely that Paradise was situated at Jerusalem (cf. below, comm. to PentI 35); given such a theory, it would be a reasonable assumption that the source of the four rivers was the fountain of Siloam itself, though no Greek exegete says so explicitly. 35 antequam. Jerome, commenting in his Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. on the reading contra orientem (Gen. II.8), notes that the various Greek translators of the Hebrew text offered a reading corresponding to the sense 'in/from the beginning' (Aquila: and &pxfj0ev; Symmachus: £K npfoioq; Theodotion: £v np(OTX\q), and he therefore concluded that God had established Paradise before He created heaven and earth: 'ex quo manifestissime comprobatur quod prius quam caelum et terram deus faceret, paradisum ante condiderat' (CCSL 72, 4; cf. M.-J. Lagrange, 'Saint Jerome et la tradition juive dans la Genese', Revue biblique 7 (1898), 563-6). supra aplanem collocatum (cf. also PentI 45 and Gn-Ex-Evla 11). There was considerable diversity of opinion among patristic exegetes concerning the location of Paradise: for a useful survey, see J. Danielou, 'Terre et Paradis chez les peres de l'eglise', Eranos-Jahrbuch 22 (1953), 433-72. The Alexandrines, especially Philo and Origen, interpreted Paradise as a spiritual state (see R.R. Grimm, Paradisus Coelestis, Paradisus Terrestris (Munich, 1977), pp. 22-39), whereas the Antiochenes interpreted it naturalistically: a good example is Epiphanius, Panarion LXIV.47 (GCS 31, 472-3 = PG 4 1 , 1148); cf. discussion by Danielou, ibid., pp. 442-4. Literal-minded exegetes, such as Ephrem the Syrian, located Paradise on a mountain higher than all mountains, beyond the earth {Comm. in Gen. II.6, ed. Tonneau, p. 21: 'in monte excelso positus est paradisus'; cf. also his hymn De paradiso i, str. 4, ed. E. Beck, Studia Anselmiana 26 (Rome, 1951), 2, trans. Brock, St Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns on Paradise, pp. 78—9, together with discussion by Danielou, ibid., pp. 450-5, as well as I. Ortiz de Urbina, 'Le paradis eschatologique d'apres S. Ephrem', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 21 (1955), 467-72, and Hidal, Interpretatio Syriaca, 440
Commentary to Pentl
pp. 72—4). However, location on a high mountain is not tantamount to location supra aplanem. In various apocryphal and heretical writings Paradise is located in the heavens. The notion is found, for example, in the 'Acts of Andrew and Matthew', ch. 17 (Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ed. R.A. Lipsius and M. Bonnet, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1898) II, 86; trans. James, The Apocryphal New Testament, p. 455). Irenaeus notes in his Aduersus haereses I.v.2 that only heretics placed Paradise beyond the third heaven: Koti xov 7Eap&5eiaov urcep xpixov oopavov ovxa . . . Xeyoixji (PG 7, 496), and Clement of Alexandria quotes the heretic Theodotus as saying that man was created in Paradise, that is, in the fourth heaven: £v x© rcapaSeiacp xa> xeidpTCp otipavcp 5rmioupyeiTai (Excerpta ex Theodoto: PG 9, 684); cf. also Macarius of Egypt, Horn, xxv.7 (PG 34, 672) and pseudo-Caesarius, Quaest. et resp. § 143 (PG 38, 1089-92). Interestingly, by the early sixth century this notion seems to have lost its heretical overtones, for Procopius of Gaza in his Commentary on Genesis states it unequivocally: eiq xpixov 5s oopavov f|p7cda0ai IlaC^ot; cj^aiv, eiq xov 7iapd5eiaov dp7iaa0eiv 7ta9a>v, orcep Kai aoxo fiP&aiceiv screw (Stephanus of Athens, ed. Westerink II, 184). On the Latin meaning of muliebria, cf. Isidore, Etym. XI.i.l40: 'menstrua superuacuus mulierum sanguis . . . Haec et muliebria nuncupantur.' 115 There is a genuine problem with the meaning of oppido in Gen. XIX. 3 (note too that there is nothing whatsoever corresponding to this word in the LXX): is it the archaic Latin adverb oppido ('greatly', Very much'), or is it the dative of oppidum, 'town? The translators of the Douai—Rheims version took it to be the adverb, and translated, 'He pressed them very much.' But Theodore apparently rejected this explanation, and took oppido as the dative of oppidum: hence the gloss, '(he pressed them) to enter the town'. There is nevertheless some confusion in the recording of Theodore's opinion (or in Theodore's own mind), for oppido (adv.) is in no sense a Greek word. A possible explanation is that Theodore took the Latin oppido (adv.) to be a caique on the Greek adverb £|irce5(D0icreaiv ev £KA,£IKXOI,T]|iaxivr| 86vanw e^ei KauaXIKT|V) and Galen, De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus
IV. 19 (ed. Kuhn XI, 686); see also ibid. VIII. 19 (ed. Kiihn XII, 138-40) on the use of ash as a desiccant. Medical use of ash is alluded to by George of Pisidia, Hexaemeron, line 1542 (PG 92, 1552: icai xef|v xfjq Xznpaq eiq xeaaapa yevr| nepiaavxa, ziq X-EOKOV Kai %A,(opdv Kai £av06v Kai a|iai)p6v (PG 91, 1201). The source of Maximus's fourfold classification is unknown, but it is worth recalling the evidence that Theodore and Maximus may have known each other in Rome through their involvement in drafting the acta of the Lateran Council of 649 (see above, p. 78). Morbus regius. It is striking that the Commentator should refer to elephantiasis as the 'royal disease'. For many ancient medical authorities, morbus regius was equivalent to jaundice (Greek iKxepiag): Pliny, HN XXII.53, Celsus, De medicina 111.24, Marcellus, De medicamentis, ch. 20 and Isidore, Etym. IV.viii.13: 'Icteris Graeci appellant a cuiusdam animalis nomine, quod sit colons fellei . . . Regium autem morbum inde aestimant dictum, quod uino bono et regalibus cibis facilius curetur.' Because of this usage, the 'royal disease' or cynelic adl came in later Anglo-Saxon England to be referred to as the 'King's Evil': see W. Bonser, The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1963), pp. 271—6. However, alongside this usage various writers in late antiquity referred to leprosy as the 'royal disease', as did, for example, Rufinus in his continuation of Eusebius, HE X.26 (GCS 9, 989). It is this usage which the Commentator was following, and it is interesting that later Canter508
Commentary to Evil bury sources follow him, for example LdGl iv.89 ('morbo re. leprositas') and probably Aldhelm, prose De uirginitate, ch. 32 (ed. Ehwald, pp. 271—2, where Aldhelm's source is Rufinus, HE VI.7, where the affliction is described once again as morbus regius). Elefanciosus . . . sacerdotalis infirmitas. Medical writers frequently explain that elephantiasis is so named because the skin of the patient acquires elephantine thickness and roughness: see Galen, Introductio seu medicus, ch. 13 (ed. Kiihn XIV, 756) and Isidore, Etym. IV.viii.12. The Commentator's explanation, to the effect that the disease is so named because, like the elephant, it exceeds all others in magnitude, is quite distinct from this. By the same token, the 'sacred disease' (iepd voaoq, here sacerdotalis infirmitas) referred in antiquity to epilepsy (as in the treatise of Hippocrates entitled De morbo sacro), not to elephantiasis: see A. Philipsborn, 'IEPA N O I O I und die Spezial-Anstalt des Pantokrator-Krankenhauses', Byzantion 33 (1963), 223-30, at 224-5. It is therefore striking that Sophronius of Jerusalem, in his Miracula SS Cyri et loannis (BHG, no. 477), ch. 15, describes elephantiasis as 'the sacred disease' (PG 87, 3469: TT|V iepdv exovxi voaov . . . £>,eavTi&a£(oc, v6<xr||ia), and explains that, just as the elephant exceeds all quadrupeds in strength and size, so physicians, perceiving the force of the disease to be greater than all others, named it after the elephant: coarcep yap eiceivo TO £a>ov TG>V aMcov T£Tpa7t65cov &A,Kfj 5icu|)6pei Kai ^eyeGei TOO aco|iaTOopai, d^rmepivoq, xpixaioq Kai xexapxaux; (De differentiis febrium II.2, ed. Kiihn VII, 336; cf. Stephen of Alexandria, commenting on Hippocrates's Aphorisms, ed. Westerink, Stephanus of Athens II, 142, on auvexefc; rcopexoi; cf. I, 84—6). These are the types of fever listed by the Commentator as cotidiana, terciana and quartana. Concerning the sources of these fevers, Galen states explicitly that tertian fevers arise from the liver, quartan fevers from the spleen: KaBarcep 6 xexapxakx; nepi GnXx\vi KaKOTcpayoovxi- 6 5e xpixaux; rcepi fi^iaxi (Ad Glauc. 1.5, ed. Kiihn XI, 18; cf. Commentarius in Hippocratem de humoribus I.I (ibid. XVI, 14), and Introductio seu medicus, ch. 13
(ibid. XIV, 745); from these last two sources it is clear that, in Galen's opinion, white bile causes tertian fevers, whereas black bile causes quartan fevers). On the non-remittent or continent fever (nvpexdq aovo^oq), it is difficult to find a precise parallel for the statement that a non-remittent 510
Commentary to Evil
fever lasts a day and a night with six hours' remission, and one wonders whether the Commentator's discussion has been garbled in transmission; for example, the fever known as semitertiana (f|uiTprcaiovovxeaA,aiov Katfeicaaxov KOji^ia xf|v aoxf|v Xe^iv TsXemr\v xe Kai apxf|v 7ioif|aco^i8v (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 31; note particularly that the Commentator's principium et finem seems to echo Alexander's xeA,ei)xf|v xe Kai ap%f|v). A clearer definition, derived from Cassiodorus, is found in LdGl xxviii.32. What is not clear, however, is the object of the Commentator's reference to KXi|ia^. Neither the Latin Vulgate nor the Greek NT contains a recognizable example of KXl\ia^ at this point. 144 The reference is to John III.36. 146 Cf. LdGl xxv. 14: 'lithostrotus. conpositio lapidum'. 148 For the plants aloe and myrrh, see Zohary, Plants of the Bible, pp. 204 and 200 respectively. The medical uses of aloes are discussed at length by Dioscorides, De materia medica III.22 (ed. Wellmann II, 28-30), who mentions, however, that they grow in India and Arabia (rather than in Persia, as the Commentator maintains). For the importation of aloes (along with other spices) into Anglo-Saxon England, as witnessed by Bald's Leechbook, see M.L. Cameron, 'Bald's Leechbook and Cultural Interactions in Anglo-Saxon England', ASE 19 (1990), 5-12, at 9-10. 150 On the Hebrew meaning of Chananaeus, see Jerome, Comm. in Osee I.iv.17: 'quia Chananeus interpretatur negotiator siue iiexdpoXoq idest translator' (CCSL 76, 50); cf. Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 272, as well as John 11.16.
532
Appendix I Additional manuscript witnesses to the Milan biblical commentaries
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup. contains the fullest surviving version of the collections of biblical glosses which have been printed above. However, several additional manuscripts preserve less extensive selections of material from the original collections. These less extensive collections frequently preserve glosses not preserved in the Milan manuscript, and therefore provide a valuable indication that the original collections were somewhat more extensive than those in the Milan manuscript (see above, p. 292). By the same token, these additional manuscripts often preserve correct readings where the reading transmitted by the Milan manuscript is evidently corrupt. Most importantly, these additional manuscripts preserve explicit personal references at various points to Theodore and Hadrian, and thus provide striking confirmation of the Canterbury origin of the original collections of glosses. For these various reasons the biblical glosses in six additional manuscripts are printed below. The manuscripts in question are: (i) St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 [ = Sg]; (ii) Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. { = Br]; (iii) Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69 [ = Ld}; (iv) Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek M. p. th. f. 38 [ = W b l ] ; (v) Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek M. p. th. f. 47 [ = Wb2]; and (vi) Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470 [ = Mn]. Of these, St Gallen 913 and the Grimm fragment in Berlin preserve excerpts from the Leviticus glosses printed above as PentI 332-400; Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69 has glosses corresponding to the collection designated Gn-Ex-Evla; and the two Wurzburg manuscripts together with the Munich manuscript preserve independent versions of parts of the gospel glosses printed above as Evil. In each case the glosses printed from these six additional manuscripts are accompanied by apparatus criticus, a list of concordances with glosses in the Milan manuscript and (where necessary) commentary.
533
Appendix I (i)
ST GALLEN, STIFTSBIBLIOTHEK, 9 1 3 [ = SG]
A manuscript in tiny duodecimo format (c. 90 X 87 mm.) which evidently served as a scholar's handbook. It was written somewhere in the Anglo-Saxon missionary area in Germany (its precise origin cannot be determined) some time in the second half of the eighth century (see CLA VII, no. 976, and Bischoff, MS III, 94). The principal content of the manuscript is the extensive glossary known as the 'Vocabularius S. Galli'; this text, and the manuscript in general, has been thoroughly investigated by Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli. Among the miscellaneous contents of this scholar's handbook are found, on pp. 139—45, a series of glosses to the list of unclean animals and birds which is given in Lev. XL 5-30; and some of these glosses correspond verbatim to entries in the Pentateuch glosses printed above as PentI 354-61 (pp. 364-6). Moreover, the Leviticus glosses in St Gallen 913 contain a number of Old English glosses (these have been printed by Meritt, Old English Glosses, no. 36). It is clear that the scribe of St Gallen 913 had before him two separate collections of Leviticus glosses, both of English origin: the first represented by nos. 1-26, the second by nos. 27-37. Of these, the second collection corresponds to PentI 354-61 as well as to Br (see below). The origin of the collection is indicated by the explicit reference to Hadrian in Sg 30. Furthermore, it is clear from the fact that a number of them are not found in the Milan manuscript, that the original collection of Leviticus glosses produced at Canterbury - of which the Milan, St Gallen and Berlin manuscripts preserve independent copies - was once substantially larger than what has been preserved (see above, p. 292). The Leviticus glosses from St Gallen 913 have previously been printed by Steinmeyer and Sievers (SS IV, 460) and Schlutter, 'Altenglisches aus schweizer Handschriften'.
St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913, pp. 139-45 { = Sg} p. 139 1 Cherogillus [XI.5]: animal spinosum, maior quam hiricis. 2 GriphemtXI.l5l.gng. 3 Aletum [XL 13]: similem est aquilae; maior auis, tamen minor quam uultur. 4 Garrula:hroc[XL15}. p. 140 5 Noctuam [XL 16]: / nectrepin. 6 Bubonem IXLUTi: uuf. 7 Larum [XI. 16]: meu uel meg. 8 Mergulum [XL 17]: niger auis; mergit sub aquam pisces quaerere .i. dobfugul. 9 Ibin [XL 17]: auis in Africa habens longum rostrum. 10 Cicnum [XL 18]: suon.
534
Additional manuscript witnesses
p. 141
p. 143
p. 144
p. 145
11 Onocratulum [XL 18]: auis que sonitum facit in aqua; raeredumlae uel felufor. 12 Porphirionem [XI. 18}: non fit in Brittania. 13 Erodionem [XL 19}: / ualuchaebuc. 14 Charadrion [XL 19}. 15 Opupam [XL 19]: hupupa. 16 Vespertilionem [XL 19]: quelderede. 17 Bruchus [XL22]: similis est locustae, tamen maior. 18 Attacus [XI.22}: ignotum. 19 Opimachus [XI.22]: ignotum. 20 Locusta [XI.22}: greshoppae. 21 Reod. 22 Corcodillus [XI.29]: bestia in flumine similis lacertae .i. adexan, tamen maior est ita ut homines manducat. 23 Migale [XL30}: ignotum, / nisi similis est camelioni. 24 Camelion [XL30]: similis est lacertae, tamen sub aspectu motat colores. 25 Stelio [XL 30]: bestia inuenta est similis, scilicet lacerte. 26 Si fusa fuerit super eum aqua [XL34}: .i. in aqua labuntur hec uassa. 27 Alietum [XL 13}: museri modicus. 28 Miluum [XL 14}: glida. 29 Vultor [XL 14]: modico maior quam aquila et per .c. milia sentire / potest cadauera. 30 Larum [XL 16]: hragra; Adrianus dicit meum esse. 31 Ibinen [XL 17]: .i. screb, qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem dedicerunt. 32 Onocratulum [XL 18}: quasi anata; non eadem est tamen, nee nos habemus. 33 Charadrion [XL 19]: et ipsam non habemus, sed tamen dicitur et ipsa uolare per medias noctes in sublimitate celi. 34 Porphirionem [XL 18]: dicitur / quod ipsa in Libia sit, esseque auium pulcherrima pene; ideoque earn uolunt reges habere in domibus suis sepissime. 35 Migale [XL 30]: modicus quasi catte. 36 Stelio [XL30]: minor est quam lacerta .i. adexe ualdeque uenenosa; omnemque parietem penetrat, licet lapidium non resistit. 37 Cherogillum [XL5}: et hirix unum sunt, pene in omni similitudine ut porcus, nisi quod minores sunt / quam porci, sed tamen longi statura sunt; et in Monte Sinai in scissuris petrarum maxime habundant. Apparatus criticus 1 3
spinosum] -s- corrected from -r- MS est} ut MS uultur] ultor MS
535
Appendix I 5 nectrepin] necstrepin MS 7 meg] a stroke added after -g, perhaps i 10 cicnuni] -c- corrected from -n- MS 12 Porphirionem] -phi- corrected from -fi- MS Brittania] /& second -t- written above the line MS 16 Vespertilionem] -n- corrected from -r- MS 17 locustae] locus MS 18 ignotum] igno MS 19 ignotum] igno MS 23 ignotum] igno MS 25 scilicet] s with a stroke through it MS 26 57 /kw] siffiissa MS labuntur] for lauantur? 29 aquila] aqua MS cadauera] cadaues MS 30 Adrianus] Adrianum MS 31 culum] cuculum with -cu- deleted MS 33 ipsa] ipsam MS 37 longi] longe MS sunt] sint MS petrarum] petras MS Concordances Sg 27 = Br 9; Sg 28 = Br 10; Sg 29 = PentI 356 = Br 11; Sg 31 = PentI 357; Sg 32 = PentI 358; Sg 33 = PentI 359; Sg 34 = PentI 360; Sg 36 = Pent I 361; Sg 37 = PentI 354. Commentary It will be clear that St Gallen 913 preserves two sets of Leviticus glosses, namely Sg 1-26 and Sg 27-37. Of these, Sg 27-37 very clearly correspond to the Milan Leviticus glosses printed above, and hence are to be attributed to the scholarly circle of Theodore and Hadrian. Sg 1—26 do not correspond verbatim at any point to the glosses found in PentI, but there is no need to doubt that they too derive from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. For example, they contain various indications that the Commentator was evidently familiar with Mediterranean fauna and had trouble in finding exact parallels between the biblical fauna and the wildlife of Great Britain (cf. Sg 12: 'non fit in Brittania'); at another point the ibis is described knowingly as an African bird (Sg 9). Sometimes the glosses in the series Sg 1—26 may be seen as abbreviations of those in Sg 27—37: thus Sg 7 is clearly a shortened version of Sg 30, which is attributed explicitly to Hadrian. In other words, both series of glosses which pertain to Leviticus in St Gallen 913 may with good reason be considered as reflections of the Canterbury teaching of Theodore and Hadrian.
536
Additional manuscript witnesses 1 The word chyrogryllius is a latinization of Greek xoipoypuMaoq, which properly means a hyrax Syriacus (cf. i)pa£) or rock-rabbit. The Canterbury glosses preserve two distinct interpretations of this lemma. At PentI 354 (and cf. below, Sg 37) the chyrogryllius is explained as identical to the hirax; the further observation, that it looks like a pig, derives from the first element of the name, %dipoq ('a young pig'): see above, p. 482. Here, however, a different interpretation is given: the chyrogryllius is explained as some sort of hedgehog, for it is described as 'prickly' (spinosum). Possibly this second explanation arises from misunderstanding of the first, in particular of the word hirax (given variously in the manuscripts as hirx (nom.) and hiricis (abl.pl.?)), which was subsequently confused with the word ericius ('hedgehog'), described by Isidore as animal spinis coopertum (Etym. XII.iii.7). The confusion - if such it is - is found in later glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as Rz: 'Cyrogillius bestia spinosa maior erinacio' (SS V, 159/27-8). 2 The form giig ('griffin', 'vulture') corresponds to later OE giw\ the entry has a later parallel in CleoGlII (WW 258.7: 'griphus. giw'). On the sound change ig > iw, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, § 411. 3 The explanation given here implies that the Commentator recognized the Greek word (bXxazioc) from which the Latin one was borrowed, and identified its second element (dexoq) as 'eagle', hence the explanation similis aquilae; but cf. below, comm. to Sg 27. The explanation might also owe something to Pliny, HN X. 10-11: 'haliaeti suum genus non habent, sed ex diuerso aquilarum coitu nascuntur . . . e quibus uultures minores progenerantur'; cf. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 44—6 and Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, p. 90. A similar gloss is found in one of the Leiden-Family glossaries, namely Rz: 'alietum auis similis aquilae sed maior, tamen minor uultori' (SS V, 160/1-2). 4 Garrula does not occur in the biblical list of birds, and is presumably a corrupt form of graculus ('jackdaw'; cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.45: 'graculus a garrulitate nuncupatus'), which, in combination with the Old English gloss (hroc = 'rook'), implies that the Commentator was probably intending to explain Lev. XL 15 ('omne coruini generis'). Closely similar glosses are found in LdGl xlvii.51 Cgarallus. hroc'), and in later English glossaries: EE ('grallus. hrooc'), CpGl G154 ('grallus. hrooc'), CleoGlI (WW 412.40) and CleoGlII (WW 260.10). One such later English glossary (AntGl) preserves a lemma which may reveal how the corruption took place: 'gracculus uel garrulus. hroc' (WW 132.15); however, this entry may simply represent a later conflation of two Latin lemmata with the one English gloss. Similar forms, evidently derived from the same source, are found in continental glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as BN lat. 2685: 'garula. rouca' (SS I, 340/6). 5 The identity oi noctua and nycticorax (lit. 'night-raven') is found in Eucherius, Instr. (CSEL 31, 157: 'nycticorax, noctua, multi bubonem esse contendunt') and Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.4l ('nycticorax ipse est noctua'). The explanation of
537
Appendix I noctua ('screech-owl') as OE nectrepin (lit. 'night-raven') is also found in several English glossaries which derive from the same corpus of Canterbury materials: LdGl xlvii.54 ('noctua. necthtrefn' [recte nechthrefn]), EE 673 ('noctua. naechthraebn') and CpGl N145 ('noctua. naehthraefn'). Note that the intrusive -J- in the manuscript form necstrepin has been explained by Meritt {Old English Glosses, p. 44) as a case of superscript .s. ( = saxonice) being incorporated into the word by an uncomprehending scribe. 6 On the Germanic name for the bubo ('horned owl'), see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 307-14. In early English glossaries, bubo is consistently glossed uuf: see EE 142 ('bubu.uuf') and 161 (EpnGl: 'bufo.uuf'), CpGl B206 ('bubo.uuf'), and De diuersis rebus 21 & (glossing Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.39): 'bufo.uuf' (ed. Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome', p. 473). Similar glosses are found in the continental members of the Leiden-Family glossaries, such as BN lat. 2685 ('bononen.uuof: SS I, 340/17) and Fulda Aa.2 (SS V, 160/34-40). 7 The biblical larus ('sea-mew', 'gull') is consistently glossed in early Old English glossaries as meu (1WS mcew, ModE mew): EE 610, CpGl L50 ('larus. meau') and CleoGlI (WW 432.9); see also Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 397-9. Note that in Sg 30 and Br 12 the explanation of larus as equivalent to OE meu is attributed nominatim to Hadrian. On the OE form meg, see H.M. Chadwick, Studies in Old English (Cambridge, 1899), p. 49 n., and Campbell, Old English Grammar, § § 4 3 and 272—3. 8 The difference between Latin mergus and mergulus, both of which refer to some sort of diver, was not clear to the early English glossators, who, following Isidore (Etym. XII.vii.54: 'mergis ab adsiduitate mergendi nomen hoc adhaesit') explained the properties of the bird in terms of its propensity for diving (mergendi), whence glosses in the Leiden-Family continental glossaries such as BN lat. 2685 ('mergulum. niger dicitur a mergendo .i. dopfugul': SS I, 340/19-20; cf. SS IV, 255/7-8: 'mergulus. nigra auis mergit se sub aqua pisces querere. dohfugul'). Later English glossaries too explained the bird in terms of its dipping and diving: CleoGlI ('mergule. dopfiigeles': W 445.24) and CleoGlII ('mergus. dopfugel': W 258.14). On the first element of the word dobfugul, see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, p. 207, and Forster, 'Die altenglische Glossenhandschrift', pp. 111—12, who explains it in terms of OE *doppian, 'to dip'; on the interchange of b and p in the earliest English texts, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§ 57.1 and 444. 9 Cf. above, comm. to PentI 357. 10 The equivalence oicygnus and OE suon ('swan') is not found in later English glossaries, where suon occurs instead as an equivalent for olor (cf. CpGl O l 4 l ) ; but it is found in later continental glossaries based directly or indirectly on English materials (see SS I, 340/29 and IV, 255/15). 11 The term onocratalus properly refers to a pelican (see comm. to PentI 358,
538
Additional manuscript witnesses above, p. 484). It is not clear, however, where the Commentator derived the curious notice that it makes noise in the water. His explanation passed into later continental glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as Rz ('onocratulum auis qui sonitum facit in aqua uel pellicanus': SS V, 160/12—13) and Leiden Voss. lat. F. 24 ('Honochrotalum. auis qui sonum facit in aqua . . . ' : SS IV, 256/3). The OE word raeredumlae (1WS raradumbla) describes the habits of a bittern: see Suolahti, Die deutscben Vogelnamen, pp. 383—8, and cf. ModGerman Rohrdommel, which is
also the name for a bittern. The gloss given here nevertheless is to be found in later English glossaries: CleoGlI ('onocratarum.raredumle': W 460.19); CleoGlII ('onocratarum.raredumle': W 260.1); and BrslGl ('onogratulus. raradumbla {>aet is pur': W W 285.10). The Old English gloss felufor has apparently been displaced from the lemma following, namely porpbirio, to judge from entries in later English glossaries: EE 807 (EpnGl 'porfyrio.felofor'; ErflGl 'porfirio.felusor'); CpGl P517 ('porfyrio.feolufer'); CleoGlI (porfyrio. fealfor': W W 469.22) and CleoGlII ('porphyrio.fealuor': W W 259.5); see also Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 300—1. 13 The berodius (or berodio) is an unknown bird, perhaps a stork or heron. The Commentator's explanation of this bird as a ualucbaebuc (1WS wealhhafoc, 'peregrine falcon') is at best a mistaken guess, but one which was frequently repeated in later English and continental glossaries: EE 497 (and see Pheifer's note ad loc), CpGl H83, CleoGlI (WW 417.10), CleoGlII (WW 259.8), BrslGl (WW 285.3), Rz (SS V, 161/3-4) and BN lat. 2685 (SS I, 340/21). On the meaning of OE wealhhafoc, see Forster, 'Die altenglische GlossenhandschrifV, p. 121. It is interesting to note that the same mistaken explanation of the biblical word berodio, which also occurs in Job XXXIX. 13, is found in the Leiden Glossary (LdGl xix.35: 'herodion. ualchefuc'), which implies that all these explanations derive from the one Commentator. 14 The Old English gloss to cbaradrion has been lost; interestingly, it is also missing in Rz (SS V, 161/6). To judge from later English glossaries, the gloss in question must have been OE lauuercae ('lark'); cf. CpGl C148 ('caradrion. laurici'), CleoGlI ('caradrion. laewerce': W W 363.3), EE 1012 and LdGl xlvii.6l. 15 The Commentator's intention here may simply have been to supply the correct spelling of the Latin term (hupupa against the Vulgate's opupa). However, as Robinson rightly observed, the absence of a Latin accusative ending and the presence of initial b rather suggests that hupupa is an Old English word, and is thus the earliest recorded occurrence of ModE hoopoe ('Old English Lexicographical Notes', p. 306, n. 29). On the various Germanic forms of the name, see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 11-15. 16 Latin uespertilio ('bat') was glossed in various ways in Old English, among which is the explanation offered here: quelderede (1WS cwyldhrcede, 'night-speeder'): see R. Jordan, Die altenglischen Saugetiernamen, Anglistische Forschungen 12
539
Appendix I (Heidelberg, 1903), 29. The Old English gloss is not found in later English glossaries, but in a ninth-century glossary based on English (Canterbury) materials, namely Munich, SB, Cgm. 187 (a glossary related to the Second Erfurt Glossary), the entry 'stilo. cueldehrede. sax.' occurs, where it is clear that the glossator took stilo to be a component of uespertilio\ see E. Steinmeyer in a review of Gallee's Altsdchsische Sprachdenkmdler in Anzeiger fiir deutsches Altertum 22 (1896),
266-80, at 276. 17 Cf. the entry in Rz and related glossaries: 'brucus similis locuste sed maior' (SS V, 161/7 and 41). 18—19 Cf. SS V, 161/9— 11: 'attagus et opiomachus ignota sunt nobis animalia'. 20 The Old English gloss is found again in later English glossaries: CleoGlI ('locusta.gaershoppe': W 434.24) and CleoGlII ('locusta.gaershoppe': W 261.16). 21 The lemma has been lost. The word reod occurs as a gloss toflauum uelfulfum in ErflGl 404, and it is possible that the lost lemma was Lev. XIII.30 ('et capillus flauus solitoque subtilior'), whence we might conjecture an original gloss in the form 'flauus [XIII.30]: uel fuluus. reod'; cf. the remarks of Meritt, Old English Glosses, p. 44. Alternatively, given that the word occurs among a list of bird names, it is remotely possible that reod is the remnant of a gloss reodmupa ('pheasant'), as is found in a tenth-century English glossary preserved in London, BL, Harley 3376 (see W 234.24: 'faseacus. nomen auis. reodmujm'); see also I. Kryger Kabell, 'The Old English reodmupa and the Bird Today called the Pheasant', Studia Neophilologica 59 (1987), 3-6. 22 A very similar explanation is found in Rz ('corcodrillus bestia in flumine similis lacerte sed grandis': SS V, 161/13-14; cf. 45-6). It is clear from the context that OE adexan in the oblique case was intended as a gloss on lacertae ('lizard', in the dative), not on corcodillus; cf. Sg 36, where adexe also glosses lacerta, as well as CpGl L45 ('lacerta. adexe'). 23 Cf. Rz and related continental glossaries: 'Migale similis camelioni' (SS V, 162/1 and 29). 24 Cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.ii.18 ('Chamaeleon non habet unum colorem, sed diuersa est uarietate consparsus'); see also Rz and related continental glossaries: 'Chameleon similis est lacerte et sub aspectu mutat colores' (SS V, 162/2-3 and 30-1). 25 Cf. entries in various Leiden-Family glossaries such as Fulda Aa.2: 'stelio genus serpentis similis lacerte' (SS V, 162/51). Note also that MS inuenta is possibly a corruption of insueta or perhaps uenenosa. 26 Presumably labuntur here should be understood for lauantur ('are washed'). The spelling uassa (properly uasa) may show interference of OHG/MHG vaz(z). 27 The haliaeetos (Greek aXiaiexoc,) is properly an osprey or sea-eagle (Pliny, HN X.9-11). The Commentator, however, mistakenly took it to be a bird which
540
Additional manuscript witnesses hunts terrestrial prey, as is clear from the Old English gloss museri. This may be a word formed from mus ('mouse') and the agentive ending -eri (1WS ere), hence 'mouser' or 'mouse-hawk' (cf. F. Kluge, Nominate Stammbildungslehre der altgermanischen Dialekte (Halle, 1899), s.v. *-erja). A different etymology is offered by Suolahti who suggests a compound of mus + OHG aro ('eagle'), hence 'mouse-eagle': Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 352—6. Whatever the etymology of OE museri, it is curious that the Greek-speaking Commentator did not simply render the word as (say) aquila marina, basing himself on the etymology of the word, which is apparently formed from &A,i ('sea') and &ex6xxvi. minutae; quae utique dragma duplicata didragma dicitur, siliquas .xxvi. habens, idest .lii. minutae. 8. Dinarius uero militaris et tertia pars eiusdem tres efficiunt tremisses; in uno autem tremisse sex quadrantes sunt quae faciunt .xii. minutas; duo enim minutae quadrantem tenent. 9Quadrans tamen duplex est: idest unus qui quartam partem unciae tenet, alius uero qui duobus tantum minutis esse in euangelio legitur. 10. Duo tremisses .xxiiii. minutas habent; tres tremesses solidum faciunt. 11. Solidus et sextula et argenteus et nomisma unius ponderis nomina sunt, idest solidi. 12. Solidus autem qui .xxiiii. siliquas habet .xcvi. grana ordei pensat, qui grece dicitur caserin. 13. Est ergo nomen ponderis cuiusdam pending, qui quasi solidus sed in quattuor siliquis minor est; qui solidus qui pending .xx. siliquas habet. 14. Vnus itaque solidus tertia pars stateris est; duo uero solidi duellam faciunt; tres solidi staterem tenent. 15. Stater autem dimedium unciae; duae stateres unceam integram efficiunt. 16. Vncea uero duodecima pars librae est. 17. Mina est libra una et semiuncia. 18. Talentum quod medius dicitur .lx. minas habet, quae faciunt .lxxii. libras. 19. Mna grece, mina latine dicitur. Apparatus criticus 2 ceratin] ceratius MS 3 ceratin] ceratia MS 6
alio] supplied by editors
564
Two metrological treatises 7 10 13 15 18 19
xxxvi] xxvi MS minutae] apparently corrected from minutie MS tremisses] tremisse MS habent] —n- added as correction MS pending] pendinges MS bis stateres] statere MS integram] integrem MS medius] modius MS mna] mina MS Commentary
1 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.8: 'calcus, minima pars ponderis, quarta pars oboli est\ 2 Ibid. 9: 'ceratin oboli pars media est . . . Hunc Latinitas semiobolum uocat'. 3 Ibid.: 'ceratin . . . habens siliquam unam semis'. 5 Ibid. 12: 'scripulus sex siliquarum pondere cons tat'. 6 The distinction between denarius diurnus and denarius militaris is not found in Isidore; cf. however Evil 45 (above, p. 404), where such a distinction is explicit. 7 This material is not found in Isidore. 8 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. however Evil 5. 9 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.17: 'uocatur quadrans quod unciae quartam partem adpendebat'. The twofold distinction is not found in Isidore, but derives from a metrologist's reading of Mark XII.42: 'Misit duo minuta quod est quadrans.' 10 Cf. ibid. 14: 'tremissem eo quod solidum faciat ter missus'; cf. LdGl xxxi.6. 11 a. ibid. 12 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. however LdGl xxxi.29: 'solidus .xxiiii. siliquas'. It is not clear what Greek form is intended by caserin, for no such loanword is attested in Greek; cf. however the Old English loan formation casering. 13 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. Evil 5 (above, p. 396): \xx. silice in uno pendinge sunt'. 14 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.l6: (sextula/solidum) 'ter posita staterem reddit'. 15 Ibid. 16: 'stater autem medietas unciae est'. 16 Ibid. 20: 'libra duodecim unciis perficitur'. 17 LdGl xxxii.9: 'Mina . . . facit libram unam et semiunciam'; ibid, xxxiii.2: 'mina est libra una et semiuncia'. 18 Ibid. 22: (talentum) 'est autem triplex: id est minor, medius, summus . . . medius septuaginta duarum librarum'; cf. LdGl xxxii.10 and xxxiii.3: 'talentum habet .lx. minas'. 19 Cf. LdGl xxxiii.3: 'mina grece latine mine dicitur'.
565
Icontum
CAPPADOCl
CyrrKus •Calnelv
^V
so
,#*'PALESTINE Fig. 1 Cilicia and Syria
50
100 miles 100
ON 1
Ji
8 o s p horus
i Palace)
Sea
of JW&r mar a.
(3oldovQate
Fig. 2 Constantinople in the seventh century
\\ ^w/ *>» Anastasius ^ / A ^ aquas Saluias 1 fern.
Fig. 3 Churches and monasteries of seventh-century Rome
568
lauchji Hadrianopol" Berenice;
^
V
C Y H E N A I C A
Steppe
and deserts
Philaenorum
Suva Sand
SO 0
50
Fig. 4 Cyrenaica and the Pentapolis
569
100 mlks
100 150 fern
0 0
W
10
Capua (modem) S. Maria CapuaVetere
TyrrhinuvrL
Fig. 5 Campania and the Bay of Naples
570
30 miles
10 Z0 30 40 SO km
Ben^vento
0
10
20
30
40
50 null
PardoYiicu
SAMAfUA. ^ , f Samaria,. AAft£fcaZ
Hebrca. Gerar 1 DUM.BA.
(Tlfare Mortuum)
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Sodom(?) Gomorrah (?)
kscentof
%Akr,
KadesVt-baraeav E V Fig. 6 Palestine
571
Bibliography
Achelis, H., Die Katakomben von Neapel (Leipzig, 1936) Adams, F., trans., The Seven Books ofPaulus Aegineta, 3 vols. (London, 1844-7) Aldama, J.A. de, Repertorium Pseudochrysostomicum, Documents, etudes et repertoires publies par l'IRHT 10 (Paris, 1965) Alexander, J J.G., Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century (London, 1978) Alfoldi-Rosenbaum, E. and J. Ward-Perkins, Justinianic Mosaic Pavements in Cyrenaican Churches, Monografie di archeologia libica 14 (Rome, 1980) Amalfitano, P., G. Camodeca and M. Medri, / Campi Flegrei: un itinerario archeologico (Naples, 1990) Ambrasi, D., 'II cristianesimo e la chiesa napoletana dei primi secoli', Storia di Napoli, I: Ueta classica (Naples, 1967), pp. 623-759 Andre, J. Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin (Paris, 1967) Assemani, I.S., ed., Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia, 6 vols. (Rome, 1732-46) Athanasius, pseudo-, Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem: PG 28, 597-700 Badcock, F.J., 'A Portion of an early Anatolian Prayer-Book', JTS 33 (1931-2), 167-80 Baesecke, G., Der Vocabularius Sti Galli in der angelsdchsischen Mission (Halle, 1933) Barker, G., J. Lloyd and J. Reynolds, ed., Cyrenaica in Antiquity, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 236 (Oxford, 1985) Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae in Hexaemeron: PG 29, 4-208 Epistulae: PG 32, 220-1112 Baumstark, A., Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922) Baur, C , Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, 2 vols. (Munich, 1929-30); trans. M. Gonzaga as John Chrysostom and his Time, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (London and Glasgow, 1959) Beck, E., ed., Ephraems Hymnen fiber das Paradies: Ubersetzung und Kommentar, Studia Anselmiana 26 (Rome, 1951) Ephrem Syri. Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra lulianum, 2 vols., CSCO 174-5 [ = Scriptores Syri 78-9} (Louvain, 1957)
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587
Index of Old English words quoted in the texts
adexe: Sg 22, 36 catte: Sg 35 cesaring: PentI 139, 143, 194, 455 dobfugul: Sg 8 felufonSg 11 giig: Sg 2 glida: Sg 28; Br 10 greshoppae: Sg 20 hobredi: Br 23 hod: PentI 295 hragra: Sg 30; Br 10 hroc: Sg 4 hupupa: Sg 15 lopustre: Evil 64; Wb2 77
meu (meg): Sg 7, 30; Br 12 museri: Sg 27; Br 9 nectrepin: Sg 5 pending: PentI 194; Evil 5; Wbl 3; Wb2 44; Recap, de pond. 13 quelderede: Sg 16 raeredumlae: Sg 11 reod: Sg 21 scelegi: Br 23 screb: Sg 31 suon: Sg 10 ualuchaebuc: Sg 13 uuf: Sg 6
588
Index of Greek words quoted in the texts
n ; : Evil 28 ai9f|p: PentI 47 aixia: PentI 16 &Ki)poK<xnaTO