A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion? Author(s): Herbert Abramson Source: California Studies in Classical Antiquity, Vol. 12 (1979), pp. 1-19 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25010736 . Accessed: 19/03/2011 08:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucal. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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HERBERT ABRAMSON
A Hero Shrine For Phrontis At Sounion?
I. "L'HEROON
DE PHRONTIS AU SOUNION."
Charles Picard, writing in 1940, asserted that he had solved the last re maining topographical question pertaining to Sounion.1 This was the identity of the enclosure with rounded exterior corners built up against the late fifth-century fortification wall just northeast of the sanctuary of Poseidon (figs. 1 and 2). A postern gate in the fortification wall served as entrance to the enclosure. The latter measures 14.20 m. by 17.25 m. and is built of carefully laid ashlar masonry. The lower part of the walls is of marble, the upper part of limestone. The walls are two courses thick. They survive to a height of 4.00 m. in places. There were no signs of roofing materials. Some traces of paving and a small rectangular foundation just south of the entrance to the enclosure survive. Although stelai are reused in its structure and it is built up against two projecting towers of the fortification, Picard believed that the enclosure was con temporary with the fortification.2 Small finds from the enclosure were limited to spear heads, sling balls, and a cog-wheel.3 Picard compared the entire assemblage to the "Heroon" just west of the altis of Olympia (fig. 3).4 The latter is a rectangular structure con sisting of a porch on the long west side and two smaller rooms, both of which are entered from the porch. This structure was built not long after Pheidias' workshop, but owes its current name to an altar of the Helle nistic period in the northern room. The word fipco was painted repeat edly on the successive layers of plaster that covered the altar.5 The
1
2
Herbert Abramson
SE TAVERNAS
N
\ \ //
ATHENA
POSEIDON SANCTUARY 1
/
,
4 TOURIST PAVILION
\
EASTERN H.LL
FIG. 1. Sounion area plan (after Dinsmoor, Jr. plan facing p. 1). "Heroon" at Olympia, like the enclosure at Sounion, was entered from the west. Picard concluded that the enclosure at Sounion also honored a hero. Unlike the "Heroon" at Olympia whose cult figure remains a mys tery, a cult figure for Sounion was at hand. Picard headed his article with lines 278-283 from Book Three of the Odyssey: XX' 60te OVIOvtov ip6pv&(pc6K00v', 6cpov 'AlvC0V, v09a KipepvrITIV MEvwadoo doi1pog 'At6oXov olg &yavowi; PEXECaatv Troit6Oevog KaTxre9E(e, 7rr6d6XIov re&hXepai 09eo5cr 6s vr|q6; ovta, opovitv 'OvropiS6Iv, 6; cKaivoTo (pvX'd&vpcEdrcov vria KuCpepvfcaal,6oor6e aCTIpxo0ev &e6Xat. But when we came to holy Sounion, the cape of Athens, there Phoibos Apollo, with a visitation of his painless arrows, killed the
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
. ,, .. . ::~:~~ ,Y
,~ -...,.........,,
et
' '
TheFro.2. southern '~".,..
end of Posidon Hill, Sounion(after Staes
w
stomwnd Meelos Tor'orPA'PI
&g 6!~v 6q~p~mo
o
w .N (KAPIT'"HM
KO
e
hni 'A--
l
t
bury his companion and give him rites:~~? his due
v~a ~a~(Ze~', I
bury
~et6g~v6~
~x
a[
(i?o
3
~ge
}e
b
roing. '.-" h
. nhdbe stye talnihNso,
rep 68oio ~v
aeandtee e though` eas M strinigfrtejuny
his
to
companoadgehiderts.
i nd br P et okth
d mentof a areayeitn auto htesa ttecp?
Picr
FIG. 2. The southern 1917 pl. 4). steersman
end of Poseidon
the one who
of Menelaos,
Hill,
Sounion
rnis lo stepe'cnweg (after Staes,
in his hands
held
the steering oar of the running Onetor's son, who sur ship. This was Phrontis, all the breed of mortals in the steering of a ship whenever passed
stormwinds were blowing.6 who Menelaos, bury his companion
until and
had
then
him
give
vi 5 06 g v &Va KartaXT', Opp' i9diTo01 Kai Tapov
been
sailing his due rites:
Picard ment
took
Nestor,
for the journey, was though straining his companion, and give him due rites.7
the death
of an already
and burial
existing
stayed
to
7tep 68010, ?nXtiyo'vo6q STEiKTUpEa KTepiEl?v.
So Menelaos, to bury
with
cult
of Phrontis
detained
there,
as the poet's acknowledg at the cape.8
of the steersman
4
Abramson Herbert
FIG. 3. "Heroon" just west of the Altis of Olympia (after E. N. Gardiner, Olympia fig. 50).
In support of his identification Picard adduced two main pieces of evidence,
a Protoattic
plaque
and a severe-style
relief
1:1 and
(pls.
1:2).9
These, however, come not from the rectangular enclosure but rather from
some 500 m. to the north. the sanctuary of Athena The plaque was found in a deep pit east of the temple
of Athena."'
It is broken off at the left side. Its surviving dimensions are 0.15 by 0.09 m.
in the upper right half, with a hole for suspension intact. The painting is of a ship underway. Although
The
vives
sur corner, oars are six
visible, the rowers are completely hidden by the deck and sides of the ship." Five hoplites, armed with helmets, shields, and two spears each, stand
on the deck.
The
thickset
steersman
sits in the stern
and controls
the ship with two very large steering oars. It is indeed tempting to iden tify this figure with Phrontis who died with the steering oar in his hands. One
could
hardly
ask
for a more
appropriate
dedication
to a steersman
hero. The severe-style relief, found very close to the surface of the artifi cial fill east of the temple of Athena, is not definitely linked to a cult of
Phrontis, yet might not be inappropriate.'2 This relief is broken at the top and
bottom.
The
surviving
dimensions
are
0.61
by 0.49
m.
The
Plate
1
adjustingt
his
Abramson wreath
(afte
MI
..i..
.._
Picardfig. .3-. plaque 1. Protoattic 935) plf. 40b).
to the Analatos
attributed
.
-. .
Painter
(after Cook,
BSA
:
==:========:======L~~~~~~~~~~?'l Picard fig. 3.v:~ ). :: =='=:==S:?
35 (1934
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
5
beginnings of a palmette finial are evident to the left of the figure's up raised hand. A well-muscled, athletic looking young man adjusts a crown of victory, added in metal, on his head. Only the holes for the attachment of this metallic headpiece survive. Both Picard and Lullies interpreted this half life-size stele as a victor's thank offering. Picard speculated that Phrontis may have been the patron of the naval games that were a part of the Lesser Panathenaia and thus the recipient of the dedication.'3 In summary, Picard interpreted the Homeric account of the death and burial of Phrontis as an aition for a cult of the steersman. He at tempted to identify the shrine itself in the marble enclosure built up against the late fifth-century fortification that defends the sanctuary of Poseidon. He supported his interpretations with a very appropriate plaque dating to the first decade of the seventh century and a relief of about 460 B.C. II. THE BEGINNINGS
OF HERO WORSHIP
AND PHRONTIS
Although Picard postulated both a cult and shrine for Phrontis, a com panion of Menelaos, there are few references to "L'Heroon du Phrontis" in the growing body of literature addressed to the thorny question of hero worship in the "age of Homer.'14 Boardman took note of the heroon only to dismiss it because the Protoattic plaque was found so far from it."5Berard merely called attention to the shrine in his survey of heroa.16 But before accepting or rejecting Picard's identification of the enclosure, the possibility of the presence of a cult must be examined against this body of literature. This is especially the case because the text of Homer gave Picard an initial basis for speculation. Affirmations or denials that hero worship was practiced in the Homeric age have been based on the evidence of the epics themselves, archaeological finds, or some combination of literary and physical material. On the surface, hero worship is absent from the Homeric epics.'7 Upon the death of a warrior the soul went to the underworld and con tinued as a strengthless image or eidolon.18 The survivors burned the body, collected the bones, and heaped a mound over them.'9 The mound then became a source of continuing kleos or fame both for the victim and, especially, for the conqueror.20 Yet, in spite of the promi nence of the tomb and the one-time importance of the person buried in it, neither the remains nor the eidolon commanded regular libations or sacrifices. According to L.R. Farnell, who relied almost totally on the evidence of the poems, the spread of the epics engendered hero cult.21
6
HerbertAbramson
W.K.C. Guthrie called hero worship "a flat denial of Homer's strength less dead."22 This interpretation gained archaeological support when J.M. Cook published the results of his excavations at the Agamemnoneion, about one kilometer south-southwest of Mycenae.23 He noted the absence of hero cults in the Homeric poems, the Late Geometric date of the earliest pottery at the Agamemnoneion, the similar date of the earliest clear dedications at the Menelaion in Therapne, and the presence of Late Geometric offerings at several Bronze Age tombs, such as the tholos at Menidi. He concluded that the worship of heroes began in the Late Geo metric Period and reflected the spread of the epic. G.S. Kirk accepted Cook's conclusions.24 Cook's work meshed very neatly with that of G.E. Mylonas who at about the same time maintained, "There seems to be no definite evi dence that will prove or even indicate the existence of a general cult of the dead in Helladic times. ..." "The cult of the dead seems to have become popular in post Mycenaean, late Geometric times."25Mylonas further demonstrated that the supposed continuity of cult from the Bronze Age to the Geometric Period did not really exist at the tholos of Menidi and the tomb of the Hyperborean Maidens on Delos, as Nilsson had thought.26 Thus the failure to establish continuity of cult at Menidi and on Delos, taken together with the large number of Late Geometric offerings at Bronze Age tombs, supported the view that the epics did encourage the foundation of hero cults.27 Yet upon closer examination of the cult of the dead inHomer, one finds more than one level of practice and belief. Helpless and cultless dead may have been the general rule, but both Rohde and Stengel saw in the elaborate funeral of Patroklos an aura of mollifying the soul. They interpreted the elaborate funeral as a survival of an ancient worship of the dead.28 Rohde also considered the sacrifices which Odysseus made and promised to Teiresias in order to aid his return to Ithaka to be like later sacrifices to heroes.29 Teiresias alone among the dead had the powers of will and understanding.30 The portrayal of the Dioskouroi does not harmonize with the usual picture of Homer's strengthless dead. In the Iliad they are dead under the earth, but in the Odyssey they are cult figures who are alive on alter nate days and receive honor equal to gods'.31 Deneken maintained that the elevated status of the Dioskouroi in the Odyssey acknowledged the cult which had developed since the composition of the Iliad. 32 The promise toMenelaos that after death he would live in the Ely
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
7
sian Fields may be another example of the poet's recognizing a cult, that of Helen and Menelaos in Therapne.33 Finally, as Coldstream recently noted, Homer himself described the hero cult of Erechtheus.34 Athena had established Erechtheus in her own temple. As the years went by the Athenians propitiated him with rams and bulls.35 In view of comparisons of the Homeric heroes to gods, the powers which Teiresias had after death, the sacrifice offered to Teiresias, the treatment of the Dioskouroi in the Odyssey, and the propitiation of Erechtheus in the Iliad, T.H. Price concluded that Homer knew about hero worship.36 In answer to the question why Homer did not have nu merous examples of worship at the tombs of warriors, Price followed R.K. Hack, who maintained that this was the case because the action in Homer's poems took place in the time of the Trojan War. The genera tion of god-descended men who fought in the Trojan War was regarded in antiquity as among the first to have been recipients of cults. Therefore descriptions of the lifetimes of heroes ought not to include scenes of hero worship as an everyday activity.37 Closer examination of the physical remains of early hero shrines re veals more complexities than Cook orMylonas saw. If one posits no con tinuity in shrines from the Bronze Age to the Geometric Period, there must be no exceptions. But an exception is readily available in the cave of Odysseus and the nymphs on the bay of Polis in Ithaka.38 This cave was functioning as a shrine in the thirteenth century B.C. The popularity of tripod dedications suggests that as early as the late ninth century the ancients identified this cave as that inwhich Odysseus hid tripods and other gifts brought from Phaiakia.39 Benton convincingly assigned cups decorated with concentric loops and ruled triangles to the period transi tional between the Late Bronze Age and the Protogeometric Period.40 The Late Geometric Period house at the intersection ofMarathono machon and Telephanous Streets in the Academy district of Athens served an ancestral cult that definitely went back to the eighth century B.C., and possibly to the tenth.41 The house was filled with sacrificial re mains, ashes, and pottery. While sacrifices were being made in the Geo metric house, the foundations of an oval house of the EH II Period were visible a few meters to the north.42 Stravropoullos proposed that when the oval house was accidentally discovered in the eighth century, its orig inal inhabitant was identified as Akademos, the eponymous hero of the district.43 A votive deposit of some 200 kantharoi, found 150 m. away, shows that a cult existed in the Academy from the late tenth century.44 But whether these kantharoi were offered to the cult figure who was later honored in the Geometric house remains a question.
8
Herbert Abramson
Quite recently, J.N. Coldstream thoroughly reviewed the archaeo logical evidence for hero cults in the age of Homer while keeping at hand the passages of the Iliad most suggestive that the poet had knowledge of such cults. He concluded that the spate of Late Geometric offerings at tombs inMessenia, the Argolid, Boiotia, and Attika, where the Iron Age tombs were radically different from the Bronze Age chamber and tholos tombs, reflects the influence of the epics.45 Yet at the same time he saw the Athenian young men's propitiation of Erechtheus as proof that "Homer himself was aware of hero-worship."46 He maintained that the cults of Erechtheus, Akademos, and Odysseus have a "higher anti quity" than those which started in the Late Geometric Period.47 In places, such as Athens and Ithaka, which did not suffer powerful discontinuities at the end of the Bronze Age, "local heroes may have been venerated all through the Dark Age, long before the circulation of the Homeric epic. .. ."48 Thus it seems reasonable to conclude that (i) there were some hero cults before the "age of Homer," (ii) the epics are not completely free of signs of hero worship, and (iii) a considerable number of cults were in spired by the spread of the epics. III. A SHRINE
FOR PHRONTIS
AT SOUNION?
these conclusions inmind we may return to Cape Sounion. Follow ing the burial of Phrontis, Menelaos went on his way, but Zeus had a storm off Maleia drive the fleet off course. The winds forcedMenelaos to land in Egypt, where he raised a tumulus in honor of his brother and tarried for eight years. Was the death of Phrontis vital for the develop ment of the narrative? Could Zeus not have caused the storm to separate the ships of Menelaos and Nestor and force one of them off course with out killing the steersman? I believe Picard was correct; it seems possible to understand the narrative as an aition for a cult which the poet knew at the cape. But even if this were not the poet's intention, a hero cult surely would have developed, just as one sprang up near Mycenae, pos sibly on the spot where Agamemnon was believed to have been murdered.49 Several epic heroes had their tombs or shrines on promontories or the sea. The tomb of Achilles and Patroklos dominated a promontory by that jutted into the Hellespont.5s The mound that Menelaos raised for Agamemnon in Egypt was on the coast.51 Pandion, son of Kekrops, died inMegara and was buried on a promontory sacred to Athena.52 Meli kertes had an altar at the Isthmus on the spot where he was believed to have been washed ashore.53 Kinados, another steersman of Menelaos.
With
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
9
had his tomb on Cape Onougnathos on the southeast coast of the Peloponnesos.54 Odysseus, the hero with the strongest marine connec tions, received worship in a cave on the shores of Ithaka.s5 In all probability there was a shrine of Phrontis at Cape Sounion. Either it inspired Homer's account of Menelaos' actions at Sounion, as Picard and I believe, or it arose in response to the epic. Yet Picard's identification has found virtually no acceptance. His comparisons of the enclosure with the "heroon" outside the altis in Olympia were very strained. Aside from being rectangular and giving entrance on the west the two structures have little in common. Further, the "heroon" in Olympia became a shrine only in the Hellenistic Period; originally itmay have served as a bath.56 Studies more recent than Picard's have shown that the enclosure at Sounion was Hellenistic in date and probably served to support a plat form for catapaults.57 W.B. Dinsmoor, Jr. labels it a bastion on his plan of Poseidon Hill and suggests that the corners were rounded for extra strength.58 Indeed, Vitruvius advised against square towers because the angles made them vulnerable.59 The spear heads and round stone balls found inside the enclosure support its identification as a bastion.60 Finally, as J. Boardman pointed out, the Protoattic plaque and the severe-style relief were found within twenty meters of the temple of Athena, approximately 500 m. north of the temple of Poseidon, far from the hypothetical heroon.6' Thus the likelihood that the rectangular enclosure was a bastion in combination with the absence of any finds in or near it appropriate to a hero shrine totally invalidates Picard's identification. But at the same time it seems most probable that Phrontis did have a shrine at Sounion. We might begin the search for a shrine with the location of Picard's most convincing piece of physical evidence, the Protoattic plaque. The plaque comes from a rock-cut pit southeast of the temple, but within the temenos of Athena (fig. 4).62 This pit, 15m. deep, measured approximately 1.70 by 3.00 m. at the top and narrowed to 1.00 by 0.50 m. at the bottom. Its original purpose is uncertain. Staes suggested a well, Dinsmoor a mine. From the ninth century B.C. it was used as a bothros for the deposition of offerings. When the eastern part of the hill was filled in the second half of the fifth century to provide a level surface for the construction of the temple of Athena, the builders covered the
pit. The unbroken state of most of the offerings recovered from the pit proves that they were carefully deposited rather than thrown. The delib erate inclusion of the pit in the new temenos walls shows that the spot was venerated. Two iron swords, possibly of the ninth century B.C.,
10
HerbertAbramson .I. i ,,.,,,',:,,,. .,:!l i:
.... ' .
F A
';':S"?...
n
Ill/e,
/
~' ''
FIG.
come
from
dle eighth
the
4.
bottom
century
was
Athena
Hill
plan
p.
of
the
'
'
site
/li l
(after
plan
Jr.
Dinsmoor,
38).
pit.63
found,
datable
Nothing
but beginning
to
the
early
or mid
at the end of the eighth
or
to ob with various various votive ob the the pit began to be be filled filled with votive seventh early seventh century century early pit began
jects.
These
The pottery
included
terracotta
figurines
included Protocorinthian
of men,
women,
and
horses.
aryballoi and oinochoai
and
to the plaque In addition mentioned vases.64 above, plastic or came to other entire twenty-nine plaques light.65 The fragments on most The in of has bronzes these completely disappeared. painting various
miniature and pins and clasps.66 shields, tripods, and one gold and six silver rings came from dedications, pottery, from these small dedica Aside the fill east of the temple of Athena.67 a of five marble kouroi also came from kouros and lead tions, fragments
cluded
miniature
Similar
the fill.68
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
11
Some of these dedications easily could have been made to Athena. Yet others such as the swords, plaques, shields, tripods, and horses are frequently found in hero shrines. Votive swords were found in the ash bearing strata in the north and northwest part of the Olympion Pelo pion.69 A large iron sword, almost identical to the examples from Sou nion, was wrapped around the amphora containing the remains of a warrior buried in the Athenian Agora at about 900 B.c.'7 The Late Geo metric heroes worshipped near the West Gate of Eretria were buried with their swords.71 Fragments of five votive plaques, their paint worn off, were found among the heroic offerings in the dromos of the tholos in Menidi.72 Votive plaques also come from a Protoattic deposit in an oval structure near the southwest corner of the Athenian Agora. One of them has a female raising high her arms between two snakes. The symbolism is at least chthonic, very possibly heroic.73 A fragmentary terracotta pinax came from the pit with heroic offerings west of the Panathenaic Way.74 Two plaques, one with traces of paint surviving, were found in a con text of Geometric and Protocorinthian pottery in theMenelaion at Spar ta.75 A plaque with decoration in relief, a kneeling man and a goat feeding on a bush, comes from the Agamemnoneion near Mycenae.76 The votive deposit in the oval structure at the southwest corner of the Athenian Agora contained terracotta shields,77 as did the dromos of the tholos at Menidi.78 A terracotta shield was among the offer ings in the pit west of the Panathenaic Way in the Athenian Agora.79 Miniature lead shields come from theMenelaion in Sparta.80 Fragments of actual shields come from the archaic strata on the east and southeast slopes of the Pelopion inOlympia.8' A votive tripod of bronze was found placed inside a kantharos in the votive deposit in the oval structure at the southwest corner of the Athenian Agora.82 Remains of tripods come from the ash-bearing strata beneath the Archaic Pelopion.83 Tripods were offered to Odysseus in Ithaka and Ptoios, the hero of Akraiphia.84 Miniature horses are found at most hero shrines including the Aga memnoneion, the Pelopion, the tholos at Menidi, the shrines inAthens to which reference has been made above, two heroic enclosures recently discovered in Corinth, the Menelaion, and the shrine of Ptoios.85 Nor are goddess figurines necessarily inappropriate for heroes. They are found in the Agamemnoneion and in the enclosure built to honor a male of the Protogeometric Period in Corinth.86 Female as well as male figurines were found among the dedications made to Ptoios on the lower terrace of the sanctuary that he shared with a goddess.87
12
Herbert Abramson
Can the heroic dedications from the pit and artificial fill near the temple of Athena be connected with a surviving shrine? On the northern part of the hill is an oval peribolos wall of the Archaic Period that only partially survives. It encompassed an area of thirty by forty meters.88 Slight traces of a rectangular structure of more than one room have been uncovered in the southern part of this peribolos. Staes had suggested that the peribolos was a sanctuary.89 A Classical temenos runs up against the Archaic enclosure. This enclosure contains not only the temple of Athena and pit filled with ded ications but also an ideal candidate for a shrine to Phrontis. The main structure in the Classical temenos is of course the temple of Athena, which is well known for its unusual plan.90 But there is another sacred building in the peribolos, a small one-roomed temple. I propose that this temple, 8.5 m. north of the Athena temple, was the shrine of Phrontis during the Classical Period (fig. 5).91
JiIIV
!~
i----
~~
fSJ
FIG. 5. Small temple north of the temple of Sounion Athena, (after Staes, 1920
pl. 5).
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
13
This temple has an east-west orientation slightly different from that of the temple of Athena. The single room of the temple measures 4.97 by 6.80 m. on the exterior. The two surviving plinths for the columns of a porch (measuring 0.82 by 0.95 m. each) are 1.60 m. in front of the tem ple.92 The facade was marble, the rest of the cella was local stone. The interior and exterior walls were coated with a limestone plaster. The in terior walls and floor were painted red. A reused statue base (1.08 by 1.33 by 0.40 m.) was found inside. It ismade of two pieces, one of which had been turned upside down since its original use. The top, in its re used state, contains a rectangular socket for the reception of a plinth. The socket measures 0.80 m. long by 0.50 m. wide. The left foot of the statue was advanced. The foundations of an altar (1.55 by 2.66 m.) lie in front of the temple but are not oriented to it.Dinsmoor suggests that the altar may have been associated with an older building which has left no trace. Staes called the small temple Archaic, but Dinsmoor says it is Classical.93 Early in his guide to Sounion, Dinsmoor noted that the plaques found in the pit in the sanctuary of Athena were "suitable for dedi cations to a hero."94 He suggested, although he did not saywhy, that the statue base was more suitable for a hero than for a divinity.95 B.S. Ridgeway accepted, even thought probable, the presence of a cult of Phrontis at Sounion, but says of the identification proposed above, "It has been suggested that it (the small temple) could belong to a hero, but it is of standard temple form and was probably for a divinity."96 The assertion that temples were for divinities and the implication inherent in this assertion that other types of shrines were for heroes dis torts the varied nature both of heroes and of hero shrines. The heroes of Classical times included not only the epic heroes, but also ancient daimones or divinities (such as Hyakinthos) who under the pressure of the Olympian gods descended to the ranks of heroes; historical figures who were given elevated status for bravery inwar or for founding a city or institution; historical figures of known or unknown identity whose souls were thought to demand appeasement; transparent eponymous creations such as Parnassos; and equally transparent functional crea tions such as Taraxippos, the confuser of horses. Both ancient and modern writers dispute whether certain heroes, such as Amphiaraos, the hero of epic worshipped as a god at Oropos, were fallen divinities or elevated mortals.97 The very learned student of Greek religion, J. Fontenrose, questions whether there is even a real distinction to be made between gods and heroes in earliest times: ". .. the farther back one goes into early Aegean religion, the more one wonders whether the distinction can be maintained for the earliest period, and whether god
14
Herbert Abramson
and hero alike are not derived from a daimon who was closely related to ghosts on the one hand, and who was a superhuman power on the other."98 Given the various possibilities pertaining to the origin of heroes and the fact that some heroes were worshipped as gods, is it any wonder that some heroes have temples as shrines? Ajax, for example, had a temple in the agora of Salamis. The tem ple, in ruins in Pausanias' day, still contained an ebony cult statue."9 The Classical remains of the temple of Helen and Menelaos at Therapne provide a good example of the heroon as a small temple.100 Isokrates was informed that both Menelaos and Helen received divine honors there, so it is safe to assume that the temple contained cult statues.'10 Yet the pair who were believed to be buried there were figures of epic and their cult local.102A small temple, platform, and many dedications found on a hill southeast of Sparta are incontrovertibly linked to Menelaos and Hel en.'03 This temple, also without a peristyle, measured 5.45 by 8.60 m., dimensions not very different from those of the small temple in Sounion. Ptoios, an oracular hero, had a shrine on the north slope of Kas traki, near the village of Akraiphia in Boiotia. He too had a small tem ple, roughly nine by four and a half meters, as a shrine. There are two altars fifteen meters northwest of the temple.'04 Both the small size of the shrine in Sounion and the location of the small temple off to one side of the major temple have parallels in the temenos of Pelops near the temple of Zeus in Olympia, the temple of Palaimon near the temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, the enclosure of Neo ptolemos near the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the tomb of Iphigeneia near the temple of Artemis at Brauron.'05 The existence of a shrine of Phrontis has not been proven. Yet Homer's treatment of Phrontis suggests that a cult existed as early as the late eighth century B.C. The earliest remains at Sounion are the offerings in the pit near the temple of Athena. Since nothing comparably early has been found in the sanctuary of Poseidon, it is probably due to a cult in the temenos of Athena that Homer described Sounion as hiron. The swords, bronzes, and terracottas have parallels in the offerings made at well-studied hero shrines. The size and location of the small temple in the temenos of Athena again suggest comparison with several other heroa in sanctuaries of divinities. That Pausanias said nothing about a cult of Phrontis at Sounion is not significant. His treatment of the prom ontory is poor. He mentioned only one temple and probably mistook the temple of Poseidon for that of Athena.'06 The combination of literary, dedicatory, and architectural evidence makes it extremely likely that the steersman of Menelaos, perhaps
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
15
identified with a local daimon of Sounion, received offerings in the small temple to the north of the shrine of Athena. When the goddess came to the promontory, Phrontis might have welcomed her. She is, after all, the protector of heroes, goddess of skills, the sometime enemy of Apollo, and far less tempestuous than Poseidon. Franklin and Marshall College Lancaster, Pennsylvania
NOTES The
abbreviations
used
in the notes
in the AJA
are those recommended
80 (1976)
1-8,
together with
the following: Andronikos: Athenian Agora XIV: Benton
(1935):
M. Andronikos, Totenkult:Archaeologia Homerica 1II:W (Got tingen 1968). H.A. Thompson and R.E. Wycherley, TheAgora ofAthens: The Athenian Agora XIV (Princeton 1972). S. Benton,
in Ithaka,
"Excavations
III: The
Cave
at Polis,
I,"
Benton (1936):
BSA 35 (1934-1935) 45-73. S. Benton, "A Votive Offering toOdysseus," Antiquity 10 (1936) 350.
Berard:
C. Berard,
d la porte
L'Heroon
de
I'Ouest:
III (Bern
Eretria
1970).
Boardman:
J. Boardman, "Painted Votive Plaques and an Early Inscription fromAegina," BSA 49 (1954) 183-201.
3urr:
D.
Burr,
"A Geometric
and
House
a Proto-Attic
Votive
De
posit," Hesperia 2 (1933) 542-640. J.N. Coldstream,
Coldstream:
in the Age
"Hero-cults
of Homer,"
96
JHS
(1976) 8-17. Cook:
J.M.
M.
Cook,
Holland,
M.S.F.
Hood,
and A.G.
Woodhead,
"Mycenae, 1939-1952," BSA 48 (1953) 1-93. F. Deneken,
Deneken:
"Heros,"
Roscher's
Ausfiihrliches
chischen und romischen Mythologie, 2589. Dinsmoor,
Jr.:
W.B. L.R.
Farnell:
Dinsmoor, Farnell,
Jr., Sounion Greek
Hero
Cults
Lexicon
der grie
1:2 (1886-1890) 2441
(Athens 1971). and Ideas of Immortality
(Ox
ford 1921). Guillon
(1936):
Guillon
(1943):
Kirk:
supe
G.S. Kirk, The Songs of Homer (Cambridge 1962).
Mallwitz: Olympia
en Terre-cuite P. Guillon, "Les Offrandes de la terrasse rieure de Castraki (Ptoion)," BCH 60 (1936) 416-427. P. Guillon, Les Trepieds du Ptoion (Paris 1943).
IV:
A. Mallwitz, und seine Bauten 1972). (Munich Olympia Die Bronzen und die ubrigen Kleinfunde: A.D. Furtwangler,
Olympia IV (Berlin 1897). Picard:
C. Picard,
"L'Heroon
(1940) 5-28.
de Phrontis
au Sounion,"
RA
6th ser.,
16
16
Herbert Abramson
Price:
Historia22 (1973)129 Th.H. Price,"Hero-Cult andHomer,"
Rohde:
E. Rohde, (New York
144.
Staes
(1917):
V.
Staes
(1920):
V.
Wace,
1958: and Droop:
Thompson, 1973:
Williams,
from
by W.B.
(1917)
ArchEph
Anaskaphai," (Athens
the 8th ed.
C.K.
168-213.
"Anaskaphe
Archaias
Akademeias,'
1958
Williams,
II, "Corinth,
(1973) 1-44. P. Wolters, "Vasen
Wolters:
Hillis
1920).
(1965) 5-13. in the Athenian H.A. Thompson, "Activities Agora: peria 27 (1958) 145-160. M.S. and J.P. Droop, A.J.B. Wace, Thompson, 108-157. elaion," BSA 15 (1908-1909) Praktika
Thompson,
1925). "Souniou
Staes, To Sounion Ph.D. Stavropoullos,
(1958):
Stavropoullos
Staes,
translated
Psyche,
aus Menidi,
1972:
Forum
II," JdI
Area," 14 (1899)
1957," Hes "The Men
Hesperia
42
103-135
in my thesis, "Greek Hero of the conclusions here were first formulated Many presented of California at Berkeley shrines" dissertation, 1978), and read as a paper, (Ph.D. University of the AIA, Atlan au Sounion Reconsidered," at the 79th General Meeting "L'Her6on de Phrontis 30 December 1977. A debt of thanks is owed to Mr. W.B. Jr. who kindly al ta, Ga., Dinsmoor, his excellent lowed me to reproduce I am also grateful to Professor Homer A. plans of Sounion. and making several useful suggestions. for reading this manuscript Thompson for any errors or deficiencies in this paper. not, of course, responsible 1. Picard
scholars
are
5.
2. Picard
8; cf. Staes 71 (1967) 185-186; 3. Picard 18.
AJA
4. Picard
These
(1917)
171-172;
Dinsmoor,
Dengate: Jr. 29-31.
"Observations
on the Sounion
Fortifications,'
R. Borrmann, W. Dorpfeld, F. Graeber, and P. Graef. Die 17-18; cf. F. Adler, von Olympia: II (Berlin 1892) 105-107, E.N. Olympia figs. 59-60, pls. 71-72; Its History and Remains 266-269. Gardiner, (Oxford 1925) 204-205, Olympia: fig. 50-51; Mallwitz and K. Purgold, Die Inschriften: V (Berlin 5. Adler (supra n. 4) 165; W. Dittenberger Olympia 1896) no. 662, col. 605, figs. a-k. 8,
Baudenkmaler
6. Translation 7. Od.
of R. Lattimore,
The Odyssey
of Homer
(New York
1965).
3.284-285.
8. Picard
13.
9. Picard
19-24.
10. Athens, National Museum it as a work of the Analatos Painter. 3588; J.M. Cook identified BSA 35 (1934-1935) "Protoattic BSA Vases," 173, pi. 40b; Kirk, Pottery," "Ships on Geometric 44 (1949) 119-120, 198, note 151; R.M. Cook, Greek Painted Pottery2 (London fig. 7; Boardman 1974) 67. 11. Conceivably the rowers. Kirk
the pairs of short lines extending from the deck to the oars could be the hands of 120 (supra n. 10) thinks they are the loops which held the oars to the thole pins. 12. Athens, in the National Museum 3444; Staes (1917) 204-205 thought that it did not belong fill at all, but had been buried there by illicit dealers in antiquities. But his conviction that the relief had to be funerary and therefore for a sanctuary of Athena may have prejudiced him; inappropriate idem
(1920) 53; Picard fig. 3; R. Lullies and M. (New York 1960) 70-71, pi. 96; B.S. Ridgway,
Greek Sculpture, Hirmer, The Severe Style in Greek
ed. rev. and enlarged (Princeton Sculpture
1970) 49, fig. 70. 13. Picard 14.
I will
the Iliad-and scale Odyssey
18. follow Kirk who
date of the composition the eighth century "as the probable of accepts of the large the formation too, close to its end, of the Odyssey." "Again, Kirk easily have been as late as the first years of the seventh century."
probably might
A Hero Shrinefor Phrontis at Sounion? 287.
Coldstream
the age of Homer
puts
the approximate
"within
limits
17
of 750 and
650
B.C.,"
Coldstream 8. 198 n. 151.
15. Boardman 16. Berard
63.
17. M.P. Nilsson, A History of Greek Religion2 (NewYork 1964) 135-136; cf. Andronikos 1-37. 18. II. 23.100. Od. 10.495; 11.207; 11.219-220. 19. II. 1.52; 6.416-420; 7.427-432. Od. 12.11-15, etc. 20.
II. 7.84-91.
21.
Farnell
340-342.
22. W.K.C. Guthrie, The Greeks and theirGods (Boston 1951) 267. 23. Cook (1953); idem, "The Cult (Athens 1954) 113-115. poullou 24. Kirk 51 and 285. 25. Mylonas, on his Seventieth
"The Cult of the Dead Birthday
to the general
exception
of Agamemnon
in Helladic
(1951) 105. Mylonas absence of such cult.
at Mycenae,"
Times," did think
in Studies that Grave
in Geras
Antoniou
Keramo
to D.M.
Robinson
Presented Circle
A
in Mycenae
was
an
26. G.E. Mylonas, Mycenae and theMycenaean Age (Princeton 1966) 181-186; M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der Griechischen Religion2 (Munich 1955) 380 and 382. Andronikos does not accept Mylonas' conclusions in spite of the absence of Dark Age pottery at both Menidi and Delos, An dronikos 128. Price supportsMylonas on the absence of continuity, Price 131. 27. The
distribution
of Bronze
Age
tombs which
received
offerings
is summarized
in A.M.
Snod
grass, The Dark Age of Greece: An Archaeological Survey of theEleventh to theEighth Centuries B.C. (Edinburgh 1971) 194-195 and Coldstream 9-12. 28.
12; P. Stengel, Die Griechischen threatened Elpenor whose eidolon
Rohde
of witless
Kultusaltertumer to become
the curse
(Munich 1920) 139; cf. the burial of the gods, &)cv guilvtlpa, if his
body went unburied, Od. 11.70-78. 36-37; cf. Deneken 2456; et la destination des monuments
29. Rohde cation
Farnell circulaires
sur la signifi 134; F. Robert, Thymele: Recherches dans IArchitecture (Paris religieuse de la Grece
1939) 164. 30.
In addition
to other offerings Odysseus two sheep over a pit slaughtered and promised to sacrifice a black ram once in Ithaka, Od. 10.515-530; Il. 2.243-244. Od. 11.298-304.
the dead 31.
32. Deneken 33. Od.
Deneken
II. 2.548-551.
Price
to attract and 50.
2455-2456.
16. ".
the weightiest argument 36. Price 142. 37.
11.25-33
2456.
4.561-570;
34. Coldstream 35.
in order
129 and
.
the Athenian
against
133; Hack,
contingent this passage being "Homer
and
in himself was led by the feeble Menestheus, a later Athenian 16. Coldstream insertion,"
the Cult
of Heroes,"
TAPA
60 (1929)
60.
38. Benton (1935), idem (1936). and 58, nos. 39. Benton 1 and 2, 64 and 113, pls. 10-17, (1935) 52-53, figs. 14-17; Benton with two examples (1936) 350; "The series of tripods runs parallel with that of Olympia beginning of the small, functional 16. vessels which are unlikely to be later than 800 B.C.," Coldstream 40. Benton, in Ithaka, III: The Cave at Polis, II," BSA 39 (1938-1939) "Excavations 16-17, pi. 9a. no.
1; cf. nos.
41.
Stavropoullos fig. 62; H. Drerup, tingen 1969) 21-32; 42. Stavropoullos,
2-6. (1958); J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary in geometrischer Griechische Baukunst Price
142; Coldstream
"Anaskaphe
Archaias
43. Stavropoullos (1958) 8. 44. Stavropoullos 45. Coldstream
(1958) 12-14.
46. Coldstream
16.
8-9,
pl. 6.
of Ancient Athens Zeit: Archaeologia
(New York 1971) 50, Homerica II:O (G6t
16. Akademeias,"
Praktika
1956
(1961)
53-54.
18
Herbert Abramson
47. Coldstream
15.
48. 49. 50. 51.
Coldstream 17. Od. 4.617; Cook 113. Od. 24.80-84. Od. 4.580-585.
52.
Paus.
1.5,3;
1.39.6.
53. Paus. 2.1.3. 54. Paus. 3.22.10. 55. Benton (1935) 45; idem (1936) 350. 56. Mallwitz 269. 57. Young, "An Epigram at Sounion," Studies Presented toD.M. Robinson (St. Louis 1951) cf. Dinsmoor, Jr. 11 and 31. II.353-357; 58. Dinsmoor, Jr. plan p. 9. 59. "The towers therefore are to be made
For engines more quickly demol round or polygonal. ish square towers, because rams beat and break the angles; whereas in the case of the battering rounded surfaces, even when they drive the battering rams wedge fashion towards the center, they cannot hurt them," Vitr. De Arch. of Frank Granger. translation 1.5.5, 60. Dinsmoor, Jr. 31; cf. Staes (1917) enclosure as a granary is as unconvincing 61. Boardman 198 n. 151; Dinsmoor,
idem (1920) 39-40. Staes' interpretation 170-171; as Picard's cf. Picard 9-13. heroon; Jr. 2 and 4; Staes
(1917)
of the
207-209.
62. Staes (1917) 207-213; idem (1920) 48-55; Dinsmoor, Jr. 2-4, plan p. 38. 63.
Staes
(1917)
fig. 18. A.M.
Snodgrass,
however,
dates
them
to the seventh
or sixth
century,
possibly as early as the Late Geometric, Early Greek Armour and Weapons (Edinburgh 1964) 96, nos.
26 and 27. Cf.
64. 65. 66. 67.
Staes Staes Staes Staes
infra note
70.
(1917) fig. 20. (1917) 209, fig. 18. (1917) 207, fig. 18. (1917) 207, fig. 17.
68. Staes (1917) 202-204, from a pit east of the temple
those excavated figs. 13-15. These are the only Attic kouroi besides of Poseidon that come from a votive rather than funerary context, B.S.
Ridgway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton 1977) 52. 69. Olympia IV 2-3, pi. 62. no.
70. Blegen, "Two Athenian 1, fig. 3, pi. 75c.
Grave
Groups
of about
900 B.C.,"
31 (1952) 279-282,
Hesperia
289
71. Berard 13-25, 31, figs. 2, 3, pls. 9.37, 10.40. 72. Wolters 121;H.G. Lolling, Das Kuppelgrab beiMenidi (Athens 1880) 5-6; Boardman 198. 73. Burr house
197. Burr originally 604-607, figs. 72-73; Boardman to the votive deposit, unrelated 550-551. But more recently
interpreted it has been
the structure
as a
a "temenos
called
open to the sky," Thompson (1958) 160. 74. Thompson (1958) 150, pi. 421;Athenian Agora XIV 119. 75. Wace, 76. Cook
Thompson, 61-62,
and Droop
117,
fig. 2.2,
pi. 6.28.
fig. 35.
77. Burr 609-614. 78. Wolters
118-121.
79. Thompson (1958) 150, pi. 42k; Athenian Agora XIV 119. 80. Wace,
and Droop Thompson, armed warriors, by miniature IV 3. 81. Olympia
carried
figs. 7.25-30, also of lead,
8.31,
32-34.
They
are
identical
to the shields
fig. 10.1-25.
82. Burr 621, fig. 87. 83. Olympia IV 2-3, pi. 27; F. Willemsen, Dreifusskessel vonOlympia: Olympische Forschun gen III (Berlin 1957) 161, 163. 84. Benton (1935) 52-53, pls. 10-17, figs. 14-17. 85. Cook 64; Olympia IV 2-3, pi. 62; Wolters 112; Burr
617-621;
cf.
the nearby
triangular
A Hero Shrine for Phrontis at Sounion?
19
"hieron," Lalonde, "A Fifth Century Hieron Southwest of the Athenian Agora," Hesperia 37 (1968) 131, pi. 36e;Williams, 1973 pi. 3; idem, "Corinth, 1973: The Forum Area," Hesperia 43 (1974) pi. 5; idem, "Corinth, Excavation Report, 1977,"Hesperia 47 (1978) 10;Wace, Thompson, and Droop pi. 5.76; Guillon (1936) 422-427; idem (1943) 11.89 and 91. 86.
Cook
62-63;
Williams
(1973)
pi. 33.
87. Guillon (1936) 422-427; idem (1943) 11.89 and 91. Interestingly, no male figurines were found on the higher terrace,which honored a female divinity. 88. Dinsmoor,
Jr. plan
p. 38.
89. Staes (1920) 41. 90. Vitr.
91. 92. 93. 94.
De Arch.
4.8.4.
Staes (1917) 187-188; idem (1920) 42-43; Dinsmoor, Jr. 50-51. Staes (1917) 188 idem (1920) 42. Staes (1920) 42; Dinsmoor, Jr. 50. Dinsmoor, Jr. 4.
95. Dinsmoor,
Jr. 51.
96. Ridgway (supra, n. 68) 52. 97.
Paus.
1.34.1;
cf. Fauth,
"Amphiaraos,"
Der Kleine
Pauly
1 (1964)
308; Deneken
2448; Far
nell 61. 98. Fontenrose, "The Cult and Myth of Pyrros at Delphi," University in Classical Archaeology 4:3 (1960) 211 n. 32. 99. Paus. 1.35.3. Other heroes and less than Olympian figures who
of California
Publications
had
include
temples
Pan
drosos, Paus. 1.27.3; Amphiaraos, Paus. 1.34.2; Kyamites, Paus. 1.37.4; Hippolytos, Paus. 2.32.1; Klymenos, Paus. 2.35.9; Hipposthenes, Paus. 3.15.7; Menelaos, Paus. 3.19.9; Achilles, Paus.
3.19.11;
the Dioskouroi,
Paus.
2.22.5;
3.20.2;
Kassandra,
Paus.
3.26.5.
100. Wace, Thompson, and Droop pi. 5. 101. Isoc. 10.63. 102. Paus. 3.19.3. 103. Catling, "Archaeology inGreece, 1975-1976," AR 22 (1976) 14. 104. Guillon (1943) 11.70 and 198, pls. 9-11. 105. Mallwitz fold-out plan; O. Broneer, Topography and Architecture: Isthmia II (Princeton 1973) plan 3; Lerat, "Fouilles de Delphes (1934-1934): Rapport preliminaire," RA, 6th ser., 12 (1938) pi. 1; Papadimitriou, 106. Paus. 1.1.1.
"Sanctuary
of Artemis
at Brauron,"
SciAm
208
(1963)
fig. p. 114.
