Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber: A Unified Analysis (Continuum Studies In Theoretical Linguistics)

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Hamid Ouali

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazigh t Berber

Continuum Studies in Theuretical Linguistics

Continuum Studies in Theuretical linguistics publishes work at the forefront of present-day developments in the field. The series is open to studies from all branches of theoretical linguistics and to the full range of theoretical frameworks. Titles in the series present original research that makes a new and significant contribution and are aimed primarily at scholars in the field, but are clear and accessible, making them useful also to students, to new researchers and to scholars in related disciplines. Series Editor: Siobhan Chapman, Reader in English, University of Liverpool, UK. Other titles in the series:

Deviational Syntactic Structures, Hans G6tzsche A Neural Network Model of Lexical Organisation, Michael Fortescue The Syntax and Semantics ofDiscourse Markers, Miriam Urgelles-Coll First Lang;uage Acquisition in Spanish, Gilda Socarras

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber A Unified Analysis

Hamid Ouali

Continuum Studies in Theoretical Linguistics

·"

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© Hamid Ouali 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Author has asserted his/her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN: 978-1-4411-0127-3 (hardcover) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ouali, Hamid. Agreement, pronominal clitics and negation in Tamazight Berber : a unified analysis I Hamid Ouali. p. em.- (Continuum studies in theoretical linguistics) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN: 978-1-4411-0127-3 1. Tamazight language-Grammar. 2. Berbers-Morocco. I. Title. II. Series.

PJ2395.T31093 2010 493'.335-dc22 2010015812

Typeset by Newgen Imaging Systems Pvt Ltd, Chennai, India Printed and bound in Great Britain by the MPG Books Group

Contents

Acknowledgements Preface Syrnhols and Abbreviations Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5

Introduction Background on the Berber Language Agreement: From GB to Minimalism Tamazight Verb Morphology and Clause Structure Subject-Verb Agreement and Agreement Suppression Effects Chapter 6 Object Pronominal Clitics Chapter 7 Clitic Doubling Negative Concord Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Agreement Suppression Effects and Unification via Agree Chapter 10 Conclusion

Notes Bibliog;raphy Index

vi vii viii 1

7 13 37 75 105 129 143

167 173 175 181 189

Acknowledgements

This work benefited from long discussions with a long list of people and it is hard to mention the name of every person here. The people that have positively affected my work the most are: my friend and mentor Samuel David Epstein, Acrisio Pires, Daniel Seely, Jamal Ouhalla, and Anders Holmberg. The analyses developed here benefited from comments and suggestion from the audiences at different conferences and meetings especially at WCCFL 2007 and GLOW 2008. It is needless to say that I bear sole responsibility for all errors and shortcomings. I am very indebted to my colleagues at the University of WisconsinMilwaukee especially Fred Eckman and Greg Iverson for their continuous support since my first day at UWM. I would like to thank Edith Moravcsik first for recommending Continuum Press, and second for her advice and support. Thanks also to the members of the Cognitive Science Reading group especially Roberta Corrigan, John Surber, and Robert Schwartz for stimulating discussions about issues of language and mind and for making UWM a warm place to be. Special thanks to Gurdeep Mattu at Continuum for his patience and cooperation. I dedicate this work to my parents Larbi Ouali and Halima Laouichire who gave me, besides their unconditional love and support, the language I acquired and pay homage to in this book. I also dedicate this to my brother Ali and my sister Fatima for their love; they have always been in my thoughts even during my writings as shown by the overuse of their names in almost every piece of data in my work. To my brother Mouatamid whose love and sense of humour has always kept me upbeat. Last but not least, to my lovely wife Rebecca, who has been extremely patient and supportive during the final stages of this project and to our new born son Adam K Ouali who is filling our lives with joy I dedicate this book.

Preface

The work represented in this book is an extension of some proposals and analyses that have been made in Ouali (2008), (2005), and (2003). Some of the analyses developed and argued for in those articles and in this work originated in my Ph.D. dissertation which I did at the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 2006. The main goals I hoped to have achieved then are the same goals I have here. Some of the arguments I made there are sharpened and strengthened here.

Goals My broad goals are: 1) Describe some grammatical properties of Tamazight Berber and bring to light some novel facts which might have important implications about the current syntactic theory, 2) Unify three seemingly disparate phenomena namely: Subject-verb agreement, Clitics and Clitic-doubling, and Negation and Negative-Concord, as forms of Agreement, 3) Argue that Chomsky's (2005) feature inheritance theory according to which C is the locus of -features to T with a Neg-head intervening. I propose that C transfers its q>-features to Neg which transfers them to T and provide empirical evidence that supports this hypothesis. Before we review the evolution in the treatment of agreement in the generative tradition and analyze agreement in Tamazight in light of the recent Minimalist assumptions, we deem it important to provide a short background on the Berber language. The reader who is familiar with this language can jump ahead to Chapter 3.

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Chapter 2

Background on the Berber Language

Berber is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken in North Africa namely in Morocco, Mauritania, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and the Oasis of Siwa in Egypt. It is a continuum of dialects, some of which are not mutually intelligible. In addition to these countries, it is also spoken in large parts of the Sahara in Mali, Niger, and Chad. The Berbers have inhabited North Africa for thousands of years and their language has survived different invasions and contact with the Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, and Arabic languages and civilizations. Today this language is still spoken in all the aforementioned countries, thriving is some and dwindling in others.

2.1 The People The term widely used to refer to this population is "Berbers," a term that some Berbers dislike and take offense at because of its origins. Imazighen [imazi'~an] is the term they prefer to use, to identify themselves and Tarnazight [tarnaziyt] is the language they speak. 1 The term Berber is of external origin and there are different theories as to the origin the word. Some argue that it is from the Greek word for "barbarian" which meant someone who spoke a foreign language. Ruedy writes: The word Berber goes back to the Greeks, who called the people they found living in the Maghreb at the dawn of history barbarians, a terminology subsequently adopted in various forms by Romans, Arabs, Europeans, and others. (2005: 9)

8

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation

Others attribute the term to the language itself and the way it sounds. The Arab historian Ibn Khaldoun writes: Their language is not only foreign but of a special kind, which is why they are called Berbers. It is said of Ifriqish son of Qays son of Sayfi, [. .] that he encountered this strange race with its peculiar tongue and struck with amazement exclaimed "what a barbara you have!" for this reason they were called Berbers. (cited in Brett and Fentress 1996: 4) Ruedy (2005) argues that the literature on the origin of the Berbers is "full of problems" and "ambiguities." He states that the balance of opinion on this issue currently holds that the Berbers of history were the descendents of the Paleolithic group which was then mixed with other races from Western Europe, sub-Saharan Africa, and to a great extent with races from the northeast and the southeast. According to Brett and Fentress (1996) Imazighen people are "extremely heterogeneous." Language seems to be the only badge of identity an Amazigh (a Berber) holds and the major factor taken into consideration when trying to figure out the number of Imazighen in North Africa. Today Berber speakers constitute about 40 percent of the Moroccan population of over 33 million people. They constitute 20 percent of the Algerian population of over 34 million people. In Tunisia, Libya, and the Oasis of Siwa in Egypt the number of speakers is very small and is dwindling every year. The Tuareg are found in large parts of the Sahara in Niger and Mali and their number is estimated between 600,000 and 1,600,000 (Brett and Fentress 1996).

2.2 The language Berber belongs to the Afro-Asiatic language family which comprises of: Berber, Semitic, Cushitic, Egyptian, and Chadic. The different Berber varieties have been characterized as languages by some authors and as dialects by others. There is not a clear criterion besides the mutual intelligibility or lack thereof as a dividing line between a dialect and a language.

Background on the Beiber Language

9

I will use the term "dialects" without any preconceived definition for the term. When the Arabs came from the Arabian Peninsula to Morocco and North Mrica in general in the seventh century AD, they introduced Islam and Arabic to the Berbers. Arabic was mainly the language of worship and gradually became the language of literacy. The Berber language in North Mrica was not written, unlike in Niger for example, but the Berbers have managed to maintain their language for generations (Idrissi 2003). In the twentieth century, the situation changed drastically especially after Morocco gained independence from France in 1956. Getting an education required knowledge of Arabic and Berber children and youth started to view their language as a disadvantage. This language was completely marginalized in the education system and in the language policies of the government (Boukous 1998, 2003). Being a former French colony, the French language was also still dominant in this country. The winds of globalization introduced more pressure from the spread of the English language also especially through the internet. The language policy had always been strengthening the Arabic language on the expense of Berber. In the twenty-first century, new changes are being introduced and this language is currently undergoing a remarkable transformation and resurgence in Morocco. The government of Morocco finally recognized Berber as one of the country's important languages and for the first time the Moroccan television started broadcasting Berber programs in three major dialects. The most significant development however, is the introduction of a legislation which requires every public school to teach the language by 2010. To achieve this goal, top Berber researchers were brought together under one roof with the creation of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (Boukous 1998, 2003). This task force decided on a writing script and on one standardized language instead of the current three major dialects (Tamazight, Tashelhit, and Tarifit) and their sub-varieties. The task to standardize this language is by no means an easy one considering the big variation among the Berber dialects. It is hard to put a number to the different dialects and sub-dialects that are currently spoken in Morocco or in all the different countries for that matter. Some scholars

10


estimate this number to be around three hundred or more local dialects (Abdel-Massih 1971). Others, like Andre Basset, estimate the number to range from several hundreds to four or five thousand local dialects (cited in Penchoen 1973: 1). However, there seems to be a consensus among all Berberologists that there are four major dialectal groups. Abdel-Massih (1971) classifies Berber dialects into the following four groups: I.

Tamazight: Spoken in the Middle Atlas Mountains in Central Morocco. It consists of these major tribal dialects: Beni Ouarain, Ayt Morghi, Ayt Alaham, Ayt Youb, Marmoucha, Ayt Seghrouchen, Ayt Youssi, Beni Mguild, Zaiane, Zemmour, Ayt Rbaa, Ayt Seri, Beni Mtir, Guerouane. Ayt Segougou, Ayt Morghad, Ayt Ayache, Ayt Hdiddou, Ayt Izdeg, Ayt Sokhmane, AytAtta.

II. Tashelhit: Spoken in the High and Anti-Atlas and the Sous Valley in Southern Morocco. III. Zenatiya: it consists of the following major dialects: Tarifit: Spoken in northern northeastern Morocco. Taqbaylit: Spoken by the Qbayel tribes in Algeria. Zenatiya: Spoken by the Mzabites of Ghardaia in the Mzab region in Algeria. IV. Tamasheq: Spoken by the Tuareg tribes in Mauritania, Mali, and Niger. (Abdel-Massih 1971: ix-x) Abdel-Massih (1971) focused on Tamazight of Ayt Ayache and Ayt Seghrouchen in Morocco, therefore he gave a detailed classification of the Tamazight dialectal family. The other three major dialects certainly consist of subgroups as well which are not reflected in his classification. The focus of this book is on Quebliyeen Tamazight Berber (QTB), a Zemmour dialect which belongs to the Tamazight group. "Zemmour" is the term used to refer to the group of Berber speakers in and around Khemisset province, located about 40 miles west of Rabat the capital of Morocco. Quebliyeen is the name of the tribe that the author of this book belongs to and QTB is the major source of data in this work. Before discussing some grammatical properties and the clause structure of

Background on the Beiber Language

11

QTB, in the next chapter we will take on the issue of agreement and the evolution of its treatment in the Generative tradition. The discussion in the next chapter will be familiar ground to those who know Generative literature and readers who do not need this background can skip to Chapter 4.


Chapter 3

Agreement From GB to Minimalism

3.1 Agreement as Morphological Inflection "Agreement as morphological inflection" refers to the affix that a lexical category, normally a predicate such as a verb as in (1) or an adjective as in (2), or a functional category such as an auxiliary as in (3), or a complementizer and a negation, bears when it co-occurs with a noun as shown in (1), a pronoun as shown in ( 4) or a covert pronoun as in (5). (1) John reads lots of books. (2) al-banaatu

tawilaatun The-girls tall-3pf "The girls are tall"

(Standard Arabic)

(3) John has not read lots of books (4) Oddad

(QTB)

(5) Oddad 3sf.came "She came"

(Tamazight Berber)

nta9 3sf.come.PER she "She came"

The subject and the verb are said to agree when they have matching features and co-occur within a given syntactic domain. The verb's Agreement features are manifested by the agreement inflection. There are three types of Agreement features provided by UG, although their phonetic manifestation differs cross-linguistically: Person, Number and Gender.


14

These features are referred to as "phi-features" (or cp-features) (Chomsky 1981). Verbs in Tamazight Berber are inflected for subject agreement. The agreement affix can co-occur with an overt subject, as illustrated in (6), or a covert subject as in (7). (6) ytfa

warba 8aman 3s.eat.PER boy honey "The boy ate honey"

(7) ytfa

Sam an 3s.eat.PER honey "He/the boy ate honey"

The surface position the subject occupies in the Tamazight clause structure does not affect agreement. Full subject-verb agreement is realized on the verb regardless of whether an overt subject is post-verbal as in (8) or pre-verbal as in (9): (8) tfan waraw 8aman 3p.eat.PER boys honey "The boys ate honey" (9) araw tfan boys 3p.eat.PER "The boys ate honey"

Saman honey

In Tamazight, as is the case in other Berber dialects (Ouhalla 2005b), the agreement morpheme is clearly separated from the tense morpheme as shown in (10), whereas in English this is not the case, as shown in (11): 1 (10)

(11)

da t-ddu-0 will 2s-leave-2s.AO R "You will leave/go"

(t. 9 =Agreement) (AOR= Aorist aspectual form)

Maria reads

The morphological status of agreement as well as the question of whether word formation is syntactic or morphological, is beyond the scope of this book; the literature on this issue is vast (see Borer 1998 and

Agreement: From GB to Minimalism

15

references cited therein for detailed discussion, and see Ouhalla 2005b for an analysis of Berber). This work addresses a rather different question, and that is: "Under what syntactic relation is agreement morphology realized?" The general view that has been widely adopted in the generative literature is that the syntax establishes the domains under which Agreement features of two elements, for example a subject and a predicate, are matched and then later on spelled out on the predicate in the morphological component. In the next section I will review the different analytical treatments that agreement has received throughout the major recent developments of generative syntax, mainly in Government and Binding (GB) (Chomsky 1981, 1986), Early Minimalism (Chomsky 1995 and references therein) and recent Minimalism (Chomsky 2000, 2001a, 2004, 2005, 2006 and references therein).

3.2 Agreement as a Syntactic Relation 3.2.1 INFL, AGR and Government Chomsky (1981) introduced in the GB framework a detailed and articulated clause structure that reflected the subject-predicate relation mediated by a node labeled INFL (ection) . This was expressed in the following phrase structure rule: (12) S -7 NP

INFL

VP

In English, Infl (henceforth I), has two main functions: it is a place holder for both tense and agreement morphology and it assigns Nominative Case to the subject. In Chomsky (1981) the tense and agreement morphemes are base-generated in Infl and undergo affix hopping, presumably a morpho-phonological operation, onto the verb. The subject in this respect "technically" agrees with Infl which hosts the Agreement features and it is the agreement on Infl that assigns Case to the subject, as stated below: The element AGR [. .] assigns Case in INFL [. .] Subjects are nominative when they agree with the matrix verb -technically, with its inflection. (Chomsky 1981 p. 52)

16


Agreement at this point is considered a syntactic element with the categorical features [+N, -V, +INFL], not a syntactic relation or structural configuration under which two elements have to occur in order to "agree" Chomsky writes: The "inflection" element INFL may, in turn, be [± Tense], i.e., finite ([+Tense]) or infinitival ([-Tense]). If finite, it will, furthermore, have the features person, gender and number; call this complex AGR ("agreement"). The element AGR is basically nominal in character; we might consider it to be identical with PRO and thus to have the features [+N, -V]. If so then we may revise the theory of government, taking AGR to be the governing element which assigns Case in INFL. Since [ +N, -V] is not generally a Case-assigner, we must extend the theory of Case so that [+N, -V, +INFL] is a Case-assigner along with [-N], regarding [+INFL] as basically "verbal," if we take AGR to be nominal. INFL governs the subject if it contains the AGR, then assigning nominative Case by virtue of the feature [ +INFL]. (1981: 52) There is a lot to be said about this statement and discussing all it contains in detail requires a separate study (see relevant discussion in Rizzi 1982, Reuland 1983 and Stowell 1982). However, I will focus mainly on two major points; the first is the assumption that agreement, now "AGR," is nominal [ +N] and inflectional [+INFL], and the second is Government as a structural relation. Regarding the categorial status of AGR, Chomsky wanted to distinguish AGR from nouns and PRO which are both [+N, -V] (i.e. Nominal), by adding the feature [ +INFL], which now gives AGR the ability to assign Case, akin to verbs. This is the case of sentences with finite INFL, as shown in (13). (13) He does not like milk. Sentences with a non-finite INFL do not have morphological tense and, in English, do not have q>-features either, as shown in the embedded clause in (14). (14) Marywants [him to leave tomorrow] The "complex AGR" has a set of features, which include (besides tense and q>-features) its categorial features. The point that I want to highlight here is


17

that AGR or agreement is not a structural relation but it enters into one itself, namely Government. Government played a key role in unifying all the different modules of the grammar in GB. Thematic roles for example are assigned under Government, and so is Case. Notice that the configuration that the verb and its complement (Object) are in (15) is different from the configuration that Infl and the subject are in. The first one is a headcomplement relation. The second one, on the other hand, is a Spec-head configuration. (15)

IP

/"--.... I'

NP

/"--.... I

VP

v He s

/"--....

like

NP her

The verb assigns Accusative Case to the object under Government, which was initially defined as mutual c-command: 2 (16) Government a. governs ~ iff (i) a. c-commands ~, and (ii) ~ c-commands a. (17) C-Command a. c-commands ~ iff (i) a. does not dominate ~; and (ii) ~ does not dominate a.; and and (iii) the first branching node dominating a. also dominates ~; and (iv) a. does not equal ~· Notice that according to this definition of Government, V governs the NP object and assigns it Accusative Case, whereas Infl or "I" does not govern the Subject. This would consequently mean that Nominative Case could not be assigned under this definition of Government. It was assumed in Chomsky (1981) that the subject gets Nominative Case by virtue of


18

occupying Spec of IP, therefore being in a Spec-head relation with Infl. This situation led to a revision of the notion of Government to unifY the mechanism under which all arguments and expletives get Case hence the relation m-command was advanced: (18) Government a governs ~ iff (i) am-commands ~' and (ii) ~ m-commands a (19) M-Command a m-commands ~' iff (i) a does not dominate ~; and (ii) ~does not dominate a; and (iii) every maximal projection dominating a also dominates ~; and (iv) a does not equal ~· In this way, both the subject and the object are assigned Case under a unified relation of Government, hence Spec-head as a relation under which Case is assigned falls under this definition of Government. Returning to the main topic of our discussion (namely, agreement), the subject agrees with a governing Infl, since according to Chomsky (1981), the AGR element of Infl is +Tense and has AGR, which carries person, number, and gender (q>-features), that is, AGR is [+Infl] and therefore assigns Nominative Case to the subject under this structural configuration. (20)

IP

~ He I' ~ Infl VP [Agr] ~ like

The next development that agreement underwent in generative syntactic theory was, on the one hand, a radical shift, and on the other hand a revival of early existing relations. It is a radical shift because agreement is no longer treated as an entity that enters into syntactic relations, such as


19

Government, but is itself treated as a syntactic relation, first defined in terms of Spec-head relation and later specified as Agree. It is a revival of early existing relations because in Early Minimalism, Chomsky (1993, 1995), Spec-head was re-introduced as a syntactic relation under which agreement is obtained and in later Minimalism, Chomsky (2001a, 2004), it was eliminated for the second time and replaced by Agree, a Probe-Goal relation defined under c-command, the same configuration that underlined Government.

3.2.2 Agreement as Spec-Head relation With the adoption of a split Infl (Pollock 1989) by Chomsky (1995), clause structure became even more articulated with two different functional (Infl) projections namely Agr(eement) P(hrase) and T(ense) Pas the projections of agreement and tense in X'-terms. 3 Pollock's (1989) original approach has TP dominating AgrP, but Belletti (1990) argues that AgrP dominates TP since in Romance tense inflection is closer to the verb root than agreement (V-T-Agr), and this ordering can be derived by successivecyclic head movement only if T 0 was lower than Agr0, an assumption that Chomsky adopts: 4 (21)

AgrP ~ Agr' ~ Agr TP ~ T'

~ T

One of the major changes that Minimalism introduced (Chomsky 1995 and references therein) is to seek to dispense with the levels of representation known in GB as D-structure and S-Structure. With these two levels out of the picture, a number of conditions and filters that were analyzed to hold exclusively at either level were also out of the picture, and the phenomena they were used to account for needed new explanation. Within


20

Minimalism, derivations proceed to satisfy bare output conditions, namely PF and LF requirements. Among these requirements is the assumption that any uninterpretable features at each of these levels must be deleted before the interfaces are reached, otherwise the derivation does not "converge." Government as a structural relation was also dispensed with, and syntactic relations reduced to the head-complement relation (sisterhood) and Spec-head relation (m-command) (see Chomsky 1995, see also discussion in Epstein et al. 1998 and references therein). In chapter 3 of Chomsky (1995), Chomsky proposes a revision of X-Bar theory. His main point is to maintain the minimal and local syntactic relations in the X-bar structure, which are the Spec-head relation and the headcomplement relation: (22)

XP

/"--.... ZP

X'

/"--....

X

yp

The narrowest plausible hypothesis is that X-bar structures are restricted to the form in (1) [ (22) above]; only local relations are considered (hence no relation between X and a phrase included within YP or ZP); and head-complement is the core relation The vision of a minimalist program explored here requires that we keep to relations of these kinds, dispensing with such notions as government by a head (head government). But head government plays a critical role in all modules of grammar; hence, all of these must be reformulated, if this program is to be pursued. (Chomsky 1995: 172-3) This has implications for how the subject-verb agreement is obtained and how the subject is assigned Nominative Case. As I discussed in the previous section, within GB, Nominative Case was assigned under Government by an m-commanding finite Infl. With this new development Case is viewed as a "manifestation" of the Spec-head relation between an NP and Infl. In addition to Case, morphological agreement or subject-verb agreement also becomes a manifestation of the Spec-head relation. In other words, a verb and a subject agree if they enter into a Spec-head relation at some point of the derivation. However, unlike morphological


21

agreement, which is a property of Agr, Case is a property ofT, therefore Chomsky proposes that T in (21) raises to Agr forming "[Agr T Agr]," while: agreement is determined by the q>-features of the Agr head of the Agr complex and case by an element that adjoins to Agr (T [. .]). An NP in the Spec-head relation to this Agr complex bears the associated case and agreement features. The Spec-head and the head-head relations are therefore the core configurations for inflectional morphology. 5 (Chomsky 1995: 174) As Belletti (2001) notes, the phenomenon of subject-verb agreement is obtained as a result of two operations: the first is the agreement relation between the subject in [Spec AgrP] and the Agr head, and the second is the realization of the features of Agr on the verb, either in the lexicon or through incorporation of V into Agr (as in Baker's 1988 incorporation framework). Chomsky (1995) adopts what is referred to as the lexicalist hypothesis and argues that the verb appears in the lexicon and is syntactically inserted fully inflected for tense and agreement, and in the overt syntax or at LF (for English), this inflection is subject to feature checking against the features of the functional heads T and Agr respectively. Matching features between the verb and T I AGR are supposed to "erase" after successful checking, which is undertaken through head movement. The Spec-head relation is the other checking configuration, under which a DP checks its -features and Case against the Agreement features ofT by moving to [Spec, TP] and entering into Spec-head agreement with T, whereas object agreement becomes a property of v. Chomsky argues that in languages with overt object movement or so-called "Object Shift" (Holmberg 1986, 1999), vis marked for aD feature that requires movement of a DP to [Spec, v]. Given the structure below (from Chomsky 1995: 352), although the subject is base-generated in Spec-vP, it does not check the D feature of v because, according to Chomsky, it does not "head a nontrivial chain." (24)

vn•x ~ Subj v ~

v

VP ~

v

~

v

Obj

The subject was first merged in Spec-vP and did not move to that position, which means it was not attracted by v to that position. In a way, a Case assigning head has to establish a relation with an argument via c-command, and in the context of Chomsky (1995 chapter 4), this relation is Attract. The attracted DP then moves to the Spec of the attracting head and by virtue of being in a Spec-head relation and also being a head of a "nontrivial chain" it can have its Case checked. Looking at the structure in (24): first, the subject was merged in [Spec- vP] and did not enter into an Attract relation with v, and second it is not a head of a "nontrivial chain," and therefore does not get Case checked by v. The object on the other hand is first merged as a complement of V; when v is merged it can Attract the object and when the object moves to Spec-vP, which allows multiple Specs, the object gets its Accusative Case feature checked. This intriguing analysis is in a number of ways a precursor to the next development and new analytical treatment of agreement in Chomsky (2001a, 2004, 2005) where Spec-head as a syntactic relation is eliminated leaving just in a sense Attract with the difference that the

24


corresponding new operation will not require movement. This relation is specified as Agree. 3.2.3 Agreement as a result of an operation: Agree As previously mentioned, one of the main tenets of Minimalism is that

derivations proceed to satisfy bare output conditions imposed by the "articulatury-perceptual system A-P" and the "conceptual-intentional system Gl' (Chomsky 1995). When the derivation reaches either of these interfaces, syntactic objects must have only features interpretable at that interface. For example, phonological features are not interpretable at LF; therefore they have to be stripped away from lexical items at some point during the derivational process, before the lexical items are shipped to LF. This point of the derivation is referred to as "Spell-Out." Formal features, for example, q>-features of DPs, are interpretable at LF, whereas Case is not. q>-features ofT, on the other hand are not interpretable, therefore must be deleted before reaching LF. Remember in early Minimalism uninterpretable features were deleted when two items, for example, the subject and T, entered into a checking relation. This relation is established when the subject moves to [Spec, TP]. In "Derivation by Phase" (henceforth DbP) (Chomsky 2001a), Chomsky argues that all syntactic relations are deduced from one relation: Merge, a relation that comes, as he states "for free." (2005: 14). 7 He writes: The specifier-complement distinction loses independent significance, except in that the complement of a head H should be the only domain accessible to operations driven by H, by conditions of minimal search, the core property of c-command, but barring m-command and specifier-head relations [. .]. "complement" and "specifier" are just notations for First-Merge and later-Merge [italics H.O.]. (Chomsky 2005:14) If the Spec-head relation is barred as a basic relation, then Spec-head agreement is basically barred as well. The question that arises then is under what relation is agreement obtained? Chomsky argues that there are LF-uninterpretable inflectional features that enter into agreement relations with interpretable inflectional features. The q>-features of T are uninterpretable and agree with the interpretable q>-features of a


25

nominal element that may be "local or remote yielding the surface effect of noun-verb agreement' [italics H.O.] and "the agreement relation removes the uninterpretable features from the narrow syntax, allowing derivations to converge at LF while remaining intact for the phonological component." This agreement "relation" is referred to as Agm~ Before I elaborate on Agree, note that although Spec-head agreement is eliminated, agreement is still going to be defined as a structural relation by means of Agree. 8 Agree is an operation that takes place once a relation between a "probe" (e.g. T 0 ) and a "goal" (e.g. an NP), is established. Both interpretable and uninterpretable formal features of these two elements (Probe-Goal) are matched. Matching is then followed by valuation and deletion of the uninterpretable features. TP ~

(25)

T'

T

vP v'

MATCH-A v

Notice that Agree holds between a head and an XP that it c-commands; Chomsky argues that "the complement of a head H should be the only domain accessible to operations driven by H, by conditions of minimal search, the core property of c-command." In what follows I will list a set of formal definitions of all the hypotheses I discussed so far regarding the Probe-Goal relation and the Agree operation. Let us start with what Chomsky means by a probe and a goal. 9 (26) Probe

A probe is a head bearing [-interpretable] features (e.g., tfl, T 0 bear [-interpretable] c:p-features). Presumably only functional heads, such as C0, T 0, Neg0, and tfl, are probes. This is not to say that lexical heads, theoretically speaking, cannot be probes.


26

I do not think Chomsky is clear on this, and I will leave this as an open question. Let us now define what Chomsky means by goal. (27) Goal Ahead bearing [+interpretable] features situated within the probe's c-command domain. Only lexical categories from Chomsky's (2000) discussion seem to be goals. The definition in (27) subsumes that the goal only bears interpretable features, which is not the case within Chomsky's DbP system. For the goal to be accessible or "visible" to the probe two conditions have to be met: (a) the goal has to be in the probe's c--features) /"--....

L..ma v' "who" /"--.... v VP

/"--.... 1lan "see"

arba "boy"

Upon establishing a Probe-Goal Match relation between T 0 and [Spec- vP], the operation Agree takes place. The wh-feature on the wh-subject is not deleted, however; therefore the subject remains active and visible to subsequent potential probes. Finally, C0, which bears [+I, +V(alued)] wh-feature, is merged with the syntactic object TP:

{C

( 41) v.

{T' T

{vP rna

"who"

"ag"

{v

{VP 1lan

"see"

arba}}}}} "boy"

C'

/"--.... ag {

T'

h)

/"--....

T

vP

{q>-features) /"--....

L..ma

v'

/"--.... v

VP

/"--.... 1lan

arba

Note that examples such as these (i.e. (36)) are where subject-verb agreement is suppressed, yielding AAE. The question arises as to why this is the case, since T can establish a Probe-Goal relation, hence agree with the subject prior to the latter's extraction to [Spec, CP].


31

I adopt Chomsky's (2004, 2005, 2006) hypothesis that T inherits its c:p-features from C as stated in this quote: 11 T functions in the Case-agreement system only if it is selected by C, in which case, it is also complete. Further, in just this case T has the semantic properties of true Tense. These cannot be added by the 0-features, which are uninterpretable; they must therefore be added by C. Hence T enters into feature--incomplete T (i.e. a non-finite T) is not selected by C seems to be logically right. Since Cis the head that originally bears cp-features, T will never receive these features if C is never merged. However, the hypothesis that if Cis merged, it transfers its q>-features toT, and we get a q>-complete T, seems to be a mere stipulation. IfC is what bears the cp-features, we should expect the following three logical possibilities: ( 42) C-to-T W-Features Transfer a. C transfers its q>-features to T and does not keep a copy of these features. C does not transfer its q>-features to T at all. b. c. C transfers its cp-features toT and keeps a copy. Chapter 5 provides detailed discussion and empirical evidence for all these possibilities. In the meantime let us return to example (36); the not-extracted wh-subject serves as the Goal for two different Probes T and C. According to Chomsky, T inherits its q>-features form C. T then should probe the subject and subject-verb agreement or T-agreement should obtain. Notice that C, after handing off its q>-features to T in Chomsky's approach, only has a wh-feature which is valued and interpretable, therefore C now is not active and cannot act as a probe. The wh-subject gets its Case valued and deleted. The only feature that makes the subject remain active is the unvalued uninterpretable wh-feature. Without an active C probe, this feature will not get valued and deleted and the derivation faces a fatal crash. I propose then that upon the failure of option (a) above, option (b) is "used," that is, C does not transfer its q>-features to T.


32 (43)

C'

ag {Wh,-1

~ T'

~-Features}~

T

vP

(Tense}~

rna {-1 Wh,

v'

~features} ~ v VP ~ 1lan arba

Now C bears [-I] q>-features and is therefore active. It probes the wh-subject and values its Case feature and in return it gets its own q>-features "checked," and since C also bears a wh-feature it checks the uninterpretable wh-feature of the subject and the derivation converges. In cases such as (36) repeated in ( 44) below T never receives the q>-features from C, given option (b), and therefore we never obtain T-agreement, hence yielding the so-called the Anti-Agreement Effect. We do however obtain C-agreement which is marked by an obligatory complementizer. (44) ma-ag 1lan who-Comp 3sf.see.Part "Who saw the boy"

arba boy

(Part: Participle)

This analysis and the different empirical evidence that support it are detailed in Chapter 5. I extend the same analysis to negative concord which, I argue, is a form of agreement. If Chomsky's C-to-T cp-feature transfer hypothesis is on the right track, it raises a question about what happens in negative sentences. Assuming the clause structure used in this work, C selects Neg and Neg selects T and given Zanuttini (1996) who argues Neg selects T universally, and Holmberg (2003) and Haegeman (1995) who assume the same hypothesis, the big question is how does C transfer its q>-features to T in a structure such as (45)? (45)

[CP

C

[NegP

Neg

]]]


33

I propose that C transfers its cp-features to T via Neg as expressed below: ( 46) C-to-Neg-to-T cp-Feature Transfer

C transfers its cp-features toT via Neg. As pointed out by Ouhalla (p.c.), and other researchers, the verb in Berber shows a negative form in negative sentences. A form that descriptive grammarians refer to as the irrealis form as shown in example ( 47) vs. (48): ( 47) idda

leave .2sm.PER "Ali left" (48) ur

iddi leave.3sm.IRR Neg "Ali didn't leave"

1li Ali lli Ali

In Chapter 8 I will argue that the negative morphology on the verb in negative sentences is a reflex of the feature transfer from C-to-Neg-to-T. In the same chapter I will also analyze negative concord. Examples such as ( 49) are not grammatical in QTB because only one NCI is allowed. ( 49) ur

iddi Neg leave.PER.3s "Nobody left"

(*sha) (*neg)

agid3 nobody

I argue that Neg agrees with (hence licenses) the NCI (its goal). In ( 49) Neg has two potential goals which yields a locality violation expressed by the Probe-Goal Locality Condition in (50): (50) PGLC A probe X cannot probe ZP over an intervening active Y or active YP that bears the same uninterpretable features as X. To salvage the problem the intermediate goal is suppressed as schematized in (51) and represented in (52)


34

(51) X{«} "'YP{«} ZPM

1-1 I

I I

(52) *[Neg ur [TP T[Agr] iddi [vP ~ [vP agid3 itkli-.

I

I

]]]]]

I

Another phenomenon the analysis extends to is clitic doubling, as will be discussed in detail in Chapters 5 and 6. Indirect objects in Berber can be optionally doubled as shown in (53). (53) da-(as) wshax i-maryam will-(her) give.IMP.ls to-Miriam "I will give (her) the book to Miriam"

lac9ab book

Clitic and the doubled DP must agree in Case and q>-features. wshax (54) *da-as will-(her) give.IMP.ls "I will give the boys candy"

i-waraw to-boys

lhalwa candy

There have been different proposals as to the structural position of object clitics. Researchers such as Belletti (1993), Uriagereka (1995), and Kayne (2003) (for Romance languages) argue that clitics are D heads. Others such as Sportiche (1992) and (1998), Manzini (1998), and Manzini and Savoia (1999, 2001, 2002) (for Romance) argue that clitics are clitic-heads or Agro heads, as proposed by Progovac 2005 among others (for Slavic). All things being equal, I will argue in detail in Chapter 6, that Berber facts favor the Clitic/Agro heads approach (see Ouali 2005). How is the agreement between the clitic and the double DP obtained? I argue that, just like subject-verb agreement, and negative concord, it is obtained via Agree as represented in (55). (55) [TP da- [CLP as

wfax

[vP

i-maryam

lac9ab

1------1 will-(her) give.IMP.ls to-Miriam "I gave the book to Miriam"

book


35

This predicts that A-bar extraction of the object DP should affect clitic doubling and cause a PGLC violation since there will be a higher Probe (presumably C) competing with the clitic for the doubled DP object as schematized in (56). (56) C{wh/topic .. )

*CL{wh/topic .. )

Ob"~{wh/topic .. )

1-----1-----1 This prediction is borne out. Object extraction as predicted affects the clitic-head as illustrated in (57). (57) Maryam ami wfix-(*as) Miriam Comp give.PER.ls-(*her) "It was to Miriam that I gave the book"

lac8ab book

Certain argument extraction inhibits agreement. Subject extraction yields AAE, Object extraction yields a ban on "agreeing" clitic doubling, and NCI extraction yields a ban on the appearance of the "agreeing" negative concord element Neg2. This provides compelling further evidence of unification under Agree. Before addressing Agreement and Anti-Agreement Effects we will first discuss some grammatical properties and the clause structure of Tamazight in the following chapter.


Chapter 4

Tamazight Verb Morphology and Clause Structure

Before embarking on an analysis of the agreement in QTB, it is important to: (a) highlight some aspects of its grammar, (b) discuss the properties of its verb morphology, tense and aspect, negation, and complementizers, and (c) determine certain aspects of clause structure in this language. Much work on other Berber languages and other Tamazight dialects from the Generative perspective has been done (see Ouhalla 1988, 1989, 1991, 2005a, 2005b and Elouazizi 2004, 2005 for Tarifit, Abdel-Massih 1971, Guerssel and Hale (eds.) 1987, 1995, and Boukhris 1998 for Tamazight). Building on this work, I will discuss the most important aspects of the clause structure of Tamazight Berber. I will start with word order and discuss the types of orders the language allows and the possible analyses proposed for the derivation of these word orders especially the placement of the verb, and then I will discuss Aspect and Tense in this language. Next, I will discuss the agreement system and the structural positions of tense, aspect, negation, and complementizers in Tamazight.

4.1 Word Order The word order in Tamazight Berber, like its sister varieties, tends to be verb initial (VSO order) as illustrated in (1). The noun subject in such clauses must be in the so-called "Construct state." This language also exhibits an SVO order as in (2) where the noun must be in the "Free state." (1) yuy

warba boy 3s. bought.PER "Moha bought meat."

acsum meat


38

(2) arba yuri 3s.wrotePER boy "Moha wrote the letter."

Sabrat letter

The Construct form in masculine nouns is marked by the prefix w-and a reduced vowel [a] in Tamazight as shown in (1), whereas the Free form is an unmarked form and the noun has no prefix and starts with a full vowel as illustrated in (2). In feminine nouns, the unmarked forms start mostly with the feminine marker th- 1 and a full vowel, for example tharbat [8artbat] "girl." The Construct form is marked by a reducing the initial vowel as in tharbat [8artbat] "girl." 1 There is almost a general consensus that VSO is a derived by displacing the verb to a pre-subject position (See Boukhris 1998, Elouazizi 2003, 2005, Guerssel 1995, Omari 2001, Ouhalla 1988, 2005a, 2005b among others). The position where the verb moves however varies from one an analysis to another. For Ouahalla (1988), Sadiqi (1986), and Ouali (2006a, 2006b) the verb moves toT, for Elouazizi (2005) it moves to a position F higher than VP but lower than T, and for Ouhalla (2005a) it simply moves to v within vP but never toT. In constructing his arguments, Elouazizi (2005) uses the following presentations of the possible derivations of verb movement in "Berber":

re

[TP T

[yp v

]]]

b. [CP C

[TP T+V

[yp 1y

]]]

c. [CP C+V

[TP T

[yp 1y

]]]

d. [CP C

[TP T

[FP F+V [VP 1y ]]]]

(3) a. [CP C

(Elouazizi 2005: 4)

Using empirical evidence from Tarifit Berber, Elouazizi argues for option ( (3)-d) as the representation of verb movement in Berber. Consider these facts from Tarifit: Muhand lktab (4) i-wfa 3M.S-give.PER Muhand.SUB book.OBJ "Muhand gave the book to the boy."

i w-arba to CS-boy

i-wfa lktab (5) Muhand Muhand.SUB 3M.S-give.PER book.OBJ "Muhand gave the book to the boy."

i w-arba to CS-boy


39

(6) i-wJa s id Muhand 3M.S-give.PER CLDAT.3sM;F CLAcc.3sM;F CLDIR Muhand.SUB "Muhand gave it to him /her here." (Tarifit Berber, Elouazizi 2005: 4) Elouazizi rightly argues that examples such as ( 4) with a verb preceding the subject point to the verb being outside the VP domain especially considering the widely accepted VP-internal subject hypothesis (Koopman and Sportiche 1991). This renders option (a) as a possible derivation where the verb is in-situ in Berber basically invalid. Another piece of evidence in favor of this analysis is the placement ofVP manner adverbials as in example ( 7) : yuri oa'l(ya (7) moha Moha 3s.wrotePER quickly "Moha wrote the letter quickly."

Sabrat letter

Given the standard assumption that such adverbials are adjoined to VP, one can conclude that the verb and the subject in (7) have undergone movement. If the verb is displaced out of VP, the question is what position does it exactly occupy? According to Elouazizi (2005), it cannot beT because as shown by the example in (8) from Tamazight Berber and the example in (9) from Tarifit Berber, we find that overt tense elements can be separated from the verb by different types of clitics: as t tini-n immidn (Tamazight) (8) lla TPRES- CLDAr 3S.M/F CLAcc.3S.M/F say-3PL people "People say/repeat it to him (all the time)." (Boukhris 1998: 382) as id xf-s i-wJ (9) ao w-arba F/M CLDAr3SM/F CLAcc·3SM/F CLDIR CLPP/ON IT 3M.S-give.AOR CS-boy "The boy will give it to him/her on it." (Tarifit, from Elouazizi 2005: 5) Following Ouhalla (2005b), Elouazizi (2005) then concludes that the position where the verb resides cannot be T and therefore eliminates option (b) as a possible derivation. However, these facts do not seem as decisive as Elouazizi (2005) might suggest. Having an overt T and a set of clitics


40

preceding the verb does suggest that the verb is not in T, yet it does entail that it never moves there if there are no overt tense elements in the sentence. In Tamazight as well as in Tarifit, for that matter, the verb in the perfective form denoting past tense can precede clitic elements as in (6). One can still maintain option (b) and argue that the verb moves to T when the T is not occupied by any tense elements which explains the clitic distribution in (6), (8), and (9). In Chapter 5, I develop more arguments for this analysis and show that both options (b) and (c) are possible derivations in Tamazight. As far as V-to-C (option C) is concerned, this analysis was proposed for the so-called verb-second languages such as Scandinavian languages, German, and Dutch (Vikner 1995, Holmberg and Platzack 1995 among others). 2 QTB does not exhibit clear verb-second effects. In Ouali (2003), I attempted to show that the verb still moves to C in Tamazight under certain circumstances, an analysis that I have since abandoned in favor of the V-to-T analysis detailed in Chapter 6. I will then follow Elouazizi's conclusion that there is no strong evidence for option (d) as a possible derivation for verb movement in Tamazight. Tamazight allows OVS order only if a resumptive pronoun co-occurs in the same clause. These are cases where the object is topicalized and presumably occupies the highest Spec position in the structure, that is, [Spec, CP]. ykku-9 (10) ahJlaf 3s.cut.PER-it GRASS "The grass that Ali cut."

)li Ali

OSV and SOV are not possible orders in this language. (11) * ahflaf grass (12) *)li Ali

)li Ali

ahflaf grass

ykku 3s.cut.PER ykku 3s.cut.PER

I will revisit this issue in more detail with regard to verb movement in Chapter 6.


41

The order offull NP direct objects and indirect objects is not restricted in Tamazight. That is, the DO can precede the IO or vice versa, as shown below: (13)

lkanaaJ i-Fatima wfix gave.1s.PRF note-book to Fatima "I gave the notebook to Fatima"

(14) wfix i-Fatima gave.1s.PRF to Fatima

lkanaaJ note-book

In this language, the DO and the IO but not the subject can be realized as clitics: (15) wfix -as lkanaaJ gave.1s.PRF -her note-book "I gave her the note-book" (16) wfix -t gave.1s.PRF -it "I gave it to Fatima"

i-Fatima to-Fatima

Since Ouhalla's (1988) seminal work, clitics in general and the object pronominal clitics in particular have occupied the central stage in Berber syntax literature especially from the Generative perspective (See Boukhris 1998, Elouazizi 2003, 2005, Guerssel 1995, Ouali 2006a, 2006b, Ouhalla 1988, 1993, 2005a, 2005b among others). There are two main reasons for this: the first reason is that clitics have a very interesting distribution in Berber, and the second reason is that clitic placement has important implications about the clause structure and the placement of, for example, the verb in Berber. Chapter 6 deals with this topic in more detail.

4. 2 Aspect and Tense 4.2.1 Verbal aspectual forms Early traditional studies on Berber especially by prominent French Berberologists such as Laoust, Basset, Penchoen, and subsequent researchers have divided the basic verbal forms in Berber to four: (a) "L'oariste,"

42


(b) "L'aoriste intensive," (c) "le preterite," and (d) "le preterite negative." In the Anglophone syntax literature these forms, as reported in Guerssel and Hale (eds.) (1987), and described in Ouhalla (1988, 1989), are aspectual and correspond to the following forms: (a) aorist, (b) imperfective, (c) perfective, and (d) irrealis. I will argue that these aspectual forms alone do not convey tense. Tense is expressed by tense heads that are overt in the case of present and future and null in the case of past, and there are selectional restrictions between tense and aspect as I will discuss in detail. First, the following paradigm illustrates the different aspectual verb forms: (1 7) Aorist Imperfective Perfective Irrealis (Negative Perfective) af taf uf ufi "find" "write" ar tar uri uri "bake" yrf yarf yrf yrif Aspect is usually used to denote events, actions, or states in terms of duration and repetitiveness. Comrie (1976) defines aspect as consisting of "different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a situation" (Comrie 1976: 3) as quoted in Brustad (2000: 165). Comrie distinguishes among three crosslinguistic aspectual forms: perfective, imperfective, and perfect. Out of these three categories, the perfective and the imperfective map onto the Berber aspectual system neatly with the Berber irrealis form simply being a negative perfective. The aorist form however, does not have any tense, aspectual, or modal value. The following example is provided to illustrate how this form is deficient in that it does not encode aspectual or temporal information and cannot occur by itself in a root indicative clause. (18) *dux yar-rbao Go.AOR.1s to-Rabat "*I to go to Rabat tomorrow"

askka tomorrow

The aorist form, as pointed out in Boukhris (1998: 63), is not used in the same sense as in languages such as Greek where the aorist is a grammatical category referring to past. Rather, it is a "neutral" form that acquires different tense values depending on the context. For this reason scholars such as Aspinion (1953), Basset (1952), Ouhalla (1988), Penchoen (1973), and


43

Reesink (1979), treat the aorist as the default form which the other forms are derived from akin to the infinitival form in French, for example. However, other researchers such as Boukhris (1998), Makhad (2004), and Omari (2001) have argued against treating the aorist form as the base form. There are two contexts where this form is found in Tamazight: (a) with the future morpheme dao as shown in (19), (b) with the particle aowhen the verb is in an embedded clause as illustrated in (20). (19) dao dux yar-rbao Fut GoAOR.1s to-Rabat "I will go to Rabat tomorrow"

askka tomorrow

ao dux yar-rbao (20) rix want.PER.1s to Go.AOR.1s to-Rabat "I want to go to Rabat tomorrow"

askka tomorrow

4.2.2 Tense markers We find three types of tense markers in Tamazight namely the future particle daO, the non-finite marker ao and the progressive/habitual particle la. The particle dao is the only clear tense marker that we can find in Tamazight and which denotes future tense. It appears only with verbs in the aorist form. (21) dao dux yar-rbao will goAOR.1s to-Rabat "I will go to Rabat tomorrow"

askka tomorrow

A number of scholars have argued that dao consists of the two morphemes: d and ao. The second morpheme ( aO) is arguably the same element used in non-finite contexts. Boukhris (1998), for example, conflates the two elements as one namely: ad, and describes its different properties as follows: 3 a. ad must co-occur with a verb in the aorist form: (22) ad iddu. Fut 3m.sg-leaveAOR "He will leave"

(Boukhris 1998: 94)

44

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation (23) *ad idda. Fut 3m.sg-leave .PER "*He will left"

b. ad can occur with the verb in the irrealis (negative perfective) or what is referred to in the Francophone literature as "!'Aorist Intensif." However, she states that this is less frequent in the Zemmour dialect described in her work. (24) ad iddu. Fut 3m.sg-leaveAOR "He will leave" I find examples with described here.

(Boukhris 1998: 94)

ao and without d to be ungrammatical in the dialect

(25) *ao iddu. Fut 3m.sg-leaveAOR "He will leave" c. Boukhris (1998) states that alJ can be preceded by the morpheme dwhich she claims is a focus marker. The form d-ad, according to her, is the "emphatic" counterpart of ad:. (26) d-ad iddu. 3m.sg-leaveAOR Fut "He will certainly leave"

(Boukhris 1998: 95)

I find this characterization of the morpheme din Boukhris (1998) to be highly implausible. There are a number of reasons to suspect that the word dad in Boukhris's dialect consists of one morpheme and not of two separate morphemes namely: d and ad as she claims. The first reason has to do with the distribution "d-ad" in the other Zemmour dialects. Take for example the Quebliyeen dialect described in this work and consider examples where dis left out and is used as a future marker in a root clause. As pointed out above, such examples are ungrammatical as shown in (25). The second reason is: if d is a focus marker, as Boukhris (1998)

ao


45

claims, then why doesn't it occur with verbs in the Perfective form in sentences denoting past tense or with verbs in the Imperfective form in sentences denoting present tense? Examples (27) and (28) show that d cannot be used as a focus marker in sentences in the past tense and the present tense. (27) *dydda 3sm.leave .PER Fut "He certainly left" (28) *d-la ytaddu. 3sm.leave .IMP Fut "He is certainly leaving" A third piece of evidence in favor of dao being a monomorphemic word comes from other dialects such as Tashelhit where future tense is marked by the word rad (Omari 2001 and Makhad 2004) as illustrated below: (29) rad ){r -h lacS::eb Fut readAOR.1s the-book "I will read the book"

(Omari 2001: 22)

d. The next property that Boukhris describes is that ad can be preceded by negation but d, she claims, must be used: (30) ur d,. ad iiddu Neg M-Fut 3m.sg-leave+AOR "He will not leave"

(Boukhris 1998: 95) [M: Mfirmative]

In this example Boukhris describes d as an "Affirmation" marker, which begs the question why would such marker occur in negative sentences. Boukhris herself declares that the o bligatoriness of din negative sentences is unexpected but it is not an isolated case since it is also found in yes-no questions following the Q( -uestion) marker "is": d,. ad foc-Fut "will he leave"

(31) is

Q

iffR 3m.sg-exit+AOR

(Boukhris 1998: 95) [foe: Focus]

46


The first remark about Boukhris's example is the inconsistency in the characterization the d marker. In (30) dis characterized as an "affirmation" marker and in (31) it is glossed as a focus marker. The second issue is that the fact that d and ad coexist in declarative sentences regardless of whether they are affirmative or negative. The yes-no questions are just another piece of evidence that d-ad should be treated as a monomorphemic word which marks future tense. Therefore, I make a distinction in Tamazight between the future tense marker dao and the particle ao found in embedded clauses. like the future tense morpheme dalJ, ao precedes only aorist verb forms. The characterization of this morpheme in the Berber syntax literature is not uniform either. Ouhalla (1988) notes that alklauses, in Tarifit, correspond to infinitival clauses in English and other languages. The function of ao is then akin to the function of to in English to-infinitives. Ouhalla argues, based on the fact that "purposive" and control clauses in Berber are invariably ad-clauses, that the aorist form can be treated as a sort of inflected infinitival of the type reported for European Portuguese (Raposo 1987). (32) is an illustrative example of treating ao at an infinitive marker: (32) rix want.PER.1s "I want to go"

ao-ruhax to-go.AOR.ls

Other researchers however treat ao as a complementizer. Boukhris (1998) for Tamazight glosses ad when used with embedded verbs as "que" which is the French term for "that" as indicated in the gloss of the following example (33): (33) ira ad i-Oiddu. (Boukhris 1998: 98) 3m.sg-vouloir+Pr "que"/that 3m.sg-go.AOR "he wants to go" In dialects such as Tashelhit ad is also treated as a complementizer by, for example Omari (2001), as shown in (34), and Makhad (2004) as illustrated in (35):


47

(34) ur ufi -h ad aqra -h 'l(iyyd (Omari 2001: 24) Neg able+PER-I that studying-! the-night "I cannot study during the night" ad i-gwn (35) ri-'l( want.PER.I that he-sleep "I want the man to sleep"

(Makhad 2004: 202)

urgaz the man

Regardless of the different treatment of ad in the literature, its distribution across dialects with embedded verbs is uniform. It only occurs with wan~ type (ira) verbs preceding an embedded verb which must be in the Aorist form as in (36). Also, it is different from the complementizer balliwhich occurs after verbs like inna "say" as in (37). (36) rix ao-ruhax want.PER.ls to-goAOR.ls "I want to go" )li (37) inna balli Fatima 3sm.say.PER ali that Fatima "Ali said that Fatima will go"

da Fut

t-ruh 3sf.goAor

The tense interpretation of the embedded clause is dependent on the matrix tense. Want-type verbs have been described in the generative literature as Exceptional Case Markers (ECM) in that they assign Accusative Case to the embedded subject. This property is also found in Tamazight as shown in (38) where the embedded pronominal subject is an accusative eli tic. Replacing the accusative clitic with a full nominative pronoun results in ungrammaticality as shown in (39): (38) rixc want.PER.ls CLAcc "I want you to go"

at-truhae to-go.AOR.2s

[at-truhae = ao-truha9] [CLAcc =Accusative Clitic]

(39) *rix ciyan at-truha9 want.PER.ls you to-goAOR.2s "I want you to go" This property makes ao appear like an infinitival marker except of course the verb is inflected for agreement.

48


The particle la is a progressive present tense and a habitual present tense marker in Tamazight. It is followed by a verb in the imperfective form when denoting present tense: ( 40) la-tatx a){rum la-eat.1 s.IMP bread "I am eating bread (now)" or "I eat bread (everyday)" Leaving out the morpheme la in clauses with verbs in the imperfective form result in ungrammaticality as illustrated in ( 41): (41) *tatx a){rum eat.1s.IMP bread "I eat/am eating bread"

As pointed out by Boukhris (1998) the morpheme la can also be used with verbs in the Perfective form which denote past tense as shown in ( 42) and (43): )li (42) itfa 3sm.eat.PER ali "Ali ate bread"

a){rum bread

(43) la itfa la 3sm.eat.PER "Ali ate bread"

)li ali

a){rum 4 bread

The two questions that Boukhris (1998) rightly raises are: (a) are we dealing with the same morpheme that occurs with both the Imperfective verb form and the Perfective verb form in both the present tense context and the past tense context respectively? Or (b) is the la morpheme that we see with the Perfective form a completely different particle from the one we see with the Imperfective form. Boukhris (1998) argues for the second option and analyzes the two forms of la as two different (homophonous) morphemes. The first one is strictly used to denote present tense with the Imperfective verb as in ( 40) provided earlier. The second


49

has a modality function and is used to denote "affirmative" mood. Boukhris (1998) provides convincing arguments and empirical evidence for this analysis and I will review them next after we examine the following examples: )li itaddu5 Pres 3sm.leave .IMP ali "Ali indeed is leaving"

( 44) la

)li

(45) ur la

itaddu Neg Pres 3sm.leave.IMP "Ali is not leaving"

ali )li

(46) *la

ur itaddu Pres Neg 3sm.leave.IMP "Ali is not leaving"

ali

( 47) la Af

ur la itaddu Neg Pres 3sm.leave.IMP "Ali is indeed not leaving"

(48) la Af

idda 3sm.leave .PER "Ali indeed left"

ali

)li

ali

(49) la Af

)li

(50) *ur Af

)li

ur iddi Neg 3sm.leave.PER "Ali didn't in fact leave" la iddi 3sm.leave.PER "Ali is not leaving"

)li

ali

ali (adapted from Boukhris 1998: 90-91)

In the example ( 44) la occurs with an Imperfective verb. Like other tense particle such as the future tense marker daoin (51), lamust be preceded by negation in negative sentences as shown in ( 45) and ( 46).

dao i.ddu Neg Pres 3sm.leave.IMP "Ali will not leave"

(51) ur

)li

ali

50


This indicates that la which occurs with Imperfective verb forms is a tense marker and not an "affirmative" model. Another piece of evidence comes from examples such as ( 47) above where both the model la and the tense marker la co-occur in the same clause; a fact that is expected and which is indeed borne out. Examples (48), (49), and (50) further confirm this by showing that given the fact that negation in Tamazight must have scope over tense elements, the la that occurs with the Perfective form must be the model form since it must precede negation as shown by examples ( 49) and (50). I will, therefore, adopt Boukhris (1998) approach in treating the behavior of la as reflecting two separate morphemes. Unlike Boukhris (1998) however, I will treat la that precedes Imperfective verbs as a present tense marker. In the next section I will return to the interaction of the different tense markers and the aspectual verb forms in Tamazight.

4.2.3 Tense and Aspect interaction Turning back to the aspectual morphology on the verb, the aorist aspectual form, as pointed out above, occurs typically in sentences containing the future tense marker dao or the particle ao (in embedded clauses). The aorist form is combined with the future marker dao to give us the future tense interpretation (52), and is combined with the particle ao to give us unrealized future tense interpretation (53). (52) dao ayax will buy.AOR.ls "I will buy bread"

ayrum bread

(53) rix ao-ayax want.ls to-buy.AOR.ls "I want to buy bread"

ayrum bread

The perfective form usually conveys the simple past as shown in (54) and it does not co-occur with any phonologically overt tense markers. Unlike Ouhalla (1988, and subsequent works), Guerssel (1992) and a number of other Berber linguists, I assume following Ouali and Pires (2005) that there is a past tense particle that is a phonologically null element (0).


(54) 0 yuri Past 3ms.write.PER "He wrote the letter"

51

Sabrat letter

The imperfective combined with the present tense marker la conveys simple or progressive present tense (55). (55) !ay-tari Pres 3ms-write.IMP "He writes/is writing letters"

8ibra8in letters

The irrealis form on the other hand occurs typically in negative past clauses. like the perfective, the irrealis does not co-occur with a phonologically overt tense particle and here again I assume it is a null particle. The tense interpretation that results from combining this 0 particle, the irrealis form and negation is a negative past. uffix 0 find.ls.IRR Neg Past "I didn't find the letter"

8abrat. letter

8addi 0 Neg Past 3fs.go.IRR "She didn't go home"

'){ar to

(56) ur

(57) ur

lmahal house

To get a negative present we need to use the particle la and the imperfective verb form (58) and for a negative future we use the future particle daJJ and the aorist verb form (59). (58) ur la-ta'){ax a'){rum not-buy.l s.IMP bread "I'm not buying bread" or "I don't buy bread" (59) ur dao a'){ax a'){rum not will buy.AOR.ls bread "I will not buy bread"


52

In what follows I summarize the basic facts about the tense aspect system in QTB: (60) Tense aspect System in QTB Tense Auxiliaries Verbal Aspectual la dao ao Forms Perfective * * * Imperfective Progressive * * or Habitual Present Aorist Future Future * tense (Non-finite) tense Irrealis * * *

0 Simple Past Tense

* * Negative Past

Morphologically, Aspect in Tamazight Berber is expressed through a vocalic alternation in the consonantal root. Syntactically, it has been assumed since Ouhalla (1988) that Tense (T) and Aspect (Asp) correspond to different projections in the syntactic structure of Berber as shown in (61). I adopt this structure as background and argue following Ouali and Pires (2005) and contra Ouhalla (1988) and Boukhris (1998) that lais not an aspect marker but a tense marker occupying T 0 similar to the future marker daand the non-finite marker ao. To complete the paradigm I argue, here again following Ouali and Pires (2005), that past tense is morphologically marked by a null morpheme which also occupies T 0 and selects a perfective aspectual verb form. In sum, I argue that Berber has a complete paradigm of tense morphemes that occupy a syntactic projection different from the "aspectual" verb forms. (61)

TP ~ T'

~ T0 AspP

da~/a~/la/0 ~

Asp' ~ AspO


53

4.3 Complex Tense To express complex tenses, such as the future imperfective in (62), I argue, contra Ouhalla (1988), and following Ouali and Pires (2005) that the clause structure of these clauses involves two Tense Phrases (TP). (62) dao la taddun aoay ilin go-IMP.3p when Fut Be-AOR.3p Pres "They will be leaving when we arrive"

nawao arrive.1p

In his arguments for the separation ofTP and Aspect projections (AspP) in Berber, Ouhalla (1988) proposes to extend his analysis to clauses with the inflected auxiliary verb ila "be," such as (62). This auxiliary can be used with the main verb in sentences which involve "temporal contrastiveness" or "antecedence," in Ouhalla's (1988) terms. Ouhalla argues that the fact that ila inflects for agreement, is marked for aspect, and can function as a main verb implies that ila is a verb and not just an "aspect/mood marker." He therefore assumes that the structure of clauses such as (63) contains two Agr projections and two Asp projections, but only one TP; otherwise, we would not be able to account for the contrast between (63) represented in (64), and (65), in which two tense markers (ad) co-occur. (63) (64) (65)

ad-illi-n uggurn rux-nni to-Aux-AOR-3p go-PER-3p time-that [TP ad [A.spP illini [VP ti [A.spP uggurnj [VP ~

(Tarifit Berber) Aux (Ouhalla) = BE .]]])]

*ad-illi-n ad-uggur-n rux-nni (Tarifit Berber) to-Aux-AOR-3p to- go-PER-3p time-that (from Ouhalla 1988: 47)

However, given examples such as (62) from Tamazight, I argue that complex tenses in Berber involve not only two AspPs (since both BE and the main verb are inflected for Aspect), but also two separate TP projections, as shown by the presence of two separate overt tense auxiliaries, one preceding BE and the other preceding the main verb, as in (66). (66) [TP dao [AspP illini [VP ti [ TP la [ AspP taddunj [vP tj [VP tj ]]]]]]] Fut BE-AOR.3p Pres go-IMP.3p "They will be leaving"

54


The interpretation of the second tense head is dependent on the matrix tense, which is deictic. I assume that the ungrammaticality of the Tarifit example in (65) is not due to the presence of a second T head in the embedded domain but to selectional restrictions. The non-finite auxiliary ad does not select a verb in the perfective aspectual form. To summarize, complex tense in Berber is expressed by using both a tense affix and the copula BE together with another tense affix and the main verb. The examples (67) through (72) show the different complex tenses that are generated with two different specifications for matrix tense, combined with the required aspectual form of the copula BE and with the embedded TP: ilin la (67) dao taddun go-IMP.3p Fut BE-AOR.3p Pres "They will be leaving when we arrive"

aoay nawao when arrive.lp Future Progressive

(68) dao illin 0 dan wasa BE-AOR.3p Past leave-PER.3p now Fut "They will have left now/by now" Future Perfective (69) dao ilin dao Fut BE-AOR.3p Fut "They will be about to leave

ddun leave-AOR.3p

Future in the future

(70) Ian la taddun Past-BE-PER.3p Pres leave-IMP.3p "They were leaving/had been leaving " Past Progressive (71) Han Past-BE-PER.3p "They had left"

ddan Past-leave-PER.3p

(72) Han dao Past-BE-PER.3p Fut "They were about to leave"

Past Perfective ddun leave-AOR.3p

Future in the Past

In sum, this analysis, proposed in Ouali and Pires (2005) provides a precise account of how the different complex tenses are syntactically generated in Berber. The Matrix tense can either be Future or Past and cannot be Present. The following summarizes the templates of complex tense:


55

(73) Templates of Future and Past complex tenses: Matrix FUT-BE-IMP

PAST-BE-PER

-E -E

Embedded PRES-V-IMP PAST-V-PERF FUT-V-IMP PRES-V-IMP PAST-V-PERF FUT-V-IMP

-7 -7 -7 -7 -7 -7

Future Progressive (67) Future Perfective ( 68) Future in theFutur (69) Past (Perfective) Progressive (70) Past Perfective (71) Future in the past (72)

Having argued that complex tense sentences are hi-clausal I will next discuss what sets them apart from other biclausal sentences like ECM constructions.

4.4 Be vs. Want Type Verbs ECM constructions (Want-type clauses) license two different subjects as shown in (74). )li iri (74) dao Fut want.AOR.3sm Ali "Ali will want Fatima to leave"

ad to

taddu Fatima go-AO R.2sf Fatima

The copula ila in BE clauses on the other hand, can only license one subject (75) vs. (76). )li (75) illa da BE.PER.3sm Ali FUT "Ali was going to leave"

oiddu go.AOR.2sm

)li da (76) *ilia BE-PER.3sm Ali FUT

teddu go.AOR.2sf

Fatima Fatima

We argue that want-type verbs, assign/value Case of the embedded subject as shown by clitic climbing in (77) where the subject of the embedded clause is assigned Accusative Case and is attached to the matrix auxiliary. (77) da-t iri )li ad taddu Fut-her Want-PER.3sm Ali to go.AOR.2sf "Ali will want her to go"


56

The copula ila cannot assign Accusative Case to the embedded subject as in (78).

nta/*as (78) illa Past BE-PER.3sm he;+him "He was going to leave"

dao iddu FUT go.AOR.2sm

We argue that the structure of BE clauses, as represented in (79), involves a vP in the embedded domain (predication domain of the main verb), and a VP in the matrix domain (the auxiliary domain which does not project an independent external argument). (79) [TP da [AspP illin [VP iHin [TP la [AspP taddun [ vP teddun [VP teddun ] ]] ] ] ] ] Fut BE-AOR.3p BEPRES go.IMP.3p ge "They will be going" The question that arises now is if both T heads in BE clauses are specified for Tense and agreement, which of these two values the Case of the subject in (80). (80) dao ilin la Fut BE-AOR.3p PRES "The children will be leaving"

taddun go-IMP.3p

lwashun children

I propose, following Ouali and Pires (2005), that the subject in these contexts enters into multiple AGREE (Chomsky 200la) relations, first with the embedded T which values its Case, and since this TP is not a phase (Chomsky 2000) (see also Fernandez-Salgueiro 2004), the valued Case is not deleted and remains visible to the higher (probe) T. (81)

[TP dao [A:ipP ilin [vr teddu11 ] ]

[VP

tlin:

[TP

la

[A:ipP

taddun [.r lwashun teddu11

In ECM constructions as in (74) represented in (82) below, the same happens except the embedded subject's Case does not get valued by the


57

embedded tense arguably because it is a "defective" T (as shown by the fact that only non-finite auxiliary ad occurs in ECM complement clauses), it gets valued by the matrix v, hence the subject is always marked for Accusative in these contexts. (82) [TP da [A.spP diri [.P Ali diri [vP diri [TP ad [A.spP teddu [.P Fatima teddtlft [VP

)] ] ] )] ] ]

Note that the embedded T in BE clauses is always a TNS auxiliary (la, dao, or 0) and never the nonfinite marker ad, which also supports the argument that the subject is always marked for Nominative in these sentences.

4.5 Agreement Verbs in Tamazight are inflected for subject agreement. The agreement element is not in complementary distribution with an overt subject DP, as illustrated in (83) and (84). (83) ytJa warba 3s.eat.PER boy "The boy ate honey"

Saman honey

(84) ytJa 8aman 3s.ate.PER honey "He/the boy ate honey" The position the subject occupies in Tamazight clause structure does not affect agreement as it is known to do in languages like Standard Arabic, where the verb agrees fully with the pre-verbal subject in person, number and gender, but partially (i.e. just in gender) with the post-verbal subject. In Tamazight, full subject-verb agreement is realized on the verb regardless ofwhether the subject is post-verbal or pre-verbal: (85) tfan waraw ate.PER.3p boys "The boys ate honey"

Saman honey

58

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation (86) araw tfan Saman ate.PER.3p honey boys "The boys, they ate honey"

The agreement paradigm in Tamazight Berber is as follows: (87) The AGR paradigm First person Second person Third person

Singular [verb]- x t-[verb]-t y-[verb] (masculine) t-[ verb] (feminine)

Plural n -[verb] t-[verb]-m [verb]-n6

As indicated, some agreement elements, namely the third person singu-

lar and the first person plural, are prefixes; others are suffixes (the first person singular and plural); while still others consist of both a prefix and a suffix (i.e. circumfixes) namely the second person singular and plural. I will argue in this work, following Chomsky (2000 and subsequent works), that the morphological agreement is realized as a result of establishing Agree relation between T and the subject DP. This will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5. One of the characteristics of Berber syntax in general and Tamazight syntax in particular is that subject extraction yields an alteration in the verb agreement morphology; an alteration that has been referred to since Ouhalla 1993 as Anti-Agreement Effect (AAE). When we compare sentences like (88) with sentences like (89) we see that in the former the verb is marked for a full subject-verb agreement whereas in the latter this agreement is altered yielding a neutral form of agreement (AAE). This verb form has been treated as a participle, for example in Ouhalla (2005), and I will follow suit and gloss verbs marked for Anti-Agreement as such (Part). (88) ydda leave-IMP.3sm "Ali left"

)li ali

(89) )li ddan ag Ali Comp leave.IMP.Part "It was Ali that left"


59

Interestingly, AAE occurs only if the subject extraction is local that is, within the same clause as in (89), as opposed to when the extraction is long that is, across an embedded clause as shown in (90). (90) )Ii ay Sanna maryam Ali that say.PER.3sf Miriam "It was Ali that Miriam said left"

yadda leave .PER.3sm

This phenomenon provides another piece of evidence that complex tense sentences are hi-clausal because only the local clause in these constructions gets affected by A'-movement and Anti-Agreement as shown in (91). (91) )li ag llan Ali Comp BE.PER.Part "It was Ali who had left"

yadda go.PER.3sm

AAE shows in three different contexts of subject extraction namely: Clefts as in (91), Subject-Relative clauses as in (92), and wh-Clauses as in (93). (92) Sarbat ag rbhan win.PER.Part girl Comp "the girl who won bought a house"

Su'l( buy.PER.3sf

8addar8 house

(93) rna ag _ ddan who leave.PER.Part "Who left?" The same effect is observed in complex tense constructions if we compare (94), which is a regular complex tense sentence with full subject-verb agreement marked on both the main verb and the copula BE, and (95) which is a subject wh-extraction example where only the main verb still retains the subject-verb agreement whereas the copula shows AAE. (94) dao iii )li Fut Be.AOR.3sm Ali "Ali will be eating"

la-ytat Pres-eat.IMP.3sm

(95) rna rao ilin who Fut Be.AOR.Part "who will be eating"

la-ytat Pres-eat.IMP.3sm


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Ifwe consider embedding contexts as in (96), we see that when the subject of the embedded sentence is locally extracted AAE is again observed. (96) isqsa-yi )li rna ask.PER.3sm-me Ali who "Ali asked who will leave"

ra Fut

ydun leave.AOR.Part

The same pattern is attested in ECM constructions as shown in (97), where no subject extraction has taken place hence the verbs are marked for full subject agreement, and in (98), where the subject of the main clause is wh-moved and the main verb shows AAE. (97) Sra maria ao want.IMP.3sfMaria to "Maria wants Ali to leave"

iddu )li go.AOR.3sm Ali

(98) rna

ag ran )li ao iddu who that want.IMP.Part Ali to go.AOR.3sm "Who wants Maria to leave" ECM: Local extraction -AAE

Interestingly, the AAE observed in all these constructions disappears when the subject undergoes a long-distance extraction; in other words when the subject of the embedded clause is moved across all the way to the front of the main clause. Examples (99) and (100) show lack of AAE with longdistance embedded subject extraction in both ECM and complex tense constructions respectively. (99) rna ay Sra maria aO- iddu who Camp want.PER.3sf Maria to go.Aor.3sm "Who does Marywant __ to leave?" ECM: long distance extraction-no AAE (100) rna ay Sanna Fatima dao illi la-ytat who that say.PER.3sf Be-Aor.3sm Fatima Fut Pres-eat.IMP.3sm "who did Fatima say _will be eating" Complex Tense: long distance extraction-no AAE


61

A detailed analysis of agreement and AAE will be presented in Chapters 5 and 6. The next section will be on the so-called orientation particles.

4.6 A Note on Orientation Particles: d and n Orientation far from or towards the speaker is marked morphologically in Berber. There are two different morphemes, one for each orientation, reported in the different Berber dialects: -d and -n. Some Tamazight varieties like Ayt Ndhir dialect described in Penchoen (1973) and Ayt Ayache and Ayt Seghrouchen dialects described in Abdel-Massih (1971) have both morphemes. Others like QTB only has one, namely -d. Penchoen (1973), who calls these morphemes "orientation indices," describes them as follows: d expresses that the action takes place in the direction of the speaker or the subject referent, or toward an original point of departure, or less precisely, expresses subjectiveness; n (much less used) expresses that the action takes place in a direction away from the speaker or in a place which is away from him. (Penchoen 1973: 42)

Abdel-Massih (1971), who refers to these morphemes as "orientation affixes," describes das "denoting proximity," and n as "denoting remotedness." He argues that the verbs meaning "come" and "go there" are derived from the same stem ddu "go" as illustrated by (1 01): (101) idda 3sm.go.PER "he went"

idda-d idda-n 3sm.come.PER 3sm.go.PER there "he came" "he went there/ away" (adapted from Abdel-Massih (1971: 42))

In QTB, the orientation particle -d, the only orientation morpheme, the dialect has, is used with verbs such as ddu "go" above, ss<Jjo "send," and awi "take away" and appears suffixed to these verbs. Consider the following examples with awi "take" where dis glossed as Or(ientation): (102) yiwi warba abarrao 3s.take.PER boy teapot "The boy took the teapot over to his mother"

i-may-s to-mother-his


62

(1 03) yiwid warba abarrao 3s.bring.PER.Or boy teapot "The boy brought the teapot to his mother"

i-may-s to-mother-his

As we can see, when dis affixed to the verb, it changes its meaning from

"take" to "bring." One could argue that dis not an affix but is part of the lexical verb yiwid "bring." This claim however is severely challenged by the fact that the orientation particle d has a clitic-like distribution in that it does not always appear affixed to the verb. In negative sentences, it appears adjacent to negation preceding the verb as shown in (104) below. Notice that having the particle d following the verb results in ungrammaticality as illustrates (105): (104) ur-d warba abarrao yiwi Neg-Or 3s.bring.PER boy teapot "The boy didn't bring the teapot to his mother" (105) *ur Neg

yiwid 3s.bring.PER .Or

warba abarrao boy teapot

i-may-s to-mother-his i-may-s to-mother-his

It can also appear as part of a clitic cluster with the object pronominal clitics

as illustrated in: (1 06) ur-as-t-io yiwi 3s.bring.PER Neg-CLh.,-CL;,-CL 0 , "The boy didn't bring it to her"

warba boy

This points to the conclusion that d does not form a monomorphemic lexical verb with iwi "take" when used together iwid to mean "bring." It is a separate morpheme and its syntactic distribution seems to be governed by clitic placement rules. Chapter 6 will deal with the distribution of object pronominal clitics whereas the distribution of the particle dwill be left for future research. The next section will be about negation in Tamazight.

4. 7 Negation Tamazight has two strategies to express sentential negation. The first strategy is by means of one negative marker in a pre-verbal position as shown in


63

(107). The second strategy is by employing two negative markers as shown in (108); the first maker is pre-verbal and the second is post-verbal. (107) ur iddi warba Neg 3sm.go.PER.neg boy Con.boy "The boy didn't go to school"

'l(r-skila to-school

warba Cons.boy

fa (108) ur iddi Neg 3sm.go.PER.neg boy fa "The boy didn't go to school"

'l(r-skila to-school

The negation particle ur always precedes the verb as in (109), as well as the tense particles dao and la (if present) as shown, respectively, by the examples in (11 0) and (111): (109) ur uryax eabrat write.PER.1s letter Neg "I didn't write the letter" (110) ur dao aryax writeAOR.1s Neg Fut "I will not write the letter"

eabrat letter

(111) ur la taryax write .IMP. Is Neg Pres "I am not writing the letter"

eabrat letter

Failing to precede the verb and the tense markers results in ungrammaticality as illustrated in (112), (113), and (114): (112) *uryax ur eabrat write.PER.1s Neg letter "I didn't write the letter" (113) *dao ur aryax Fut Neg write.AOR.1s "I will not write the letter"

Sabrat letter

(114) *la ur taryax Pres Neg write .IMP. Is "I am not writing the letter"

Sabrat letter


64

The second Neg element fa can occur in a post-verbal position as shown in (108) mentioned earlier or in a pre-verbal position where it also precedes the first negative marker uras in (115): (115) fa

ur iddi Neg Neg 3sm.go.PER.neg "The boy didn't go to school"

warba Cons. boy

yr-skila to-school

It is the negative element ur however that carries negative force in the sentence and is therefore obligatory. Dropping ur and leaving Ja either in a pre-verbal position or post-verbal position results in ungrammatical sentences as illustrated in (116) and (117): (116) *fa

iddi 3sm.go.PER.neg Neg "The boy didn't go to school"

(117) *iddi

fa

warba Cons. boy

yr-skeela to-school

warba

yr-skeela

Despite the fact that Ja is an optional negative element in Tamazight, there are contexts where it is prohibited altogether. These contexts were first pointed out (to my knowledge) by Nait-Zerrad (1994) in his work on Taqbaylit Berber (spoken in Algeria). These contexts or environments are: Coordinated Negative Clauses, Relative Clauses, Interrogative clauses, and "Swear" constructions. As we can see in ( 118), which is an example of coordinated clauses, each clause has a negative marker, namely ur, occurring in its canonical position preceding the main verb. When it comes to the optional negative marker fa, it is prohibited both pre-verbally as shown in (119) and post-verbally as shown in (120). (118) ur

tfin ur -ax d3in ao natJ Neg eat.neg.3p.PER Neg -us let.neg.3p.PER to eat.neg.3pAOR "They didn't eat and they didn't let us eat/ they neither ate nor let us eat"

(119) (*fa) ur

tfin ao natf (*Neg) Neg eat.neg.3p.PER to eat.neg.3pAOR

(*fa)

ur-ax

(*Neg) Neg -us let.neg.3p.PER


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(120) ur tfin (*Ja) ur-ax d3in (*Ja) ao natJ Neg eat.neg.3p.PER (*Neg) Neg -us let.neg.3p.PER (*Neg) to eat.neg.3p.AOR In clauses such as (121), where we have a negative root clause with a subject relative clause, both the root clause and relative clause must carry negation. Failure to carry negation either at the root clause level, or at the relative clause level, results in ungrammaticality as shown in (122) and (123) respectively: (121) ur illi lmahal 3sm.be.neg.PER house Neg "There isn't a house he hasn't visited" (122) *illa lmahal ur 3sm. be.PER house neg "There is a house he hasn't visited"

ur neg

izri 3sm.visit.neg.PER

izri 3sm.visit.neg.PER

(123) *ur illi lmahal Neg 3sm.be.neg.PER house "There isn't a house he has visited"

izra 3sm.visit.PER

Regarding the distribution of the optional negative marker Ja in these environments, it is simply prohibited as shown in (124) and (125): (124) (* Ja) ur illi lmahal (* Ja) ur izri (Neg) Neg 3sm.be.neg.PER house (*neg) Neg 3sm.visit.neg.PER "There isn't a house he hasn't visited" (125) ur illi (*Ja) lmahal ur izri (*Ja) Neg 3sm.be.neg.PER (neg) house Neg 3sm.visit.neg.PER (neg) The next context where Ja is banned is in interrogative clauses such as (126): (126) rna ur iddin who Neg 3sm.go.PER.Part "Who didn't go to school?"

){r-skeela? to-school

66


Introducing fa, either pre-verbally or post-verbally, causes the sentence to become ungrammatical as in (127): (*fa) (*neg)

(127) rna (*fa) ur iddin who (neg) Neg 3sm.go.PER.Part "Who didn't go to school"

yr-skeela to-school

The last environment where fa is prohibited is in what I would call Swear Constructions. There are two ways of swearing in Tamazight. The first one is by mentioning a divine word one swears by, which is typically God, and it is in this respect similar to the English expression by God in "by God I will never do that again" for example. The second way is by using a verb equivalent to the verb swear in English as in "I swear I will never do that again." Examples of these two strategies are given in (128) and (129) using negation: (128) wLah ur 8ddi8 2s.go.neg.PER.2s who Neg "by God you will not leave today"

ass-a day-this

ur (129) gulax 8ddi8 swear.1s.PER Neg 2s.go.neg.PER.2s "I swear you will not leave today"

ass-a day-this

As just mentioned, this is another environment where the use of the negative marker fa is simply impossible neither in a pre-verbal position nor in a post-verbal position as illustrated in (130) and (131): (130) wLah (*fa) ur 8ddi8 who (neg) Neg 2s.go.neg.PER.2s "by God you will not leave today"

(*fa) (neg)

(131) gulax (*fa) ur 8ddi8 swear.1s.PER (neg) Neg 2s.go.neg.PER.2s "I swear you will not leave today"

ass-a day-this

(*fa) (neg)

ass-a day-this

The last aspect of negation that will be discussed in this section is the interaction between the negative marker ur and the N-( egative) words, in Tamazight, such as walu "nothing" and agid3 "nobody." The distribution of these N-words in Tamazight must be licensed by the negative marker uras shown in (132) and (133):


(132) ur iddi Neg 3sm.go.neg.PER "Nobody went to the souk"

agid3 not-even-one

(133) ur ufix Neg ls.find.neg.PER "I found nothing"

walu nothing

67

'){ar ssuq to souk

If we remove the negative marker form the sentences above, we end up with the following ill-formed sentences: (134) *idda 3sm.go.PER

agid3 not-even-one

(135) *ufix 1s.find.neg.PER

walu nothing

'){ar ssuq to souk

Chapter 8 will provide a typology of negation in Berber and a detailed analysis of the syntax of negation and negative concord in Tamazight. I will assume, following for example, Pollock (1989), Chomsky (1991) and Ouhalla (1990), that Nego heads its own X-bar projection in Tamazight Berber: 7 (136)

NegP

/"--.... Neg'

/"--.... Neg I will also assume that the structural position of NegP is higher than TP in Tamazight as shown in: (137)

TP

/"--.... T'

/"--.... T

NegP

/"--.... Neg'

/"--.... Neg

68


Ifwe compare for example English, where NegP is assumed to be immediately above VP, and Tamazight, we find that negation in English always follows the auxiliary, whereas in Tamazight negation always precedes the auxiliary. Consider the following examples: (138) ur dao a){ ax Neg Fut buy.1s "I will not buy clothes"

ibattan clothes

(139) *dao ur a){ax ibattan (140) Mary will not drink milk. (141) *Mary not will drink milk. With a structure where NegP is higher than TP and AgrP, it would not be complicated to derive the grammatical Tamazight sentence in (138) above, but with a structure where NegP is, for example, immediately above VP, there would be instances of movement of the negative head ur "not" which would need to be independently motivated and which would not be favorable for economy reasons (Ouali 2003). A more detailed analysis is provided in Chapter 8. We move now to discuss complementizers in Tamazight in the next section.

4.8 Complementizers There are three types of complementizers in Tamazight: (a) Complementizers that are used mainly in relative clauses, cleft constructions, and interrogative clauses, and they are: the complementizer ay and its phonological variant ag, 8 (b) The complementizer bdlliwhich is used in embedded clauses, and (c) A complementizer which is used as a Q(uestion) element in yes-no questions namely: is.

4.8.1 The complementizer ay

There are three contexts where ay is found. The first one is interrogative clauses, direct and indirect. The sentences in (142)-(144) are examples of direct interrogative clauses. Example (142) is a case of a subject interrogative


69

clause, example (143) is a case of an object interrogative clause, and example (144) is a time interrogative clause: (142) rna ag ddan who Camp leave.PER.Part "Who left" (143) rna ay Bra what Camp 2s.want.PER "what does Fatima want?"

Fatima Fatima

(144) milmi ag when Camp "When did Ali go?"

)li Ali

dda go.PER.3sm

The sentence in (145) is an example of indirect interrogative clauses: (145) rix ao )lux rna ay Bra Fatima want.1s.PER to see.1s.AOR what Camp 2s.want.PER Fatima "I want to see what Fatima wants" I will assume following Boukhris (1998) that ay, which presumably occupies C in the clause structure of Tamazight, is specified for [+wh] feature in both types of interrogative clauses. The second context where the complementizer ay is found is relative clauses as in (146): (146) Bdda Bmattut ag snan 3sf.leave.PER woman Camp 2s.want.PER "The woman who knows Fatima has left?"

Fatima Fatima

Unlike in interrogative clauses, the complementizer in relative clauses is optional as in (147): (147) Bdda Bmattut snan 3sf.leave.PER woman 2s.want.PER "The woman who knows Fatima has left?"

Fatima Fatima

This optionality, however, disappears when the relativized argument is not a subject or a direct object (Boukhris 1998). If the relativized argument

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is an indirect object as in (148) or a Prepositional Phrase as in (149), the overt realization of the complementizer ay becomes obligatory: (148) 8amattut a(y)-mi 8wJa Fatima laflus 8dda woman Comp-P-CL 2s.give.PER Fatima money 3sf.leave.PER "The woman, that Fatima gave money to, left" (149) idda-i ssarut a(y)-s-mi 3sm.go.PER.me key Comp-with-CL "I lost the key that I open the door with"

truyax 1s.open.IMP

lbab door

Notice that, in both (148) and ( 149), there is a morpheme mi that appears with the complementizer. In (149) there is also a preposition (s- "to") that precedes mi and follows the complementizer. There does not appear to be an agreement in the literature about the nature of this particle. Penchoen (1973: 69) treats it as a preposition and writes in a footnote: "i 'to, for' takes the form ofmi in an indirect object relative clause." Examples such as (149), where mi is found with a the preposition s- "with," are clear indication that mi is not itself a preposition. Loubignac (1924), in his work on Tamazight of Zayan and Ayt Sgougou, describes mi as a particle that follows different prepositions in relative clauses, as well as relative pronouns and interrogative pronouns. This is also attested in the Tamazight dialect under study in this work as seen in (148) and (149) provided earlier. Boukhris (1998) treats mi a complementizer in the Zemmour dialect she analyzes. In this dialect, according to her, the complementizer used in relative clauses is lli (the counter part of ay) as shown in (150): (150) argaz 11i iffR-n man Camp leave.PER.Part "The man who left. (adapted from Boukhris 1998: 178) When a PP adjunct is relativized the mi particles appears with the preposition and the relative pronoun lli is banned as illustrated in (151): (151) argaz ag-mi dda-n man with-who go.PER.3p "The man with whom they left.


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(152) *argaz ag-mi lli dda-n go.PER.3p man with-who who "The man with whom they left . (adapted from Boukhris 1998: 179) This apparent complementary distribution of lli and mi in Boukhris's dialect led her to treat them as two elements of the same syntactic category. They are both Camp elements that occupy the same head that is, C. This analysis is not supported by the facts from other Tamazight varieties especially the ones described, in Loubignac (1924) and Penchoen (1973) for example, and the one described in this book namely QTB. There are a lot of examples such as (148) where the mi co-occurs with the Camp element ay. This raises the question again about the categorical status of this particle. The facts seem to point to the possibility that it is a focus marker realized on a head associated with the left periphery of the clause structure. This could be possible within an approach that assumes a split C structure which makes Boukhris's analysis partially feasible. To sum up, the complementizer used in relative clauses is not uniform across Tamazight dialects. Ayt Ndhir Tamazight has the complementizer nna (Penchoen 1973), the Zemmour dialect described in Boukhris (1998) uses lli. 9 Despite this lexical variation, this complementizer has the same syntactic properties in Tamazight. The third environment where ay is realized is Cleft constructions as illustrated in (153): (153) Samattut-a ay Sssan woman-this Camp 2s.Know.PER "It's this woman that Fatima knows"

Fatima Fatima

The phrases that can be clefted are not restricted to arguments such as direct objects as in (153), but they could also be subjects as in (154) and indirect objects as (155): 10 (154) Samattut-a ay ssnan woman-this Camp 3s.Know.PER.Part "It's this woman that knows Fatima"

Fatima Fatima

72

Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation (155) 8amattut-a ay-i-mi 8wJa Fatima woman-this Comp-Comp 3s.give.PER Fatima "It's this woman that Fatima gave the key to"

ssarut the-key

Adjuncts can also be clefted as shown by the clefted locative PP in (156): (156) rbao a(y)-yar-mi 8dda Rabat Comp-to-Comp 3sf.go.PER "It's Rabat that Fatima went to"

Fatima Fatima

There is one important property that marks the syntax of the complementizer ay and that is it can host object pronominal clitics as shown in (157): (157) 8amattut-a ay-s-t woman-this Comp-CLh.,-CL;, "It's this woman that gave it Fatima"

ywJan give .PER.Part

i-Fatima i-Fatima

This distribution of object pronominal clitics will be discussed in detail in Chapter 6. The second type of complementizers that we find in Tamazight is lJJlli "that."

4.8.2 The complementizer bCJUi The complementizer lJJlli is a word borrowed from Moroccan Arabic. It is typically the complementizer used in embedded clauses after sSJn "know" and inna "say" type verbs, and it might precede the mood marker la. It is however optional and so is the mood marker la as shown in (158): (158) ssnax (balli) (la) Buy know.PER.1s (that) (la) 3sf. buy.PER "I know that Fatima bought the house"

Fatima Fatima

8addart house

Unlike the complementizer o:y, this complementizer cannot host pronomial clitics.

4.8.3 The complementizer is This particle is mainly used in yes-no direct and indirect interrogative clauses as illustrated in (159) and (160) respectively.


(159) is Sdda emattut ag 3sf.leave .PER woman Comp Q "Did the woman who knows Fatima leave?"

73

snan Fatima 2s.want.PER Fatima

(160) ur ssinx is Sdda emattut Neg ls.know.PER 3sf.leave .PER woman Q "I don't know if the left or not?"

malaa or not

This complementizer can also host object pronominal clitics as in (161): (161) is-as-t wJan 3p.give.PER Q-CLher-CL.1t "Did they give it to her?" Having discussed the different complementizers that we find in QTB and Tamazight in general, the interesting point that needs to be reiterated here is that interrogative clauses as pointed out before are formed by combining a whword with either the complementizer ay or the complementizer ag. We will see in the next chapter what this tells us about the nature of complementizers in such contexts. (162) milmi ag idda 3sm.go.PER when Comp "When did Ali go?"

)li? Ali

One implication this has is that the verb never moves to C0 in wh-clauses as it does in a lot oflanguages, such as French. Does the verb ever move to C0 in other types of clauses in Tamazight? Is C0 an obligatory overt head in the structure of the Tamazight clause? We will return to these two questions in Chapters 6 and 7.

4.9 Tamazight Clause Structure To summarize, in this chapter I discussed different aspects of the verb morphology including agreement, tense, and aspect, negation and complemen tizers in Tamazigh t (QTB). I also discussed some of the motivations for the sentential structure that will be used in this work. I argued that tense and aspect have separate projections in the clause structure namely TP

74


and AspP; with TP higher than AspP in the structure of the clause. NegP, I argued, is higher in the functional domain than both TP and AspP. The following is the phrase structure I assume for QTB: (163) [ CP [ NegP [ TP [ AspP [ VP ]]]]] With an analysis of clausal architecture of QTB now in place the next chapter returns to one of the main topics of this book. I will discuss subject-verb agreement, and the different contexts in which this agreement is suppressed. I will then detail the analysis proposed in Chapter 3 and present an account for AAE.

Chapter 5

Subject-Verb Agreement and Agreement Suppression Effects

As mentioned in the previous chapter, verbs in Tamazight Berber in general and QTB in more specific are always inflected for subject agreement. The agreement element can co-occur with the subject as illustrated in (1). QTB is also a pro-drop language as illustrated in (2). warba (1) ytJa 3s.eat.PER boy "The boy ate honey" (2) pro

Saman honey Saman honey

ytJa 3s.eat.PER "He ate honey"

pro

There are different possibilities as to which functional head is specified for Agreement features; it could be T 0 , Asp 0 , V0 or Agro (assuming an independent AgrP projection). In this book I will assume, following a recent Minimalist approach (Chomsky 2001a, 2004), that it is T 0 that is specified for -features, will enter into a Probe-Goal Match relation with the closest Goal that is, the subject DP which bears valued c:p-features and unvalued Case feature. As a result of the Agree operation, the q>-features ofT and Case feature on the DP are valued. (6)

CP

/'"'-.._ C' /'"'-.._ C

TP

/'"'-.._ T'

/'"'-.._ T

AspP

{cp-f.~,1NS} ~·

~vP

te" /'"'-.._ araw v' "the boys" /'"'-.._

~~ Oamm

V

"honey"/'"'-.._

tftm8ama8 The crucial assumption that marks the starting point or basis for the analysis I am going to develop is stated in this quote from Chomsky 2004: T functions in the Case-agreement system only if it is selected by C, in which case, it is also complete. Further, in just this case T has the semantic properties of true Tense. These cannot be added by the

Subject-Verb Agreement

77

-features toT, and only then T, now having [-interpretable] q>-features, probes the subject. As a result these -features and the subject which is specified for valued q>-features and unvalued Case feature; and according to Chomsky's analysis the Case feature of the DP gets valued and deleted as a "reflex" or a result of full agreement in q>-features between the probe T and the goal DP. If full agreement is a pre-requisite for Case valuation and deletion, how can one derive the Berber subject extraction facts where T presumably is not specified for a full set of cp-features?


81

The proposal that I will be defending throughout can be summarized as follows: Subject-verb agreement is a reflex of an Agree(ment) relation established between the T and the subject as illustrated in (20):

Subject-verb agreement configuration

(20) [ c

[T

[vP Subject [ V ]]]]

L-----4 Apemmt

T is not the locus of q>-features but inherits these features from C. AAE arise when an Agree relation is established between C, the locus of cp-features, and the subject as illustrated in (21).

AAE configuration

(21) [ C

[T [vP Subject [ V ]]]] L.._ _ _ _ _ _..A

AAE is attested in a number of other languages, and since Ouhalla (1993),

there have been different analyses of this phenomenon. In the next section I will briefly review these analyses and discuss whether each one is compatible with the analysis advanced in this work. It is important to emphasize however that none of these previous approaches adopts the FeatureInheritance mechanism, which is crucial for the proposal developed in this book.

5.3 Previous Analyses for Anti-Agreement Effects The data that shows loss of agreement in subject extraction contexts have been pointed out by descriptive linguists who have worked on different varieties of Berber and who were first to characterize these verb forms as participles, for example Laoust (1912) in his work on Chenoua dialect, Loubignac (1924) in his work on Tamazight of Zayan (Zayan), Basset (1952), to cite just a couple. Recently, Berber linguists such as Guerssel in Guerssel and Hale (1987), Ouhalla (1993, 2005b), Sadiqi (1986) among


82

many others have analyzed these facts within the Generative framework. This phenomenon has also been reported in a number of other languages and among them are: Celtic (McCloskey (1990)), Fiorentino and Trentino (Brandi and Cardin (1989), Ouhalla (1993)), Ibibio (Baker 2008), Kikuyu (Clements 1984), Kinande (Schneider-Zioga 1995, 2000, 2007) among others. However, it was Ouhalla's (1993) seminal work and analysis that made this phenomenon, which he referred to as AAE, known in the mainstream generative syntax. Subsequently, a number of different analyses have been proposed and in this next section I will review some of these proposals.

5.3.1 Ouhalla 1993 Ouhalla analyzes AAE as "a strategy used by null subject languages, in particular those which locally move their wh-subjects in the syntax, to avoid the licensing of a resumptive pro in the closest subject position" (Ouhalla 1993: 477). Let us compare the sentence in (22) and the one in (23) from QTB: (22) pro1

8a)la 8mattut.I see.3sf.PER woman "The woman saw her husband"

pro

argaz-nas man-her

(23) mani 8amattuti ag (*proi)/ ti comp (*proi) I ti which woman "which woman saw her husband"

)Ian see.Part.PER

argaz-nas man-her

The first example (22) is a VSO sentence with full subject-verb agreement. Full agreement in such configurations licenses pro in the subject position. In (23) we have a wh-operator (extracted subject) preceding pro. If pro is licensed in the subject position, as a resumptive pronoun variable, it must be A'-bound by the wh-operator causing a binding violation, in this case Aoun and Ii's (1989) "A'-disjointness requirement on the distribution of pronominal elements" This requirement, which is part of Binding Principle B, bars pronouns from being locally bound. As a strategy, to derive sentences such as (23), the extracted subject moves through the subject position (Spec-IP) leaving a trace, the agreement on the verb is suppressed, and consequently pro cannot be licensed deducing the so--features toT, should be different from a non-agreeing C that is, a C that transmits its cp-features to T. This is exactly what we observe in Tamazight Berber and in Berber in general. In local wh-extraction contexts such as (60) (a case of "agreeing" C) Camp is obligatory otherwise the sentence becomes ungrammatical as in (61): (60) rna swan ag who Comp drink. PER. Part "Who drank water?"

am an water

(61) *rna swan who drink. PER. Part "Who drank water?"

am an water

In long-distance extraction, on the other hand, Camp is disallowed in the embedded clause (a case of non-agreeing C) as illustrated by (62) and (63). This, I argue, is a strong empirical evidence for C.agreement or lack thereof. In other words, my proposal shows how C.agreement is disallowed when T-agreement (subject-verb agreement) is allowed and how C.agreement (also represented by an overt C) is allowed where T-agreement is disallowed. (62) rna ay Sanna Fatima who Camp 3sf.say.PER Fatima "Who did Fatima say drank water?"

iswa 3sm.drink.PER

am an water

(63) *rna ay iswa Sanna Fatima ay who Camp 3sf.say.PER FatimaComp 3sm.drink.PER "Who did Fatima say drank water?"

am an water

Another interesting prediction is that in long-distance extraction contexts, given my proposal that matrix C transfers its cp-features to T and keeps a copy (SHARE), we expect to see both "T-agreement" and "C-agreement" when this happens in the matrix domain. This prediction is borne out as we see in (62) repeated in ( 64): (64) rna ay Sanna Fatima who Comp 3sf.say.PER Fatima "Who did Fatima say drank water?"

iswa 3sm.drink.PER

aman water


96

If we drop "T-agreement" we get an ungrammatical sentence as we see in (65). ( 65) *rna

ag nan Fatima who Camp say.PER.Part Fatima "Who did Fatima say drank water?"

iswa 3sm.drink.PER

aman water

Also, ifwe drop "C-agreement" (represented by the overt C) we get, again, an ungrammatical sentence as in (66): ( 66) *rna

Sanna Fatima who 3sf.say.PER Fatima "Who did Fatima say drank water?"

iswa am an 3sm.drink.PER water

Similarly, we expect to see both T-agreement and C-agreement in Object extraction contexts in Berber, since Twill agree with the subject and C will agree with, for example, a wh-object. In other words we expect SHARE to be the only convergent option and to observe both subject-verb agreement and an obligatory Camp. These predictions are borne out as shown in (67), (68), and (69). (67) mani lace~b *(ay) 9aqra earbat which book *(Camp) 3sf.read.PER girl "Which book did the girl read?" *(ay) 9aqra earbat *(Camp) book-this 3sf.read.PER girl "It was this book that the girl read"

(68)

lace~b-a

(69)

lace~b

*(ay) 9aqra earbat ur-i'l(uoa *(Camp) 3sf.read.PER girl book-this Neg-3sm.good "The book that the girl read is not good"

The example in (67) is an object wh-question, (68) is an object Cleftconstruction and (69) is an object relative clause. As shown in all these cases Camp or C-Agreement is obligatory as expected if we consider the derivation of (67) represented in (70) below.


(70)

97

~

/'-...

mani }Qc9~b C'

"which book"/'-.._

~Ar

SHARE'--. T/'-.._AspP /'-...

Asp'

/'-... 9Q(Jra

vP

"read"/'-... QQrbat v' "girl" /'-... ~

VP

/'-...

As shown in (70), we have a case of SHARE. Before we detail the analysis let us ask the question of what happens if we apply DONATE and KEEP? If DONATE applies C will transfer its q>-features to T, and C will cease to be active. T will probe the subject and T-agreement will be achieved, yet the [-valued] [-interpretable] wh-feature on the object will not be valued and deleted and the derivation will ultimately crash. If, on the other hand KEEP applies, C will not transfer its q>-features to T, which means it will remain active and probe the closest active DP. The subject in Spec-vP is the closest goal to C, and since C is q>--features on C should conversely get valued and deleted. The same problem arises again here and that is the wh-feature on the wh-object will fail to get valued and deleted and the derivation will yet again crash. With SHARE, the derivation proceeds as follows: C transfers its c:p-features to T and keeps a copy. C and T are both active; T probes the closest goal that is, the subject, and as a result T-agreement is

98


obtained as marked by the subject-verb agreement, and C probes the closest active DP which is now the wh-object, since the subject has been inactivated by T. C-agreement is then obtained as marked by the obligatory Comp. This is another compelling evidence for the different q>-Transfer options that I have discussed so far namely: DONATE, KEEP, and SHARE. Another prediction this analysis makes is C-agreement should arise when we have wh-adjuncts, this prediction is borne out and will be discussed in the next section.

5.6 Object Arguments, Adjuncts, and AAE As demonstrated in the last section, C-agreement, which is marked by

an obligatory Comp, in Tamazight Berber, and in Berber in general, is manifested in subject wh-clauses, subject relative clauses and subject Cleft-constructions, as a result of KEEP in short-distance movement, and SHARE in long-distance movement, as schematized in (71): (71) a. [CPwh-Subj

C1wh, q>-feature•J

[TP T [ vP wh-Sttbj

~1 - - - - A g r e e - - - -

b. [CPwh-Subj

qwh,

SHARE

5. 9 A Note on Agree vs. Move Finally, the last point I would like to touch on has to do with Agree vs. Move. Agree applies upon establishing a C-Command Probe-Goal Match relation and it applies independently of Move. Move or internal merge is motivated by other independent mechanisms. For Chomsky, it is the EPP and for Epstein and Seely it is Case. At this point I have nothing more to add to this. The intermediate movement of the wh-word to the intermediate Spec, CP in sentences such as (58) represented in (59), is not forced by featurechecking, but rather by other mechanisms for example, locality, as proposed by Boskovic (2002), or also as the result of the need for elements to move to the edge of the phase in order to check features in a higher projection later. The jury is still out on which of these different approaches is on the right track, although approaches that try to do away with stipulative mechanisms such as the EPP seem to be favorable on Minimalist grounds. The next chapter is about the clitic distribution in Tamazight Berber.


Chapter 6

Object Pronominal Clitics

Pronominal clitic distribution is one of the most debated topics in syntax and remains one of the most interesting phenomena in Berber syntax. One of the recent and widely accepted proposals in the Berber syntax literature claims that clitic placement results from XP-movement (phrasalmovement) to the edge of vP prior to any further movements. This proposal was first made by Boukhris (1998) and was adopted in Enn~i and Sadiqi (2002). I provide evidence and analysis indicating that this proposal is both theoretically and empirically inadequate. I will argue that object pronominal "clitic placement" is not the result of phrase-movement as proposed by the authors mentioned above, nor is it head movement, either from an argument position that is, object position as proposed by Ouhalla (1988, 1989, and 2005a) or from a higher functional head position (Elouazizi 2005). I argue that one can maintain Sportiche's (1992, 1998) proposal, also argued for in Manzini (1998) and Manzini and Savoia (1999, 2001, 2002) among many others, which hypothesizes that object pronominal clitics are merged as specialized heads in the functional domain and show given, the Berber data that clitic placement can be deduced from whether V-to-T takes place or not without appealing to clitic movement or prosodic operations such as prosodic reordering (Ouhalla 2005a). I will also argue that the parametric variation among some Berber dialects with regard to object clitic distribution is due to their difference in the hierarchy of the functional categories. This chapter is organized as follows: Section 6.1 introduces the facts about the distribution of object pronominal clitics in Tamazight Berber, section 6.2 discusses previous analyses of pronominal clitic distribution, section 6.3 presents a new analysis of pronominal clitic distribution in Tamazight Berber and section 6.4 provides an account for the variation in the clitic placement in some Berber dialects.


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6.1 The Distribution of Object Pronominal Clitics in Tamazight Tamazight object pronominal clitics must cliticize to the verb if there are no functional categories in the sentence as shown in (1). In the presence of functional categories, the clitics must cliticize to these categories, namely: the tense elements da as in (2) and la as in (3), the negation particle ur as in ( 4), and the complementizer a:y as shown in (5). (1) wfix-as-t give.PER.ls-him-it "I gave it to him"

(Quebliyeen Tamazight Berber)

(2) da-as-t wf ax(*-as-t) will-him-it give.lsAOR(*-him-it) "I will give it to him" (3) la-as-t ikk.ix (*-as-t) Pres-her-it give.ls.IMP(*-him-it) "I am giving it to him" ( 4) ur-as-t wfix(*-as-t) not-him-it gave.neg.ls.PER(*-him-it) "I didn't give it to him." (5) argaz a-s-t ywfan(*-as-t) idda man Camp-him-it give.PER.Part. (*-him-it) "The man who gave it to him left."

(a-s-t = ay-as-t) went

(6) rna

a-s-t ywfan(*-as-t)? who Camp-him-it gave.Part. (*-him-it) "Who gave it to him?"

Examples (2)-(6) indicate that when a particle representing a functional category co-occurs with the verb, pronominal clitics cliticize to these particles and not to the verb. In (2) the dative and the accusative clitics are attached to the future particle da and not to the verb as shown by the ungrammaticality of (7). In ( 4) they appear attached to the negation particle ur and not to the verb, otherwise the sentence is ill-formed as in (8). Finally in (5) and (6), they obligatorily attach to the complementizer and not the verb as shown in (9).


107

(7) *da wJax-as-t will give .AO R.1 s-him-it "I will give it to him" (8) *ur wJix-as-t Neg give.neg.PER.1s-him-it "I didn't give it to him" (9) *argaz ay man Camp

wJa-as-t give.PER.1s-him-it

idda left

However, when all these particles and the complementizer ay co-occur in the same clause in Tamazight, clitics attach to the tense particle (e.g. da "Fut" in (10)-(11)) and only to the tense particle: (10) argaz ay -ur -da -s -t ywJan the man Camp-not-will-him-it 3sm.give.Part "The man who will not give it to him has left"

idda1 went.3sm.PER

(11) rna ay-ur-da-as-t ywJan? who that-not-will-him-it 3sm.give.Part "Who will not give it to him" (12) * argaz ay-(*as-t)-ur-(*as-t-)da the-man that-(him-it)-Not-him-it-will

ywJan give.Part

(13) rna ay(*-as-t)-ur-(*as-t-)da who that (-him-it)-not-him-it-will

ywJan give.Part

In (10) and (11) where all the different potential hosts co-occur, namely: camp (ay), Neg particle (ur), tense particle (da), object clitics can attach only to the tense particle otherwise we get ungrammatical sentences as shown in (12) and (13). The distribution ofTamazight object pronominal clitics can thus be schematized as follows: ( 14) Object pronominal Clitic Distribution

a. b. c. d. e.

V +CL Tense Particle + CL + V Neg+CL+V Camp+ CL + V Camp (+ *CL) + Neg ( + *CL) +Tense (+ CL) + V (+ *CL) f. Camp(+ *CL) +Neg(+ CL) + V (+ *CL)

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Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation In Brief g. F CL V (where F= Comp, NegorT) (borrowing Ouhalla's (2005a) notation) h.VCL

The descriptive generalizations in (14) are true of all Berber dialects except for line (e) which distinguishes two sets of dialects: the Tamazightlike dialects and the Tarifit-like dialects. In the Tarifit like dialects only the following order is grammatical: i. Comp (+ *CL) +Tense (+ *CL) +Neg (+ CL) + V (+ *CL) What sets Tamazight-like dialects from Tarifit-like dialects apart is that in the latter, when more than one potential host is present in the sentence, the clitics cliticize to negation, which happens to follow the tense auxiliary in these dialects. I will return to this topic in section 6.4 but first I will discuss some different approaches to cliticization and the one which the Tamazight data favors.

6.2 Cliticization vs. Mfixation, and Head-Adjunction vs. Merging Hypotheses 6.2.1 Clitic projections: A fixed positions for immobile clitics

As mentioned before, Tamazight clitics always immediately follow their host, that is, they are enclitics. The order of eli tics in a clitic cluster is rigid, in the sense that the dative clitic always occurs before the accusative. This rigidity is compatible with Sportiche (1998) in which functional hierarchies in the sentence are rigidly fixed. I assume that the sentence structure in Tamazight is headed by Neg in negative sentences. I also assume that all tense particles are generated in a r head. In addition, I will assume that eli tics are merged under specialized functional heads projected in the functional domain (Sportiche (1998) Manzini (1998) and Manzini and Savoia (1999, 2001, 2002), see also Ouali (1999) for Tamazight Berber and Elouazizi (2005) for Tarifit). Unlike Ouhalla (1988, 1991, 2003), Boukhris (1998) and Ennaji and Sadiqi (2002) I assume that object pronominal clitics are not base generated in argument position (i.e. in the object positions inside VP) and do not


109

adjoin to their host either in narrow syntax (Ouhalla 1988) or at PF (Boukhris 1998). The following is the phrase structure showing the clitic projections: (15)

/".....

c

/"..... Neg /"..... T /"..... Clnat /"..... Cl&;c /"..... Asp /"..... Agr /"..... V

XP ...XP

(Ouali 1999)

As mentioned before, Tamazight clitics always follow their host. That is, they have to appear to the right ofwhatever element they are cliticized to. The order of eli tics in a eli tic cluster is rigid, in the sense that the dative eli tic always occurs before the accusative. This rigidity is compatible with Sportiche (1998) in which functional hierarchies in the sentence are rigidly fixed.

6.2.2 Clitic placement in Tamazight is not head-to-head adjunction Given the phrase structure analysis proposed in (15), how can we account for clitic placement in the constructions in (16) through (19)? (16) wfix-as-t give.PER.1s-him-it "I gave it to him" (17) da-as-t Fut-him-it "I will give to him"

wfax give.AOR.ls

(18) la-as-t ikkix give.IMP.1s Pres-him-it "I am giving it to him" (19) arba ay-as-t iwfan boy that-him-it give .PER. Part "It was a boy who gave it to him"

110


One way we could try to derive the eli tic constructions, in such cases, is by head-to-head adjunction. Starting with (16), we can say that given the structure in (15), the verb moves to CLAcc and the complex V+CLAcc then moves to CLDat as shown in example (20): (20) ... [ CLnatP [V-CLAccl + CLnat [ CLAccP

t

l,LQ.,Aee ... [VP

j ...

.Yir-----~-

However, this results in the wrong order, in which the accusative clitic precedes the dative eli tic as (20) contrary to fact. We could overcome this problem by assuming that CLAcl is base-generated higher than CLDal· (21) ... [ CkccP

This would account for cases where clitics appear to be attached to the verb as in (16) since the verb would pick up the dative clitic first as in (21). But problems arise when we consider cases where eli tics appear attached to other elements like Neg, Tense particle or Comp as in (17), (18) and (19), because nothing would enforce an order different from the ungrammatical CLAcc-CLDat" One possible way to account for these cases is to left-adjoin CLDat up to CLAcc and then right-adjoin the clitic complex to whatever higher head is locally available, otherwise we will not end up with the right order, say Comp+CLD.,+CLAcc· But given Kayne's (1994), widely accepted, restrictive theory assumed here, right-adjunction is not allowed. As discussed in the next section, similar ordering problems also arise if one assumes that clitics move from argument positions (via head movement as argued in Ouhalla (1988, 1989 and 2005a) for Berber and Kayne ( 1989b) for Romance). 2

6.2.3 Ouhalla (2005a) Ouhalla (2005a) observes that the distribution of object pronominal eli tics in Berber, despite some dialectal variations, follows the generalizations in (22) and (23):


Ill

(22) CL is attracted to (the preverbal position) by functional categories. (Ouhalla 2005a: 609) (23) CL cannot be the first head constituent in the minimal domain (CP, DP, or PP) that includes it. ( Ouhalla 2005a: 619) Ouhalla writes: The statements in (2) and (3) [my examples (22) and (23) H.O.] together confirm the long standing view that CL placement is determined by factors that are partly syntactic and partly prosodic (see Klavans 1980, 1985). Attraction to or by functional categories is a property of movement at the syntactic level in general, which in Minimalism (Chomsky 1995), for example, is accounted for in terms feature matching and deletion within local domains (Spec-head, or Head-adjunction relations). The prosodic aspect of the distribution of clitics follows, arguably inevitably, from the fact that CL elements are not prosodic constituents. As such, they are required to be associated with a neighboring overt category that is capable of serving as a prosodic host for them prosodic association of clitics may, in a well-defined set of contexts, involve a local reordering rule that affects CL and its host, called here ClrHost Inversion ( ClrH Inversion). (2005a: 609) This in a way sums up the gist of Ouhalla's proposal. The pronominal clitics, which are base generated as arguments inside VP, head-move to a functional head and this movement is syntactic as required by (22). If the movement of the clitic results in it being the first head constituent in its minimal domain, then it has to undergo a ClrH Inversion with a phonologically overt head as required by (23). For example to derive sentences like (24) which involves null tense Ouhalla proposes the structures in (25). (24) wfix-as laceaab give.PER.1 s-him book "I gave him the book" (25) a. [FP b. [FP c. [FP

[XP v F [XP [[CL] F0 ] [[V] =CL] F0 [XP

CL.

v

(Left-adjunction of CL to F0 ) (ClrV Inversion) (Ouhalla 2005a: 620)

112


The movement of the eli tic in (b) is syntactic whereas the inversion in (c) is phonological. The prosodic inversion is well motivated, whereas the syntactic movement of the clitic to yo is not, a point I will revisit later. When the F is phonologically overt then the derivation of the clitic placement is slightly different. For example the derivation of the example in (26) is shown in (27): (26) ur =tn tJj Neg leave =the mAce "Don't leave them there!" (27) a. b. c.

[FP F [XP V [XP [FP [[CL] F] [FP [ [F] [=CL] [XP

diha! there CL.

v v

(Left-adjunction of CL to F0 ) ( CL-F Inversion) (Ouhalla 2005a: 620)

Ouhalla (2005a: 621) states that "it is clear from example [ (26)] that Neg attracts CL, which is trivially consistent with generalization [ (22)] ." Ouhalla extends the same analysis to cases where the clitic is attached to an overt tense marker (T = CL V), where the eli tic is attracted by T. The enclisis is later derived at PF via the CL-H Inversion. There are two problems confronting this analysis. The first problem is that the attracting heads have no features in common with the clitics they attract. A featural motivation for the eli tic movement has to be defined for it to be syntactic. The second problem is that the eli tics in this analysis move as heads from argument positions but it is not clear how the movement takes place when we have eli tic clusters in double object constructions, a non-trivial question I believe. A way to avoid these problems is to hypothesize that the clitics do not move but are merged in their surface position and that their surface position is deducible from whether the independently motivated V-to-T takes place or not. I will propose just such analysis in section 6.2.5 where I argue that clitic movement is merely an illusion. An analysis that also assumes that clitic movement is syntactic was proposed by Boukhris ( 1998), which I will review next.

6.2.4 Against XP-movement of object clitics

Boukhris (1998) (adopted by Ennaji and Sadiqi (2002)) assumes that CLplacement is derived by application of a syntactic rule that moves the clitics to the left edge of vP and from there they attach to their host, be it a verb


113

(in v) via "prosodic reordering," or a higher functional head (T, NEG, COMP). I will show that this analysis is not accurate and under-generates some very basic facts. Following Belletti (1993), Boukhris (1998) assumes that object clitics are D heads of object DP's. These DP's are merged as V complements and their heads, that is, D's, do not themselves select NP complements. Boukhris assumes the following structure: (28) DP

I

D

I

CL

(Boukhris 1998: 301)

She first offers an analysis of enclitics as in (29) and argues that their derivation proceeds as shown in (30): (29) ClanSee.PER-3p- CLAcc "People saw them" (30)

tn

middn

people

TP

/"'-.....

T

T vbJ

/"'-.....

AspP

I

LA

Asp vP t.t /"'-..... CL;

v'

/"'-.....

t·

:1

VP

/"'-.....

r nid~n A \___tj DP I I I

tl



114

The verb first moves to v to check its "V features", then to Asp and then to T which is marked for [-Future]. The eli tic moves to Spec, vP skipping over the subject. This is allowed because she appeals to the notions of equidistance and minimal domain proposed in Chomsky (1995). When the verb moves to v, it creates a vP minimal domain, and consequently both the subject, which is base-generated in Spec, VP, and the clitic which is in the complement position of V, become equidistant to Spec, vP. To derive cases like (31) where the clitic is cliticized to the tense marker la, which Boukhris claims is an aspect marker generated in Asp, she argues that the verb moves to v and that la moves up to T, and the clitic moves to the Spec, vP which derives the order: La-CL Verb, as shown in (32). (31) latnucllu- x PresCIAcc see.IMP- lsg "I see them" (32)


[A.spP A.sp fa [ vP tn UCllUX [ VP ttcilttx [DP tfl: ] ] ] ] ] (a labeled-bracket representation of the syntactic tree in Boukhris 1998:325) [TP T la

There are a number of arguments that show that la is a tense marker rather than an aspect marker. 3 But let us assume that Boukhris is right that la, being an aspect marker, moves from Asp to T, which explains the fact that the eli tics appear attached to it. To derive the cases where the clitics attach to the future tense particle as in (33), Boukhris argues that the verb in the aorist form is not specified for aspect therefore does not need to check its aspect feature. AspP is not projected in the structure and the verb moves only to v and the eli tic moves to Spec, vP. ad is base-generated in T, hence the order ad-CL V. (33) ad-tn clu-x Fut-cl.acc3p see .AO R.1 sg "I will see them" (34)

[TP Tad

[ vP

tn

clUX

[

(Boukhris 1998: 329) VP

~

Boukhris then notes that negation could combine with a verb in the perfective form, a form that she has argued moves all the way toT through Asp. She then raises the question of how to account for a case like (35):


115

)lix (35) urtn Neg cl.acc3p see.PER.ls "I didn't see them" Boukhris notes that surprisingly the clitic is cliticized to Neg and not to the verb which has moved to T as represented in (36). (36) *[NegP ur [TP clix [AspP \fix [vP tn \fix [VP \fix [DP tn ]]]]] Neg see.PER.ls see.PER.ls CL see.PER.ls see.PER.ls Bb To solve the problem Boukhris then stipulates the following: Mter the verb moves up to T, the clitic moves up to Spec, vP and subsequently to Spec, TP. It moves to Spec, vP to check its Case. Why does it move to Spec, TP? This is where the analysis seems to be less clearly argued. Boukhris stipulates, following Gueron 1995, that the clitic has to move to Spec, TP to check T's person feature. She extends the same analysis to cases where the clitic cliticizes to Cas in (37): nt (37) IsCamp- CLacc3p "did I see them?"

clix seePER.1s


However, why doesn't the clitic move to Spec, TP in all other cases like: V-CL and ad-CL V, la-CL V? Boukhris's answer is that it is actually Neg or C that attracts the clitic to Spec, TP in (35) and (37). Following Zanuttini Neg selects T, and following Gueron (1995) C selects T. But when neither C nor Neg are projected then for Boukhris there is nothing that would attract the clitic to Spec, TP and therefore it stays in Spec, vP. How does T get its person feature checked when there is no higher head that would attract the clitic to its Spec? Boukhris's answer is that this could be satisfied by LF movement of the clitic to Spec, TP. One could assume that all these ad hoc stipulations are right and the central problem that Boukhris's analysis runs into is with simple sentences as in (38) represented in (39): iddi (38) ur Neg go.PER.neg.3s "Ali didn't leave"

)li Ali

(39) [NegP ur

[AspP tddi: [vP [VP ali V tddi: ] ] ] ] ]

[TP iddi


116

According to the analysis that Boukhris outlined, the Neg-head should attract any DP with a person feature to Spec, TP, a stipulation that is crucial to get the right order. One would expect the subject, the only DP in the structure with a person feature, to move to Spec, TP and end up preceding the verb. This prediction is not borne out: (40)

* ur

iddi ali Neg ali go.PER.neg.3s "Ali didn't leave"

Switching to the dative clitic, which has the same distribution as the accusative clitic (see (14)), Boukhris argues, following Ouhalla (1988), that the dative eli tic is a complement of a null preposition and this PP is merged as a complement ofV as illustrated in ( 42). The distribution of the dative eli tic is derived in the same manner as the accusative eli tic. In other words, to derive the order V+CLD.,as in (41) for example, V moves all the way to T, cyclically through v and Asp to check their strong V-features, and the dative clitic moves to Spec, vP as represented in (42). ( 41) ssiwl-

ntalk.PER3pl"They talked to him"

( 42) hPT ssiwl-

[A.pP

~

-as -CL.Dat.3sg

[vP as

~ [VP pro~ [ppp0 [opas ]]]]]]

'J

However, Boukhris's analysis runs into the same problems I stated above for the accusative clitic therefore, for considerations of space I will not repeat them here. One point that is worth mentioning here is that the movement of the dative clitic to Spec, vP is not due to Case, as is the case of the accusative clitic, since its case requirements can be satisfied inside the PP prior to its movement. Despite getting the right word order, the independent syntactic motivation for this movement remains mysterious. Note also that for Boukhris, clitic movement is syntactic and motivated by feature checking namely, Case in Spec, vP for the accusative, and a Person feature in Spec, TP for both the accusative and the dative. One could make a case by framing this analysis in Chomsky's


117

Derivation By Phase (DbP) (2000, 200la) and argue that Spec, vP, being the edge of a phase, is an escape hatch for movement therefore the dative clitic moves to Spec, vP to be accessible to T and to be able to subsequently move to Spec, TP in negative sentences with the order: Neg-CL0 at Verb. The serious problem that this analysis faces is that, since clitic movement is phrasal movement and is syntactic movement, nothing would prevent a full dative DP, or even accusative DP for that matter to move to Spec, TP in the same manner as clitics do as illustrated in ( 43) and ( 44). The phonological deficiency of the eli tics is not relevant in the syntax. ( 43) *ur lac8aab uyax Neg book buy.PER.ls "I didn't buy the book" ( 44)

* [NegP ur

[TP lac 8aab [leeOaab ] ] ] ] ]

[ vP lee8aab uyax

[VP pro t;tyex

The last point that I want to raise regarding Boukhris's analysis concerns object eli tic clusters in double object constructions as in ( 45): ( 45) urast NegCLdat3sg-CLacc3sm "People didn't tell it to him"

nn-i-n tell.AOR.3pl

middn people

Boukhris proposes the following structure for double object clitic constructions: (46)

.•.VP

/'.... Subj

V'

/'....

V'

/'.... V

pp

I

DP

P'

I /'.... D P CLAa:

DP

I D CLDat (Boukhris 1998: 387with irrelevant details omitted)


118

The placement of the dative-accusative clitic cluster follows the same pattern schematized in (14) with the dative always preceding the accusative. Boukhris (1998) then argues that the cluster is derived in the same manner as when there is one individual object clitic in the sentence. The only difference is that in ( 46), to form a cluster the dative clitic has to adjoin to the accusative clitic before making any further movement if necessary. First the accusative clitic moves to Spec, vP and second the dative clitic moves and adjoins to it as illustrated in ( 47): (47)

vP

/'"'.....

Spec CLaa:

v'

/'"'.....

CLcmt

• (him)

CLacc t (it)

The movement of the accusative clitic to Spec, vP is motivated by Case, but the movement of the dative clitic in not motivated especially that both movements are syntactic. The adjunction therefore is itself unmotivated. The cluster moves to Spec, TP in negative clauses and clauses headed by C to check the person feature of T. The question is why is it that just one clitic especially the accusative, since it is structurally higher after moving to Spec, vP for Case, is not enough to satisfY this requirement? I therefore tentatively reject the hypothesis that clitics in Berber undergo XP-movement.

6.2.5 Merging hypothesis Merging adjacent heads is an operation assumed to derive an affix attached to the stem. According to this theory, proposed by Halle and Marantz (1993, 1994), adjacent heads are merged in a zero level node while they still remain as separate terminals under this node. Under this analysis merging occurs at the post-syntactic level namely the morphological component. According to this approach two heads xo and Y" can merge together if one heads the complement of the other as shown in ( 48):

Object Pronominal Clitics (48)

119

XP

~

xo

yp

~

yo

Bobaljik adopts this theory and formulates a statement of adjacency as follows: ( 49) The adjacency condition (informal) In order for an affix and a stem to be combined, they must be adjacent. (Bobaljik 1994: 2) Bobaljik assumes that since affixation is a morphophonological condition, adjacency must be defined at (an intermediate stage in) the spell-out or interface between syntax and phonology, the level of morphology. Let us assume then that clitic projections are in the order DatP-AccP as represented in the phrase structure below. And let us also assume, following Halle and Marantz (1993, 1994), that structurally adjacent heads can undergo a morphological merging process. This means that adjacent clitics can form a complex prosodic word with a higher head without having to undergo any sort of movement in the overt syntax as illustrated in (50):

This will enable us to generate a word order X-CLDat-CIAcc where eli tics appear cliticized to X without any overt syntactic movement applying. I assume that the order of clitics with the elements they are attached to corresponds to the order of their syntactic heads in the sentential structure. A cluster like X CL Dat-CL Acc corresponds to the structure in (50) assuming that nothing interrupts this order in the phonological component. Cinque (1997) suggests that a similar operation takes place in forming complex verb forms in Bantu languages. The order of morphemes in the 0

-

0

0

120


complex verb in the example (51) corresponds to what is assumed to be the order of syntactic heads. (51) n-ka-laa-boomba 1s-Fut-Prog-work ==> AgrS-Tense-Asp-Verb "I will be working tomorrow" Returning to the adjacency merging analysis we sketched, we will account for the constructions in (52)-(55): (52) wfix-as-9n give.PER.1s-him-them "I gave them to him" (53) da-as-9n wfax will-him-them give.PER.ls "I will give them to him" (54) ur-as-9n wfix give.PER.neg.1 s Neg-them-it "I didn't give it to them" (55) arba ay-as-On iwfan. boy that-him-them give.PER.Part "The boy that gave them to him In (52) the clitics are cliticized to the verb, in (53) they are cliticized to the future particle da, in (54) they are cliticized to the negation element ur, and in (55) they are cliticized to the complementizer. The analysis that I will propose is that the clitic distribution depends on whether the verb moves to T or not. If this movement takes place then clitics get phonologically cliticized to the verb, if it does not, they attach to any higher compatible host.

6.3 Verb Movement and Clitic Placement in Tamazight: Analysis Let us start with the sentence in (53) where the clitics are cliticized or as formally defined in the previous section, morphologically merged with the tense element da. This sentence is represented in (56):


(56)

121

'IP

/"'-....

T'

/"'-....

da CLPnat "will" /"'-.... CLna{

/"'-.... as

"him"

CLPkc

/"'-..., CL'AOC

/"'-....

9n .AspP "them"/"'-..., Asp'

/"'-....

wJax VP "give" /"'-.... V'

/"'-.... w.fa The verb moves from V to Asp to check its aspect features, this movement takes place in the syntax. The CL0 ., and CLAcc are merged higher than Asp. The syntactic output then is:

Note that this conforms to the prosodic, cross-linguistically attested, requirement that the clitics cannot be in first position as proposed by Ouhalla (2005a) in (23) and as repeated in (58): (58) CL cannot be the first head constituent in the minimal domain ( CP, DP, or PP) that includes it. ( Ouhalla 2005a: 619) Let us now look at the example in (54). The object clitics are attached the negation element just as predicted since the verb moves to Asp 0 and the null tense cannot host the object eli tics; however, since negation is the next higher phonologically overt head it acts as a host and as a result condition (58) is not violated as represented in (59).


122

(59)

as- [CLPA« en [A-features, ungrammaticality results. (28) wfix-as lac8::eb book Give.PER.1s-her "I give the book to the girl"

i-8arbat to-girl

(29) *wfix-asan Give .PER.1 s-them

i-8arbat to-girl

lac8::eb book

As pointed out before, NP's in Berber are ambiguous between definite and indefinite. This ambiguity disappears in clitic doubling contexts which suggests that besides the q>-features, the clitic and its doubled DP must agree in Definiteness, a reason why a number of researchers such as Belletti (1993), Uriagereka (1995), and Kayne (2003) among many others, treat pronominal clitics as D-heads. Pronouns are inherently definite whereas NP's are not. Another feature that the eli tic and the DP arguably share is Case. Berber distinguishes between accusative and dative clitics, except for first person plural (at least in Tamazight). The accusative eli tics paradigm is provided in (30): (30) Accusative Pronominal Clitics Paradigm in Tamazight Berber: "me-ACC" -i "you-ACC" -k "it-MAS-ACC./him-ACC" -th -t "it-FEM/ her-ACC" "us-ACC" -akh "you-Pl.rACC" -aken "them-ACC" -then

Clitic Doubling

137

To summarize, the clitic and the DP have to agree in q>-features, Definiteness and Case in clitic doubling contexts as schematized in (31): (31) CL cp-features Case Definiteness

DP q>-features Case Definiteness

As I mentioned before, I will analyze the agreement between the clitic and the DP double to be obtained via Agree. Consider the following example: lac8::eb (32) wJix-as Give.PER.1s-her book "I give the book to the girl"

i-Sarbat to-girl

The derivation of this sentence proceeds as follows: The DP object merges with the verb: (33)

V'

lac8::eb "gave"

i-Sarbat "to-girl"

Here, I treat i-tharbat [i-()arbat] "to the girl" as a DP. It could be analyzed as a PP, but I assume following Ouhalla and Guerssel that i- is a Case marker rather than a true preposition. V presumably has unvalued q>-features, and it probes the DP establishing a Probe-Goal match relation with it. Agree then takes place resulting the valuation of V's uninterpretable q>-features and the DP's uninterpretable Case feature. However, I assume that the definiteness feature on the DP is unvalued, which keeps the DP active and visible to higher Matching probes. (34)

VP

/'.....

V'

/'..... wfix

i-e:n-bat

"~to-girl


138

The next two steps in the derivation is merging the direct object "book" in the Spec of VP and then merging v. Agree will again apply in the same manner between v and the direct object. The Accusative Case of the direct object gets valued, hence this DP is rendered inactive. (35)

vP

/'.....

v'

/'..... v

VP

I l:x:~v l;&book" /'..... wfrx "gave"

i-8:u-bat

to-girl

~

A fact that is worth mentioning here is that direct objects generally cannot be doubled in Tamazight Berber as illustrated in (36): (36) *qrix-9 lac8::eb read.ls.PER-it the-book "I read the book" This suggests that the direct object is somehow invisible to the dative clitic probe in (37) for example. Notice that it is not clear whether the direct object has a definiteness feature and how that feature gets valued. However, given the fact that direct objects never eli tic double, this may not be a problem. I assume that the object clitic, being pronominal, bears valued -features on T and LF uninterpretable features such as Case on DP cause Crash, therefore they" must be treated as what Juan Uriagereka (1998) calls a 'virus': eliminated as soon as possible ... " (Chomsky2005: 17). Given this "Minimal" set of the premises, we hope to maximize explanatory depth over a wide range of empirical phenomena. I showed how agreement in the three different syntactic domains in question can be obtained through the same syntactic relation, and how in all three cases this relation involves the same structural relation namely C-Command. I also showed that in Berber, certain cases of argument extraction inhibit agreement. Subject extraction yields AAE, object extraction yields a ban of eli tic doubling, and NPI extraction yields a ban of the negative concord element Neg2. I provided an analysis that accounts for how these effects are not coincidental. Given Chomsky's (2004, 2005, 2006) proposal that T inherits its q>-features from C, I argued that the hypothesis that C is first merged from the lexicon bearing q>-features allows three logical possibilities namely: (a) C transfers

174


its q>-features toT (DONATE), (b) C does not transfer its q>-features toT (KEEP), and (c) C transfers its q>-features toT and keeps a copy (SHARE). I argued that all these options are possible, and that they might be "ordered" naturally under principles of efficient computation that is, economy and "Minimal Search," with (a) DONATE being the most "economical," and (c) SHARE being the last resort and least "economical." I extended the same analysis to negative clauses within an approach where C selects Neg which in turns selects T. Given such an approach, I addressed the question of how T inherits the q>-features from C with the presence of an intervening Neg-head. I proposed that the q>-features are transferred from C to T via Neg and showed empirical evidence, such as the irrealis verb form in Berber and inflected negation in Finnish, which, hypothetically, results from such transfer. It remains to be seen if this analysis can be extended to the vP domain, given Chomsky's hypothesis within DbP (Chomsky 200la) that Vis to v what T is to C. It will be interesting to see if DONATE, KEEP, and SHARE, which are hypothetically attested between C and Tare also attested between v and V. It will also be interesting to see how this relates to unaccusatives, accusatives and double object constructions. Besides these two open questions, there are other questions that are worth pursuing. For example, why do certain features participate in "Transfer" whereas others do not? As detailed in Chapter 5, q>-features are transferred from C to T, but the wh-feature, or any other left-periphery feature for that matter, is not. Also, are there differences in "Transfer" for different languages? In Chapter 5, I suggested that DONATE is "used" to derive declaratives in English whereas KEEP is invoked to derive wh-questions; how does the analysis explain the subject-object asymmetry in English? If DONATE, KEEP and SHARE are Universal, is ordering, provided it is needed, parameterized? All these are potentially interesting questions that need to be addressed if one considers extensions of the q>-Feature Transfer model. I hope that this book succeeds in showing compelling evidence for Feature Transfer and that it paves the way for research on the topic on a larger scale.

Notes

Chapter 1 2

3

AI; cited in Corbett (1998: 191). The idea of agreement requiring a Spec-head relation will be referred to as Spec-head agreement. Adapted from Epstein, Seely and Pires (2005).

Chapter 2 1

Tamazight is also the name of one of the major dialectal families (see section 2.2) in Morocco and is the name of the dialect described in this work. I will therefore use the term "Berber," stripped from any of its historical connotations, when referring to the language family to avoid any confusion.

Chapter 3 1

2

3

See Ouali and Pires (2005) for a discussion of this topic with regard to Complex Tense constructions in Berber. The definitions of Government are adapted from Hornstein, Nunes and Grohmann (2005). The main motivations for Pollock's proposal have to do with the distribution of the verb in French and English and the distribution of finite verbs compared to non-finite verbs in French. The finite verb always precedes sentential adverbs like souvent 'often' in French (i) whereas the finite verb follows sentential adverbs in English ( ii) : i. Jean embrasse souvent Marie (French) ii. John kisses often Mary Given the assumption that adverbs like often are acljoined to VP the sentences above indicate that in French the verb moves 'overtly', whereas in English it doesn't. Having established that, Pollock also discusses non-finite verbs and their distribution with regard to sentential adverbs. It turns out that French non-finite verbs also precede adverbs like 'often' (iii) unlike their English counterparts (iv): iii. Jean essayed' embrasser souvent [w-_Marie] iv. John tries to often [VPkiss Mary]

Notes

176

However in contexts with sentential negation the two languages behave similarly in that the non-finite verb can't precede negation (French (v), English (vii)). When combining negation and sentential adverbs the two languages behave differently in that in French the non-finite verb follows negation and precedes the adverb (vii) whereas in English the non-finite verb has to follow both negation and the adverb (viii): v. vi. vii. viii.

Jean essaye John tries Jean essaye John tries

de ne pas embrasser Marie to not kiss Mary de ne pas embrasser souvent [VP--- Marie] to not often kiss Mary

Pollock observes that in English both finite and non-finite verbs never move out ofVP overtly. In French, finite verbs move all the way to a position preceding both negation and adverbs (ix) whereas nonfinite verbs move to a position between negation and adverbs: ix. Jean n'embrasse pas souvent Marie

John Neg kiss

Neg often Mary

Pollock's argument is that if there is only one Infl position where the verb moves then we can not account for French infinitives. He therefore proposes two different Infl projections, TP and AgrP, that were later adopted by Chomsky. 4

6

7

Note that this presupposes that only left adjunction is allowed, a proposal that was later argued for in Kayne 1994. "Agr complex" in this new context refers to Agr and T that acljoins to it by head movement, as opposed to Infl in GB. In fact AgrOP was proposed to make the mechanism under which Accusative Case and object-verb agreement are obtained, parallel to how Nominative Case and subject-verb agreement are also obtained or checked. Although English, unlike for example, Hindi (see Mah,Yan 1993) does not show overt object agreement, the object Agreement features are still checked via Spec-head with Agr0°, to which the verb moves. Case is collapsed with morphological agreement, that is, they are both checked by Spec-head relations. Consequently Accusative Case requires "object shift" and the Case Filter cannot be restricted to overt syntax. Chomsky (2005: 12) notes the following about External Merge and Internal Merge (Move): Unless some stipulation is added, there are two subcases of the operation Merge. Given A, we can merge B to it from outside A or from within A; these are external and internal Merge, the latter operation called "Move," which therefore also "comes free," yielding the familiar displacement property of language. That property had long been regarded, by me in particular, as an "imperfection" of language that has to be somehow explained, but in fact it is a virtual conceptual necessity.

8

There is in fact what appears to be confusion in the literature as to what Agree is. Agree is an operation that takes place as a result of a establishing a Probe-Goal relation. Thanks to Daniel Seely for pointing this out to me.

Notes

177

These definitions are adapted from an earlier draft of Ouali and Fortin (2007). I will use the word participle (Part) throughout this book to gloss the impoverished form of agreement marking AAE, following the foot steps of traditional Berber grammarians and of Ouhalla (2005b). n Ouhalla (2005b) presents an interesting analysis that shows that Anti-Agreement is a result of merging a featurely impoverished participle that in return requires merging aT specified for the feature [Class]. The requirement to check this feature forces DP movement through Spec, TP, hence the correlation between subject extraction and AAE. Ouhalla's approach does not assume Chomsky's hypothesis that T inherits its phi-features from C. I will therefore not review his interesting work here. 9

10

Chapter 4 1

2

~ 4

5 6

7

8

9

10

The Construct form and free form are not marked in the English gloss throughout this work. See Zwart 1998 for arguments against a V-to-C analysis of the verb placement in Languages with Verb-second effects. ad is the counterpart particle of ao found in other Tamzight dialects as well as in Tarifit and Tashelhit. la itfa is pronounced [lajtfa]. la itaddu is pronounced [l

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